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Russian Revolution |2
Section 1
Commencing in 1917, the Russian Revolution brought about significant political and social
changes throughout the Russian Empire. In this era, following two consecutive revolutions and a
bloody civil war, Russia overthrew its monarchy and installed a socialist government. One could
argue that the Russian Revolution served as a precursor to subsequent European uprisings, most
notably the German Revolution of 1918–1919, which occurred either during or after World War
I.
The Russian Revolution began with the February Revolution in early 1917, during World War I.
The German Empire's significant victories in battle and growing logistical issues leading to
shortages of bread and grain were forcing the Russian Army to lose morale, with a potential
large-scale revolt on the horizon. Senior authorities believed that the resignation of Tsar Nicholas
II would lead to a decrease in the turmoil. Nicholas consented to stand down, allowing for the
Petrograd residents created soviet councils during the civil disturbances, which first supported
the new Provisional administration but demanded their involvement in the administration and
control over militias. Two governments ruled Russia by March. The Provisional Government
controlled military and foreign affairs, while the Soviets controlled internal matters. Working-
class and urban middle-class loyalty was crucial to the Soviets. This turbulent time saw many
mutinies, rallies, and strikes. Many socialist and communist groups fought for power in the
The 1917 Russian Revolution brought a political and social revolution to the empire. The
Russian monarchy was deposed and replaced with a socialist government after a calamitous civil
Russian Revolution |3
war and two revolutions. The Russian Revolution served as a precursor to a multitude of
European revolutions that transpired during and after World War I, including the German
Revolution of 1918–1919.
Lev Kamenev, an Old Bolshevik and well-known figure in the Communist Party and Soviet
administration in the ten years after Russia's October Revolution (1917), was born in Moscow,
Russia, on July 18, 1883, and passed away there on August 24, 1936. His betrayal of Stalin led to
his execution during the Great Purge. Born to middle-class parents who had participated in the
Russian Revolution in the 1870s, Kamenev joined the Bolshevik faction of the Russian Social-
Democratic Workers' Party in 1903 and the party in 1901, becoming a professional
revolutionary.
He left for Western Europe in 1908, where he collaborated closely with Vladimir I. Lenin, the
head of the Bolsheviks, and got to know Olga Bronshtein, Leon Trotsky's sister, who would
become his future wife. Kamenev was imprisoned and sent to Siberia in November 1914 for
directing Bolshevik parliamentarians who wanted to stop Russia from fighting. Lenin ordered
him back to Russia in 1914. He returned to Petrograd, now St. Petersburg, and collaborated with
Joseph Stalin to take over the Bolsheviks after the February Revolution of 1917.
He supported the idea of receiving assistance from the temporary administration under certain
circumstances. Upon Kamenev's return to Russia in April 1917, Lenin changed his position but
remained cautious about the revolution. He, along with his close associate Grigory Zinovyev,
resisted the Bolsheviks' efforts to take control. Although he had opposing opinions, he was
chosen to be part of the first Politburo of the Bolsheviks in October 1917. After the revolution,
he became the first leader of the Central Executive Committee of the All-Russian Congress of
Soviets. In 1919, he was elected to the Moscow Soviet and the restored Politburo.
Russian Revolution |4
Following Lenin's severe sickness in 1922, the ruling triumvirate consisted of Kamenev, Stalin,
and Zinovyev. This faction excluded the war commissar, Leon Trotsky, from power
consideration because of political reasons. Subsequently, Stalin shifted his attention to Zinovyev
Section 2
There are just two issues. Firstly, to the best of my knowledge, no comprehensive analysis of
Kamenev's statements and arguments from this era (and very little from other eras) has been
published to date. Aside from the ones I have already posted online, I do not believe there is a
document with a lot more comprehensive translations to fix this. The second issue is that a lot of
supporting them can be found in these publications. As a personal aside, over the past ten or so
years, I have proposed a fresh understanding of how the Bolshevik events transpired during this
brief time, one that indicates the existence of a core, precisely defined Bolshevik consensus. And
from my specialized colleagues, the most frequent response I hear is: "Lars, that can't be right."
How about that or this one? Truly, that is a legitimate challenge that is well-deserved! I should
be able to explain any statistical data or anomalies that seem to contradict my view. Moreover, I
The easiest place to find a list of my study findings is the web series "All Power to the Soviets!
Unfortunately, though, this thoroughness puts me constantly on guard! I constantly have the
appearance of trying to justify away awkward facts, which is what I should be doing! I'm going
Russian Revolution |5
all out now, presenting uncomfortable truths that people will have to refute. There are a ton of
oddities in my document, "Kamenev one-liners," which is posted after this article—many, many
more than I was ever shown. They repeatedly portray Kamenev saying and acting in ways that,
under the accepted understanding, he would not have been able to. I've made amends by treating
all of the oddities thrown at me with seriousness. It's time for those who insist on the outdated
reading to pay their share by honestly examining how this information might mesh with the
Section 3
Book review
The matryoshka, Russian nesting dolls, reflect the intricate nature of Soviet and current Russian
politics. Between 1905 and 1917, the Russian Revolution saw the formation and breakup of
coalitions among many interrelated individuals and groups. Geoffrey Swain's book, "A Short
Swain argues that the prevailing perspective on the Russian Revolution since the 1960s is that
the Bolsheviks seized power from a minority position in a coalition government, using the
instability resulting from the First World War and the collapse of the February Revolution.
Lenin's party utilized reformist labor groups for revolutionary purposes in this narrative. A Short
History highlights the revolutionary nature of Russian labor rather than its focus on reform, to
challenge Swain's description. The author finds this departure from traditional beliefs evident
throughout the 1905 Revolution and 1917. Swain considers the 1917 reformist-oriented February
Constructing this argument is challenging because of the intricate interplay between social and
Russian Revolution |6
political entities and individuals across time. The spatial and genre constraints of the 200-page
book "A Short History" hinder the author's ability to establish the environment, describe the
The result is a historical account that lacks an introductory section assuming prior knowledge.
Swain's challenge to the traditional beliefs of Russian labor may intrigue well-informed readers.
Lenin and Joseph Stalin, familiar figures to many, are not mentioned until more than 50 pages
into the book. Individuals with little understanding of periods may need additional tools to
support their learning. For beginners, reading may feel like being at a social gathering where you
just know the host, but everyone else is familiar with each other. You can participate in the
conversation, but you may still feel like an outsider. Guests' names can be acquired, but they
must be retained via their backstories and interactions. Swain presents his argument in eight
concise chapters spanning from 1905 to 1917. The preface places the work within the context of
Soviet historical research. The central argument of Swain is that Russian laborers fuelled and
provided widespread support for the Russian Revolution. The February Revolution was a
reformist deviation, but the October Revolution reinstated the revolution. The introduction and
first chapter provide a historical context for the coalition administration that succeeded Tzar
Chapters three and four detail the coalition government's successes and failures in establishing a
stable political environment. Praising the coalition government as described is unusual. The
victory was short-lived, but there are important points to highlight. Five months after the Tzar
relinquished his throne, liberal ministers departed from the temporary administration on 2 July.
In November 1917, Lavr Kornilov's failed coup led to the establishment of a government
Swain examines the Russian social unrest that occurred between February and September 1917.
The author highlights land and industrial policy to support his argument that Russian labor is
revolutionary. He talks about workplace and land committees and how the declining economic
output for urban and rural laborers made it difficult for workers of all kinds to accept anything
less than revolution. Many people were incited to violence in response to the interim
administration and two unsuccessful coalitions that had governed for six months. The chapter
ends with troops being instructed to suppress the rebellion, with many likely harboring doubts
1917. Lenin's Bolsheviks took advantage of Kornilov's unsuccessful attempt. They incited chaos
and rebellion. Swain addresses this topic in Chapter Six. Chapters 7 and 8 detail the political
unrest that resulted in the Bolshevik-controlled Soviet Government and the subsequent five-year
civil war.
This penultimate chapter's fragile ending is perhaps its most remarkable characteristic. It is
unclear if Swain wants readers to take this from the text. A Short History ends with the reader
pondering if the Tzar's abdication may have led to a less harsh rule. Swain's tale suggests a lot of
contingency, even while much appears inevitable. Consider what might have occurred if the Tzar
had made greater concessions before 1917. Industrial and agricultural policies may have been
less oppressive. If moderates had conceded more in previous regimes. If Lenin had changed his
The present political climate shows that party leaders struggle to compromise inside and across
cleavages. Without a Bolshevik-dominated Soviet, Stalin's rise would be difficult. With each
Russian Revolution |8
layer removed and each new matryoshka revealed, the tale becomes more intricate and the reader
Bibliography
Lawton, Lancelot. The Russian Revolution (1917-1926). Vol. 25. Macmillan and Company, limited, 1927.
Lih, Lars T. "Fully Armed: Kamenev and Pravda in March 1917." (2014).
Pogorelskin, Alexis. "Kamenev and the Peasant Question: The Turn to Opposition, 1924-1925." Russian
Zajda, J. "The Russian Revolution." The Wiley-Blackwell encyclopedia of globalization. online (2014).