Modes of Mass Communication

in Traditional Igboland
By
UCHENNA ANYANWU

Abstract
Societies, the world over, have modes of communicating their ideas, feelings and
messages. Igboland is not an exception. Traditional Igboland employed several
modes of verbal and non-verbal communication and a combination of both. Despite
the assault of modernism, these modes of communication are still being used. The
paper attempts to show that, with the modern means of mass communication, the
Igbo traditional modes of communication share a common aim, that is, to affect
others.

Introduction themselves. In other words, how they

Some key words in the title of this shared their ideas and feelings, with
paper call for definitions. one another. Thus, the paper intends
Communication is said to be derived to highlight the different ways and
from the Latin word communicare manner which the Igbo communicate
which means "to talk together, confer, among themselves in a traditional
discuss and consult one with another". setting. Despite the assault of
It has also been contended that the modernism, these methods are still
word "communication" rather comes largely being used in Igbo villages.
from another Latin word "cornmunus" Igboland is situated in the vast
which means common. Those who hold geographical expanse in southeastern
this view are of the opinion that Nigeria. The area extends from 4 () 15'
communication is all about making to 70 5' N and from 5032' to
messages or information common. 9° E. It looks very much like a
The mould, form and manner of rhombus with sides of approximately
communication vary from age to age 280 kilometres and covers an area of
and from culture to culture. Yet the 76,355 square kilometres (Karmon,
concept is universal as it is intended to 1966; 7). The Igbo people make up the
share our Ideas and feelings, verbally present Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu
or non-verbally with as many people as and Imo states of Nigeria. Significant
possible. Time has conferred Igbo populations are also found in
considerable elasticity on the concept Rivers and Delta states. Numbering
of communication. about nine million in 1963 (Oguagha
By traditional Igboland we and Okpoko, 1993), the people are
mean the opposite of modern Igboland. traditionally predominantly farmers
Thus, by modes of mass and inhabit an area which has one of
communication in traditional Igboland the highest population densities in
we mean those ways, whether verbal or West Africa ranging from 300 to over
non-verbal, through which the Igbo 1,000 persons per square mile
disseminate information among (Onwuejeogwu, 1981).

lntcrnationut Journal ofCommunication No.3 April]flfl5

 MODES OF 'MASS COMMUNICATION IN TRSDITIONAL IGBOLAND 80

Traditional modes of wood carved hollow which when beaten

! communication can be divided into by a piece of stick or metal produces a
'verbal and dry but penetrating sound. There is
non-verbal, and a combination of also another version of this instrument,
verbal and non-verbal. Each of these the Ogene (metal gong). The Ogene is a
modes of communication at times metal disc with a folded rim which
suffers some degree of noise, poor when struck with a stick or a piece of
fidelity and often total breakdown. metal produces a resonant sound. The
function of these instruments,
Non- Verbal Communication especially when beaten in an area of
In many parts of Igboland, several the community at night, is to attract
instruments are developed for the and hold attention for verbal
purpose of verbal communication. In communication.
Umuahia, Ohafia, Arochukwu and Another instrument of non-
Ihube areas, the Ikoro remains the verbal communication is the gun and
fastest means of transmitting messages canon type of explosive known in the
of community-wide importance. Abakaliki area, as in most parts of
Hollowed out of a big tree trunk and Igboland, as Nkpo Ali. The tip of this
slit open in one small area, this canon is buried beneath the surface of
instrument is sacred and owned not the earth and detonated with a flame to
individually but communally. It is not produce a heavy and far-reaching
beaten for frivolous reasons. When sound. The sound communicates or
beaten at the night, it is usually for sends a message to near and distant
emergency reasons and this means communities or villages that a
that something has gone amiss. The renowned son of a village from where
type of message the Ikoro sends across the shooting is emanating is dead and
is dependent on the rhythm or tone of the final burial rites are in progress.
the instrument. If beaten fast and The gun is another non-verbal
repeatedly it is for emergency reasons instrument of communication
and every able-bodied young man is throughout Igboland. A gun shot at
supposed to run to the village square night sends across the unmistakable
and answer to the call of the Ikoro. And message that an important person is
this response to the emergency call of dead and burial rites are to begin in
the Ikoro must be quick and swift, earnest.
otherwise it would attract severe The Igbo have gone a step
penalty or sanctions from the further to use the gun or the canon
community on offenders. Thus, among explosive to welcome an illustrious son
the Ihube there is the saying that a or to signal the return of a hero. The
hero, by which they mean an able- former Biafran leader, Chief
bodied young man, responds to the Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu,
emergency call of the Ikoro with was welcomed in several parts of
whatever he has in his hand at the Igboland with twenty-one gun salutes
moment- a gun, a machete or a stick when he returned from exile in 1983.
(Afigbo, 1992). Among the people of Oreh (1982: 103) has observed:
lkeduru in lmo State, the Ikoro is called The 21-gun salute which
today normally heralds the
Uwhe.
arrival of visiting foreign
Another instrument of mass heads of state to a friendly
communication in traditional Igboland country derived its origin and
is the Ekwe (wooden gong), a piece of significance (message) from

An Interdisciplinary Journal of Communication Studies

81 UCHENNA ANYANWU
the African use of gun shot as
a mode of non-verbal
communication.
The talking drum is another
means of communication in traditional
lgboland. Known as Igba in Onitsha,
Awka and Nteje areas of Anambra
State, the instrument is made of a
hollow cylinder with leather parchment
on top, though sometimes the
instrument has a leather parchment on
both sides. Though less sacred than
the Ikoro, it plays somewhat a role
similar to the Ikoro. It is usually used
for praise-singing and for summoning
youths to communal labour (Oreh,
1982).
Opi (horn) is yet another
instrument of mass communication in
Igboland. "The smaller one, the
antelope horn, is used like the modern
trumpet to summon the youth,
encourage them during communal
labour and praise brave deeds during
ceremonies; (and) it conveys an
emotional message asking men to do
and dare" (Oreh, 1982: 103). The bigger
Opi is the elephant horn and is blown
by titled men as a way of showing off
their wealth and status.
Instruments are not the only
means of communication to the masses
in traditional Igboland. Symbols are
also important.
Among the Nnewi of Anambra
State. the Ntezi and Edda of Ebonyi
State, young girls who are ripe for
marriage send the message across
about their willingness to get married
by decorating their bodies with cam
wood and beads. They then file out in
the market square to parade
themselves with dance and looks which
sav "Look at me I could be yours if you
play it right" (Oreh, 1982: 104). Among
the Edda and Ntezi these young girls,
up until about 1970, paraded
themselves naked before eager and
jubilant onlookers, including in their
ranks old men and women, young boys
l nternutionnl JoufIlIII ofCommunication
and girls who had not attained puberty
but especially young men who had
come to make their choice of wives.
In Igboland marriage is a
respectable institution and the rites are
conducted as such. Thus, the
traditional method of buying and
selling by long and tedious haggling is
considered inelegant and unfit for the
marriage institution. Among the Ezza
of Ebonyi State, it is forbidden to
haggle the bride price with spoken
words.
In preference to spoken words,
symbols are used to communicate
when the families of the courting bride
and bridegroom meet to settle the bride
price. One of the bride's uncles would
initiate the haggling, for example, by
presenting two big stones and four
smaller ones to the suitor. The big
stones signified cows while the smaller
ones meant goats. The father of the
suitor or his uncle or representative
might return one big stone and two
small ones to the father of the girl or
her uncle. All this meant that the girl's
father would want two cows and four
goats as bride wealth for his daughter
while the bridegroom's father would
want to pay a cow and two goats
(Anyanwu, 1993).
In Ozubulu, a man who does
not want to marry a girl arranged for
him communicates so to the people by
giving the said girl a pot of palm-wine
stuffed with some green leaves to
deliver to her parents. Thus, anybody
who sees her understands that she has
been rejected. But if she carried that
pot of wine with another type of fresh
leaves (chude) people would
understand that she has been accepted
by her would-be husband and is going
to tell her father so (Oreh, 1982).
Among the people of Ikeduru this is
slightly different. The girl is given a
calabash of wine to carry home to her
parents. If the girl returns the calabash
in person, this means that she has
No. 3 AprillOOJ
 MODES OF MASS COMMUNICA TlON IN TRSDITlONAL
accepted the 'hands of the man in
marriage. But if she returns the
calabash through an intermediary, it
means she has rejected the man,
The Omu (the plume of oil palm
tree) is universally recognized as a
symbol of non-verbal communication
in Igboland. If a knot of it is in any
person's mouth, it means he will
neither talk nor will he be talked to. If
any Omu is' on a lorry or bus, it means
the lorry or bus is conveying home a
corpse (Oreh, 1982).
In pre-colonial Ezza of Abakaliki
some babies were regarded as
unwanted and are disposed of
immediately after birth. Such babies
included twins or babies who were
delivered inside the house, or who put
any other part of their body first other
than the head. Thus, if some men
carried an earthen ware with Omu tied
round it, it signified that they were
carrying an unwanted child or baby to
be disposed of in the evil forest-
Ikirikpo. The men on such a mission
had a knot of Omu tied to their
mouths, which signified that they were
not to exchange words or greetings
with anybody (Anyanwu, 1993:53). The
Omu among food items in several parts
of Igboland means that the said items
are for sale.
The Nzu (white chalk) is widely
used in Igboland as a symbol of
communication, In several parts of
lgboland like Nteje, Ogidi, Aguleri and
Awka, a white chalk is offered to a
guest to ru b on his wrist or foot as a
mark of welcome. A visitor can draw a
single vertical line on the ground for
this guest which signified peace. The
visitor also draws four vertical lines
(four Igbo market days) and crosses
them, This means unity or
togetherness. When a white chalk is
rubbed across the left eye by native
doctors or juju men it conveys the
message that these men have the
ability of detecting hidden mysteries. It
IGBOLAND 82
also conveys the message that these
men can remove evil spirits either by
remote control, herbal medication or by
talisman or sacrifices of some eggs or
live animals. A woman visiting another
woman who had just put to bed shows
her joy by rubbing Nzu on her face. If a
community declares war on another
community, they send such a
community a black chalk; but a
messenger of peace clutches a white
chalk.
Verbal Communication
Igbo people express themselves verbally
in diverse dialects. This verbal
communication may be in form of
spoken or sung communication.
Spoken communication may include
exclamations, riddles, proverbs,
narratives, simple commands or
statements of one or more words. Sung
communication covers a wide range
and can be used on several occasions.
Thus, there are mourning, war or birth
songs. Some songs are also used for
praise singing, title taking or festive
occasions. Generally, funeral songs
(dirges] evoke "a mortif of sorrow, loss,
search, anger and grief (Oreh, 1982:
107). Work songs, on the other hand,
convey messages of strength, power
and dignity of labour. War songs,
especially among the warlike Igbo
communities of Ohafia, Abam, Edda
and Ezza are used to invoke aggressive
sentiments and valour. Birth songs
declare the arrival of a new baby.
Among the Ikeduru people in lmo
State, the birth of a new baby is
announced by an exclamation/ song
called "Ora Onu" which runs thus:
We - e - eo, We - e - eo, We -we
- we - 0 - we - 0 - 0 - we -0 -0
He - he ehee Oweyi - Owee we
Akaji egbe gba nqa - 00
In case of a baby boy:
Omuru nwa gini - e? Omuru,
nwa nwoke - 0 '"
Akaji aku gba nga - 0
An lnterdisciplinary Journal of Communication Studies
83 l 'CHEf\IV4. AN}A,VWU

In case of a baby girl: hands) has put across an important

OI1IU.I1I Itwa qiui - e? ornunz nwa message: he who wants justice or who
nuraruji -- 0 . wants to be treated fairly and just must
himself be fair and just to others.
When rendered in English, it Riddles are more or less like
translates thus: proverbs. Though adults coin riddles,
We - e- e - eo, We -e - eo, We- the target audience are the children'
we we - 0 - we - 0 - 0 - we - 0 -
and riddles are used for literary effect:
o
He he ehee ouieui - owe - we
A riddle means more than aesthetic
He who has a quri here should enjoyment to children as it is used to
shoot into the air task their wit and wisdom and also to
In case of a baby boy: enable them perceive and understand
What was she delivered of? the world around them. For instance:
She was delivered of a baby Proposition: Gwa m Gwa m Gwa m
boy ... Gwa m ihe kuru mmiri laa
He who has money here should n'elu
spray it generously Answer: Aku Oyibo
In case of a baby girl: Proposition: Tell me, Tell me, Tell me,
What was she delivered op She
Tell me what fetched water
was delivered of baby girl...
and climbed up
Women on hearing this song rush to
Answer: Coconut
the scene and are most times
Story telling (narrative) is an
entertained by the husband of the
important mode of verbal
woman who put to bed.
communication. Here, the story teller
Title songs, as the name
may dwell on daily events or the origin
suggests, are sung during title-taking
of the world of human race or the life
ceremonies such as the installation of
and death of a particular group of
chiefs and Ozo title ceremonies.
people and of their institutions.
Praise songs are used to greet
Narratives are largely used by people to
or acknowledge the presence or
rationalize their world and to explain
achievement of heroes. Praise names
why things are as they are.
expressive of the achievement are most
Folktales are mainly moonlight
times em bedded in the songs. Such
creations and the target audiences are
praise names many include Ogbu Agu
usually the children. Folktales might
for the leopard killer; Ogbu Atu, for the
focus on human beings, animals or
bush hog killer, and Ogbu Enyi, for the
supernatural beings. Such folktales
elephant killer (Njoku, 2000).
invoke the special qualities of some
Proverbs, as Achebe (1958)
animals referred to in the story. For
rightly pointed out, "are the palm oil
instance,
with which the Igbo eat words".
The tortoise (mbe) is known
Proverbs can be used in giving advice, as a trickster, the leopard
information, lament, praise or rebuke. (agu) and the lion (odum) are
Proverbs are usually used in a associated with brutal force.
precise and su btle manner. A proverb The antelope is known for
user who says "Onye ma echi?" (Who fear. The spider is also known
knows tomorrow?) has communicated for tricks (Oreh, 1982: 109).
an important message: the future is
uncertain; in other words, no condition Folktales are, in most cases,
is permanent. Again, a proverb user used to inculcate moral lessons. In the
who says, "Om'ife jide of 0 " (He who story, the good and honest one is
goes to equity must do so with clean usually vindicated and rewarded while

Intenunional Journat ofCommunication No.3 Aprill0fJS

 MODES OF MASS COMMUNICATION IN TRSDITIONAL IGBOLAND 84

the bad and the dishonest one is Go-gom! Go-gom! Go - om! Go -

usually punished. om!
Exclamation is another mode of Gee nu nti-ol
verbal communication. Among the Ogeru nke eguru alataro
Asi m gwa UlIU, ala asucha uzo
Ntezi and the Nkalagu in Abakaliki, the
Edema ututu echile
exclamation "Oji n'aka togbo!! (leave ma nwoke ma nwanyi l'abia
whatever you are doing) is a distress Ndu nwoke weta mma
call on all in the neighbourhood to ma ndu nwanyi weta ogu
leave whatever they are doing and rush Onye la abiagu, na akwu nha
to the scene of the call and help. In naim in - 0
most parts of Igboland the exclamation Go - gom! Go - gom!
gbata nnu-oll (rush quickly and help) is
Go - qoml Go - gom!
a save-our-soul message which is not
Listen everybody and welcome
ignored or taken lightly.
from the day's beat
I am directed to reil you that
Communication of Verbal and tomorrow morning the road to
Non-Verbal Communication Edema would be cleared
A combination of the verbal and non- Men should come with their
machetes
verbal traditional mode of
Women should come with their
communication is adopted mainly by hoes
the town crier using his voice, ekwe or Whoever does not come will pay
oqene. The town crier is usually sent by a fine of the naim
the village elders to pass on an Go - qotnl Go - gom!
important message. The town crier
performs the job either late in the Conclusion
evening, between 7 o'clock and In traditional Igboland, verbal, non-
8 o'clock or early in the morning verbal and a mixture of verbal and
between 5 am and 6 am. The idea is non-verbal means are used to
that within those hours about 90 per communicate to the people. Like the
cent of the inhabitants are home and modern means of communication. the
everywhere is quiet. The town crier first traditional mode of communication has
beats his ekwe or ogene to get the a basic ingredient and a basic purpose,
attention of the people. At times as he that is, to affect others. The concept of
beats his drum, he implores people to meaning is central in both modes of
listen -- genu nti-ol On hearing the communication. The meaning of the
sound of the town crier's instrument, message and its purpose serve as a
everybody would naturally pay link between the communicator and
attention. People talking or discussing the receiver. This may thus explain
would stop the talking or discussion to why despite the assault of modernity
listen to the information the town crier and modern means of communication,
has come to disseminate. The like radio, television, newspapers, film,
information might be about a new law, etc., traditional modes of
a communal labour or an impending communication are still largely being
meeting. used in virtually all Igbo villages.
The town crier's Ekwe or Ogene
goes like this in Nkalagu area of
Abakaliki:

An lnterdisciplinury Journal ofCommunicution Studies

85 CCHENNA ANYANWU

Alfred Aloke, c. 55, teacher of Ezza-

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Northeastern Igboland,
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Unpublished Ph. D Thesis,
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Deob, L.W. CommunicatlOll in Africa:

A Search for Boundaries
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Communication (New York:
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Uju Nzekwe , c. 60 civil servant,

interviewed at Umueme
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August, 2004.

Samuel Mgbada, c. 75, traditional

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interviewed on 28 January,
1991.

lnternatianal Journal ofCommunication No.3 .4pril2005