Igbo Leadership in Folklores: Insights from Mike Ejeagha’s Omekagụ

IGBO LEADERSHIP IN FOLKLORES: INSIGHTS FROM MIKE EJEAGHA’S

OMEKAGỤ
1
Ahamefula, N.O. & 2Aboh, Sopuruchi Christian
1&2
Department of Linguistics, Igbo & Other Nigerian Languages, University of Nigeria,
Nsukka
1
ndubuisi.ahamefula@unn.edu.ng 2sopuruchi.aboh.181313@unn.edu.ng
&
3
Ezemoka, Augustina
Igbo Department, Federal Capital Territory College of Education, Zuba, Abuja
tinasommy04@yahoo.com
&
Onyegiri Chikodi, D.
Centre for Igbo Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka

How to cite this article:

Ahamefula, N. O., Aboh, S. C., Ezemoka, A. & Onyegiri, C. (2018). Igbo leadership in
folklores: Insights from Mike Ejeagha. In G. I. Nwaozuzu, P. U. Okpoko, B. M. Mbah
& N. O. Ahamefula (Eds.) Igbo institutions and leadership (pp. 30-48). Nsukka:
Centre for Igbo Studies.

Abstract
Leadership is one of the themes in folklore. This research sets out to look at the Igbo
leadership in folklores drawing insights from Mike Ejeagha’s Omekaagụ. The concept of
Igbo enwe eze had been variously discussed in the Igbo political system. While some Igbo see
it as a compliment, others believe that it should be refuted. The paper seeks to ascertain
whether it is really true that Igbo people do not have kings. The research adopts the
descriptive survey research method in its analysis. This paper finds out that the Igbo have
priests, who perform religious functions in most of its areas like Onitsha, Arọndizuọgụ but
Igbo lack a general king or leader as a race. The insights drawn from Mike Ejeagha’s
Omekaagụ suggest that traditionally, the Igbo have kings in each kingdom or community,
who govern alongside the council of chiefs. Moreover, the process of getting a new king is
through inheritance and the first son must succeed his father as king. However, contemporary
reasoning has encroached or eroded some of the tenets of succession in various Igbo
kingdoms. Also, the research finds out that Ofọ na Ogu are the symbol of uprightness, which
a king is expected to possess.

1.0 Introduction
Culture, as has been generally defined, is the people’s way of life. Every society,
community or group has a culture that is peculiar to them. Although two different
communities may be practising a similar culture, there is always a point of difference. Just
like marriage is a culture that cuts across the world, its processes are not exactly the same in
all communities or societies. These cultures may be in the form of belief system, philosophy,
proverb, greeting pattern, language etc. In order to preserve these cultures from going into
extinction, communities, societies, tribes and nations tend to incorporate these cultures into
their stories, sayings or proverbs, songs, music, etc. which are altogether known as folklore.
Folklore is an embodiment of cultures, which can be in the form of stories (known as
folktales) folksong, folk music etc. used in teaching and passing down a community’s
cultural heritage to the next generations. According to Islam (1985), William Thoms in 1846
was the scholar, who coined the term folklore in English to replace popular antiquities and
popular literature. The manners, customs, observances, superstitions, ballads, proverbs and
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so on were part of folklore as viewed by Thoms. He further notes that folklore encompasses
the customs, knowledge systems, games, beliefs, practices, literature, performing and
nonperforming arts, which include dance, music, theatre, drama, painting, sculpture, making
of crafts with several materials, festivals etc. In an attempt to give an all-encompassing
definition and components of folklore, Sims and Stephens (2011:8) note thus:
Folklore is informally learned, unofficial knowledge about the world,
ourselves, our communities, our beliefs, our cultures, and our traditions that is
expressed creatively through words, music, customs, actions, behaviours, and
materials. It is also the interactive, dynamic process of creating,
communicating, and performing as we share that knowledge with other people.
In the same vein, Dundes (1965) provides a long list of what folklore comprises when he
asserts that:
Folklore includes myths, legends, folktales, jokes, proverbs, riddles, chants,
charms, blessings, curses, oaths, insults, retorts, taunts, teases, toasts, tongue-
twisters, and greeting and leave-taking formulas (e.g., see you later, alligator).
It also includes folk costume, folk dance, folk drama (and mime), folk art, folk
belief (or superstition), folk medicine, folk instrumental music (e.g., fiddle
tunes), folksongs (e.g., lullabies, ballads), folk speech (e.g., slang), folk similes
(e.g., blind as a bat), folk metaphors (e.g., to paint the town red), and names
(e.g., nicknames and place names). Folk poetry ranges from oral epics to
autograph-book verse, epitaphs, latrinalia (writings on the walls of public
bathrooms), limericks, ball-bouncing rhymes, jump-rope rhymes, finger and
toe rhymes, dandling rhymes (to bounce children on the knee), counting out
rhymes (to determine who will be “it” in games), and nursery rhymes. The list
of folklore forms also contains games; gestures; symbols; prayers (e.g.,
graces); practical jokes; folk etymologies; food recipes; quilt and embroidery
designs; house, barn, and fence types; street vendor’s cries; and even the
traditional conventional sounds used to summon animals or give them
commands.

One contrasting thing that can be seen from Sims and Stephens (2011); and Dundes’
(1966) illustrations is that while Sims and Stephens’ definition sees folklore to do with
antiquity and preservation of old beliefs and cultures, Dundes sees it as having to do not only
preserving ancient cultures, present cultures are preserved as well. For Hufford (2005),
folklore has to do with something that is not modern. The issue of ascertaining the point in
time folklore covers has posed a problem among scholars and researchers on arriving at the
universal definition of folklore. But this debate is not the major preoccupation of this
research.

One characteristic of folklore is that it has to do with antiquities, which no one knows
who started it. Gupta (1964) claims that the elements of folklore are created by an individual
genius but when the creativity is largely shared with a community or group of people and is
accepted by that group as its own asset, it becomes folklore. What Gupta offers here is that
folklore started with someone but because of poor documentation, the name of the original
owner fades through the sands of time but with the practice subsisting.
Folklore has made researchers come up with the categories or genres of folklore. As
Toelken (1996:183) notes, “Just as doctors do not talk about the body without knowing all the
principal parts, just as a linguist cannot talk about language without a vocabulary of terms
that describe words, sounds, and meaning, so the folklorist does not discuss folklore without

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a sound knowledge of its genres…. Without a generic terminology, we would have little hope
of understanding each other.”
This view resulted in providing genres of folklore into three: verbal, material and
customary. According to him, verbal folklore has to do with any tradition, belief or culture
that involves the use of words be it stories i.e. folktales, songs, proverbs, riddles etc. On the
other hand, material folklore consists of cultural artefacts or objects that can be seen and
touched. It ranges from paintings, sacred sticks, calabash, gods etc. Among the Igbo of the
Eastern Nigeria, the artefacts of Igboukwu, the ọfọ stick, Ikenga, the kolanut plate etc. can be
seen as material folklore. The third genre, which is customary folklore according Toelken
(1996) is a repeated, habitual action, a usual way of doing something. He further notes that
these practices may be stylised and/or framed by special words, gestures, or actions that set
them apart from everyday behaviours, or they may be as simple as gestures used in everyday
communication within an intimate group of friends. In Igbo land, this type of folklore can be
seen when a man wants to marry, he first of all visits the lady’s parents for consent before the
payment of bride price. Other examples include: a woman not having a hand shake with a
man, women not collecting kolanut in gatherings, younger ones takng their shares in a
gathering after the elderly ones had collected etc. These classifications are similar with
Bruvand’s (1998) classification. The point of contrast is that Bruvand used ‘oral’ in place of
‘verbal’ as seen in Toelken’s classification.
Okpala (2015) remarks that folk music/folksong is part and parcel of Igbo culture,
which is orally transmitted from one generation to another. It is performed in the native
language of the owners and with local musical instrument within the culture area. She further
notes that it is an integral part of Igbo culture. Its impact in the life of the people cannot be
over-emphasised. Igbo people do not just compose music for aesthetic purposes; music is a
lifelong activity that serves as a medium for cultural transmission. Music is an essential part
of Igbo man’s life. For Nnamani (2014), folksong is a means of social control among the
citizens and a way of stamping out communal vices. These folksongs can be traditional or
contemporary. In the case of Ejeagha’s Omekaagụ, we can classify it as a contemporary
folksong because we know who the originator is and also it has been documented
electronically. As can be seen in one of the classifications above, folklore is an aspect of oral
literature. One of the striking characteristics of literature is that it does not exist in a vacuum.
Literature mirrors the life of the society and is didactic as well. It is in line with this that this
chapter tends to look at an aspect of Igbo folklore, ballad (which is a sub-category of
folksongs as seen in Dundes’ definition above) in order to look at the Igbo leadership system.
The leadership or political philosophy of the Igbo people is one of the themes seen in
their folklores. But for the purpose of this research, the researchers will be looking at a
contemporary folksong entitled Omekaagụ performed by Mike Ejeagha. It is termed
contemporary because the owner of the folksong is known. Ballad, according to the Oxford
Advanced Learner’s Dictionary, is a song or poem that tells a story. Mike Ejeagha is one of
the renowned performers in Igbo. This has made the Igbo people refer to someone that tells a
story very well as (na-akọ akụkọ Mike Ejeagha) (You are telling Mike Ejeagha’s story). The
choice of Igbo leadership system in Ejeagha’s Omekaagụ is to draw insights from the
leadership style of the Igbo people which will help us in drawing conclusions as to whether
Igbo people have kings ‘Igbo nwere eze’ or do not ‘Igbo enwe eze.’

2.0 The pre-colonial Igbo leadership system

The Igbo leadership system before the advent of colonialism has been variously
described by historians, scholars and researchers alike. While some opine that Igbo as a
nation has no king at all because of the presence of a republican or democratic system of
government, some are of the view that when we say Igbo enwe eze (Igbo do not have kings),
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it means that there is no presence of kingship in Igbo land but what it means is that there is no
universal king for Igbo unlike what is obtainable in Yoruba and Hausa cultures. Nwala
(1985:17) in his contributions on the state of the political or leadership system of the Igbo
before colonialism opines:
One significant thing about Igbo traditional society is the absence of an all-embracing
social and political system with the result that many writers and investigators have
wondered in what degree one could reasonably talk of Igbo as a unit. Indeed, one of
the most striking features about the pre-colonial Igbo society was its apparent social
fragmentation with hundreds of small, more or less independent social units; the
largest being, in many cases, what we can call the village group.
He further notes that in the Igbo traditional society, the political units (recognised for
political purposes) are the family (ezi), the compound (obi), the village (obodo) and the
village group or clan. It is in line with this democratic political situation that Afigbo (1971)
remarks that all segments at the same level of the social organism are considered equal and
equivalent irrespective of territorial spread and population size. She further notes that work
and food have to be shared equally among participants and each must take its share in order of
seniority. However, this implies that age is a very important factor in Igbo traditional
leadership system.
In his further illustrations to reveal that the Igbo cherish their democratic and
republican way of government in the sense that they do not want any person to be in control
of their life, Nwala (1985:171) observes that Igbo can easily understand a rule, which
emanates from the community as a whole because they believe that they are part of the
system. But if any person decides alone and wants everyone to abide by it, expressions to be
used to counter such desires include:
a) ‘Ochịchị gị agafego oke’ – ‘Your rule has exceeded bounds;’ b) ‘Onye ọ bụla bụ
eze n’ebu ya’ – Everyone is king in his compound or chamber; (a reminder that we are
dealing with a stage of political development which is just emerging from the
primitive unit of the family); c) ‘Ahụrụ eze ama or Onyemaeze’ – who knows who
will be king….

Sharing the same thoughts with Nwala and Afigbo, Chikendu (2013) notes that in the
traditional Igbo society, the basic unit was the family, the most operative unit being the
kindred, then the village and the town. The village groups were not organised in kingdoms.
The function of government was carried on by a council of elders, who shared power in
various levels of intensity with various other groups – age grades, titled men, women, ritual
priests, etc. From this, elements of republicanism, democracy and decentralization are seen.
Similarly, Onuoha and Omenma (2007:147-149) finds out that in the Igbo traditional
leadership system, there are basically four levels:
The family (under the headship of the father comprises of nuclear members of the
family which is usually large depending on the number of wives a man married); the
Kindred (a smaller social unit made up of the head of the nuclear family – the Father or
the Okpara); the Village (comprises of kindreds and cluster of kindreds and headed by
the Okpara of the most senior kindred by order of birth): and, the Town (the highest
political unit among the Igbo and is made up of villages which are collections of
kindreds with attachment to the land ịAla or Aniị as a common bond).

They further conclude that the Igbo Political System is segmentary, a representative
democracy, and a bulwark of the entire members of the family or kindred against any form of
injustice. This attitude of fairness according to Ibenekwu (2012) is as a result of the belief in
ọfọ na ogu, which are a symbol of uprightness and justice. The ọfọ is entrusted in the hands
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of the first son in the family who is mandated by the land to be upright, fair and just in all his
dealings.
In summary, Oforchukwu (2011:15-16) observes, “The precolonial Igbo communities
were organised and ruled under the following segments: 1. The Family members (Ezi na ụlọ)
2. The Council of elders (Ụmụnna) 3. The Ọzọ titled men (Ndị Nze na Ọzọ) 4. The Diviners
(Ndị na-agba afa) 5. The age-grades (Ndị Ebiri) 6. The Chief priest of Anị (The Earth
Goddess) 7. The Ụmụada (Daughters)”. He remarks that these individuals perform important
roles both politically and religiously among the Igbo people and are duly consulted when
important decisions that would affect the community are to be taken.
While the above authors are of the view that Igbo has a democratic leadership system,
some authors have also observed that before colonialism, some communities in Igbo land had
leaders either political leaders or chief priests that performed political functions. Nwala
(1985) observes that the concept of Igbo enwe eze is a figurative expression, which rather
expresses the very fact of Igbo social and political spirit. He goes further to say that some
areas in Igbo land have kings. Buttressing this point, Nzimiro (1971) observes that kingdoms
like Onitsha, Oguta, Osomeri, Aboh, Arọchukwu and Agụukwu Nri has kings before
colonialism. He further remarks that it may well be that the idea of kingship is not original
with the Igbo and may have been borrowed from their neighbours of Benin, Igala and Calabar
areas. But these kings do not possess absolute powers because according to him, they are just
presidents of communal councils and symbols of communal power and authority in the state
and who can be challenged either by his chief. The criteria for choosing kings, according to
Nwala (1985) are based on age, particular skills in leadership such as wealth, bravery in war,
oratory, evidence of intelligence (as may be shown by ability to settle disputes) etc.
The notion of Igbo borrowing kingship from their neighbours is refuted by Eze,
Omeje, and Chinweuba (2014:1317) by asserting that “One fact that appears incontestable
about the originality or “Igboness” of the institution of monarchy in Igboland is that it pre-
dated both the Benin and the Igala kingdoms. While the Benin kingdom is said to have
emerged in around 11th or 12th century that of Igala rose in the 17th, many centuries after
that of Nri whose princes were the scions of most Igbo states.” They further illustrated that
the institution in Igboland was referred to as Eze or Obi, which bore no resemblance with
those of Benin or Igala. However, unlike the monarchical system of government, in some
areas of the Igbo land, the priests and goddess performs the leadership functions. The
community sees them as leaders. “Prominent among these are the Ibini Ụkpabị or the long
Juju at Arọchukwu, Igwe-Ka-Ala of Ụmụnneọha, Agbala of Awka; and The Nri priestly cult.
Others include the Haba goddess of Agụlụ, Ogbunorie at Nsu in Mbaanọ Division, Amadịọha
or Kamanụ of Ozuzu, the ancestral cult of Odo at Nsukka” (Nwala, 1985:120). He further
remarks that if not for the advent of colonialism, Igbo social, economic, religious, and
political life could have been dominated today by some of these major religious cults.
The most important religious cult in Igbo land was the Nri priestly and kingly
cult; which disseminated (sic) a politico-ritual philosophy which strongly
appealed to the Igbo that the supreme Nri, their divine king, the power to
control life force (earth), the fertility of the soil and all laws … controlling
abominations against the earth …. They claimed and were regarded as having
power to perform religious influence developed into a practising and
missionary adventurism (Nwala, 1985:121).
In line with this, Arinze (1970) notes that Agụukwu Nri is the centre of Igbo
priesthood and Nri priests have undisputed power and priority throughout Igbo land, with
their high priests taking precedence of all other fraternities, priestly, social and political.
Continuing, he also observes that their influence does not seem to leave the middle, northern

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parts and West Niger Igbo because of the major oracular cults like Ibini Ụkpaabị, Igwe-Ka-
Ala in Owerri, Ngwa and lower South of Igbo.

In trying to provide reasons why the Igbo people do not generally have kings, Eze,
Omeje and Chinweụba (2014) are of the view that long before the advent of colonialism,
every part of Igbo land had kings but along the line, these kings became tyrant and dictatorial
in their dealings with people which made some Igbo communities to seek for another mode of
leadership, thus, republicanism or democracy. While some were able to change their system
of leadership, others still maintained the monarchical system of government. Opone (2012)
gave credence to this idea. He opines that monarchy existed in Igbo but faced threat of
extinction probably because of the tyranny and absoluteness of the occupant of the stool. It
may, therefore, be permissible to argue that in order to guard against this absolutism, many
elected not to have chiefs or any centralised authority at all. In line with this thought also,
Isichei (1996) remarks that that there emerged “Agave of Enugu” (a village in Agụleri) who,
founded a dynasty which endured for a time, but became a dictator. She further reiterates that
then kingship was given up, until in the second half of the nineteenth century another crisis
(European encroachment on the Niger, and the military aggression of the Royal Niger
Company) threw up another natural leader, Onyekomeli Idigo who founded a royal dynasty,
which has endured to this day. Eze, Omeke and Chinweụba (2014) aver that most likely, the
development of village democracy, gerontocracy, and aristocracy was a direct consequence of
the abandonment of the kingships. They further opine that it is in this context that the concept
of Igbo enwe eze or Igbo echi eze (Igbo do not crown kings) became pervasive and received
as an appropriate description of Igbo political system.

Contemporarily, as a result of the imposition of indirect rule by the Europeans and

after the Nigerian-Biafra civil war, the Igbo started having kings in their respective individual
communities so as to provide for them and defend their interests but no one has been a king
over all the Igbo people. Achebe (2005) observes that from having no kings in their recent
past the Igbo swung round to set an all-time record of four hundred - kings in Imo and four
hundred in Anambra. Nwankwọ (1985) is of the view that the lack of a central Igbo king has
created a lot of problems for the Igbo people. He remarks:

This has some consequences for the Igbo people. First, this has allowed some
people to present themselves as the Igbo leaders. Second, this lack of any
cohesive leadership has left the Igbo with self seeking (sic) leaders. Third,
this has resulted in individuals who pursue progress without minding the
societal rules. It is therefore the entire nation that suffers from the ill
behaviour of the few within the Igbo communities (Nwankwọ, 1985:15).

However, in as much as Igbo do not have a central king, presently; a lot of Igbo
communities have kings, who they call Obi, Eze or Igwe as the case may be. Onitsha
indigenes refer to their leader as Obi; Agụleri, Nri, Enugu Ezike, Ẹha-Alụmọna etc. refer to
their leader as Eze; while Nanka, Oko, Ogidi, Nsukka, Nneochi, Nkpologu etc refer to their
king as Igwe. Having words for ‘king’ means that long before colonialism, Igbo had kings.
The nature of the leadership in Igbo as portrayed in Ejeagha’s Omekaagụ is the major
preoccupation of this research. Since it has been ascertained that long before and presently,
most Igbo communities have kings, the researchers tend to draw insights form the techniques
and style of this Igbo leadership as present in the folklore.

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3.0 Synoptic account of Omekaagụ

Omekaagụ is a contemporary folklore (folksong) performed by Mike Ejeagha during

the late 1990s. Ejeagha is a notably Igbo folklorist, who trills his audience with ballad.
Notable of his perfomances are folksongs like Nna m eze akpata m enyi, Odogwu na-arị elu,
Obiakụ, Onye ori ụtaba etc.

Omekaagụ is a ballad that tells a story of a king that gave birth to two male children.
When he discovered that he has little time to spend on earth, he assembled his cabinet
members and told them that he wants to declare who will be his successor when he died. The
cabinet members asked him which of his sons he wanted to declare his successor. He replied
that it is the younger one called Omekaagụ. The cabinet members said that their hands will
not be in this abomination and left in anger. The king hesitated and commanded his chief
servant to adorn Omekaagụ in princely attire so that he would go round the whole village to
show them that he was the successor to the throne. While this was happening, the elder
brother who was the rightful heir to the throne took his horn and blew praying that Omekaagụ
should die. As Omekaagụ was on the donkey showing the villagers himself, he fell off the
donkey and died. Everybody was confused and when the king heard it, he was thrown off
balance. He started calling all his cabinet members to assist him in order to know what to do.
They hurried off to the diviner who told them that they should go and beg the first son
because he was the person behind what has happened. Thereafter, they hurriedly went to the
elder brother and started pleading. The king promised him his rightful place to the throne and
handed everything he had to him. The brother blew his horn again praying that his brother
should come back to life. Afterwards, Omekaagụ came back to life and every person was
overwhelmed with joy.

4.0 Insights of Igbo leadership from Ejeagha’s Omekaagụ

From the folksong, many insights concerning Igbo leadership system can be drawn.
These insights suggest what Igbo people as a race possess:

4.1 Igbo have kings

From the folklore, it is seen that Ejeagha suggests that Igbo have kings, who have his
jurisdiction of leadership. This points out that every community has kings but Igbo as a tribe,
has no general king. With this, it can be drawn also that a king does not govern alone but with
his council of chiefs (Chief-In-Council), who must be consulted before a decision is reached
and the king bears the consequences of a sole decision. This is justified in the excerpt below:

Nna Omekaagụ mekatara mekata wee fụ na (Omekaagụ’s father noticed that)

O kwewego ukwe ụna (He is no more getting younger)
O wee kpọkuo ndị ichie (he summoned the chiefs)
Ya na ha so na-achị obodo (He governs the community with)
Sị fa na ya ga-echikwanụ ofu nwa ya echichi (Told them that he is going to crown one of
his sons)
Ka ọ ga-abụ ụbọchị achọrọ nwoke ma afụghị (So that if he goes underworld)
Ọ bụrụ ya nọ chiri anya (He will be his successor)
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From the above, it can be observed that before the king took the decision of who will succeed
him, he called on the chiefs, who were his co-decision makers to hear their suggestions, ideas
and criticism. But in all, the king’s decision is the last which must be made in line with what
has been agreed on. This shows that the Igbo, as a tribe, have kings who govern with chiefs.

However, when the king goes contrary to the rule and the advice of his chiefs, the
outcome of his bad action might be great. This is seen when the king turned a deaf ear on the
advice of the chiefs and appointed Omekaagụ as his successor instead of the first son. The
consequences came in a form that Omekaagụ died and the king now recognised the
importance of listening and adhering to the advice of his chiefs.

4.2 Succession is by heredity and age factor is paramount

Another insight that is drawn from Ejeagha’s Omekaagụ is that in the Igbo political
situation, the mode of succession is hereditary and it is the first son of the king that succeeds
him. This suggests that Igbo operates monarchical system of government. From the folklore,
it is observed that when the king gets old, he officially declares his successor, which must be
his first son. It is on this note that Ibenekwu (n.d.) notes that status is accorded to the male in
order of seniority in spite of whether the family is polygamous or not; in the family, therefore,
the first son is the head and is entrusted with the family heirlooms like Ọfọ na Ogu, Chi, and
Obi. He further remarks that the first son (known as Ọkpara) holds the symbol of the family
authority. However, when the king wanted to go against the law, Ejeagha reveals that the
chiefs were angry and declared the intention of the king as an intended abomination. This is
reflected in the excerpt below:
Ndị ọ kpọkọbara wee jụzie ya (Those he assembled then asked him)
Kedụ onye ị na-achọ ichi ya bụ echichi? (Who do you intend coranating)
Na i nwere ụmụ nwata nwoke n’abọ (That you have two sons)
Ọ sị ha na ọ bụ nwa ya nke ọdụdụ (He told them that it is the young one)
A na-akpọ Omekaagụ (Called Omekaagụ)
Ụfọdụ ndị obodo wee iwe (Some of the villagers got angry)
Ụfọdụ wee iwe laba (Some got angry and left)
Ọ na-ayọ fa, kpọchighee ha azụ (He was begging and calling them back)
Fa sị na fa afụnụrọ ebe ji na-esi n’ọdụdụ were epu ome (they said that they have not seen
such odious event).

The chiefs know the implication of what the intended action of the king will cause. The
implication will be that it will create enemity between the two brothers which will also reach
their off-springs. Consider the statements of the chiefs below:
Kedu ka o siri bụrụ nwatakịrị ka a ga-echi echichi? (Why is it that the young one will be
coronated?)
Ma nke okenye anọdụ ka ọ ga-abụ (And the elder one will be left behind so
that)
E ruofa echi niile, fa ebido mebe nsị, mebe arụ (In the future, they will engage in
voodoo)
Ka ọ ga-abụ ndị ụmụaka ha ga-amụta n’ọdụniihu (So that their future children)

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Echi a sị fa jee kpochibe (Will start looking for a way to right the
wrong)

However, this shows that the successor to a king must be his first son. If done otherwise, the
implications and consequences will be too severe on the king and the community at large.

4.3 The diviner of chief priest is the mediator between men and gods

The chief priest or the diviner is regarded as the mouthpiece of the gods. In the Igbo
tradition, he is regarded as the person who is the intercessor between the gods and the
humans. Also, in times of difficulty and confusion, he is being consulted in order to know the
opinion of the gods as well as proffer solution(s) to the existing problems. This function is
seen in this folksong. When Omekaagụ died, it was the diviner who saw what led to the
sudden death and told them (the king and some of the elders) to go and beg the first son
because he was the cause of what happened. This is indicated thus:
…nna Omekaagụ wee kpọrọ mmadụ ole ma ole (Omekaagụ’s father took some people)
wee jewe n’afa (And went to the diviner)
E ruzie n’afa, dibịa na-afụrụ ya ọfụ (When they reached, the diviner)
Wee were ọkpụkpa wụraa wụraa wụraa n’anị (Did some incantations)
Wee sị ya ya jee ka ọ yọwa nwa ya diọpkara (And told him to go and beg the first son)
Na ọ bụ ya bụ ife mekpọrọ nụ (That he knows what happened)
Na ọ bụrụ ne ọ yọba ya, (That if he begs him)
Omekaagụ ga-esi n’ebe o dina kulie (Omekaagụ will rise from the dead)

What this offers us is that no king in the Igbo leadership system can do without a diviner.
This is so because there are some things mere mortals cannot see which only a person, who is
connected to the spirit can see. In this context, Omekaagụ’s father could not explain the
reason why his son died suddenly. This necessitated the consultation of the diviner who
provided the solution to the problem at hand, which they followed. And later, Omekaagụ
came back to life.
4.4 The concept of Ọfọ na Ogu is essential
Ọfọ na Ogu is one of the belief systems in Igbo land. It is a symbol of justice and
uprightness, which every person is expected to be using in all his dealing with people.
Abanuka (2004) remarks that Ọfọ, which is made from a piece of wood from the Ogirisi tree
(Newbouldia Laevis) is a symbol of truth. Similarly, Ejizu (2002) notes that Ọfọ is a sacred
symbol of truth, justice, law, and authority among the Igbo. Moreover, Oforchukwu (2011)
opine that Ọfọ was given to the Igbo by Chukwu (the supreme God) and this is why the Ọfọ is
considered as a link between the living, dead, gods, and the ancestors. He further avers that
Ọfọ is used only by men (the eldest in a family), women, on the other hand, are prevented to
use it.
Conversely, the concept of Ọfọ na Ogu was reflected by Ejeagha to mean being
upright and just. This means that any person that is just and right is in possession of Ọfọ na
Ogu and if he wants to do something bad to someone, he should take the steps as seen in the
song:

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...tupu i mee mmadụ ajọ ife (Before you do something bad to anyone)
Werụkwa aja wee mee n’elu (Take sand and raise to the sky)
I kpote aja nke izizi, i cheere anyanwụ (If you raise the first set of sand, show it to the sky)
I kpota nke ịbụa, i cheere anyanwụ (If you raise the second set of sand, show it to the sky)
I kpota nke ịtọ, i cheere anyanwụ (If you raise the third set of sand, show it to the sky)
Ka o wee bụrụ ya na iji Ọfọ (Let it be that you are just)
Maka na idide ụbọchị ụtụtụ sị na (Because earthworm said earlier)
Ọ bụ Ọfọ ọ na ogu ka o ji awa anị (That it succeeds with justice)

Omekaagụ and his father were unjust. That is why he (the first son), who has Ọfọ na Ogu,
made a wish that Omekaagụ should die and his wish came to fulfilment. This implies that in
the Igbo culture, when one is unjust, whatever a person he is matltreating (who is innocent)
says will come to fulfilment.
Therefore, a king must be just and should try to live a righteous life so that he will not
suffer the wrath of not being in possession of Ọfọ na Ogu. Ọfọ na Ogu is one of the
indispensable tools in the Igbo leadership system.

4.5 The chiefs guide the king aright.

Another useful insight that is drawn from Ejeagha’s work is that the chiefs guide the
king aright and prevent him from misbehaving. Thus, they are advisers to the king. Ejeagha
portrays the chiefs as truthful and genuine advisers. They do not adjust the standard
irrespective of what will happen. They stick to the right thing to be done. This was evident
when they refuted the idea of the king to make his second son the king instead of the first.
Ejeagha reflected their reaction by saying that most of them became angry and left.
On the other hand, when what they predicted occurred, they did not hesitate to help
him out of his troubles. This signifies that irrespective of what happens, the chief in the Igbo
traditional leadership system will always look for solutions first before casting blames.

5.0 Conclusion
This paper has looked into the leadership system of Igbo people by drawing insights
from Ejeagha’s Omekaagụ. The paper discovers that the insights suggest that Igbo nwere eze
(Igbo do have kings) and the procedure of succession is by inheritance which the first son
inherits. Contemporarily, it has been observed that in most Igbo communities, succession is
not by inheritance, but by zoning and in most cases to the wealthy few of the society. Zoning
means that it is rotated among the villages in a community. However, it is observed that the
king does not lead alone but alongside the chiefs, who help in decision making and performs
advisory roles. Different communities refer to their kings as Eze, Igwe or Obi. Civilisation
has tempered the original political system of the Igbo. People are now power intoxicated and
can do everything humanly possible to cling to power even though it is not his right. But one
striking thing is that the Ọfọ na Ogu still manifests its powers.
At this juncture, it is pertinent to note that Ejeagha suggests that the Igbo race have
kings but do not have a singular monarch to which all the Igbo race collectively owe
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allegiance to. This may have given rise to the popular saying that Igbo enwe eze (the Igbo
does not have kings), obviously referring to the Igbo as a political entity. Again, owing to the
republican system of leadership of Igbo whereby the King consults with council of
chiefs/elders, the notion that Igbo enwe eze (the Igbo does not have kings) may have arisen.
Furthermore, this saying may be as a result of the abuse of the system of enthroning kings in
some communities whereby the royal families are neglected and someone from none royal
family is enthroned by some reasons. These reasons include violent take over, acceding to the
wealthiest, revolt against a royal family because of corruption, colonial influence, etc.
Therefore, Igbo people should go back to their root and stand for justice. Ensure also
that no one is deprived of his rights because injustice is not in the lifestyle of an Igbo man. In
conclusion, Ejeagha provided us with a lot of insights into the Igbo leadership system in his
folklore, Omekaagụ.

References
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Nzimiro, I. (1971). Chieftaincy and politics in four Niger states. London: Fanklass & Co.
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Appendix
LYRICS OF OMEKAGỤ BY MIKE EJEAGHA
Here it comes, beautiful people
The winners dance band
Introducing to you
The omenaanị series
And this is their omenaanị special number one

Ndị be anyị
Onye sị nwantakịrị jide nkakwụ
Ya dobekwara ya mmiri ọ ga-eji wee kwụọ aka
ọ kwazi ihe jọgburu onwe ya
Na mmadụ ga-ahụ oke ruuru onye Ọzọ
O were ya ga nye onye ọ sịrị nay a hụrụ n’anya
Onye ahụ ga-emecha lota
Na ehi na-enweghi ọdụdụ chi ya na-achụrụ ya ijiji
Makana ịrachasigi ogini ntụtụ tụnye ngbụgbọ ya na mmiri
O mechaa, o see enu

Onye a ị na-emegide, ị ma na ọ bụ ya ga-ahọpụrụ gị n’ọkụ echi?

ọ bụrụgodu na ọ bụghị ya
Ị ma ọ bụ nwanne ya ka ọ bụ nwa ya nwa mụtara
ọ bụrụ na ọ bụghị gịnwa ka o menyeere , { ma ma ọ ga-emenyere onye nke gị?
Ife Ọzọ jọgburu onwe ya bụ na ụfọdụ mụta nwa
Ha ewere na fa fụrụ ya n’anya wee togide ya otuto
Otuto ntogbu na-egbu nwa nkịta
Ganye na nwantakịrị a alaa n’iyi

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Nwantakịrị ị na-eto ajọ otuto

Sị na ị fụrụ ya n’anya
Ị kpọọ ya agụ, ị kpọọ ya dike
Ị kpọọ ya nke a, ị kpọọ ya nta, ị kpọọ ya imo
Ka m nụkwa na o mekata mekata mekata o wee were ihe a wee sochie
Ọ bụrụ na o nweghi onye o so n’ilo, o sowe nginwa
Ọ kwa nụ ife mere nwantakịrị a bụ Omekaagụ
Nke anyị na-achọ ịkọ akụkọ ya kịta a.

CHORUS

Opi m fugbuolụ m Omekaagụ

Figbuelụ m Omekaagụ
Omekaagụ riri ji mmụọọ
Omekaagụ riri ede mmụọọ
Ọ bụrụ na ị fụgbuelụ m Omekaagụ, fugbuelụ m Omekaagụ Ka m were ebini gbaa gị aka (2x)
Ma ngị jide ogu jide ọfọ (2x) (2x)
Ooooooooooooo (2x)

Nna Omekaagụ mekatara mekata wee fụ na o kwewego ukwe ụna

O wee kpọkuo ndị ichie ya na so na-achị obodo
Sị fa na ya ga-echikwanụ ofu nwa ya echichi
Ka ọ ga-abụ ụbọchị achọrọ nwoke ma afụghị
ọ bụrụ ya nọchiri anya

Ndị ọ kpọkọbara wee jụzie ya kedu onye ị na-achọ ichi ya bụ echichi?

Na i nwere ụmụ nwata nwoke n’abọ
Ọ sị ha na ọ bụ nwa ya nke ọdụdụ a na-akpọ Omekaagụ
Ụfọdụ ndị obodo wee iwe
Ụfọdụ wee iwe laba
Ọ na-ayọ fa, kpọchighee ha azụ
Fa sị na fa afụnụrọ ebe ji na-esi n’ọdụdụ were epu ome
Kedu ka o siri bụrụ nwatakịrị ka a ga-echi echichi?
Ma nke okenye anọdụ ka ọ ga-abụ
E ruofa echi niile, fa ebido mebe nsị, mebe arụ
Ka ọ ga-abụ ndị ụmụaka ha ga-amụta n’ọdụniihu
Echi a sị fa jee kpochibe
Fa wee kpọọ nna Omekaagụ wee sị ya na fa agaghị anọkwa emee ife dị otu a
Ya onwe ya, wekwuazi iwe
Sị kama ọ ga-abụ na ya agaghị echi Omekaagụ echichi
Ife dị abụọ, ofu emee

O wee mekata mekata bụrụ mbọsị Eke

Nna Omekaagụ wee kpọkọọ Omekaagụ wee kebe ya ekike a na-eke nwa eze
Wee kechasịa ya bụ ekike wee duru ya dọkwasa n’elu inyịnya
Gwa onye isi odibo ye sị ye kpụrụ Omekaagụ
Ka ha gbagharịa afịa be ha ka ọ bụrụ na ndị obodo amara onye ga-achị ha
Ma ọ bụrụ na ọ dị ka ọ ga-adị
Ka fa nọzi ebe ha na-agbagharị afịa
Nwanne Omekaagụ nụ
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Wee were opi yaaaa o wetara n’agụ bụ opi ike wee fụa

CHORUS

Ndị be anyị onye ị sị na ị ga-eme ajọ ife

Ọ gịnị ka o mere gị?
Nke a bụ ajụjụ ị ga-ajụgodu onwe gị
Tupu i mee mmadụ ajọ ife
Werụkwa aja wee mee n’elu
I kpote aja nke izizi, i cheere anyanwụ
I kpota nke ịbụa, i cheere anyanwụ
I kpota nke ịtọ, i cheere anyanwụ
Ka o wee bụrụ ya na iji ọfọ
Maka na idide ụbọchị ụtụtụ sị na ọ bụ ọfọ na ogu ka o ji awa anị
Ejule wee sị na ọ bụ ire ọma ka o ji aga n’ogwu
Gị na onwe gị, i jikwa ogu jide ọfọ?

CHORUS

Omekaagụ afụzie, arigozie elu ịnyịnya na-agbago zi afịa

Nwanne ya wee were opi a dọnye n’ọnụ
O gbuzie opi nụ gbuo ya gbuo ya gbuo ya bụ opi
Omekaagụ wee si n’elu ịnyịnya katakpii n’anị
Ọ bụrụkwana ọnwụ
Hei! Obodo wee delụ, ụfọdụ n’ọsọ
Ụfọdụ nọ n’obodo nụ ife merenụ, fa e were ọsọ na-agbata n’afịa Eke
Ka a malụ ife mere chi ji wee jie n’efifie
Nna Omekaagụ anụzie ya bụ ife ka ọ nọ n’ụlọ
Wee chọtakwa ndị e nụ bụ ndị gwara ye ụbọchị ụtụtụ
Na ji anaghị esi n’ọdụdụ epu ome
Wee kpọọ fa sị fa lekwanụ ihe na-emenu
Ha niile wee zue sị ya ọ bụrụ na ọ merọ, ị ma ma ife
Ife merenụ bụ na a ga-achọwa anị
Ife kpatara nwa ji si n’elu ịnyịnya wee daa wee nwụrụ
Ya bụ i fugo ifee nụnwa a na-atụ n’ilu
Ebe ị sị na ị ma chi nwa gị diọkpara eze
I jee ichi nke ọdụdụ. ị fụrọfụ
Na ehi na-enweghị ọdụdụ chi ya achụwafụrụ ya ijiji
Nna Omekaagụ wee kpọrọ mmadụ ole ma ole wee jewe n’afa
E ruzie n’afa, dibịa na-afụrụ ya ọfụ
Wee were ọkpụkpa wụraa wụraa wụraa n’anị
Wee sị ya ya jee ka ọ yọwa nwa ya diọpara na ọ bụ ya bụ ife mekpọrọ nụ
Na ọ bụrụ ne ọ yọba ya, Omekaagụ ga-esi n’ebe o dina kulie
O wee bụrụ ya bụ na nna Omekaagụ anọta
Wee yọba diọkpara sị ya biko bido taata
Na ngwuru ya niile dị ya n’aka
Na ọ bụrụ na o jizi ike mee ka nwa bụ Omekaagụ kunie
Ya were ife niile ya bụ ife ya nwere enwe
Omekaagụ ya nwa tọgbọkwanụ n’ozu
O mazi ife na-emenụ?
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Otuto ntogbu na-egbu nwa nkịta

O kuniazi gakwuru Omekaagụ
Nna ya na anya mmiri
Nne ya na anya mmiri
Ha ayọkatazie nke diọkpara a nụ nwa
Ndị be anyị, ọ bụrụ na ị nụrọ ayịyọ mmadụ ibe rịọrọ gị
Ọ bụ nke mmụọ ka ị ga-anụ
Eee! Mmadụ ibe gi yọọ gị ife. ị nụrụ

ọ bụrụ na ị fugbuolụ m Omekaagụ…. (2x)

Ndị be anyị, unu anugo mgbe akpịrị na-ebe akwa

Ọ ọ kwanụ akwa arịrị
Egwu onye agbaghị n’ọkpa, o kwee n’isi
Etu a ka e mekazialụ
O wee bụrụ bụ na nwanne Omekaagụ wee werụkwa opi ya nụ
Opi ike wee tinye n’ọnụ
Wee kpọbakwa opi ya sị ya biko kpọteere ya nwanne ya

CHORUS 2
Opi m futeelụ m Omekaagụ, futeelụ m Omekaagụ
Omekaagụ riri ji mmụọọ
Omekaagụ riri ede mmụọọ
ọ bụrụ na ifuteelụ m Omekaagụ feteelụ m Omekaagụ (2ụ)
Ka m were ebini kwọọ gị aka 2(x)
Ma ngi jide ogu jide ọfọ (2ụ)
Oooooooooooo

O ru ka ọ fụchara ya bụ opi ya
Omekaagụ wee si n’ọnwụ wee kunie
Nne na nna ya wee fụchasịa anya mmiri
Aịụrị wee ju fa obi
Ndị nine nọ ebe ahụ wee soro fa na-aịụrị
Maka na ọ gbara fa gharịị
Ya bụ ụmụnne m na ụmụnna m
A sịkwana na ọ bụ maka ị fụrụ mmadụ n’anya
Ka ị ga-eji wee welụ ife onye Ọzọ wee jee nye onye a
Na ọ dịrọ mma
Ya bụ onye ọ bụla mebe ezigbo ife

CHORUS 2

English Translation

Here it comes, beautiful people

The winners dance band
Introducing to you
The omenaanị series
And this is their omenaanị special number one
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Igbo Leadership in Folklores: Insights from Mike Ejeagha’s Omekagụ

Our people
He that tells a child to catch a mouse
He should as well keep water which he will use to wash his hands
It is a bad thing that someone will see someone’s right
And give it to another he said that he loves
That person will later remember
That a tail-less cow, its god chases housefly away from it
Because even though you finish licking ọgịnị and put its cover
Inside water, later; it will keep afloat

This person you are maltreating, do you know if it will be his brother or his son
Even though it is not him, do you know if he will do to your relatives?
Another bad thing is that some people will give birth
And they will use they love him and be over praising him
Amisleading praise
Till the child goes astray
A child you overpraise saying that you love him
You call him lion, you call him brave
You call him this and all sorts of names
Let me hear that if he grows up with this
If he does not cause trouble outside
He will cause it inside
This is what happened to this young boy, Omekaagụ
Whom we are about telling his story.

CHORUS 1
My flute should kill Omekaagụ
Should kill Omekaagụ for me
Omekaagụ commited sacrilege
Omekaagụ took my birth right
If you should kill Omekaagụ, should kill Omekaagụ
Let me sacrifice a he-goat to you (2x)
And hold Ọfọ na Ogu (2x) (2x)
Oooooooooo (2x)

Omekaagụ’s father knew that he is close to his grave

He summoned the chiefs he governs the community with
And told them that he will coronate one of his sons
In case he is no longer alive
The son will replace him
Those he summoned asked him which one he wants to coronate.
That he has two sons
He told them that it is the younger one called Omekaagụ
Some of the community members became angry
Some became angry and left
He starting pleading, calling them back
They said that they have not seen where a yam germinates from the bottom
How is it that it is the younger one that will be coronated?
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Igbo Institution and Leadership Edited by Nwaozuzu, Okpoko, Mbah and Ahamefula
Igbo Leadership in Folklores: Insights from Mike Ejeagha’s Omekagụ

While the elder will be left out so that

Tomorrow, they will start voodoo, committing abominations
So that their future offspring
Will be unmaking what their fathers have committed
They called Omekaagụ’s father and told him that they will not be part of this
He, himself took offence said that if it is not Omekaagụ that will be coronated
Then, let whatever will happen; happen
And it was on Eke day
Omekaagụ’s father called him and adore him with princely attire
And when he finished
He took him and placed him on a donkey
Told his chief maid servant to take Omekaagụ
Across their market place so that the whole community will know
Who will be their king if the unexpected should happen
Omekaagụ’s brother
Took his horn which he got from the forest, the great horn and blew:

CHORUS

Our people, that person you said you will do bad thing to
What did he do to you?
This is the question you will ask yourself
Before you offend anyone
Take sand up to the sky
If you take the first set of sand, raise it to the sky
If you take the second set of sand, raise it to the sky
If you take the third set, raise it to the sky
So that it you will be that you are in possession of Ofo and Ogu
Because the earthworm says earlier that it is just.
And snail said that he tramples upon thorns with good tongue
You yourself, are you just and upright

CHORUS

Omekaagụ went out, climbed the donkey

Was heading to the market
His brother took the horn and put in his mouth
He consistently blew the horn
Omekaagụ fell from the donkey heavily to the ground
Lo and behold, it was death.
Hei! The community was in a great shock, some were running
Some who heard what happened, started gathering at Eke market
So as to know why the unexpected happened
Omekaagụ’s father heard the incident at home
And looked for those that told him earlier in the day
That a yam does not germinate from the tail
And assembled them and told them what was happening
They all came together and told him that if it did not happen
He will not learn
As it stands, the root of the matter should be looked into
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Igbo Institution and Leadership Edited by Nwaozuzu, Okpoko, Mbah and Ahamefula
Igbo Leadership in Folklores: Insights from Mike Ejeagha’s Omekagụ

So as to discover why the boy fell from the donkey and died.
You have seen what the proverbs say
Since you said that you will not crown the elder as king
And you went to crown the younger. You have seen
That the tail-less cow, its god has vindicated it.
Omekagu’s father took some people and went to the diviner
When they reached, the diviner
Threw his beads on the ground
And told them to go and beg the eldest son
That he was the cause of all that happened
If he (the king) him
Omekaagụ will rise from the dead
And it happened that Omekaagụ’s father came back
And started begging the first son that from today
His compound is in his hands
That if he succeeds in making his son Omekaagụ to come back to life
He should take everything he has
Omekaagụ was lying lifeless
Did he know what was happening?
An empty less praise
Did it go and meet Omekaagụ?
His father in tears
His mother in tears
He consistently pleaded with this his first son
Our people, if you do not heed to your fellow man’s plea
Is it that of the spirit that you will hear?
Yes! If your fellow human being begs you for something, listen

If you should kill Omekaagụ for me …. (2x)

Our people, you have heard when the termite is crying

It is lamentation
A dance of the legs or nodding of head
It continues this way
And Omekaagụ’s brother took his horn
The great horn and placed on his mouth
And started calling it to resurrect his brother

CHORUS 2
My horn should resurrect Omekaagụ for me, should resurrect Omekaagụ for me
Omekaagụ did an abomination
Omekaagụ ate the forbidden fruit
If you should resurrect Omekaagụ for me, should wake up Omekaagụ for me (2x)
Let me sacrifice a he-goat to you (2x)
And hold Ọfọ and Ogu (2x)
Ooooooooo

As he finished blowing the horn

Omekaagụ rose from the dead
His parents wiped their tears
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Igbo Institution and Leadership Edited by Nwaozuzu, Okpoko, Mbah and Ahamefula
Igbo Leadership in Folklores: Insights from Mike Ejeagha’s Omekagụ

They were overwhelmed with joy

All those present rejoiced with them
Because it was a mystery to them
Therefore, my brothers and sisters
Do not say that it is because you love someone
Then, you will deprive another person of his right to the comfort of the person you love.
It is not good.
In essence, every person should do the right thing.

CHORUS 2

Repeated

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