Professional Documents
Culture Documents
https://doi.org/10.1007/s12119-020-09744-2
COMMENTARY
Ronald E. Hellman1
Abstract
‘Homosexism’ is an early term originally proposed to more accurately reflect a prej-
udice, rather than a phobia implied in the term ‘homophobia.’ However, the term
‘homosexism’ never gained traction, but the roots of the word suggest a previously
unrecognized prejudice based on sexual behavior, in contrast to a prejudice based
on same-gender attraction. In this paper, homosexism, as a prejudice encompassing
subtypes of male same-sexual behaviors, is differentiated from homophobia, which
is based on sexual orientation. Homosexism can elucidate why cultural portrayals
that emphasize anal sex as the central element of sexual behavior among men who
have sex with men are not supported by research evidence. Homosexism, and its
potentially damaging effects, cannot be redressed until it is identified, named, and
managed.
Ronald E. Hellman—Former Associate Professor, Institute for Advanced Medicine, Mount Sinai
School of Medicine.
* Ronald E. Hellman
ronaldehellman@gmail.com
1
New York, USA
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R. E. Hellman
Currently, there is no word that captures the essence of the phenomenon that
has given rise to the disconnect between the cultural portrayal of male same-sexual
behavior and research evidence.
It is contended, here, that a prejudice underlies the distortion of male homosex-
ual behavior that may best be described by the word ‘homosexism,’ an early term
for homophobia that was not widely adopted. Lehne (1976) originally proposed
the term to more accurately denote a prejudice rather than a phobia in reference to
Weinberg’s term ‘homophobia’ (1972). However, the term never gained traction and
has rarely been referenced in over three decades (Hansen 1982a, b).
Homophobia refers to prejudice based on sexual orientation, essentially same-
gender attraction. ‘Homosexism’ here, is redefined as a prejudice based on same-
sexual erotic activity preference. It is subsumed under the more general category of
same-gender attraction, but focuses on the subtypes of sexual behavior assumed or
observed. This definition encompasses a prejudice that has not been previously iden-
tified. ‘Homosexism,’ in this context, does not refer to the obverse of ‘heterosexism,’
meaning a prejudice favoring same gender sexuality as superior to heterosexuality.
What is proposed involves attitudes and valuations of specific categories of sexual
behavior that are associated with MSM. Homophobia would apply, for example,
when someone denigrates a person because they identify as gay, or a same-sex cou-
ple that identifies as husbands, where all that is known is their gender preference.
Homosexism would apply when there is a negative bias towards a particular sexual
practice, such as anal, oral, or manual sex that is thought to characterize MSM.
The proposed redefinition of ‘homosexism’ as a prejudice regarding male homo-
sexual practices was determined in the following way. ‘Homo,’ has the double
meaning of ‘man,’ and ‘same’ as in ‘homosexuality.’ ‘Sexism,’ refers to prejudice
based on ‘sex’ meaning ‘gender,’ but ‘sex,’ also denotes ‘sexual activity.’ Here, it
stands for a prejudice based on the particular sexual activities of MSM. Although
subsumed under the category of sexual orientation, it is not focused at the level of
gender attraction, but on the subtypes of sexual behaviors within that category. A
person, group, culture, or society that diminishes certain forms of intimate, consen-
sual erotic behaviors between men could be labeled as ‘homosexist.’
To review, briefly, the disconnect between the culture and research evidence, cin-
ema, television, magazines, and the internet are genres that cater to millions and
serve, de facto, as informational vehicles to the public regarding sex, including
same-sexual behaviors. This takes on additional relevance because there is virtually
no formal sex education in the school system on male homoerotic behavior (Kosciw
et al. 2014), nor is there evidence that family, peers, and other sources of reliable sex
information demonstrate awareness of the research evidence. Adolescents increas-
ingly obtain sexual information online (Strasburger and Brown 2014), but sexually
explicit websites, such as PornHub, continue to portray anal sex as the predominant
partnered activity of MSM (Hellman 2019).
Recent examples from television and movies include the portrayal of Elton
John in Rocketman (2019), the explicit sexual scene in Boy Erased (2018), and
the erotic scene in Special (2019). The reference to gay male sex in The Politician
(2019) occurs in a scene in which Jessica Lange’s character says, “…that’s what
gays do- munch butts.” All focus on anal sex. The exception occurs in Season 2
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Male Homosexism: A Concept in Search of Acceptance
of Mindhunters (2019), where the one sexual portrayal in the series depicts part-
nered, manual sex. But, this scene involves two women. Anal sex between a man
and a woman is rarely portrayed in television and mainstream movies.
Typical of advertising in Out magazine, with the highest circulation of any
LGBT monthly issue, is a full-page advertisement for a shaver with mainstream
sponsorship by Panasonic and Amazon (Out 2019a). It features the prominent
display “TOP. BOTTOM. FRONT. EVEN THE BEHIND” (BOLD lettering as
per the advertisement). An article in the same issue (2019b) is entitled “Every-
thing* you ever wanted to know about ass…*butt were too afraid to ask.” Manual
and oral references are absent in the issue.
The September 9, 2019 edition of The New Yorker features an article on The
Inheritance, thought by many to be the most important gay-themed play since
Angels in America. The one explicit sexual reference in the article reads:
The play also offers validation of the different forms [my underline] that
love between men can take…: “Adam found himself irresistibly drawn to
Kip’s ass, to his muscled cheeks splayed before him like an unwrapped
gift…” (pg 39)
These examples, and others (Hellman 2019), are not meant to diminish this form
of sexual intimacy, but to demonstrate that an active, hegemonic, cultural conviction
is stereotyping MSM. Academic research evidence does not support this portrayal. A
study of same-sex couples, for example, is consistent with, and expands on research
previously cited (Hellman 2019). Couples can be more difficult to access, tend to be
more private, may not be found in the typical venues that serve as resources for gay
research, and are less likely to be part of a “hook-up” subculture, such that they may
be less influenced by peer pressure and cultural missives.
Data on the 969 gay, male couples in the study (Blumstein and Schwartz 1983)
is in accord with other surveys: 63% usually or always masturbate their partner,
55% usually or always engage in oral sex, and 19% regularly engage in anal sex.
Those who rarely or never engage in oral sex comprised 4% of the sample, while
about eight times that number (30%) rarely or never had anal sex. This contrasts
with an analysis of sexually explicit, online, gay male videos where 70% of con-
tent involves anal sex (Downing et al. 2014).
By comparison, a review of publications between 1975 and 2014 of young
people age 24 or less found a lifetime heterosexual prevalence of anal intercourse
at 22% (Owen et al. 2015). The 2006–2010 Survey of Family Growth found that
13.2% of women had recently engaged in heterosexual anal intercourse with a
lifetime figure of 36.3% (Benson et al. 2015). The Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention reports that 37.0% of males surveyed between 2006 and 2010,
and 37.7% between 2011 and 2015 had ever engaged in heterosexual, anal inter-
course, while 31.6% of females surveyed between 2006 and 2010, and 33.3% sur-
veyed between 2011 and 2015 had ever engaged in heterosexual, anal intercourse
(National Survey of Family Growth, 2020).
While most research on this subject is consonant, distortions exist. These stud-
ies advance their own bias as exemplified below.
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R. E. Hellman
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Male Homosexism: A Concept in Search of Acceptance
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R. E. Hellman
connotation, where gay, male sex in the public’s mind is ‘intercourse,’ but also ‘sod-
omy.’ Here, again, homosexism underlies homophobia, because an entire group is
being stereotyped with a heteronormative prototype that does not apply to the group,
and where the group is then devalued through the negative connotation of inter-
course as sodomy.
Homophobia and internalized homophobia are crucial factors in developmen-
tal models of sexual identity development, but homosexism is unexplored in these
schemes (Bilodeau and Renn 2005). These models incorporate sexual behavior only
as a generic consideration, where identity may derive from sexual exploration for
some, precede it for others, and involve monogamy or multiple partners, all with the
common achievement of a non-heterosexual awareness (Dubé 2000; Savin-Williams
and Cohen 2004). Erotic variables, erotic conflict, and erotic compromise based on
homosexism are not the subject of investigation, an unrecognized deficiency in these
paradigms.
These models tend to correlate self-acceptance with community and societal atti-
tudes, and the degree of within-group immersion, but miss a process of renuncia-
tion involving forms of erotic activity that are practiced and preferred, but through
socialization, and a dominant cultural sway, become undefined as forms of “sex”
(Sewell et al. 2017). Identity becomes tainted by homosexism, what Goffman (1963)
refers to as a ‘spoiled identity.’ Here, discretionary aspects of sexual identity dis-
closure (“coming out”) during minority identity development are likely to diverge
from erotic comfort and disclosure among sexual minority peers. Pride in same-
gender preference is now side by side with shame associated with erotic interest.
Erotic non-disclosure would be expected to maintain within-group acceptance. The
cultural distortion of eroticism, where oral and partnered, manual sex are devalued,
functions to endorse a selective erotophobia as a “healthy” outcome of the develop-
mental process.
With few exceptions, individuals grow up in heterosexual families and commu-
nities, where a heteronormative context to sexuality is internalized, whatever one’s
sexual orientation. Given this reality, whereas current developmental models dem-
onstrate how a gay person achieves an autonomous minority, social identity, the
variable of homosexism brings into question the ability to achieve an autonomous
erotic identity.
Ferdoush (2016) provides a parallel in his critique of Cass’ stage model (1979)
that is relevant here. He discusses sexual identity development in conservative
Bengladesh culture, where Cass’ Stage 4, ‘Identity Acceptance,’ becomes, instead,
a stage of stigma management strategies, Stage 5 ‘Identity Pride,’ becomes a time of
decent into hiding in the face of stereotyping, negative judgments, and rejection, and
Stage 6, ‘Identity Synthesis,’ involves further isolation and marginalization rather
than integration. These responses originate from attitudes in the dominant culture,
whereas the sequelae associated with homosexism encompass attitudes in both the
dominant and minority groups. This model can explain why MSM most frequently
engage in oral and manual sex, but, for the most part, only identify anal sex as “sex”
(Sewell et al. 2017).
Other models of gay identity development suffer from the same deficiency.
D’Augelli’s non-staged, human development model (1994) only provides a vague
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R. E. Hellman
Conflict of interest The author declares having no conflicts of interest regarding the manuscript.
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