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    This document provides a summary of the book "The Ain-i-Akbari" by Abul Fazl. It describes the book as containing detailed information about the administration and government of the Mughal Emperor Akbar, including descriptions of his court, military, bureaucracy, legal system, revenue collection, social conditions, and sayings. The summary highlights that the book provides a valuable picture of Akbar's reign that goes beyond just military campaigns, bringing ordinary people to the foreground. It also notes the author Abul Fazl's high position, trustworthiness, and lack of flattery in compiling this important historical work.

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    This document provides a summary of the book "The Ain-i-Akbari" by Abul Fazl. It describes the book as containing detailed information about the administration and government of the Mughal Emperor Akbar, including descriptions of his court, military, bureaucracy, legal system, revenue collection, social conditions, and sayings. The summary highlights that the book provides a valuable picture of Akbar's reign that goes beyond just military campaigns, bringing ordinary people to the foreground. It also notes the author Abul Fazl's high position, trustworthiness, and lack of flattery in compiling this important historical work.

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    © All Rights Reserved
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    2 views784 pages

    The Ain I Akbari

    Uploaded by

    sachin8910
    This document provides a summary of the book "The Ain-i-Akbari" by Abul Fazl. It describes the book as containing detailed information about the administration and government of the Mughal Emperor Akbar, including descriptions of his court, military, bureaucracy, legal system, revenue collection, social conditions, and sayings. The summary highlights that the book provides a valuable picture of Akbar's reign that goes beyond just military campaigns, bringing ordinary people to the foreground. It also notes the author Abul Fazl's high position, trustworthiness, and lack of flattery in compiling this important historical work.

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    0

    The Ain i Akbari

    Abū al - Fazl ibn Mubārak


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    Wu al- Faḍl ihn Mubarak

    THE

    AIN I AKBARI

    BY

    ABUL FAZL 'ALLAM I,

    TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL PERSIAN,

    BY

    H. BLOCHMANN , M. A.
    CALCUTTA MADRASAH.

    PRINTED FOR THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

    VOL. I.

    is 4

    CALCUTTA :

    PRINTED BY G. H. ROUSE, AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS.

    1873 .
    290.8
    153
    mo . 149,158

    163,144,227,
    247, 697
    Ticar East

    Blackwell

    11-9-53

    84569

    PREFACE.

    The AIN I AKBARI' is the third volume of the AKBAR-

    NA MAH, by Shaikh Abulfazl, and is by far the greatest work in


    the whole series of Muhammadan histories of India. The first

    volume of this gigantic work contains the history of Timur's

    family as far as it is of interest for the Indian reader, and the


    reigns of Bábar, the Súr kings, and Humáyún, whilst the
    YOR
    FO

    second volume is devoted to the detailed history of nearly

    forty-six years of the reign ofthe Great Emperor. The con-


    cluding volume, the A'ín i Akbarí, contains that information
    regarding Akbar's reign which, though not strictly historical,
    is yet essential to a correct understanding of the times, and
    embodies, therefore, those facts for which, in modern times,
    we would turn to Administration Reports, Statistical com-

    pilations, or Gazetteers . It contains the din (i. e., mode of


    governing) of Akbar, and is, in fact, the Administration
    Report and Statistical Return of his government, as it was
    about 1590 A. D. The contents, therefore, of the A'ín are

    naturally varied and detailed. The first of its five books treats
    of Akbar's household and court, and of the emperor himself,

    the soul of every department, who looks upon the per-


    formance of his duties as an act of divine worship, and
    who enters into the details of government, in order to create
    a harmonious whole. Vouchsafed as king with a peculiar light

    from on high, his person is prominently put forward as t¹


    guide of the people in all matters temporal and spiritua
    iv

    whose character and temper the governed find that rest and
    peace which no constitution can give , and in whom, as the
    author of a new and advanced creed, the dust of intoleration
    is for ever allayed.
    The second book treats of the servants of the throne,

    the military and civil services, and the attendants at court


    whose literary genius or musical skill receives a lustre from
    the encouragement of the emperor, and who in their turn
    reflect a brilliant light on the government .

    The third book is entirely devoted to regulations for the


    judicial and executive departments, the establishment of a
    new and more practical era , the survey of the land , the tri-
    bal divisions, and the rent-roll of the great Finance minister
    whose name has become proverbial in India.
    The fourth book treats of the social condition and liter-

    ary activity, especially in philosophy and law, of the Hindus ,


    who form the bulk of the population , and in whose political
    advancement the emperor saw the guarantee of the stability
    of his realm . There are also a few chapters on the foreign
    invaders of India , on distinguished travellers, and on Muham-
    madan saints and the sects to which they respectively

    belong.
    The fifth book contains the moral sentences and epigram-

    matical sayings, observations, and rules of wisdom of the em-


    peror, which Abulfazl has gathered as the disciple gathers the
    sayings ofthe master.
    In the A'ín, therefore , we have a picture of Akbar's go-
    vernment in its several departments, and of its relations to
    the different ranks and mixed races of his subjects . Whilst
    in most Muhammadan histories we hear of the endless tur-
    moil of war and dynastical changes, and are only re-
    minded of the existence of a people when authors make a
    passing allusion to famines and similar calamities , we have
    in the A'ín the governed classes brought to the foreground :
    men live and move before us, and the great questions of the
    V

    time, axioms then believed in and principles then followed ,


    phantoms then chased after, ideas then prevailing, and suc-
    cesses then obtained, are placed before our eyes in truthful,
    and therefore vivid , colours .
    It is for this reason that the A'ín stands so unique among
    the Muhammadan histories of India, and we need not wonder
    1 that long before curious eyes turned to other native sour-
    1 ces of history and systematically examined their contents,
    the A'ín was laid under contribution . Le Père Tieffentaller,

    in 1776, published in his ' Description Géographique de


    l'Indostan' long extracts from the rent-roll given in the
    Third Book ; Chief Sarishtahdár Grant used it largely
    for his Report on Indian Finances ; and as early as 1783 ,
    Francis Gladwin, a thorough Oriental scholar, dedicated to
    Warren Hastings his " Ayeen Akberi , " of which in 1800 he
    issued a printed edition in London . In his translation , Glad-
    win has given the greater part of the First Book, more than
    one-half of the Second and Third Books , and about one-fourth
    ofthe Fourth Book ; and although in modern times inaccuracies
    have been discovered in the portions translated by him—
    chiefly due, no doubt, to the fact that he translated from
    MSS. , in every way a difficult undertaking- his translation

    has always occupied a deservedly high place, and it may con-


    fidently be asserted that no similar work has for the last
    seventy years been so extensively quoted as his . The mag-
    nitude of the task of translating the A'ín from uncollated

    MSS . will especially become apparent, when we remember


    that, even in the opinion of native writers, its style is " not
    intelligible to the generality of readers without great diffi-
    culty."
    But it is not merely the varied information of the A'ín
    that renders the book so valuable, but also the trustworthi-

    ness of the author himself. Abulfazl's high official position


    gave him access to any document he wished to consult, and
    his long career and training in various departments of the
    vi

    State, and his marvellous powers of expression, fitted him


    eminently for the composition of a work like the Akbar-
    námah and the A'ín. His love of truth and his correctness of

    information are apparent on every page of the book, which he


    wished to leave to future ages as a memorial of the Great
    Emperor and as a guide for enquiring minds ; and his wishes
    for the stability of the throne and the welfare of the people ,
    his principles of toleration , his noble sentiments on the rights
    of man, the total absence of personal grievances and of expres-
    sions of ill-will towards encompassing enemies , shew that the
    expanse of his large heart stretched to the clear offing of
    sterling wisdom . Abulfazl has far too often been accused
    by European writers of flattery and even of wilful conceal-
    ⚫ment of facts damaging to the reputation of his master. A
    study, though perhaps not a hasty perusal, of the Akbar-
    námah will shew that the charge is absolutely unfounded ;

    and if we compare his works with other historical produc-


    tions of the East, we shall find that while he praises, he does
    so infinitely less and with much more grace and dignity than
    any other Indian historian or poet. No native writer has
    ever accused him of flattery ; and if we bear in mind that all
    Eastern works on Ethics recommend unconditional assent to

    the opinion of the king, whether correct or absurd , as the duty


    of man, and that the whole poetry of the East is a rank mass
    of flattery, at the side of which modern encomiums look
    -
    like withered leaves, we may pardon Abulfazl when he
    praises because he finds a true hero.
    The issue of the several fasciculi of this translation has

    extended over a longer time than I at first expected . The


    simultaneous publication of my edition of the Persian Text,
    from which the translation is made, the geographical diffi-
    culties of the Third Book, the unsatisfactory state of the MSS . ,
    the notes added to the translation from various Muhammadan

    historians and works on the history of literature, have ren-


    dered the progress of the work unavoidably slow.
    vii

    I am deeply indebted to the Council and the Phi-

    lological Committee of the Asiatic Society of


    Bengal for placing at my disposal a full critical apparatus
    of the A'ín and entrusting me with the edition of the text, for
    which the Indian Government had most liberally sanctioned
    the sum of five thousand Rupees. My grateful acknowledg-
    ments are also due to Dr. Thomas Oldham, Superin-
    tendent of the Geological Survey of India and late President
    of the Asiatic Society, for valuable advice and ever ready
    assistance in the execution of the work ; and to Col. H.

    Yule, C. B. , and to H. Roberts Esq. , of the Doveton


    College, for useful hints and corrections.

    I have thought it advisable to issue the first volume


    with a few additional notes, and two indexes, one of persons

    and things, and the other of geographical names , without


    waiting for the completion of the whole work. I have thus
    had an opportunity of correcting some of the errors and
    inconsistencies in the spelling of names, and supplying other
    deficiencies. That defects will still be found, notwithstand-

    ing my endeavours to remove them, none of my readers and


    critics can be more sensible than I myself am.

    H. BLOCHMANN.
    Calcutta Madrasah,

    23rd September, 1873.


    CONTENTS .

    Page
    BIOGRAPHY OF ABUL FAZL BY THE TRANSLATOR.
    ABUL FAZL'S PREFACE, .... i to x

    BOOK FIRST.

    HEEL 2 2
    Ain 1.- THE HOUSEHOLD, 11
    39 2. THE IMPERIAL TREASURIES ,……
    . 12
    29 3. THE TREASURY FOR PRECIOUS STONES , 15
    4.—THE IMPERIAL MINT, 16
    " 5. THE WORKMEN OF THE MINT, ...... 18
    39 6.-BANWARI, ib.
    2 22

    " 7.- THE METHOD OF REFINING GOLD, 20

    The method of refining silver, 22


    The process ofKukrah,... 24
    The process of Bugráwal,. 25
    2 2

    " 8.-THE METHOD OF SEPARATING THE SILVER FROM THE GOLD, ... ib.

    9. THE METHOD OF EXTRACTING THE SILVER FROM THESE ASHES,.. 26


    2 253

    "1 10. -THE COINS OF THIS GLORIOUS EMPIRE, 27

    Gold coins,.. ib.


    Silver coins, 31
    Copper coins, ib.
    99 11.-THE DIRHAM AND THE DINAR,……………

    12. THE PROFIT OF THE DEALERS IN GOLD AND SILVER, 37


    "" 13.-THE ORIGIN OF METALS, 38
    37 14.-ON SPECIFIC GRAVITY, 41
    15.-THE IMPERIAL HAREM,...... 44
    " 16. THE ENCAMPMENT ON JOURNEYS,.. 45
    " 17.-THE ENCAMPMENT OF THE ARMY, 47
    » 18.-ON ILLUMINATIONS,
    Page
    50
    52
    53
    55
    ib.
    56
    59
    61
    ib.
    CERTAIN ARTICLES , 62

    ib.
    ib.
    63
    ib.
    ib.
    64
    ib.

    ib.
    65
    Hindústán,. 66
    ib.
    67
    ib.
    1100
    chat acid, ib.
    73

    11111 ib.
    es and their prices , .. 75
    smelling Flowers, 76
    ers notable for their beauty, ib.
    tion of some Perfumes, .. 77
    SES
    OS AND THE STORES FOR MATTRES , 87
    s
    wer , &c., 91
    92
    plain, 93
    94
    95

    NERE OF COLOURS, 96
    WRITING AND PAINTING ,.. ib.

    drt ofPainting,... 107


    iii

    Page
    THE ARSENAL, 109
    - ON GUNS, 112
    87.-ON MATCHLOCKS , & C. , ... 113
    + 38.-THE MANNER OF CLEANING GUNS, 115
    39.-THE RANKS OF THE GUNS , ... ib.
    19 40. -ON THE PAY OF THE MATCHLOCK BEARERS , 116
    41.-THE IMPERIAL ELEPHANT STABLES, 117
    42.-THE CLASSIFICATION OF THE IMPERIAL ELEPHANTS, 124
    99 43.-THE FOOD ALLOWED TO THE ELEPHANTS, ib.
    ,, 44.- THE SERVANTS OF THE ELEPHANT STABLES, 125

    The Faujdár, .... 126

    23 45. -THE HARNESS OF ELEPHANTS, ... ib.


    "3 46.-THE ELEPHANTS FOR HIS MAJESTY'S USE, 130
    12 47.-THE MANNER OF RIDING KHASAH ELEPHANTS , 131
    19 48. -ON FINES, ib.
    " 49.-THE IMPERIAL HORSE STABLES, ... 132
    23 50.-THE RANK OF THE HORSES , ... 134
    99 51.-THE FODDER ALLOWED IN THE IMPERIAL STABLES , . ib.
    " 52.-ON HARNESS, &C. , .... 136
    "3 53. THE OFFICERS AND SERVANTS ATTACHED TO THE IMPERIAL
    STABLES, 137
    "" 54.-THE BARGu, 139
    99 55.- REGULATIONS FOR BRANDING HORSES , ib.
    99 56.-REGULATIONS FOR KEEPING UP THE FULL COMPLEMENT OF

    HORSES, 140
    "9 57.-ON FINES, ib .
    99 58.-ON HORSES KEPT IN READINESS, 141
    19 59.-ON DONATIONS , 142
    " 60.—REGULATIONS FOR THE JILAWANAH, ib.
    61.-THE CAMEL STABLES , ... 143
    " 62.-THE FOOD OF CAMELS, 144
    » 63.—THE HARNESS OF CAMELS ,
    iv

    Page
    Ain 64.- REGULATIONS FOR OILING CAMELS, AND INJECTING OIL INTO
    THEIR NOSTRILS , .... 146

    65. - THE RANKS OF THE CAMELS AND THEIR SERVANTS,. 147

    Raibárí, ib .

    "9 66. - THE GAOKHANAH OR COW STABLES, 148

    "" 67.-THE DAILY ALLOWANCE OF FOOD, .... 149

    "1 68. THE SERVANTS EMPLOYED IN THE COW STABLES , .. 150

    "" 69.-THE MULE STABLES , ... 152

    99 70.-THE DAILY ALLOWANCE OF FOOD FOR MULES, ib .


    71.-THE FURNITURE OF MULES , ..... 153

    " 72. THE MANNER IN WHICH HIS MAJESTY SPENDS HIS TIME, .... ib.

    99 73. -REGULATIONS FOR ADMISSION TO COURT,. . . . 156

    99 74.- REGULATIONS REGARDING THE KORNISH AND THE TASLIM, .. 158

    "9 75. -ON ETIQUETTE, 159

    n 76. THE MUSTER OF MEN, 161

    " 77.- HIS MAJESTY AS THE SPIRITUAL GUIDE OF THE PEOPLE, . 162

    Ordinances ofthe Divine Faith, ... 166


    NOTES BY THE TRANSLATOR ON THE RELIGIOUS VIEWS OF THE
    EMPEROR AKBAR, 167

    " 78. -THE MUSTER OF ELEPHANTS, 213

    27 79. -THE MUSTER OF HORSES , 215

    29 80.- THE MUSTER OF CAMELS , 216


    81.- THE MUSTER OF CATTLE, ib.
    82.-THE MUSTER OF MULES , .. ib.
    83. THE PAGOSHIT REGULATION, .... 217
    84.- ON ANIMAL FIGHTS . REGULATIONS FOR BETTING, .... 218

    Deerfights ,..... ib.

    85. - ON BUILDINGS, .... 222


    12

    23 86.-THE PRICES OF BUILDING MATERIAL, &c.,, .. ib.

    "" 87.- ON THE WAGES OF LABOURERS , ..... 225

    ,, 88. - ON ESTIMATES OF HOUSE BUILDING, 226

    ,, 89. - RULES FOR ESTIMATING THE LOSS IN WOOD CHIPS, ib.

    "" 90. THE WEIGHT OF DIFFERENT KINDS OF wood, .... 227


    V

    Page
    BOOK SECOND .
    Aín 1. - THE DIVISIONS OF THE ARMY, 231
    "" 2.-ON THE ANIMALS OF THE ARMY, 233
    "" 3. THE MANSABDARS, . 236
    NOTE BY THE TRANSLATOR ON THE MANSABS , .. 238
    "9 4. THE AHADIS , ..... 249

    "" 5.-OTHER KINDS OF TROOPERS , 250


    6.— THE INFANTRY, 251

    The Bandúqchis or matchlock bearers,.. ib.


    The Darbáns or porters, 252
    The Khidmatiyahs,.. ib.
    The Mewṛahs,. ib.
    The Shamsherbáz or gladiators,.. ib.
    The Pahluwáns or wrestlers,. 253
    The Cheláhs or slaves, ib.
    The Kahárs or Pálki bearers, 254
    Dákhili troops, ib.
    7.- REGULATIONS REGARDING THE BRANDING OF ANIMALS, .... 255

    "" 8. -ON THE REPETITION OF THE MARK, 256

    "" 9. RULES ABOUT MOUNTING GUARDS ,. 257

    "" 10.-REGULATIONS REGARDING THE WAQI'AHNAWIS, 258

    " 11.- ON SANADS,. 259

    The Farmán i sabtí, 260

    " 12. THE ORDER OF THE SEALS, 263

    ‫כג‬ 13.-THE FARMAN I BAYAZI, .. 264

    " 14.-ON THE MANNER IN WHICH SALARIES ARE PAID, ib.


    35

    "" 15.-MUSA'ADAT, OR LOANS TO OFFICERS,... 265

    11 16.-ON DONATIONS, ib .

    "3 17.- ON ALMS, .... 266

    " 18. THE CEREMONY OF WEIGHING HIS MAJESTY, ib.


    "" 19.-ON SAYURGHALS, ..... 268

    NOTE BY THE TRANSLATOR ON THE ÇADRS OF AKBAR'S REIGN, 270


    " 20. — ON THE CARRIAGES , &C. , INVENTED BY HIS MAJESTY, ..... 275
    "3 21.-THE TEN SER TAX (DAHSERI), ib.
    "3 22.-ON FEASTS,. 276
    " 23.-THE KHUSHROZ OR DAY OF FANCY BAZARS , .. ib.
    vi

    1
    Page
    Aín 24. - REGULATIONS REGARDING MARRIAGES, 277
    25.- REGULATIONS REGARDING EDUCATION, 278

    29 26.-THE ADMIRALTY, 279

    22 27.-ON HUNTING, .... 282

    Tiger hunting, .... 283


    Elephant hunts, .... 284
    Leopard hunting, ... 285

    "" 28. THE FOOD ALLOWED TO LEOPARDS. THE WAGES OF THE KEEPERS , 287
    Skill exhibited by hunting leopards,. 288
    The Siyahgosh , 290
    Dogs, ib.
    Hunting Deer with Deer, 291
    Buffalo Hunts, 293
    On Hunting with Hawks,. ib.
    Allowance offood,. 294
    Prices of Hawks, ib.
    Waterfowl,. 295
    Frogs, .. 296

    97 29.-ON AMUSEMENTS , 297

    'Ishqbází (pigeon flying), 298


    The Colours of kháçah Pigeons, 301
    The game of Chaupar, 303
    The game of Chandal Mandal, 304
    Cards, 306
    "" 30. THE GRANDEES OF THE EMPIRE (with biographical notices by
    the Translator),..
    ".... 308
    Note on the title of Tarkhán, 364
    Note on the title of Açaf Khán, 368
    Note on the battle of Mughulmárí in Orísá, 375
    Note on the Sayyids of Bárha (Sádát i Bárha) , 390
    Note on the Nuqtawiyah Sect, 452
    Note on the Death of ' Usmán Lohání,. 520
    CONCLUDING NOTE BY THE TRANSLATOR ON AKBAR'S MANSABDARS , .... 528
    Aín 30 (CONTINUED) . THE LEARNED MEN OF THE TIME, 537
    THE POETS OF THE AGE, 548
    THE IMPERIAL MUSICIANS, 611
    ADDITIONAL NOTES, 615
    INDEX OF PERSONS AND THINGS,. 623
    GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX, 668
    GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF THE HOUSE OF TIMUR.
    LIST OF PLATES

    IN THE

    FIRST VOLUME

    OF THE

    ÁÍN I AKBARÍ.

    PLATES I TO III . THE WORKMEN OF THE MINT, pp. 20 to 27.

    1,2. Preparation of acids. -3 . Washing of ashes .-4, 9, 10, 12, melting and
    refining.-5. Weighing.-6, 8. Making of plates.
    7. Work of the zarráb, p. 21. - 11. Engraving.-12. The Sikkachí, p. 22.

    PLATE IV. THE IMPERIAL CAMP, (p . 47) .


    a, b, c, d, f, g, roads and bázárs. " The principal bázár is laid out into
    " the form of a wide street, running through the whole extent ofthe army,
    66
    now on the right, now on the left, of the Díwán i kháç. ” Bernier.
    1. The Imperial Harem (shabistán i iqbál) . At the right hand side is the
    Dúáshyánah Manzil ; vide p . 54, 3.
    2. Open space with a canopy (shámyánah) .
    3. Private Audience Hall (daulat-khánah i khác), p. 46 .
    4. The great camp light (ákásdiah), pp. 47, 50.
    " The aquacy-die resembles a lofty mast of a ship, but is very slender,
    " and takes down in three pieces. It is fixed towards the king's quarters ,
    66
    near the tent called Nagar-kane, and during the night a lighted lantern
    "is suspended from the top. This light is very useful, for it may be seen
    " when every object is enveloped in impenetrable darkness. To this spot
    66
    ' persons who lose their way resort, either to pass the night secure from all
    66
    danger of robbers, or to resume their search after their own lodgings.
    66
    The name Aquacy-die' may be translated ' Light of Heaven,' the lantern
    "when at a distance appearing like a star." Bernier.
    5. The Naqqárah-khánah, pp . 47, 50.
    AB, or distance from the Harem to the Camp Light, = 1530 yards ;
    AC - 360 yards ; p. 47.
    6. The house where the saddles were kept (zainkhánah).
    7. The Imperial stables (içṭabal).
    8. Tents ofthe superintendents and overseers of the stables.
    9. Tents of the clerk of the elephant stables.
    10. The Imperial Office (daftar).
    viii

    11. Tent for pálkís and carts.


    12. Artillery tent (topkhánah).
    13. Tent where the hunting leopards were kept (chítah-khánah) .
    14. The Tents of Maryam Makání (Akbar's mother) , Gulbadan Begum (Hu-
    máyún's sister, p. 615), and Prince Dányál ; p. 40.
    15. The tents of Sultán Salím (Jahángír), to the right of the Imperial Harem.
    16. The tents of Sultán Murád, to the left of the Imperial Harem ; p . 48.
    17. Store rooms and workshops (buyútát),
    18. Tent for keeping basins (áftábchí-khánah).
    19. Tent for the perfumes (khushbú -khánah).
    20. Tent for storing mattress (toshak-khánah).
    21. Tent for the tailors, & c.
    22. Wardrobe (kurkyaráq-khánah), pp. 87 , 616 .
    23. Tent for the lamps, candles, oil, &c. (chirágh-khánah).
    24. Tents for keeping fresh Ganges water (ábdár-khánah), p. 55.
    25. Tent for making sharbat and other drinks.
    26. Tent for storing pán leaves.
    27. Tent for storing fruit (mewah-khánah).
    28. Tent for the Imperial plate (rikáb-khánah).
    29. The Imperial kitchen ( maṭbakh).
    30. The Imperial bakery (nánbá-khánah).
    31. Storeroom for spices (hawej -khánah ).
    32. The Imperial guard.
    33. The Arsenal (qur-khánah).
    34. Women's apartments.
    35 to 41. Guard houses.
    Round about the whole the nobles and Mançabdárs with their contin-
    gents pitched their tents.
    " The king's private tents are surrounded by small kanats (qanáts, stand-
    " ing screens) , of the height of a man, some lined with Masulipatam chintz,
    " worked over with flowers of a hundred differents kinds, and others with
    "figured satin, decorated with deep silken fringes." Bernier. Bernier's
    description of the Imperial camp (second letter, dated Láhor, 25th Febru-
    ary, 1665) agrees in minute details with the above.

    PLATE V. CANDLESTICKS, p . 49 .
    1. Double candlestick (dúshákhah) .-2. Fancy candlestick with pigeons.-
    3. Single candlestick (yakshákhah).
    4. The Akásdiah, or Camp-light ; vide Pl. IV, No. 4.

    PLATE VI . THE EMPEROR AKBAR WORSHIPS FIRE.


    In front of Akbar twelves candles are placed, and the singer of sweet melo-
    dies sings to the praise of God, as mentioned on p. 49, 1. 10 ff.
    The faces of the emperor and the singer are left blank, in accordance with
    the Muhammadan dislike to paint likenesses of anything on, below, or above
    the earth. The emperor sits in the position called dúzánú.
    ix

    PLATE VII . THRONES .

    1, 2. Different kinds of thrones (aurang) with pillows (masnad) to lean


    against, the royal umbrella (chatr) , and the footstool (çandali) .

    PLATE VIII. THE NAQQA'RAH KHA'NAH, pp. 50, 51.

    1. Cymbals (sanj) .-2. The large drum (kuwargah or damámah ).— 3, 4, 5.


    The Karaná.- 6. The Surná.-7. The Hindí Surná .- 8 . The Nafir.- 9 . The
    Singh, or horn.- 10. The Naqqárahs.

    PLATE IX. THE ENSIGNS OF ROYALTY, p. 50.

    1. The Jhandá, or Indian flag. " The Royal standard of the great Mogul is
    a Couchant Lion shadowing part of the body of a sun." Terry.
    2. The Kaukabah.
    3. Sáibán or Aʼftábgír.
    4. The Tumantoq (from the Turkish toq, or togh, a flag, and tuman or túmán,
    a division of ten thousand).
    5. The Chatr, or (red) royal umbrella.
    t ' alam.
    6. A standard, or
    7. The Chatrtoq. As Abulfazl says that this standard is smaller than the
    preceding, it is possible that the word should be pronounced chuturtoq,
    from the Turkish chutur, or chútúr, short. The flag is adorned with
    bunches of hair (quțás) taken from the tails and the sides of the Tibetan
    Yak.

    PLATES X & XI. THE IMPERIAL TENTS.


    Plate X. The three tents on the top, commencing with the left, are
    (1) the Shámyánah ; ( 2) ▲ yakdarí Khargáh, or tent of one door ; (3 ) the
    Dúdarí, or tent of two doors ; p. 54, 8. Rolled up over the door is the chigh ;
    p. 226, Aín 88.
    Below these three tents, is the Sarápardah and Gulálbár, p. 54. At the
    foot of the plate is the Namgirah (pr. dew- catcher), with carpet and pillow
    (masnad); p. 46.
    Plate XI. On the top, the bárgáh, p. 53. Below it, on the left, is the
    Dúáshyánah Manzil, or two-storied house ; vide Pl. IV, No. 1. At the window
    of the upper story, the emperor shewed himself ; vide Index, darsan and
    jharokah. To the right of this two-storied tent, is the Chobin Ráwați (as the
    word ought to be spelt, from chobin, wooden, and ráwați, a square tent), pp. 46, 53.
    Below it, the common conical tent, tied to pegs stuck in the ground ; hence it is
    called zamíndoz, with one tent pole (yak-surughah, from the Turkish surugh, or
    surúgh, a tent pole).
    Below is a Zamíndoz with two poles (dúsurughah). At the bottom of the
    plate, to the left, is the Mandal, p, 54, 6 ; and to the right, the 'Ajúibí, 54, 5.
    X

    PLATE XII. WEAPONS ; pp. 110 to 112.


    The numbers in brackets refer to the numbers on pp. 110 to 112.
    1. The sword, shamsher ( 1) .
    2. The straight sword, k'hándah (2).
    3, 3a. The guptí ' açá (3).
    4. The broad dagger, jamdhar (4).
    5. The bent dagger, khanjar ( 5).
    6. The jamk'hák, or curved dagger (7).
    7. The bent knife, bánk (8) .
    8. The jhanbwah, or hiltless dagger (9).
    9. The katárah, a long and narrow dagger ( 10) .
    10. The narsinkmoth (narsing moth ?), a short and narrow dagger (11).
    11. The bow, kamán (12).
    12, 13. The small bow and arrow, takhsh kamán and tír (13).
    14a. Arrow.
    146. The paikánkash, or arrow-drawer ( 19) .
    15. The quiver, tarkash (16).
    16. The lance, naizah (20).
    17. The Hindústání lance, barchhah (21).
    18. The sánk, or broad-headed lance (22).
    19, 20.The sainťhí (23) and selarah (24).
    21.The shushbur, or club. This I believe to be the correct name ( instead of
    shashpar, p. 111 , No. 26), from shush, lungs, and bur, tearing.
    22. The axe, tabar.
    23. The club, gurz (25). On p. 111, No. 29, the word piyází has been translated
    by ' club,' and this seems to be the correct meaning ; but the plates in
    some MSS. call ' piyází ' a long knife with straight back, ending in a point.
    24. The pointed axe, zághnol, i. e. crow-bill (30).
    25. The chakar (wheel) and basolah (31 ).
    26. The double axe, tabar-zághnol (32).
    27. The tarangálah (33).
    28. The knife, kárd (34).

    PLATE XIII. WEAPONS (CONTINUED) .


    29. The guptí kárd, or knife concealed in a stick (35).
    30. The whip, qamchí kárd (36).
    31. The clasp knife, cháqú (37) .
    32. A bow, unstrung.
    33. The bow for clay bullets, kamț'ha, or kamán i gurohah (38).
    34. The tube, or pea-shooter, tufak i dahán (40).
    35. The pushtkhár (41).
    36. A lance called girih-kushá, i. e. knot-unraveller (43).
    37. The khár i máhi, i. e. fish-spine (44).
    38. The sling, gobhan (45).
    39. The gajbág'h, or ánkus, for guiding elephants (46) ; vide p. 129, No. 27.
    xi

    40. The shield, sipar (47).


    41. Another kind of shield, dhál (48).
    42. The plain cane shield, pahrí, or phari (50) .
    43. The helmet, dubalghah (52).
    44. The g'hug'hwah, a mail coat for head and body, in one piece (55).
    45. The helmet, with protection for the neck, zirih-kuláh (54) .
    46. The mailed coat, zirih (57) .
    47. The mailed coat, with breast-plate, bagtar (58).
    48. An armour for chest and body, joshan (59).
    49. The breast and backplates, chahár-áínah (60).

    PLATE XIV. WEAPONS AND ARMOURS (CONTINUED) .

    50. The coat with plates and helmet, koț❜hí (61).


    51. An armour of the kind called çádiqí (62).
    52. A long coat worn over the armour, angirk’hah (63) .
    53. An iron mask, chihrah-zirih i áhaní (65).
    54. A doublet worn over the armour, chihil-qad (67).
    55. The long glove, dastwánah (68).
    56. The small one is the mozah i áhaní, or iron stocking (71) ; and the large one,
    the rák (69).
    57. The kajem, or kejam, a mailed covering for the back of the horse (72).
    58,59. The artak i kajem, the quilt over which the preceding is put (73).
    60. The qashgah, or head protection for the horse (74).
    61. The kant'hah sobhá (07)
    62. The rocket , bán (77 ).

    PLATE XV. AKBAR'S MACHINE FOR CLEANING GUNS : vide p. 115, Kín 38, of
    the 1st Book.

    PLATE XVI. HARNESS FOR HORSES . Aín 52, p. 136.

    PLATE XVII. GAMES ; pp. 303 , 304.


    The upper figure shews the board for Chaupar, p. 303, and the lower figure
    is the board for the Chandal Mandal game. Both boards were made of all sizes ;
    some were made of inlaid stones on the ground in an open court yard, as in
    Fathpúr Síkrí, and slave girls were used instead of pieces. The players at
    Chandal Mandal sat on the ground, round the circumference, one player at the
    end of each of the sixteen radii.
    ERRATA .

    Page 31 , last line, for Bahrah read Bahírah.


    99 32, line 1 , for Kalánwar read Kalánúr.
    99 34, note 2, add vide p. 354.
    55, line 12, for woolen read woollen.
    99 39 line 24, for Sárún read Sorún, vide p. 615 .
    57, line 2 from below, for Bharáij read Bahráich .
    92 63, line 5 , for king read kind.
    29 line 25, for heron read crane.
    ‫وو‬ 73, line 15 , for chalk read slaked lime.
    84, last line, for Maruráj (?) read Mararáj .
    29 85, line 1, for Indrakál read Indarkol.
    29 104, note 3, for III, p. 139 read II, p. 278 .
    39 122 , line 22 ff. , vide p. 618.
    29 167, line 24, for is read are.
    174, line 4 from below, for Husain read Hasan.
    92 176, line 26, for Nabatís read Nuqtawis.
    33 180, line 16, for Puzukhotam read Purukhotam.
    29 190, line 15 , for the heretic of Jafrdán read the heretical' wizard.
    ‫ وو‬225, line 23, for bricklayers read diggers.
    226, line 6, for p'ha read p'harí.
    "" 241, line 8 from below, for duashpah read duaspah.
    29 273, line 21 , for tyranical read tyrannical.
    ‫ دو‬274, line 3, for p. 38 read p. 33 .
    33 282, line 10 from below, for p. 225 read p. 252.
    39 286, line 22, dele comma after Fathpúr.
    99 309, line 14, for Sánbbar read Sánbhar.
    39 line 15 , dele Jodh Bái , and vide Additional Notes, p. 618.
    39 310, line 23, for Dás of read Dás.
    line 33, for Nisár read unnisá.
    29 312, line 2, for Ma'ání read Ma'álí.
    "" 313, line 13, for Husain read Husain, son of Sultán Husain Mírzá.
    "" 315 , line 4, for Mukram read Mukarram.
    39 line 25, for Barhámpúr read Burhanpúr.
    318, lines 10 and 13, for ' Abdul Fath read Abulfath .
    ‫وو‬ 99 line 9 from below, for 981 read 975 ; vide Proceedings, A. S. Bengal, July,
    1873.
    99 319, line 9, for at Jágír read as jágír.
    29 322, line 11 , for ' Abdul read Abul.
    33 23 line 16, for 981 read 980.
    99 39 line 23, for Ahmadnagar read Ahmadábád.
    29 329, line 14, for 147 read 174.
    39 330, line 12 , add " General Cunningham tells me that the correct name is Bidhi
    (Sansk. Vriddhi) , not Budí." Vide Index.
    29 "" line 22, for Talbanah read Talambah.
    ‫وو‬ lines 2 and 7 from below, for Ak Mahall read Ag Mahall.
    99 331 , note 1, for cousin read uncle.
    39 333, line 4, for Bábú read Bábá.
    ‫ دو‬335, line 1, for Dost read Daulat.
    22 39 line 3, for Sarkij read Sarkich.
    338, line 9 from below, for Mecænas read Mæcenas.
    29 340, line 19, for Sing Rám read Sangram.
    ii

    Page 340, last line, dele younger son or.


    99 344, line 18, et passim, for Waijúr read Bajor.
    39 345, line 17, for Bajgorah read Pajkorah (or Panjkorah) .
    29 351, line 13, for severally read several.
    99 99 line 20, et passim, for Gulábí read Kolábí.
    357, line 7 from below, for 81 read 80.
    358, note 2, dele and the latter...Editors.
    99 367, line 17, for Chandr read Chand.
    99 371 , line 2 from below, for Uymaq Kál read the Uymáqs of Miyánkál
    (vide p. 620).
    99 379, line 20, for 330 read 333.
    "9 383 , line 10, for 223 read 144.
    99 386, line 22, for 362 read 361 .
    "" 391 , line 3 from below, for Jhajhú read Chajhú.
    99 395 , line 9 and 17, for Tang read Tisang.
    99 99 line 17, for Tas-ha read Tis-ha.
    99 29 line 18, for Sirdháolí, Kíláodah read Sandháolí, Kailáodah.
    39 99 line 27, for Bhasí read Bhainsí.
    99 400, line 26, for Bilkarí read Bilahrí.
    99 407, line 14, et passim, for Bandelah read Bundelah.
    99 414, line 18, for salamát read salámat.
    99 99 note 2, et passim, for Rahtás read Rohtás.
    99 99 ,, for Tamkín read Namakín .
    99 419, line 16 from below, for son of read son of Rájah Sojá, son of.
    99 99 note 2, add " Tod mentions a ' Kandhar' near Amber." Vide Geogr.
    Index, K handár.
    99 425, line 11 from below, for Çúbah of Agrah, read near Dihlí.
    99 427, line 5 from below, for Manqalá read the mangalá.
    ་་་

    99 437, line 15 from below, for Jamál read Jalál .


    99 440, line 11 from below, for tuqúl read tuyúl.
    441, line 11 from below,for 185 read 186 .
    448, note, line 1 , for political read poetical.
    456, note 1, add vide p . 621.
    99 472, note, last line, for Wálí read Wálá.
    99 475, line 5 from below, for 5th read 7th.
    99 478, line 8, for 5th read 6th.
    99 498, note 1, for Bírí read Bairí.
    99 501, line 6 from below, for 396 read 392.
    99 508, line 13 from below, for Waçlí read Hijrí ; vide p . 622.
    99 514, line 17, for Kingú read Kingrí.
    99 539, line 23, for Kapúr read Kipúr.
    99 546, line 6 from below, for Maláná read Mauláná.
    99 567, note, last line, for Sháh read Khán.
    BIOGRAPHY

    OF

    SHAIKH ABULFAZL I ' ALLÁMÍ .

    SHAIKH ABUL FAZL, Akbar's minister and friend , was born at


    Agrah on the 6th Muharram, 958 , * during the reign of Islám Sháh .
    The family to which he belonged traced its descent from Shaikh
    Músá, Abul Fazl's fifth ancestor, who lived in the 9th century of the
    Hijrah in Siwistán (Sindh) , at a place called Rel ( ) . In " this
    pleasant village ," Shaikh Músá's children and grandchildren re-
    mained till the beginning of the 10th century, when Shaikh Khizr,
    the then head of the family, following the yearnings of a heart imbued
    with mystic lore . emigrated to Hindústán. There he travelled about
    visiting those who, attracted by God, are known to the world for not
    knowing it ; and after passing a short time in Hijáz with the Arabian
    tribe, to which the family had originally belonged, he returned to India,
    and settled at Nágor, N. W. of Ajmír, where he lived in the company of
    the pious, enjoying the friendship of Mír Sayyid Yahya of Bukhárá.
    The title of Shaikh, which all the members of the family bore, was
    to keep up among them the remembrance of the home of the ancestors.
    Not long afterwards, in 911 , Shaikh Mubárak , Abul Fazl's father ,
    was born. Mubárak was not Shaikh Khizr's eldest child : several
    children had been born before and had died , and Khizr rejoicing
    at the birth of another son , called him Mubárak, i. e. , the blessed, in
    allusion, no doubt, to the hope which Islám holds out to the believers ,
    that children gone before bless those born after them, and pray to God
    for the continuance of their earthly life.
    Shaikh Mubárak, at the early age of four , gave abundant proofs of
    intellectual strength, and fashioned his character and leanings in the
    company of one Shaikh ' Aṭan ( b ) , who was of Turkish extraction and

    * 14th January, 1551 .


    1
    ii

    had come during the reign of Sikandar Lodí to Nágor, where he lived
    in the service of Shaikh Sálár, and died, it is said, at the advanced age
    of one hundred and twenty years. Shaikh Khizr had now resolved
    permanently to settle at Nágor, and with the view of bringing a few
    relations to his adopted home, he returned once more to Siwistán . His
    sudden death during the journey left the family at Náror in great dis-
    tress ; and a famine which broke out at the same time , stretchel num-
    bers of the inhabitants on the barren sands of the surrounding desert,
    and of all the members of the family at Nágor only Mubárak and his
    mother survived .
    Mubarak grew up progessing in knowledge and laying the founda-
    tion of those encyclopedial attainments , for which he afterwards became
    so famous. He soon felt the wish and the necessity to complete his
    education and visit the great teachers of other parts ; but love to his
    mother kept him in his native town , where he continued his studies ,
    guided by the teachings of the great saint Khwajah Ahrár,* to which
    his attention had been directed . However , when his mother died,
    and when about the same time the Máldeo disturbances broke out, Mu-
    bárak carried out his wish, and went to Ahmadábád in Gujarát ,
    either attracted by the fame of the town itself, or by that of the shrine
    of his countryman Ahmad of Khattú. † In Ahmadábád , he found a
    second father in the learned Shaikh Abul Fazl , a khațíb, or preacher , from
    Kázarún in Persia, and made the acquaintance of several men of reputa-
    tion , as Shaikh ' Umar of Tattah and Shaikh Yusuf. After a stay of
    several years, he returned to Hindústán, and settled , on the 6th Muhar-
    ram , 950 , on the left bank of the Jamuná , opposite Agrah, near the
    Chárbágh Villa, ‡ which Bábar had built , and in the neighbourhood of
    the saintly Mír Rafi'uddín Safawí of Injú (Shíráz), among whose dis-
    ciples Mubarak took a distinguished place. It was here that Mubárak's
    two eldest sons , Shaikh Abul Faiz, § and four years later, Shaikh Abul-
    Fazl, were born. Mubárak had now reached the age of fifty, and resolv-
    ed to remain at Agrah, the capital of the empire ; nor did the years
    of extraordinary drought which preceded the first year of Akbar's reign,

    * Died at Samarqand , 29th Rabí' I, 895, or 20th February, 1490.


    + Vide p. 507, note. Ahmad of Khaṭṭú is buried at Sark'hich near Ahmadábád.
    He died in 849 ( Å . D. 1445) .
    Later called Hasht Bihisht, or the Núrafshán Gardens . It is now called the
    Rám Bágh.
    § Born A.H. 954, or A.D. 1547. Vide p. 490 .
    iii

    and the dreadful plague, which in 963 broke out in Agrah and caused a
    great dispersion among the population, incline him to settle elsewhere .
    The universality of learning which distinguished Mubarak attracted
    a large number of disciples, and displayed itself in the education he
    gave his sons ; and the filial piety with which Abul Fazl in numerous
    passages of his works speaks of his father, and the testimony of hostile
    writers as Badáoní, leave no doubt that it was Mubárak's comprehensive-
    ness that laid in Abul Faiz and Abul Fazl the foundation of those
    cosmopolitan and, to a certain extent, anti- Islamitic views, for which
    both brothers have been branded by Muhammadan writers as atheists,
    or as Hindús, or as sunworshippers, and as the chief causes of Akbar's
    apostacy from Islám.
    A few years before 963 A. H. , during the Afghán rule , Shaikh
    Mubárak had , to his worldly disadvantage, attached himself to a reli-
    gious movement, which had first commenced about the year 900 , and
    which continued under various phases during the whole of the tenth
    century. The movement was suggested by the approach of the first
    millennium of Islám. According to an often quoted prophecy, the latter
    days of Islam are to be marked by a general decadence in political
    power and in morals, which on reaching its climax is to be followed by
    the appearance of Imám Mahdí, the Lord of the period ' , who will re-
    store the sinking faith to its pristine freshness. Christ also is to appear ;
    and after all men, through his instrumentality, have been led to Islám,
    the day of judgment will commence. Regarding this promised per-
    sonage, the Rauzat ul- Aimmah, a Persian work on the lives of the
    twelve Imáms, † has the following passage—

    Muslim, Abú Dáúd, Nisáí, Baihaqí , and other collectors of the tradi-
    tional sayings of the Prophet, state that the Prophet once said, " Muhammad
    Mahdi shall be of my family and of the descendants of Fátimah [the Pro-
    phet's daughter and wife of ' Alí ] ." And Ahmad , Abú Dáúd, Tirmizí, and
    Ibn Majah state that the Prophet at some other time said, " When of
    time one day shall be left, God shall raise up a man from among my
    descendants, who shall fill the world with justice, just as before him the
    world was full of oppression ;" and again, " The world shall not come to

    Çahib i zamán. He is the 12th Imám. The first eleven succeeded the Prophet.
    ' Mahdi (which in India is wrongly pronounced Mehndi , myrtle' ) means ' guided' ;
    Hádí means • a guide'.
    By Sayyid ' Izzat 'Ali, son of Sayyid Pír Ali of Rasúlpúr. Lithographed at
    Lak'hnau, 1271 , A. H., 144 pp., royal 8vo.
    iv

    an end till the King of the earth shall appear, who is a man of my family,
    and whose name is the same as mine." Further, Ahmad and other collec-
    tors assert that the Prophet once said, " Muhammad Mahdí belongs to my
    family, eight and nine years." Accordingly, people believe in the coming
    of Mahdi. But there is also a party in Islám who say that Imám Mahdí
    has already come into the world and exists at present : his patronymic is Abul
    Qasim, and his epithets are " the elect, the stablisher, Mahdi, the expected,
    the Lord of the age. " In the opinion of this party, he was born at Surra-
    man-raá [near Baghdad ] on the 23rd Ramazán , 258 , and in 265 he came to
    his Sardábah [ prop. ' a cool place, ' ' a summer villa' ] , and disappeared whilst
    in his residence. In the book entitled ' Shawáhid' it is said that when he
    "
    was born, he had on his right arm the words written, Say, the truth has
    come and error has vanished , surely error is vanishing' [ Qorán , xvii, 83 ] . It
    is also related that when he was born into the world, he came on his knees ,
    pointed with his fingers to heaven , sneezed, and said, " Praise be to God,
    the Lord of the world ." Some one also has left an account of a visit to
    Imám Hasan ' Askari [ the eleventh Imám] , whom he asked, " O son of the
    Prophet, who will be Khalifah and Imám after thee ?" ' Askari thereupon
    went into his room , and after some time came back with a child on his shoul-
    ders, that had a face like the full moon and might have been three years
    old, and said to the man, " If thou hadst not found favour in the eyes of God,
    He would not have shewn you this child : his name is that of the Prophet,
    and so is his patronymic." The sect who believe Mahdí to be alive at
    present, say that he rules over cities in the far west, and he is even said to
    have children. God alone knows the truth !

    The alleged prophecies of the Founder regarding the advent of the


    Restorer of the Faith, assumed a peculiar importance when Islám
    entered on the century preceding the first millennium , and the learned
    everywhere agitated the question till at last the Mahdí movement
    assumed in India* a definite form through the teaching of Mír Sayyid
    Muhammad, son of Mír Sayyid Khán , of Jaunpúr. This man was a

    * Badáoní, in his ' Najáturrashíd ,' gives a few particulars regarding the same
    movement in Badakhshan, from where the idea seems to have spread over Persia and In-
    dia. In Badakhshan, it was commenced by Sayyid Muhammad Núrbakhsh, a pupil
    of Abú Is-háq Khatlání, who gained numerous adherents and created such disturbances ,
    that troops were sent against him. He was defeated and fled to ' Iraq, in the moun-
    tainous districts of which country he is said to have gained thirty thousand followers .
    He had often to fight with the governors, but defied them all. Badάoní has preserved
    a copy of the proclamation which Núrbakhsh sent unto all the saints. One of his
    disciples was Shaikh Muhammad Láhijí, the commentator of the ' Gulshan i Ráz.'
    V

    descendant of the Prophet, and bore his name ; the fall of Jaunpúr
    was to him a sign that the latter days had come ; extraordinary events
    which looked like miracles, marked his career ; and a voice from heaven
    had whispered to him the words, " Anta Mahdí, " thou art Mahdí.'
    Some people indeed say that Mír Sayyid Muhammad did not mean to
    declare that he was the promised Mahdí ; but there is no doubt that he
    insisted on his mission as the Lord of the Age. He gained many ad-
    herents, chiefly through his great oratorical powers, but pressed by
    enemies he went to Gujarát, where he found an adherent in Sulțán
    Mahmud I. From Gujarát he proceeded, at the request of the king and to
    the joy of numerous enemies, on a pilgrimage to Makkah. From there
    also he seems to have been driven away. On his return, it was revealed
    to him that his teaching was vexatious, and he said to the disciples
    that accompanied him, " God has removed from my heart the burden of
    Mahdí. If I safely return, I shall recant all." But when he reached
    the town of Faráh in Balochistán , where his arrival had created a great
    sensation, he died (911 , A. H.; 1505 , A. D. ) . His tomb became a
    place of general pilgrimage, although Shah Ismá'íl and Shah Tahmásp
    tried to destroy it. The movement, however, continued . Some of his
    followers adhered to their belief that he was Mahdí ; and even the
    histo . ian Badaoni, who was strongly attached to the cause , speaks of
    him as of a great saint.
    Other Mahdís appeared in various parts of India. In 956 ( A. D.,
    1549 ) , a Mahidí of great pretensions arose in Biánah, S.W. of Agrah ,
    in the person of Shaikh ' Aláí. This man was a Bangálí Musalmán. J
    His father had been looked upon in his country as a learned saint, and
    after visiting Makkah , he had settled , in 935 , with his younger brother
    Naçiullah , likewise a learned man , at Biánah, where they soon became
    respected and influential men. Shaikh 'Aláí had shewn from his youth
    the learning of the lawyer and the rigour of the saint ; and on the death
    of his father, he gathered numerous pupils around himself. But the
    love of power issues at last from the heads of the just,' and on the day
    of the Id, he kicked an influential Shaikh from his haudah, and ,
    supported by his brothers and elder relatives , he proclaimed that he
    alone was worthy of being the Shaikh of the town.
    About the same time, one Miyán ' Abdullah , a Niyází Afghán and
    disciple of Mír Sayyid Muhammad of Jaunpúr, arrived from Makkah ,
    and settled at a retired spot near Biánah . Like his master , he was a
    man of oratorical powers and was given to street preaching ; and in a
    vi

    short time he gained numerous followers among the woodcutters and


    water- carriers. Shaikh ' Aláí also was overawed by the impressive
    addresses of Miyán ' Abdullah ; he gave up teaching and struggling for
    local influence, turned faqír, told his wife either to follow him to the
    wilderness or to go, distributed his whole property, even his books,
    among the poor adherents of the Niyází, and joined the fraternity
    which they had formed. The brethren had established among them-
    selves community of property, divided the earnings obtained by
    begging, and gave up all work, because it was said in the Qorán ,
    ' Let not men be allured by trade or selling to give up meditating on
    God.' Religious meetings, the object of which was to prepare people
    for the advent of the promised Mahdí, were daily held after the five
    prayers, which the brethren said together, and wherever they went they
    appeared armed to the teeth. They soon felt strong enough to interfere
    with municipal matters , and inspected the bázárs and removed by force all
    articles forbidden in the law, defying the magistrates , if opposed to them ,
    or assisting them , if of their opinion . Their ranks increased daily, and
    matters in Biánah had come to such a pass, that fathers separated them-
    selves from their children and husbands from their wives. Shaikh
    'Aláí's former position and the thoroughness of his conversion had given
    him the rank of second leader ; in fact, he soon outdid Miyan ' Abdullah
    in earnestness and successful conversions, and the latter at last tried
    to rid himself of his rival by sending him with six or seven hundred
    armed men towards Makkah. ' Aláí marched with his band over Basá-
    war to Khawácpúr, converting and preaching on the way, but on account
    of some obstacles they all returned to Biánah.
    Shaikh ' Aláí's fame at last reached the ear of Islám Sháh , who
    summoned him to Agrah ; and although the king was resolved to put
    him to death as a dangerous demagogue, and was even offended at the
    rude way in which ' Aláí behaved in his presence, he was so charmed
    by an impromptu address which ' Aláí delivered on the vanities of the
    world and the pharisaism of the learned , that he sent cooked provisions
    to 'Aláí's men , To the amusement, of the Afghán nobles and generals at
    court. ' Aláí on another occasion defeated the learned on questions
    connected with the advent of Mahdí, and Islám Shah was day after day
    informed that another of his nobles had gone to 'Aláí's meetings and
    had joined the new sect.
    It was at this time that Shaikh Mubárak also became a disciple,'
    and professed Mahdawí ideas. It is not clear whether he joined the sect
    vii

    from religious or from political motives, inasmuch as one of the objects


    of the brethren was to break up the party of the learned at Court, at whose
    head Makhdúm ul Mulk stood ; but whatever may have been his reason ,the
    result was, that Makhdúm became his inveterate enemy, deprived him
    of grants of land , made him flee for his life , and persecuted him for more
    than twenty years, till Mubárak's sons turned the tables on him and
    procured his banishment. *
    The learned at Court, however, were not to be baffled by ' Aláí's
    success, and Makhdúm's influence was so great, that he at last prevailed
    on the king to banish the Shaikh . ' Aláí and his followers readily obeyed
    the command, and set out for the Dak'hin . Whilst at Handiah on the
    Narbadá, the frontier of Islám Shah's empire , they succeeded in convert-
    ing Bahár Khán A'zam Humáyún and half his army, and the king
    on hearing of this last success cancelled his orders and recalled Shaikh
    'Aláí.

    * ' Makhdúm ul - Mulk' was the title of 'Abdullah of Sultánpúr, regarding whom
    the reader may consult the index for references. The following biographical notice
    from the Khazínatul Açfiá (Láhor, pp. 443, 464) shews the opinion of good Sunn ís
    regarding Makhdúm.
    ' Máuláná ' Abdullah Ançárí of Sultánpúr belongs to the most distinguished
    learned men and saints of India. He was a Chishtí in his religious opinions. From
    the time of Sher Shah till the reign of Akbar, he had the title of Makhdúm- ul- Mulk'
    (prop. served by the empire) . He was learned in the law and austere in practice.
    He zealously persecuted heretics . When Akbar commenced his religious innovations
    and converted people to his ' Divine Faith ' and sunworship, ordering them to substitute
    for the creed the words ' There is no God but Allah, and Akbar is the viceregent
    of God ,' Mauláná ' Abdullah opposed the emperor. Driven at last from Court, he
    retired to a mosque ; but Akbar said that the mosque belonged to his realm , and he
    should go to another country. Makhdúm therefore went to Makkah. On his
    return to India, Akbar had him poisoned . He has written several works, as the
    ¿
    ‚) , Kashf ul-ghummah ; they , ' Iffat ul- Anbiyá, the
    Minhaj uddin, &c. He was poisoned in A. H. 1006 .
    ' His son Hájí ' Abdul Karim went after the death of his father to Láhor, where
    he became a religious guide. He died in 1045, and lies buried at Láhor, near
    the Zib-unnisá Villa, at Mauza' Kot. His sons were Shaikh Yahya , Iláh Núr, ' Abdul
    Haq and A'lá Huzúr. Shaikh Yahya , like his father, wrought miracles.'
    In this account the date is wrong ; for Makhdúm ul -Mulk died in 990, and as
    Badáoní, Makhdum's supporter, says nothing of poison (Bad . II., 311 ) , the statement
    ofthe Khazínat ul Açfiá may be rejected . Badáoní also says that Makhdúm's sons
    were worthless men.
    The titles of Makhdúm ul-Mulk's works are not correctly given either ; vide
    p. 544.
    viii

    About the same time (955 ) , Islám Sháh left Agrah, in order to put
    down disturbances in the Panjáb caused by certain Niyází Afgháns ,
    and when he arrived in the neighbourhood of Biánah, Makhdúm ul- Mulk
    drew the king's attention to Miyán ' Abdullah Niyází, who after Shaikh
    ' Aláí's departure for the Dak'hin roamed about in the hills of the Biánah
    district with three or four hundred armed men, and was known to poss-
    ess great influence over men of his own clan, and consequently over the
    Niyází rebels in the Panjáb. Islám Sháh ordered the governor of Biá-
    nah, who had become a Mahdawí, to bring Miyán ' Abdullah to him.
    The governor advised his religious leader to conceal himself ; but
    Miyán 'Abdullah boldly appeared before the king, and so displeased
    him by his neglect of etiquette , that Islám Shah gave orders to beat
    him to death . The king watched on horseback for an hour the exe-
    cution of the punishment, and only left when Miyán ' Abdullah lay ap-
    parently lifeless on the ground. But he was with much care brought
    back to life. He concealed himself for a long time, renounced all Mah-
    dawí principles, and got as late as 993 [ A D. , 1585 ] from Akbar
    a freehold, because he, too, had been one of Makhdám ul- Mulk's
    victims. He died more than ninety years old , in 1000 , at Sarhind. *
    Islám Shah after quelling the Niyází disturbances, returned
    to Agrah, but almost immediately afterwards his presence was again
    required in the Panjab, and it was there that Shaikh ' Aláí joined
    the royal camp. When Islám Shah saw the Shaikh, he said to him in
    a low voice, " Whisper into my ear that you recant, and I will not
    trouble you." But Shaikh ' Aláí would not do so, and Islám Shah , to
    keep up the appearance of authority, ordered a menial to give him by
    way of punishment a few cuts with the whip in his presence. Shaikh
    'Aláí had then scarcely recovered from an attack of the plague, which for
    several years had been raging in India , and had a few badly healed wounds
    on his neck. Whilst he got the cuts, one of the wounds broke open, and
    'Aláí fainted and died. His body was now thrown under the feet of an
    elephant, and orders were given that no one should bury him, when
    all at once, to the terror of the whole camp and the king who believed

    * Badáoní visited him in Sarhind, and it was from 'Abdullah that he heard of Mír
    Sayyid Muhammad's repentance before death. Among other things, ' Abdullah also told
    him that after the Mír's death in Faráh, a well-known man of that town seized on
    lands belonging to Balochis and proclaimed himself Christ ; and he added that he
    had known no less than thirteen men of respectable parentage, who had likewise claimed
    to be Christ.
    ix

    that the last day had dawned , a most destructive cyclone broke forth.
    When the storm abated , ' Aláí's body was found literally buried among
    roses and other flowers, and an order was now forthcoming to have the
    corpse interred . This happened in 957 [ A. D. , 1550] . People prophesied
    the quick end of Islám Sháh and the downfal of his house."
    Makhdúm ul-Mulk was never popular after that.
    The features common to all Mahdawí movements, are (1 ) that the
    preachers of the latter days were men of education and of great oratorical
    powers, which gave them full sway over the multitudes ; and (2) that
    the Mahdawís assumed a hostile position to the learned men who held
    office at Court. Islám has no state clergy ; but we find a counterpart
    to our hierarchical bodies in the ' Ulamás about Court, from whom the
    Sadrs of the provinces , the Mír ' Adls , Muftís , and Qázís were appointed.
    At Dihlí and Agrah, the body of the learned had always consisted of
    stanch Sunnís, who believed it their duty to keep the kings straight.
    How great their influence was, may be seen from the fact that of all Mu-
    hammadan emperors only Akbar, and perhaps ' Aláuddín Khiljí, suc-
    ceeded in putting down this haughty set.
    The death of Shaikh ' Aláí was a great triumph for the Court ' Ula-
    más, and a vigorous persecution of all Mahdawí disciples was the imme-
    diate result. The persecutions lasted far into Akbar's reign. They
    abated only for a short time when the return of Humáyún and the
    downfal of the Afghán power brought about a violent political crisis,
    during which the learned first thought of their own safety, well
    knowing that Humáyún was strongly in favour of Shi'ism ; but when
    Akbar was firmly established , and the court at Agrah, after the fall of
    Bairam Khán, who was a Shi'ah, again teemed with Hindústání Sun-
    nís, the persecutions commenced . The hatred of the court party
    against Shaikh Mubárak especially rose to such a height, that Shaikh
    'Abdunnabí and Makhdúm ul-Mulk represented to the emperor that
    inasmuch as Mubárak also belonged to the Mahdawís and was, therefore,
    not only himself damned , but led also others into damnation , he deserved
    to be killed. They even obtained an order to bring him before the

    The circumstances connected with ' Aláí's death resemble the end of Sídí Múlah
    during the reign of Jalál-uddín Fírúz Sháh.
    The place in the Panjáb, where the scene took place, is called Ban. (Bad. I., 408. )
    The fact that Badáoní spent his youth at Basáwar near Biánah, i.e., in the very
    centre of the Mahdawi movement, accounts perhaps for his adherence, throughout his
    life, to Mahdawí principles.
    2
    Χ

    emperor. Mubarak wisely fled from Agrah , only leaving behind him
    some furniture for his enemies to reek their revenge on. Concealing
    himself for a time, he applied to Shaikh Salím Chishtí of Fathpúr Síkrí
    for intercession ; but being advised by him to withdraw to Gujarát, he
    implored the good offices of Akbar's foster-brother, the generous Khán i
    A'zam Mírzá Kokah, who succeeded in allaying all doubts in the mind of
    the emperor by dwelling on the poverty of the Shaikh and on the fact
    that, different from his covetous accusers, he had not cost the state any-
    thing by way of freeholds, and thus obtained at least security for him
    and his family. Mubárak some time afterwards applied indeed for a
    grant of land for his son Abul Faiz , who had already acquired literary
    fame, though he was only twenty years old , and waited personally
    with his son on Shaikh ' Abdunnabí. But the latter, in his theological
    pride, turned them out his office as men suspected of Mahdawí leanings
    and Shi'ah tendencies . Even in the 12th year of Akbar's reign, when
    Faizí's poems* had been noticed at court, -Akbar then lay before Chítor-
    and a summons had been sent to the young poet to present himself before
    his sovereign, the enemies at Agrah saw in the invitation a sign of ap-
    proaching doom, and prevailed on the governor to secure the victim this
    time. The governor thereupon sent a detachment of Mughul soldiers
    to surround Mubárak's house. Faizí was accidentally away from home,
    and the soldiers suspecting a conspiracy, subjected Mubárak to various
    sorts of ill-treatment ; and when Faizí at last came, he was carried off
    by force to Chítor. † Nor did his fears for his father and his own life
    vanish, till his favourable reception at court convinced him both of
    Abkar's good will and the blindness of his personal enemies .
    Abul Fazl had in the meantime grown up zealously studying under
    the care of his father. The persecutions which Shaikh Mubárak had to
    suffer for his Mahdawí leanings at the hands of the learned at Court,
    did not fail to make a lasting impression on his young mind. There
    is no doubt that it was in this school of misfortune that Abul Fazl learned
    the lesson of toleration , the practice of which in later years formed the
    basis of Akbar's friendship for him ; while , on the other hand, the same
    pressure of circumstances stimulated him to unusual exertions in study-
    ing , which subsequently enabled him during the religious discussions
    at Court to lead the opposition and overthrow by superior learning and

    * Abul Faiz wrote under the nom-de-plume of Faizí.


    † 20th Rabí' I, 975, or 24th September, 1567. The ode which Faizí presented
    will be found in the Akbarnámah.
    xi

    broader sentiments the clique of the ' Ulamás , whom Akbar hated so
    much.
    At the age of fifteen, he showed the mental precocity so often obser-
    ved in Indian boys ; he had read works on all branches of those sciences
    which go by the name of hikami and naql , or ma'qul and manqúl.*
    Following the footsteps of his father, he commenced to teach long before
    he had reached the age of twenty. An incident is related to shew how
    extensive even at that time his reading was. A manuscript of the rare
    work of Içfahání happened to fall into his hands. Unfortunately, how-
    ever, one half of each page, vertically downwards from top to bottom,
    was rendered illegible , or was altogether destroyed , by fire. Abul Fazl ,
    determined to restore so rare a book, cut away the burnt portions, pasted
    new paper to each page, and then commenced to restore the missing
    halves of each line, in which attempt after repeated thoughtful perusals
    he succeeded. Some time afterwards, a complete copy of the same work
    turned up, and on comparison it was found that in many places there
    were indeed different words, and in a few passages new proofs even had
    been adduced ; but on the whole the restored portion presented so many
    points of extraordinary coincidence , that his friends were not a little
    astonished at the thoroughness with which Abul Fazl had worked himself
    into the style and mode of thinking of a difficult author.
    Abul Fazl was so completely taken up with study that he pre-
    ferred the life of a recluse to the unstable patronage of the great and
    to the bondage which attendance at court in those days rendered inevita-
    ble. But from the time Faizí had been asked by Akbar to attend the
    court, hopes of a brighter future dawned, and Abul Fazl, who had
    then completed his seventeenth year, saw in the encouragement held
    out by the emperor, in spite of Mubárak's numerous enemies at court, a
    guarantee that patient toil, on his part, too, would not remain without
    fruit. The skill with which Faizí in the meantime acquired and retained
    Akbar's friendship, prepared the way for Abul Fazl ; and when the latter,
    in the very end of 981 (beginning of 1574 , A. D. ) , was presented to
    Akbar as Faizí's brother, the reception was so favorable that he gave up
    all thoughts of leading a life among manuscripts. " As fortune did not
    at first assist me," says Abul Fazl in the Akbarnámah, “ I almost
    became selfish and conceited, and resolved to tread the path of
    proud retirement. The number of pupils that I had gathered around

    * Page 540, note.


    xii

    me, served but to increase my pedantry. In fact , the pride of learning


    had made my brain drunk with the idea of seclusion . Happily for
    myself, when I passed the nights in lonely spots with true seekers after
    truth, and enjoyed the society of such as are empty- handed , but rich in
    mind and heart, my eyes were opened and I saw the selfishness and
    covetousness of the so-called learned . The advice of my father with
    difficulty kept me back from outbreaks of folly ; my mind had no
    rest, and my heart felt itself drawn to the sages of Mongolia or to the
    hermits on Lebanon ; I longed for interviews with the lamas of Tibet
    • or with the pádrís of Portugal, and I would gladly sit with the

    priests of the Pársís and the learned of the Zendavesta . I was sick of the
    learned of my own land. My brother and other relatives then advised
    me to attend the Court, hoping that I would find in the emperor a leader
    to the sublime world of thought. In vain did I at first resist their ad-
    monitions. Happy, indeed , am I now that I have found in my sovereign
    a guide to the world of action and a comforter in lonely retirement ; in
    him meet my longing after faith and my desire to do my appointed
    work in the world ; he is the orient where the light of form and ideal
    dawns ; and it is he who has taught me that the work of the world ,
    multifarious as it is, may yet harmonize with the spiritual unity of truth .
    I was thus presented at Court. As I had no worldly treasures to lay
    at the feet of his Majesty, I wrote a commentary to the Ayat ul-Kursi,*
    and presented it when the emperor was at Agrah. I was favourably
    received, and his Majesty graciously accepted my offering."
    Akbar was at that time busily engaged with his preparations for
    the conquest of Bihar and Bengal. Faizí accompanied the expedition ;
    but Abul Fazl naturally stayed in Agrah. But as Faizí wrote to his
    brother that Akbar had enquired after him, Abul Fazl attended
    Court immediately on the emperor's return to Fathpúr Síkrí, where
    Akbar happened to notice him first in the Jámi' Mosque. Abul Fazl,
    as before, presented a commentary written by him on the opening
    6
    of a chapter in the Qorán, entitled ' Súrat ul Fath,' the Chapter of
    Victory.'t
    The party of the learned and bigoted Sunnís at Court, headed by
    Makhdúm ul-Mulk and Shaikh ' Abdunnabí, had every cause to feel sorry

    * Name of the 256th verse ofthe second chapter of the Qorán.


    The details of Abul Fazl's introduction at Court given in Badáoní differ slightly
    from Abul Fazl's own account.
    xiii

    at Faizí's and Abul Fazl's successes ; for it was now, after Akbar's
    return from Bihár, that the memorable Thursday evening discussions
    commenced , of which the historian Badáoní has left us so vivid an account.
    Akbar at first was merely annoyed at the " Pharaoh -like pride" of the
    learned at court ; stories of the endless squabbles of these pious casuits
    had reached his ear ; religious persecutions and a few sentences of death
    passed by his Chief-Justice on Shi'ahs and " others heretics " affected him
    most deeply ; and he now for the first time realized the idea that the
    scribes and the pharisees formed a power of their own in his kingdom ,
    at the construction of which he had for twenty years been working.
    Impressed with a favourable idea of the value of his Hindú subjects, he
    had resolved when pensively sitting in the mornings on the solitary
    stone at Fathpúr Síkrí, to rule with even hand men of all creeds in his
    dominions ; but as the extreme views of the learned and the lawyers
    continually urged him to persecute instead of to heal , he instituted the
    discussions, because, believing himself to be in error, he thought it his
    duty as ruler to ' enquire. ' It is not necessary to repeat here the course
    which these discussions took . † The unity that had existed among the
    learned disappeared in the very beginning ; abuse took the place of argu-
    ment, and the plainest rules of etiquette were, even in the presence of the
    emperor, forgotten. Akbar's doubts instead of being cleared up only
    increased ; certain points of the Hanafi law, to which most Sunnís
    cling, were found to be better established by the dicta of lawyers be-
    longing to the other three sects ; and the moral character of the Prophet
    was next scrutinized and was found wanting. Makhdúm ul- Mulk wrote a
    spiteful pamphlet against Shaikh ' Abdunnabí, the Sadr of the empire, and
    the latter retorted by calling Makhdúm a fool and cursing him. Abul
    Fazl, upon whom Akbar from the beginning had fixed as the leader of his
    party, fanned the quarrels by skilfully shifting the disputes from one
    point to another, and at last persuaded the emperor that a subject ought
    to look upon the king not only as the temporal, but also as the only
    spiritual guide. The promulgation of this new doctrine was the making
    of Abul Fazl's fortune . Both he and Akbar held to it to the end of
    their lives. But the new idea was in opposition to Islám, the law of
    which stands above every king, rendering what we call a constitution

    * Badáoní ascribes to Makhdúm ul-Mulk an almost prophetic insight into Abul


    Fazl's character ; for the first time he saw Abul Fazl, he said to his disciples,
    " What religious mischief is there of which that man is not capable ?" Bad. III, 72.
    † Vide pp. 170 ff.
    xiv

    impossible ; and though headstrong kings as ' Aláuddín Khiljí had before
    tried to raise the law of expediency ( ,, maçlahat i waqt) above
    the law of the Qorán, they never fairly succeeded in separating religion
    from law or in rendering the administration of the empire independent
    of the Mullá. Hence when Abul Fazl four years later, in 986 , brought

    up the question at the Thursday evening meetings, he raised a perfect


    storm ; and while the disputations, bitter as they were, had hitherto
    dwelt on single points connected with the life of the Prophet, or with
    sectarian differences, they henceforth turned on the very principles of
    Islám . It was only now that the Sunnís at Court saw how wide during
    the last four years the breach had become ; that " the strong embank-
    ment of the clearest law and the most excellent faith had been broken
    through" ; and that Akbar believed that there were sensible men in all
    religions, and abstemious thinkers and men endowed with miraculous
    power among all nations. Islám, therefore, possessed in his opinion no
    superiority over other forms of worship. * The learned party seeing
    their official position endangered , now shewed signs of readiness to yield ,
    but it was too late . They even signed the remarkable document which
    Shaikh Mubárak in conjunction with his sons had drafted, a document
    which I believe stands unique in the whole Church History of Islám .
    Badáoní has happily preserved a complete copy of it . The emperor
    was certified to be a just ruler , and was as such assigned the rank
    of a ' Mujtahid' , i . e. an infallible authority in all matters relating to
    6
    Islám . The intellect of the just king' thus became the only source of
    legislation , and the whole body of the learned and the lawyers bound
    themselves to abide by Akbar's decrees in religious matters. Shaikh
    'Abdunnabí and Makhdúm ul-Mulk signed indeed the document against
    their will, but sign they did ; whilst Shaikh Mubárak added to his signa-
    ture the words that he had most willingly subscribed his name, and
    that for several years he had been anxiously looking forward to the reali-
    zation of the progressive movement. " The document," says Abul Fazl
    in the Akbarnámah, " brought about excellent results,- ( 1) The Court
    became a gathering place of the sages and learned of all creeds ; the good
    doctrines of all religious systems were recognized , and their defects were
    not allowed to obscure their good features ; ( 2) perfect toleration (çulh-i-
    6
    kul, or peace with all') was established ; and (3 ) the perverse and evil-
    minded were covered with shame on seeing the disinterested motives of

    * Pages 178, 179. † Vide p. 186.


    XV

    his Majesty, and thus stood in the pillory of disgrace. " The copy of the
    draft which was handed to the emperor, was in Shaikh Mubarak's own
    handwriting, and was dated Rajab, 987 ( September , 1579) .
    A few weeks afterwards, Shaikh ' Abdunnabí and Makhdúm ul-Mulk
    were sent to Makkah , and Shaikh Mubárak and his two sons triumphed
    over their enemies. How magnanimous Abul Fazl was, may be seen
    from the manner in which he chronicles in the Akbarnámah the banish-
    ment of these men. Not a sentence, not a word, is added indicative of
    his personal grievances against either of them, though they had persecuted
    and all but killed his father and ruined his family ; the narrative proceeds
    as calm and statesmanlike as in every other part of his great work, and
    justifies the high praise which historians have bestowed upon his
    character that " neither abuse nor harsh words were ever found in his
    household. "
    The disputations had now come to an end (A. D. 1579 ) , and Faizí
    and Abul Fazl had gained the lasting friendship of the emperor . Of the
    confidence which Akbar placed in Faizí, no better proof can be cited
    than his appointment , in the same year, as tutor to Prince Murád ; and
    as both brothers had entered the military, then the only, service and had
    received mansabs , or commissions, their employment in various depart-
    ments gave them repeated opportunities to gain fresh distinctions.
    Enjoying Akbar's personal friendship, both remained at court in Fath-
    púr Síkrí, or accompanied the emperor on his expeditions. Two years
    later, Faizí was appointed Sadr of Agrah, Kálpí, and Kálinjar, in
    which capacity he had to enquire into the possibility of resuming free
    tenures (sayurghál) , which in consequence of fraudulent practices on the
    part of government officers and the rapaciousness of the holders them-
    selves had so much increased as seriously to lessen the land revenue ;
    and Abul Fazl, in the very beginning of 1585,* was promoted to the man-
    sab of Hazárí, or the post of a commander of one thousand horse, and
    was in the following year appointed Díwán of the Province of Dihlí.
    Faizi's rank was much lower ; he was only a commander of Four Hun-
    dred. But he did not care for further promotion . Devoted to the muse,
    he found in the appointment as Poet Laureate, with which Akbar
    honored him in the end of 1588 , that satisfaction which no political
    office, however high , would have given him. Though the emperor did
    not pay much attention to poetry, his appreciation of Faizi's genius was

    * Akbarnámah , III, 463.


    xvi

    but just ; for after Amír Khusrau of Dihlí, Muhammadan India has
    seen no greater poet than Faizí. *
    In the end of 1589 , Abul Fazl lost his mother, to whose memory he
    has devoted a page in the Akbarnámah. The emperor, in order to console
    him, paid him a visit, and said to him, " If the people of this world lived
    for ever and did not only once die, kind friends would not be required to
    direct their hearts to trust in God and resignation to His will ; but no
    one lives long in the caravanserai of the world , and hence the afflicted
    do well to accept consolation. "+
    Religious matters had in the meantime rapidly advanced . Akbar
    had founded a new religion , the Dín i Iláhí, or the Divine Faith ,' the
    chief feature of which, in accordance with Shaikh Mubárak's document
    mentioned above, consisted in belief in one God and in Akbar as His
    viceregent (khalifah) on earth. The Islamitic prayers were abolished at
    court, and the worship of the ' elect' was based on that of the Pársís and
    partly on the ceremonial of the Hindús. The new era (táríkh i iláhí),
    which was introduced in all government records, as also the feasts ob-
    served by the emperor, were entirely Pársí. The Muhammadan grandees
    at court shewed but little resistance : they looked with more anxiety on the
    elevation of Hindú courtiers than on Akbar's religious innovations, which
    after all affected but a few. But their feeling against Abul Fazl was
    very marked, and they often advised the emperor to send him to the
    Dak'hin, hoping that some mismanagement in war or in administration
    would lessen his influence at court. Prince Salím [Jahángír] also be-
    longed to the dissatisfied , and his dislike to Abul Fazl, as we shall see
    below, became gradually so deep- rooted , that he looked upon him as the
    chief obstacle to the execution of his wild plans. An unexpected visit
    to Abul Fazl gave him an excellent opportunity to charge him with dupli-
    city. On entering the house, he found forty writers busy in copying
    commentaries to the Qorán. Ordering them to follow him at once, he
    took them to the emperor, and shewing him the copies, he said , " What
    Abul Fazl teaches me is very different from what he practises in his
    house. " The incident is said to have produced a temporary estrange-
    ment between Akbar and Abul Fazl. A similar, but less credible,
    story is told by the author of the Zakhirat-ul Khawánín. He says that

    * For his works, vide P. 548.


    + ‫اگر جهانیان طراز پايندگي داشت و جز یک راها نیستی نسپردے دوستان شناسادل را از‬

    ‫ هرگاه درین کاروانسرا هیچکس دیر نماند نکوهش ناشکيبائي‬. ‫رضا و تسلیم گزیر نبود‬
    || ‫را کجا اندازه توان گرفت‬
    xvii

    Abul Fazl repented of his apostacy from Islám, and used at night to visit
    incognito the houses of dervishes , and, giving them gold muhurs, request-
    ed them " to pray for the stability of Abul Fazl's faith," sighing at the
    same time and striking his knees and exclaiming, " What shall I do !"
    And just as writers on the history of literature have tried to save Faizí
    from apostacy and consequent damnation, by representing that before
    his death he had praised the Prophet, so have other authors suc-
    ceeded in finding for Abul Fazl a place in Paradise ; for it is related
    in several books that Sháh Abul Ma'álí Qádirí of Láhor, a man of
    *
    saintly renown, once expressed his disapproval of Abul Fazl's words
    and deeds. But at night, so runs the story, he saw in his dream that
    Abul Fazl came to a meeting held by the Prophet in Paradise ; and when
    the Prophet saw him enter, he asked him to sit down, and said, " This
    man did for some time during his life evil deeds, but one of his books com-
    6
    mences with the words, O God, reward the good for the sake of their
    righteousness, and help the wicked for the sake of Thy love, ' and these
    words have saved him ." The last two stories flatter, in all probability,
    the consciences of pious Sunnís ; but the first, if true, detracts in no way
    from that consistency of opinion and uniform philosophic conviction
    which pervades Abul Fazl's works ; and though his heart found in pure
    deism and religious philosophy more comfort and more elements of
    harmony than in the casuistry of the Mullás, his mind from early youth
    had been so accustomed to hard literary work, that it was perfectly
    natural for him, even after his rejection of Islám , to continue his studies
    of the Qorán, because the highest dialectical lore and the deepest phi-
    lological research of Muhammadan literature have for centuries been
    concentrated on the explanation of the holy book.
    To this period also belong the literary undertakings which were
    commenced under the auspices of the Emperor himself. Abul Fazl,
    Faizí, and scholars as Badáoní, Naqib Khán , Shaikh Sultán, Hájí Ibráhím,
    Shaikh Munawwar and others, were engaged in historical and scientific
    compilations and in translations from the Sanskrit or Hindí into Persian.†
    Faizí took the Líláwatí, a well-known book on mathematics, and Abul
    Fazl translated the Kalílah Damnah under the title of ' Ayár Dánish
    from Arabic into Persian. He also took a part in the translation of the
    6
    Mahábhárat and in the composition of the Táríkh i Alfi, the History
    of the Millennium .' The lastmentioned work, curious to say, has an

    * Born A. H. 960 ; died at Láhor, 1024. Khazinat ul- Acfiá, p. 139.


    + Vide pp. 104, 105.
    3
    xviii

    intimate connection with the Mahdawí movement, of which particulars


    have been given above . Although from the time of Shaikh ' Aláí's death
    the disciples of the millennium had to suffer persecution , and the
    movement to all appearances had died out, the idea of a restorer of
    the millennium was revived during the discussions in Fathpúr Síkrí
    *
    and by the teachings of men of Sharif i Amulí's stamp, with this im-
    portant modification that Akbar himself was pointed to as the Lord of
    the Age,' through whom faded Islám was to come to an end. This
    new feature had Akbar's full approval, and exercised the greatest influ-
    ence on the progress of his religious opinions. The Táríkh i Alfí,
    therefore , was to represent Islám as a thing of the past ; it had existed
    thousand (alf) years and had done its work. The early history, to the
    vexation of the Sunnís, was related from a Shi'ah point of view, and
    worse still, the chronology had been changed, inasmuch as the death
    of the Prophet had been made the starting point , not the hijrah , or
    flight, of the Prophet from Makkah to Madinah.
    Towards the middle of A.H. 1000 (begining of 1592 , A D.) ,
    Akbar promoted Abul Fazl to the post of Dúhazárí, or commander of
    two thousand horse. Abul Fazl now belonged to the great Amírs
    (umará i kibár) at court. As before, he remained in immediate at-
    tendance on the emperor. In the same year, Faizi was sent to the
    Dak'hin as Akbar's ambassador to Burhán ul- Mulk and to Rájah ' Alí
    Khán of Khandesh, who had sent his daughter to Prince Salím.
    Faizí returned after an absence of more than sixteen months.
    Shaikh Mubárak, who after the publication of his famous document
    had all but retired from the world , died in the following year at Láhor ,
    (Sunday, 17th Zí Qa'dah, 1001 , or 4th September, 1593) . He had
    reached the age of ninety, and had occupied himself in the last
    years of his life with the compilation in four volumes of a gigantic
    commentary to the Qorán, to which he had given the title of Manba'u
    Nafáis ul ' Uyún. He completed it, in spite of failing eyesight, a short
    time before his death.

    Page 452. We hear the last of the Mahdawi movement in 1628, at the acces-
    sion of Shahjahán. Akbar was dead and had not restored the Millennium ; during
    Jahangir's reign, especially in the beginning , the court was indifferent to religion , and
    the king retained the ceremony of sijdah, or prostration, which Muhammadans believe
    to be due to God alone. But Shahjahán, on his accession , restored many Muham-
    madan rites that had fallen in abeyance at court ; and as he was born in 1000 A. H. ,
    he was now pointed to as the real restorer. Since that time the movement has found
    no disciples.
    xix

    The historian Badíoní speaks of him as follows : -


    Shaikh Mubarak belonged to the most distinguished men of learning of
    the present age. In practical wisdom, piety, and trust in God, he stood
    high among the people of his time. In earlylife he practised rigorous
    asceticism ; in fact, he was so strict in his views regarding what is lawful and
    unlawful, that if any one, for example, came to a prayermeeting with a
    gold ring on his finger, or dressed in silk, or with red stockings on his feet,
    or red or yellow coloured clothes on him, he would order the offending
    articles to be removed . In legal decisions he was so severe as to maintain
    that for every hurt exceeding a simple kick, death was the proper punish-
    ment. If he accidentally heard music while walking on the street, he ran
    away, but in course of time he became , from divine zeal, so enamoured of
    music, that he could not exist without listening to some voice or melody. In
    short, he passed through rather opposite modes of thought and ways of life.
    At the time of the Afghán rule, he frequented Shaikh ' Aláí's frater-
    nity ; in the beginning of his Majesty's reign, when the Naqshbandís
    had the upper hand, he settled matters with that sect ; afterwards he was
    attached to the Hamadání school ; and lastly, when the Shi'ahs monopolized
    the court, he talked according to their fashion. Men speak according to
    the measure of their understanding' —to change was his way, and the rest
    you know. But withal he was constantly engaged in teaching the religi
    ous sciences. Prosody also, the art of composing riddles, and other branches ,
    he understood well ; and in mystic philosophy he was, unlike the learned
    of Hindústán, a perfect master. He knew Sháțibí* by heart, explained
    him properly, and also knew how to read the Qorán in the ten different
    modes. He did not go to the palaces of the kings, but he was a most
    agreeable companion and full of anecdote. Towards the end of his life,
    when his eyesight was impaired, he gave up reading and lived in seclusion .
    The commentary to the Qorán which he composed, resembles the Tafsir i
    Kabir [the " Great Commentary' ], and consists of four thick volumes, and
    is entitled Manba'u Nafáis ul ' Uyún. It is rather extraordinary that there is
    a passage in the preface in which he seems to point to himself as the
    renovator of the new century. We know what this ' renovating' means.
    About the time he finished his work, he wisely committed the Farizí Ode
    (in ) which consists of seven hundred verses, and the Ode Bardah, the Ode
    by Ka'b ibn Zubair, and other Odes to memory, and recited them as daily
    homilies, till on the 17th Zi Qa'dah, 1001 , he left this world at Lahor for
    the judgment-seat of God.
    " "
    * A writer on Tajwid,' the art of reading the Qorán correctly' .
    † Badáoní says in his ' Naját urrashid' that Jalaluddín Suyúțí, in his time the
    most universal scholar of all Arabia, pointed likewise to himself as the renovator of the
    10th century.
    XX

    I have known no man of more comprehensive learning ; but alas ! under


    the mantle of the dervish there was such a wicked love of worldly preferment,
    that he left no tittle of our religion in peace. When I was young, I studied
    at Agrah for several years in his company. He is indeed a man of merit ;
    but he committed worldly and irreligious deeds, plunged into lust of possession
    and rank, was timeserving, practised deceit and falsehood, and went so far
    in twisting religious truth, that nothing of his former merit remains. " Say,
    either I am in the correct path or in clear error, or you " [ Qorán, xxxiv,
    23]. Further, it is a common saying that the son brings the curse on the
    head of his father ; hence people have gone beyond Yazid and say, ' Curse
    *
    on Yazid, and on his father, too.'

    Two years after Shaikh Mubárak's death, Abul Fazl also lost his
    brother Faizí, who died at the age of fifty after an illness of six months
    on the 10th Safar, 1004 (5th October, 1595) . When in his last moments,
    Akbar visited him at midnight, and seeing that he could no longer
    speak, he gently raised his head and said to him, " Shaikh Jío , I have
    brought Hakim ' Alí with me, will you not speak to me ?" But getting
    no reply, the emperor in his grief threw his turban to the ground , and
    wept loud ; and after trying to console Abul Fazl, he went away.†
    How deeply Abul Fazl loved his elder brother, is evident from the
    numerous passages in the Akbarnámah and the Aín in which he speaks
    of him, and nothing is more touching than the lines with which he pre-
    faces the selections in the Kín made by him from his brother's poems .
    " The gems of thought in his poems will never be forgotten. Should
    leisure permit and my heart turn to worldly occupations, I would collect
    some of the excellent writings of this unrivalled author of the age, and
    gather, with the eye of a jealous critic, yet with the hand of a friend ,
    some of his poems. But now it is brotherly love alone, which does not
    travel along the road of critical nicety, that commands me to write down
    some of his verses. " + Abul Fazl, notwithstanding his onerous duties ,
    kept his promise, and two years after the death of his brother, he collect-
    ed the stray leaves of Faizi's Markiz ul- Adwár, not to mention the
    numerous extracts which he has preserved in the Akbarnámah.

    * Husain, in whose remembrance the Muharram lamentations are chanted, was


    murdered by Yazíd ; hence the latter is generally called Yazid i mal'ún, Yazíd, the
    accursed.' Badáoní here calls Abul Fazl Yazíd . Poor Badáoní had only the thousand
    bíg'hahs which Akbar had given him rent-free, but his school follow, Yazid Abul Fazl ,
    was a commander of two thousand and the friend of the emperor.
    † Badéoní, II , 406 . + Page 549.
    xxi

    It was about the same time that Abul Fazl was promoted to the
    post of a Commander of two thousand and five hundred horse. Under
    this rank he has entered his own name in the list of grandees in the
    Aín i Akbarí, which work he completed in the same year when he
    collected his brother's literary remains (1596-97) .
    In the following year, the forty-third of Akbar's reign, Abul Fazl
    went for the first time on active service. Sultán Murád* had not man-
    aged matters well in the Dak'hin , and Akbar now despatched Abul Fazl
    with orders to return with the Prince, whose excessive drinking caused
    the emperor much anxiety, provided the officers of the imperial
    camp made themselves responsible to guard the conquered territory .
    If the officers were
    were disinclined to guarantee a faithful conduct
    of the war, he was to see the Prince off, and take command with
    Shahrukh Mírzá. † The wars in the Dak ' hin, from their first com-
    mencement under Prince Murád and the Khán Khánán, are marked by a
    most astounding duplicity on the part of the imperial officers, and thou-
    sands of men and immense stores were sacrificed , especially during the
    reign of Jahángír, by treacherous and intriguing generals. In fact, the
    Khán Khánán himself was the most untrustworthy imperial officer.
    Abul Fazl's successes, therefore, were chiefly due to the honesty and
    loyalty with which he conducted operations. When he arrived at Bur-
    hánpúr, he received an invitation from Bahádur Khán , king of Khándesh ,
    whose brother had married Abul Fazl's sister. He consented to come
    on one condition , namely, that Bahádur Khán should vigorously assist
    him and thus aid the cause of the emperor. Bahádur was not inclined
    to aid the imperialists in their wars with the Dak'hin , but he sent Abul
    Fazl rich presents , hoping that by this means he would escape the penal-
    ty of his refusal. Abul Fazl , however, was not the man to be bribed .
    " I have made a vow," said he in returning the presents, " not to accept
    presents till four conditions are fulfilled-( 1 ) friendship ; ( 2) that I
    should not value the gift too high ; (3) that I should not have been
    anxious to get a present ; and (4) necessity to accept it . Now supposing
    that the first three are applicable to the present case, the favour of the
    emperor has extinguished every desire in me of accepting gifts from
    others."
    Prince Murád had in the meantime retreated from Ahmadnagar to
    Ilichpúr, and as the death of his infant son Mírzá Rustam made him

    * Page 335. † Page 312.


    xxii

    melancholy, he continued to drink, though dangerously ill with delirium


    tremens. When informed of Abul Fazl's mission, he returned at once
    towards Ahmadnagar, in order to have a pretext for not going back to his
    father, and he had come to the banks of the Púrná, * twenty kos from Dau-
    latábád, when death overtook him . Abul Fazl arrived the same day, and
    found the camp in the utmost confusion . Each commander recommen-
    ded immediate return ; but Abul Fazl said that he was determined
    to march on the enemy was near, the country was foreign ground, and
    this was no time for returning, but for fighting . Several of the com-
    manders refused to march on, and returned ; but Abul Fazl, nothing
    daunted, after a delay of a few days , moved forward , humoured the
    officers, and supplied in a short time all wants. Carefully garrisoning
    the country, he managed to occupy and guard the conquered districts
    with the exception of Násik, which lay too far to the west. But he sent
    detachments against several forts, and conquered Baiṭálah , Taltum , and
    Satondá. His headquarters were on the Godáwarí. He next entered
    into an agreement with Chánd Bíbí, that, after punishing Abhang Khán
    Habshí, who was at war with her, she should accept Janír as fief
    and give up the fort of Ahmadnagar.
    Akbar had in the meantime gone to Ujjain . The Dak'hin opera-
    tions had also become more complicated by the refusal of Bahádur
    Khán to pay his respects to Prince Dányál, and war with Khandesh
    had been determined on. Akbar resolved to march on Asír, Bahádur
    Khan's stronghold, and appointed Prince Dányál to take command at
    Ahmadnagar. Dányál sent immediate instructions to Abul Fazl to
    cease all operations , as he wished to take Ahmadnagar personally.
    When the Prince therefore left Burhánpúr, Abul Fazl, at Akbar's re-
    qest, left Mirzá Shahrukh , Mír Murtazá, and Khwajah Abul Hasan
    in charge of his corps, and hastened to meet the emperor. On the 14th
    Ramazán, 1008 (beginning of the 44th year of Akbar's reign ) , he met
    Akbar at Khargon, near Bíjágarh. The emperor received him with the
    following verse-
    ‫تا با تو حکایت کنم از هر باب‬ ‫فرخنده شبی باید و خوش مهتاب‬

    Serene is the night and pleasant is the moonlight, I wish to talk to thee on
    many a subject.

    * The southern Púrná is meant. The northern Púrná flows into the Taptí in
    Khandesh ; whilst the southern Púrná, with the Dúdná, flows into the Godáwari.
    Prince Murád had gone from Ilichpúr to Narnálah, and from there to Sháhpúr,
    which he had built about eight miles south of Bálápúr. It is now in ruins.
    xxiii

    and promoted him for his excellent management to a command


    of four thousand. The imperial army now marched on Asír and
    commenced the siege. * One day, Abul Fazl inspected some of his tren-
    ches, when one of the besieged, who had deserted to Akbar's camp,
    offered to shew him a way by which the Imperialists might get over the
    wall of the Málai Fort, an important fortification below Asírgarh
    itself. Half way up the mountain , to the west and slightly to the north,
    were two renowned outworks, called the Málai and Antar Málai, which
    had to be conquered before Asír itself could be reached ; and between
    the north-west and north, there was another bastion called Chúnah
    Málai . A portion of its wall was not finished . From east to south - west
    there were hills, and in the south was a high mountain called Korhiah.
    A hill in the south -west , called Sápan , was occupied by the Imperialists.
    Abul Fazl determined on availing himself of the information given by the
    deserter, and selected a detachment to follow him. Giving orders to
    the officer commanding the trench to watch for the sound of the trum-
    pets and bugles, when he was to hasten to his assistance with ladders ,
    he went in the dark of night, whilst it was raining, with his selected
    men on Mount Sápan, and sent a few of his men under Qará Beg along
    the road that had been pointed out to him. They advanced , broke open
    a gate of Málai Fort, and sounded the bugle . The besieged rose up to

    " Akbar had no sooner crossed the Nerebada [ Narbadá] , when Radzia Bador-
    xa [ Rájah Bahadur Sháh ] , who had possession of the fortress of Hasser [ Asír] , forti-
    fied the same against the king, and collected provisions from the neighbourhood. The
    king, thinking it dangerous to leave this fortress in his rear, considered how it might
    be captured . This fortress has three castles, of which the first is called Cho - Tzanin,
    the second Commerghar : and the third is placed on the very summit of the hill , so
    that it is a conspicuous object at the distance of six coss . The king with no delay
    surrounded it on all sides ; and so energetically pressed the siege night and day,
    that at the end of six months it was on the point of being captured . Bador -xa how-
    ever perceiving his danger, having obtained a pledge that his life and property should
    be safe, came as suppliant to the king and surrendered himself****. Whilst the
    king was at this place, Abdul Fazel [ Abul Fazl] came to him, and so worked upon his
    mind, that he fully determined to set out for the war in the Deccan . " From Prof.
    Lethbridge's Fragment of Indian History,' translated from De Laët's ' India Vera,'
    and published in the Calcutta Review for 1873.
    De Laët is wrong in a few minor details. I cannot identify the name Cho-
    6 "
    Tzanin. Commerghar ' is the Persian Kamargáh', ' the middle of a mountain.'
    The names of Fort Chúnah Málai and of Mount Korhiah are doubtful, the MSS. hav-
    ing Khwajah Málai and Korthah, Kortah, Kodhiah, and similar variations.
    Vide also Gazetteer, Central Provinces, p. 8.
    xxiv

    oppose them, and Abul Fazl hastened to his men and joined them at
    break of day when the besieged withdrew in confusion to Asír. On the
    same day, other detachments of the army occupied Chúnah Málai and
    Mount Korhiah, and Bahádur Khán, unable to resist longer, sued for
    pardon (1009). Prince Dányál , who had in the meantime conquered
    Ahmadnagar,* now joined his father at Ásír.
    About this time disturbances broke out in the Dak'hin, caused by
    Rájú Manná, and a party set up the son of ' Alí Shah as king. As the
    latter found numerous adherents, the Khán Khánán was ordered to march
    against him, and Abul Fazl was sent to Násik ; but a short time afterwards,
    he was told to join the Khán Khánán . Akbar returned, in the 46th year,
    to Agrah, leaving Prince Dányál in Burhánpúr . Abul Fazl had no
    easy life in the Dak'hin . The Khán Khánán stood idle at Ahmad-
    nagar, because he was disinclined to fight, and left the operations to
    Abul Fazl, who looked upon him as a traitor. Abul Fazl vigorously
    pushed on operations , ably assisted by his son ' Abdurrahmán . After
    coming to terms with the son of ' Alí Shah, he attacked Rájú Manná,
    recovered Jálnahpúr and the surrounding district, and inflicted several
    defeats on him. Manná found a temporary asylum in Daulatábád, and in
    a subsequent engagement he was nearly captured .
    As early as during the siege of Asír, Prince Salím , who had been
    sent against the Ráná of Udaipúr , had rebelled against his father, and had
    moved to Iláhábád, where he had assumed the title of king. Though
    on Akbar's return from Burhánpúr a reconciliation had been effected ,
    the prince, in the forty- seventh year, shewed again signs of rebellion ,
    and as many of Akbar's best officers appeared to favour Salím , the em-
    peror recalled Abul Fazl, the only trustworthy servant he had. As his
    presence at Court was urgently required , Akbar sent him orders to leave
    .
    the troops of his contingent in the Dak'hin . Putting his son ' Abdur-
    rahmán in charge of his corps, Abul Fazl set out for Agrah, only ac-
    companied by a few men. Salím, who looked upon him with little
    concealed hatred, thought Abul Fazl's journey, unprotected as he was,
    an excellent opportunity to get rid of him. He, therefore, persuaded
    Rájah Bir Singh , a Bundelá chief of Urchah (Unḍchhá) , † through whose
    territory Abul Fazl was likely to pass, to lay in wait for him and kill

    * Among the plunder taken at Ahmadnagar was a splendid library. Faizí's library ,
    having on his death lapsed to the state, had been incorporated with the Imperial
    Library.
    † Vide p. 488.
    XXV

    him. Bir Singh, who was in disgrace at Court, eagerly seized the opport
    unity of pleasing the Prince, who no doubt would substantially reward
    him on his accession , and posted a large body of horse and foot near Nar-
    war. When arrived at Ujjain , Abul Fazl was warned of Salím's inten-
    tion, and his men tried to persuade him to go viâ Ghátí Chándá ; but
    Abul Fazl said that thieves and robbers had no power to stop him on his
    way to Court. He , therefore, continued his journey towards Narwar.
    On Friday, the 4th Rabí' I, 1011 (12th August, 1602 ) , at a distance
    of about half a kos from Sarái Bar, which lies six kos from Narwar, Bir
    Singh's men came in sight. The few men that Abul Fazl had with him,
    strongly advised him to avoid a fight, and an old servant, Gadáí Khán Af-
    ghán, told him quickly to retreat to Antrí, which was three kos distant, as
    Rái Ráyán and Súraj Singh were stationed there with three thousand Im-
    perial horse he might first join them, and then punish Bir Singh. But
    Abul Fazl thought it a disgrace to fly. He defended himself bravely ; but
    in a short time he was surrounded , and, pierced by the lance of a trooper,
    he fell dead to the ground . Bir Singh cut off Abul Fazl's head , and sent
    it to Salím in Iláhábád, who, it is said , had it thrown " into an unworthy
    place," where it lay for a long time.
    The Dutch traveller De Laët gives the following account of Abul
    Fazl's death. *
    Salím returned to Halebassa [Iláhbás, the old form of Iláhábád] , and
    began to coin gold and silver money in his own name, which he even sent
    to his father, to irritate him the more. The king, enraged at this, wrote an
    account of all that had happened to Abul Fazl, who bade the king be
    of good courage, for he would come to him as quickly as possible ; and added
    that his son should be brought bound to him, either by fair means or by
    foul. Accordingly, a little afterwards, having obtained leave of absence
    from Daniel Xa [ Dányál Sháh ] , he took to the road with about two or three
    hundred horsemen, leaving orders for his baggage to follow him. Xa-
    Selim, to whom all these things were known, recalling how hostile Fazl
    had always been towards him, and hence justly fearing that his father would
    be more exasperated than ever against him, judged it best to intercept him
    on his journey. So he begged Radzia Bertzingh Bondela, who lived in his

    * From Prof. E. Lethbridge's Fragment of Indian History', Calcutta Review,


    1873.
    The place near which Abul Fazl was killed, is called in the MSS. ↳ Sarái
    Bar. De Laët's Soor appears to be a bad reading for Narwar.
    4
    xxvi

    province of Osseen [ Ujjain] , to lie in wait for Fazl near Soor [Narwar ? ] and
    Gualer [ Gwáliár] , and to send his head to him, promising that he would be
    mindful of so great a benefit, and would give him the command of five thou-
    sand cavalry. The Radzia consented, and waited with a thousand cavalry
    and three thousand infantry about three or four coss from Gualer, having sent
    out scouts into the neighbouring villages, to give him early warning of the
    approach of Fazl. Accordingly when the latter, ignorant of the ambuscade,
    had come as far as Collebaga [ Kálábágh ] , and was going towards Soor,
    Radzia Bertzingh and his followers fell upon him on all sides. Fazl and
    his horsemen fought bravely, but being overpowered by numbers, they were
    gradually worn out. Fazl himself, having received twelve wounds in the
    fight, was pointed out by a captive slave under a neighbouring tree, and
    was taken and beheaded. His head was sent to the prince, who was greatly
    pleased ."
    Prince Salím, with that selfish nonchalance and utter indifference
    that distinguished him throughout life, openly confesses in his ' Me-
    moirs' that he brought about Abul Fazl's murder, because he was his
    enemy, and , with a naïveté exclusively his own, represents himself
    as a dutiful son who through the wickedness of others had been de-
    prived of his father's love. He says—
    " On my accession, I promoted Rájah Bir Singh, a Bundelá Rájpút,
    to a command of three thousand . He is one of my favourites, and he is
    certainly distinguished among his equals for his bravery, good character,
    and straightforwardness . My reason for promoting him was this. To-
    wards the end of my father's reign , Shaikh Abul Fazl, a Hindústání Shaikh
    by birth, who was well known for his learning and wisdom, and who had
    externally ornamented himself with the jewel of loyalty, though he sold
    himself at a high price to my father, had been called from the Dak'hin.
    He was no friend of mine, and damaged openly and secretly my reputation.
    Now about that time, evil-minded and mischievous men had made my father
    very angry with me, and I knew that, if Abul Fazl were to come back to
    Court, I would have been deprived of every chance to effect a reconciliation.
    As he had to pass on his way through the territory of BirSingh Bundela, who
    at that time had rebelled against the emperor, I sent a message to the latter
    to say that, if he would waylay Abul Fazl and kill him, I would richly reward
    him . Heaven favoured him, and when Abul Fazl passed through his land,
    he stopped him on his way, dispersed after a short fight his men , and killed
    him, and sent his head to me at Iláhábád . Although my father was at first
    much vexed, Abul Fazl's death produced one good result : I could now
    without further annoyance go to my father, and his bad opinion of me gra-
    dually wore away."
    xxvii

    At another place in his ' Memoirs', when alluding to the murder,


    he says, as if an afterthought had occurred to him, that he ordered
    Bir Singh to kill Abul Fazl, because he had been the enemy of the
    Prophet.'
    When the news of Abul Fazl's death reached court, no one had
    the courage to break it to the emperor. According to an old custom
    observed by Timur's descendants, the death of a prince was not in plain
    words mentioned to the reigning emperor, but the prince's vakíl pre-
    sented himself before the throne with a blue handkerchief round his
    wrist ; and as no one else would come forward to inform Akbar of the
    death of his friend, Abul Fazl's vakíl presented himself with a blue
    handkerchief before the throne . Akbar bewailed Abul Fazl's death more
    than that of his son ; for several days he would see no one, and after en-
    quiring into the circumstances he exclaimed, " If Salím wished to be
    emperor, he might have killed me and spared Abul Fazl," and then
    recited the following verse-

    ‫ز اشتیاق پاے بوسی بے سر و پا آمده‬ ‫شيخ ما از شوق بیحد چون سوی ما آمده‬
    My Shaikh in his zeal hastened to meet me,
    He wished to kiss my feet, and gave up his life.

    Akbar, in order to punish Bir Singh, sent a detachment under Patr


    Dás and Ráj Singh* to Undchá. They defeated the Bundelá chief in
    several engagements, drove him from Bhánder and shut him up in
    Irich. When the siege had progressed, and a breach was made in the
    wall, Bir Singh escaped by one of Ráj Singh's trenches, and withdrew to
    the jungles closely pursued by Patr Dás. As it seemed hopeless to catch
    him, Akbar called Patr Dás to Court ; but ordered the officers
    stationed about Undchá to kill the rebel wherever he shewed himself.
    In the beginning of the last year of Akbar's reign, Bir Singh was once
    surprised by Rájah Ráj Singh, who cut down a good number of his
    followers. Bir Singh himself was wounded and had a narrow escape.
    But the emperor's death , which not long afterwards took place, relieved
    Bir Singh of all fears. He boldly presented himself at Jahángír's Court,
    and received Undchá and a command of three thousand horse as his
    reward.

    " It has often been asserted ," says the author of the Maásir ul-
    Umará, " that Abul Fazl was an infidel . Some say, he was a Hindú,
    or a fire-worshipper, or a free-thinker, and some go still further and

    Pages 469 and 458 .


    xxviii

    call him an atheist ; but others pass a juster sentence, and say that he
    was a pantheist, and that, like other Súfís, he claimed for himself
    a position above the law of the Prophet. There is no doubt that he
    was a man of lofty character,* and desired to live at peace with all men.
    He never said anything improper. Abuse, stoppages of wages, fines ,
    absence on the part of his servants, did not exist in his household . If
    he appointed a man, whom he afterwards found to be useless, he did not
    remove him, but kept him on as long as he could ; for he used to say
    that, if he dismissed him, people would accuse him of want of penetra-
    tion in having appointed an unsuitable agent. On the day when the
    sun entered Aries, he inspected his whole household and took stock,
    keeping the inventory with himself, and burning last year's books . He
    also gave his whole wardrobe to his servants, with the exception of his
    trowsers, which were burnt in his presence.
    " He had an extraordinary appetite . It is said that, exclusive of
    water and fuel, he consumed daily twenty-two sers of food . His son
    'Abdurrahmán used to sit at table
    • as safarché (head butler) ; the super-
    intendent of the kitchen, who was a Muhammadan, was also in at-
    tendance, and both watched to see whether Abul Fazl would eat twice.
    of one and the same dish. If he did, the dish was sent up again the
    next day. If anything appeared tasteless, Abul Fazl gave it to his son
    to taste, and he to the superintendent, but no word was said about it.
    When Abul Fazl was in the Dak'hin , his table luxury exceeded all belief.
    In an immense tent (chihilráwați) one thousand rich dishes were daily
    served up and distributed among the Amírs ; and near it another large
    tent was pitched for all-comers to dine, whether rich or poor, and k’hichrí
    was cooked all day and was served out to any one that applied for it. "
    " As a writer, Abul Fazl stands unrivalled . His style is grand and is
    free from the technicalities and flimsy prettiness of other Munsaís ;† and
    the force of his words, the structure of his sentences, the suitableness of
    his compounds, and the elegance of his periods, are such that it would be
    difficult for any one to imitate them."
    It is almost useless to add to this encomium bestowed on Abul
    Fazl's style. ' Abdullah, king of Bukhárá, said that he was more afraid
    of Abul Fazl's pen than of Akbar's arrow. Everywhere in India he is
    known as ' the great Munshí. ' His letters are studied in all Madrasahs,

    * I may remark here that Abul Fazl never accepted a title.


    This is also the opinion of the author of the Haft Iqlim (vide p. 508).
    xxix

    and though a beginner may find them difficult and perplexing, they are
    perfect models. But a great familiarity, not only with the Persian lan-
    guage, but also with Abul Fazl's style, is required to make the reading of
    any of his works a pleasure. His composition stands unique, and though
    everywhere studied, he cannot be, and has not been, imitated . The writers
    after him write in the style of the Pádisháhnámah , the ' Alamárái
    Sikandarí, or in the still more turgid manner of the 'Alamgírnámah ,
    the Ruq'át Bedil , and other standard works on Inshá.
    A praiseworthy feature of Abul Fazl's works lies in the purity of
    their contents . Those who are acquainted with Eastern literature will
    know what this means. I have come across no passage where
    woman is lightly spoken of, or where immorality is passed over with
    indifference. Of his love of truth and the nobility of his sentiments*
    I have spoken in the Preface.
    Abul Fazl's influence on his age was immense. It may be that
    he and Faizí led Akbar's mind away from Islám and the Prophet-
    this charge is brought against them by every Muhammadan writer ;
    but Abul Fazl also led his sovereign to a true appreciation of his duties,
    and from the moment that he entered Court, the problem of success-
    fully ruling over mixed races, which Islám in but few other countries
    had to solve, was carefully considered, and the policy of toleration was
    the result. If Akbar felt the necessity of this new law, Abul Fazl
    enunciated it and fought for it with his pen, and if the Khán Khánáns
    gained the victories, the new policy reconciled the people to the foreign
    rule ; and whilst Akbar's apostacy from Islám is all but forgotten , no
    emperor of the Mughul dynasty has come nearer to the ideal of a father
    of the people than he. The reversion , on the other hand, in later times
    to the policy of religious intoleration, whilst it has surrounded in the eyes
    of the Moslems the memory of Aurangzíb with the halo of sanctity and
    still inclines the pious to utter a rahimahu-lláhu (May God have mercy
    on him !) when his name is mentioned , was also the beginning of the
    breaking up of the empire.
    Having elsewhere given numerous extracts from Badáoní to shew
    that Akbar's courtiers ascribed his apostacy from Islám to Faizí and
    Abul Fazl, I need not quote other works, and will merely allude to a
    couplet by 'Urfit from one of his Odes in which he praises the Prophet-

    * Let the reader consult Gladwin's rendering of Abul Fazl's introduction to the
    fourth book ofthe Aín. Gladwin's A'ín , II, pp. 285 to 291. The passage is anti-
    Islamitic.
    For ' Urfi vide p. 569. The metre of the couplet is Long Ramal.
    XXX

    ‫یوسف نفس مرا ز آسیب اخوان دور دار کاین حسودان مروت سوز با این بی گناه‬
    ‫در نزديك چاه‬ ‫با فساد گرگ انبازند‬ ‫در راه ملوک‬ ‫فریت غول همزادند‬ ‫با‬
    O Prophet, protect the Joseph of my soul (i. e. my soul) from the harm
    of the brothers ; for they are ungenerous and envious, and deceive me like
    evil sprites and lead me wolf-like to the well (of unbelief) .

    The commentators unanimously explain this passage as an allusion


    to the brothers Faizí and Abul Fazl. I may also cite the Táríkh of Abul
    Fazl's death, which the Khán i A'zam Mírzá Kokah is said to have
    made-

    ‫تیغ اعجاز نبی الله سر باغی برید‬

    The wonderful sword of God's Prophet cut off the head of the rebel.*

    But Abul Fazl appeared to him in a dream and said , " The date of
    (
    my death lies in the words sa , The slave Abul Fazl' -which
    likewise gives 1011 A. H.
    Abul Fazl's works are the following-
    (1 ) The Akbarnámah with the Kín i Akbarí, its third
    volume. The Aín i Akbarí was completed in the 42nd year of

    Akbar's reign ; only a slight addition to it was made in the 43rd year
    on account of the conquest of Barár (1596-97, A. D.) . The contents
    of the Akbarnámah have been detailed in the Preface . The second
    volume contains an account of the first forty-six years of Akbar's
    reign. There exists a continuation up to the end of Akbar's reign by
    'Inayatullah Muhibb ' Alí . Thus at least the continuator is called in
    two MSS. that I have seen . Elphinstone says that the name of the
    continuator is Muhammad Salia, which seems to be a corruption of
    Muhammad Sálih.
    (2) The Maktú bát i ' Allám í, also called I nshái Abul
    Fazl. This book contains letters written by Abul Fazl to kings and
    chiefs. Among them are the interesting letters written to the Portu-
    guese priests, and to ' Abdullah of Bukhárá, in reply to his question
    whether Akbar had renounced Islám. Besides, there are prefaces and
    reviews , a valuable essay on the progress of the art of writing, portions
    of which are given in the Aín, &c. The collection was made after Abul

    * The word bághí, a rebel, has the numerical value of 1013 ; but the head
    (of the word, the letter ) is cut off ; hence 1013-2 = 1011, the year of the Hijrah
    in which Abul Fazl was murdered. The metre of the hemistich is Long Ramal.
    The 46th year lasted from the 15th Ramazán, 1009, to 26th Ramazán, 1010,
    i. e. to about five months before Abul Fazl's death.
    xxxi

    Fazl's death by ' Abduççamad, son of Afzal Muhammad, who says that
    he was a son of Abul Fazl's sister and also his son-in-law. The book, as
    above remarked, is frequently read in Madrasahs, and there exist many
    lithographed editions . In all of them, the contents constitute three
    books ; but Amír Haidar Husainí of Bilgrám says in the preface to his
    ' Sawánih i Akbarí'* that he had a collection of four books, remarking
    at the same time that MSS. of the fourth are very rare. It looks,
    indeed , as if Amír Haidar's copy was unique.
    (3) The Ayár Dánish, † which is mentioned on p. 106 .
    Besides, I have seen in different books that Abul Fazl also wrote a
    Risalah i Munáját, or Treatise on Prayers ' ; a Já mi ' u llu-
    ghát, a lexicographical work ; and a ' Kashkol' . The last word
    means a ' beggar's cup,' or rather the small basket or bowl in which beg-
    gars in the East collect rice, dates, &c., given as alms, and hence the
    term is often applied to collections of anecdotes or short stories. But I
    have seen no copies of these works. It was also mentioned above that
    Abul Fazl presented , on his introduction at Court, two commentaries,
    of which no MSS. seem to exist at present. Nor need I again refer to
    the part which he took in the translations from Sanskrit and the com-
    pilation of the Táríkh i Alfí.
    The Durar ul Manshúr ' , a modern Tazkirah by Muhammad
    ’Askarí Husainí of Bilgrám, selects the following inscription written by
    'Abul Fazl for a temple in Kashmír‡ as a specimen both of Abul Fazl's
    writing and of his religious belief. It is certainly very characteristic ,
    and is easily recognized as Abul Fazl's composition.

    * Regarding this valuable work, vide p . 316, note.


    As the word is pronounced in India, instead of Iyár i Dánish, ' ' the test of
    wisdom. The author of the Haft Iqlim seems to allude to this work ; for he says
    that Abul Fazl, when he saw him in 1000 A. H. , was engaged in re-writing the Nawá-
    dir i Hikáyát.
    Abul Fazl says in the fourth book of the Aín-" The best people in Kashmir
    are the Brahmans. Although they have not yet freed themselves from the fetters of
    blind belief and adherence to custom, they yet worship God without affectation . They
    do not sneer at people of other religions, utter no desires, and do not run after lucre.
    They plant fruit trees and thus contribute to the welfare of their fellow-creatures. They
    abstain from meat, and live in celibacy. There are about two thousand of them in
    Kashmir."
    Akbar seems to have looked upon these Kashmírí Rishis as model men.
    xxxii

    ‫الهی بهرخانه که می نگرم جویای تواند و بهر زبان که می شنوم‬


    . ‫شعر‬ * ‫گوياي تو‬
    ‫وحده لا شريك له گويان‬ ‫کفرو اسلام در رهت پویان‬

    ‫قدوس میزنند و اگر کلیسیاست بشوق تو‬ ‫اگرمسجدست بیاد تو نعره‬


    * ‫بيت‬ ‫ناقوس می جنبانند‬

    ‫یعنی که ترا می طلبم خانه بخانه‬ ‫گه معتکف دیرم و که ساکن مسجد‬

    ‫دو را در پرده اسلام تو باری نه‬


    ‫اگر خاصان ترا بکفر و اسلام کاری نیست این هر‬

    ‫وردی دل عطار را‬ ‫ذره‬ ‫کفرکافر را و دین دیندار را‬

    ‫این خانه بنيت ايتلاف قلوب مؤحدان هندوستان وخصوصا معبود پرستان‬

    * ‫عرصة كشمير تعمیر یافته‬

    ‫شاه اکبر‬ ‫بفرمان خدیو تخت و افسر چراغ آفرینش‬

    ‫امتزاج چار عنصر‬ ‫کمال‬ ‫نظام اعتدال هفت معدن‬


    ‫هر که نظر صدق نینداخته این خانه را خراب سازد باید که نخست‬

    ‫اگر نظر بر دل است با همه ساختنی است‬ ‫خود را بیندازد چه‬ ‫معبد‬
    ‫بیت‬ ‫و اگر چشم بر آب و گل است همه برانداختنی‬

    ‫مدار کار برنیت نهادی‬ ‫خداوندا چوداد کار دادی‬

    ‫به پیش شاه داری نیت شاه‬ ‫توئی بر بارگاه نیت آگاه‬

    O God, in every temple I see people that seek Thee, and in every lan-
    guage I hear spoken, people praise Thee !
    Polytheism and Islám feel after Thee,
    Each religion says, ' Thou art one, without equal .'
    If it be a mosque, people murmur the holy prayer, and if it be a
    Christian Church, people ring the bell from love to Thee.
    Sometimes I frequent the Christian cloister, and sometimes the
    mosque,
    But it is Thou whom I search from temple to temple.
    Thy elect have no dealings with either heresy or orthodoxy ; for neither
    of them stands behind the screen of Thy truth.
    Heresy to the heretic, and religion to the orthodox,
    But the dust of the rosepetal* belongs to the heart of the perfume-
    seller.

    * This line is Súfistic. The longing of the heart after God is compared to the
    perfume which rises from the rose petals. The perfume-seller, i. e. the Unitarian, is
    truly religious, and is equally removed from heresy and orthodoxy.
    xxxiii

    This temple was erected for the purpose of binding together the hearts
    of the Unitarians in Hindústán , and especially those of His worshippers
    that live in the province of Kashmir,

    By order of the Lord of the throne and the crown, the lamp of
    creation, Shah Akbar,
    In whom the seven minerals find uniformity, in whom the four
    elements attain perfect mixture. *
    He who from insincere motives destroys this temple, should first destroy
    his own place of worship ; for if we follow the dictates of the heart, we must
    bear up with all men, but if we look to the external, we find everything
    proper to be destroyed .
    O God, Thou art just and judgest an action by the motive ;
    Thou knowest whether a motive is sublime, and tellest the king
    what motives a king should have.

    I have a few notes on Abul Fazl's family, which may form the con-
    clusion of this biographical notice . The Kín gives the following list of
    Shaikh Mubárak's sons.
    1. Shaikh Abul Faiz, better known under his poetical name
    of Faizí. He was born in A. H. 954 (A. D. 1547) , and seems to
    have died childless.
    2. Shaikh Abul Fazl , born 14th January, 1551 , murdered
    12th August, 1602 .
    3. Shaikh Abul Baraká t, born 17th Shawwál, 960 (1552) .
    66
    Though he has not reached a high degree of learning, he knows much,
    is a practical man, and well versed in fencing. He is good -natured and
    fond of dervishes." He served under Abul Fazl in Khándesh .
    4. Shaikh Abul Khair, born 22nd Jumáda I , 967 . " He
    is a well informed young man, of a regulated mind. " He, too , must
    have entered the Imperial service ; for he is mentioned in the Akbar-
    námah as having been sent by the emperor to the Dak'hin to fetch
    Prince Dányál.
    5. Shaikh Abul Maká rim, born 23rd Shawwál , 976. He
    was wild at first, but guided by his father he learned a good deal. He
    also studied under Sháh Abul Fath Shírází.
    The above five sons were all by the same mother, who , as remarked
    above, died in 998.
    6. Shaikh Abú Turá b, born 23rd Zil Hijjah , 988. " Though

    * I. e. Akbar is the insán i kámil, or perfect man.


    5
    xxxiv

    his mother is another one, he is admitted at Court, and is engaged in


    self-improvement."
    Besides the above, Abul Fazl mentions two posthumous sons by
    qummá, or concubines, viz. Shaikh Abul Há mi d, born 3rd Rabí'
    II, 1002, and Shaikh Abú Ráshid, born 1st Jumáda I, 1002 .
    66
    They resemble their father."
    Of Mubarak's daughters, I find four mentioned in the histories-
    1. One married to Khudáwand Khán Dak'hiní ; vide p . 442 .
    Badáoní calls her husband a Ráfizi, i. e., a Shi'ah, and says he died in
    Karí in Gujarát .
    2. One married to Husámuddín ; vide p. 441 .
    3. One married to a son of Rájah ' Alí Khán of Khandesh . Their
    son Safdar Khán* was made, in the 45th year of Akbar's reign, a com-
    mander of one thousand.
    4. Ládlí Begum , married to Islám Khán ; vide p. 493, note 1 .
    Mr. T. W. Beale of Agrah, the learned author of the Miftah uttawáríkh,
    informs me that Ládlí Begum died in 1017 , or five years before the
    "
    death of her husband . Her mausoleum , called the Rauzah i Láḍlí Be-
    gum,' is about two miles to the east of Akbar's mausoleum at Sikandrah,
    near Agrah. The interior was built of marble, and the whole was sur-
    rounded by a wall of red Fathpúr sandstone. It was completed
    in 1004. In 1843 , Mr. Beale saw in the Rauzah several tombs without
    inscriptions, and a few years ago the place was sold by government to
    a wealthy Hindú. The new owner dug up the marble stones, sold them,
    and destroyed the tombs, so that of the old Rauzah nothing exists
    now-a-days but the surrounding wall. Mr. Beale thinks that the bodies.
    of Shaikh Mubárak , Faizí, and Abul Fazl were likewise buried there, be-
    cause over the entrance the following inscription in Tughrá characters
    may still be seen —

    ‫بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم و به ثقتی * هذه الروضة للعالم الربانى والعارف‬

    ‫الصمداني جامع العلوم شيخ مبارك الله قدس سره قد وقف ببنائه بحر العلوم‬
    ‫شيخ ابوالفضل سلم الله تعالى فى ظل دولة الملك العادل يطلبه المجد و‬

    ‫و الدین اکبر پادشاه غازی خلد الله تعالى ظلال‬ ‫والكرم جلال الدنيا‬ ‫الاقبال‬
    ‫سلطنته باهتمام حضرت ابى البركات في سنة اربع و الف ال‬
    In the name of God the merciful, the clement, in whom I trust !
    This mausoleum was erected for the divine scholar, the sage of the

    * The Lak'hnau edition of the Akbarnámah (III , 830) calls him Sundar Khán.
    XXXV

    eternal, the gatherer of knowledge, Shaikh Mubárak ullah (may his


    secret be sanctified !) , in filial piety by the ocean of sciences, Shaikh
    Abul Fazl- may God Almighty preserve him !-in the shadow of the
    majesty of the just king, whom power, auspiciousness, and generosity follow,
    Jalaluddunya waddín Akbar Pádisháh i Ghází, —may God Almighty per-
    petuate the foundations of his kingdom !-under the superintendence of
    Abul Barakát, in 1004 [ A. D. 1595-96] .

    Thus it will appear that the Rauzah was built in the year in which
    Faizí died. Shaikh Mubárak, as was mentioned above , died in 1593 A. D.
    It seems, however, as if Shaikh Mubárak and Faizí had been buried
    at a place opposite to Agrah, on the left bank of the Jamuna, where he
    first settled in 1551 ; for Abul Fazl says in his description of Agrah in
    the Aín*- On the other side of the river is the Chár Bágh Villa, built
    by Firdaus Makání [ the emperor Bábar ] . There the author was born , and
    there are the resting places of his father and his elder brother. Shaikh
    'Aláuddín Majzúb and Mír Rafi'uddín Safawí and other worthies are
    also buried there." We have no information regarding a removal of the
    bodies to the other side of the Jamuná, though Abul Fazl's inscription
    no doubt shews that such a removal was intended. It is a pity, how-
    ever, that the Rauzah was sold and destroyed .
    Abul Fazl's son is the wellknown
    SHAIKH ABDURRAHMAN AFZAL KHA'N.
    He was born on the 12th Sha'bán, 979 , and received from his grand-
    father the Sunní name of ' Abdurrahmán. In the 35th year of Akbar's
    reign, when twenty years of age, Akbar married him to the daughter of
    Sa'ádat Yár Kokah's brother. By her ' Abdurrahmán had a son, to whom
    Akbar gave the name of Bishotan. †
    When Abul Fazl was in command of the army in the Dak'hin,
    'Abdurrahmán was, what the Persians call, the tír i rúi tarkashiú, ' the
    arrow at hand at the top of the quiver', ever ready to perform duties
    from which others shrank, and wisely and courageously settling matters
    of importance. He especially distinguished himself in Talingánah.
    When Malik ' Ambar, in the 46th year, had caught ' Alí Mardán Bahádur
    (p. 496) and had taken possession of the country, Abul Fazl despatched
    'Abdurrahman and Sher Khwajah (p. 459 ) to oppose the enemy. They

    * My text edition , p. 441 . Vide also p . 539 ; Keene's Agra Guide, p. 47, and
    regarding Ládli Begum, p . 45. Ládlí' means in Hindústání a pet.'
    Which name was borne by the brother of Isfandiyár, who is so often mentioned
    in Firdausí's Sháhnámah.
    xxxvi

    crossed the Godáwarí near Nánder, and defeated ' Amber at the
    Mánjará.
    Jahángír did not transfer to the son the hatred which he had felt
    for the father, made him a commander of two thousand horse, gave him
    the title of Afzal Khán , and appointed him, in the third year of his
    reign, governor of Bihár, vice Islám Khán (the husband of Abul Fazl's
    sister) , who was sent to Bengal. ' Abdurrahmán also received Gorák’h-
    púr as jágír.
    As governor of Bihár , he had his head-quarters at Patna.
    Once during his absence from Patna, a dervish of the name of
    Qutbuddín appeared in the district of Bhojpúr, which belonged to the
    then very troublesome Ujjainiyah Rájahs (p. 513 , note) , and gave
    out that he was Prince Khusrau, whom his unsuccessful rebellion and im-
    prisonment by Jahángír had made the favorite of the people . Collecting
    a large number of men , he marched on Patna, occupied the fort which
    Shaikh Banárasí and Ghiyás, ' Abdurrahmán's officers, cowardly gave
    up, and plundered Afzal Khán's property and the Imperial treasury.
    'Abdurrahmán returned from Gorák'hpúr as soon as he heard of the re-
    bellion. The pretender fortified Patna, and drew up his army at the
    Pun Pun River . 'Abdurrahmán charged at once, and after a short
    fight dispersed the enemy. Qutb now retreated to the fort, followed by
    'Abdurrahmán , who succeeded in capturing him . He executed the
    man at once, and sent his head to Court, together with the two coward-
    ly officers. Jahángír, who was always minute in his punishments , had
    their heads shaved and women's veils put over the faces ; they were
    then tied to donkeys, with their heads to the tails, and paraded through
    the towns (tashhir) as a warning to others.
    Not long after this affair, ' Abdurrahmán took ill , and went to Court,
    where he was well received . He lingered for a time, and died of an
    abscess, in the 8th year of Jahángír's reign (A. H. 1022) , or eleven
    years after his father's murder.

    BISHOTAN, SON OF ' ABDURRAHMAN, SON OF SHAIKH Abul Fazl .

    He was born on the 3rd Zí Qa'dah , 999. In the 14th year of


    Jahángír's reign, he was a commander of seven hundred, with three hun-
    dred horse. In the 10th year of Shah Jahán's reign , he is mentioned
    as a commander of five hundred horse, which rank he held when he
    died in the 15th year of the same reign.
    ABULFAZL'S PREFACE .

    ALLAHU AKBAR!

    O Lord, whose secrets are for ever veiled


    And whose perfection knows not a beginning,
    End and beginning, both are lost in Thee,
    No trace of them is found in Thy eternal realm .
    My words are lame ; my tongue, a stony tract ;
    Slow wings my foot, and wide is the expanse.
    Confused are my thoughts ; but this is Thy best praise,
    In ecstasy alone I see Thee face to face !

    It is proper for a man of true knowledge to praise God not only


    in words, but also in deeds, and to endeavour to obtain everlasting
    happiness, by putting the window of his heart opposite the slit of his
    pen, and describing some of the wondrous works of the Creator. Perhaps
    the lustre of royalty may shine upon him, and its light enable him to
    gather a few drops from the ocean, and a few atoms from the endless
    field of God's works. He will thus obtain everlasting felicity, and
    render fertile the dreary expanse of words and deeds.
    I, Abulfazl, son of Mubárik, return thanksgiving to God by singing
    the praises of royalty, and by stringing its kingly pearls upon the
    thread of description ; but it is not my intention to make mankind, for
    the first time, acquainted with the glorious deeds and excellent virtues
    of that remarkable man, ' who clothes our wonderful world in new
    colours, and is an ornament to God's noble creation . It would be
    absurd on my part to speak about that which is known ; I should make
    myself the butt of the learned . It is only my personal knowledge of

    1 Akbar.

    1
    ii

    him, a priceless jewel, which I send to the market place of the world,
    and my heart feels proud of being engaged in such an undertaking.
    But it could not have been from self-laudation that I have taken upon
    myself to carry out so great a task-a work which even heavenly beings
    would find beset with difficulties ; for such a motive would expose my
    inability and shortsightedness. My sole object in writing this work
    was, first, to impart to all that take an interest in this auspicious century,
    a knowledge of the wisdom, magnanimity, and energy of him who
    understands the minutest indications of all things, created and divine,
    striding as he does over the field of knowledge ; and , secondly, to leave
    future generations a noble legacy. The payment of a debt of gratitude
    is an ornament of life, and a provision for man's last journey. There
    may be some in this world of ambitious strife, where natures are so
    different, desires so numerous, equity so rare, and guidance so scarce,
    who, by making use of this source of wisdom, will escape from the
    perplexities of the endless chaos of knowledge and deeds . It is with
    this aim that I describe some of the regulations of the great king, thus
    leaving for far and near, a standard work of wisdom. In doing so, I have
    of course, to speak of the exalted position of a king, and also to describe
    the condition of those who are assistants in this great office.
    No dignity is higher in the eyes of God than royalty ; and those
    who are wise, drink from its auspicious fountain. A sufficient proof of
    this, for those who require one, is the fact that royalty is a remedy for
    the spirit of rebellion, and the reason why subjects obey. Even the
    meaning of the word Pádisháh shews this ; for púd signifies stability
    and possession, and sháh means origin, lord. A king is therefore the
    origin of stability and possession . If royalty did not exist, the storm of
    strife would never subside, nor selfish ambition disappear. Mankind,
    being under the burden of lawlessness and lust, would sink into the pit
    of destruction ; the world, this great market place, would lose its pros-
    perity, and the whole earth become a barren waste. But by the light of
    imperial justice, some follow with cheerfulness the road of obedience,
    whilst others abstain from violence through fear of punishment ; and out
    of necessity make choice of the path of rectitude. Shah is also a name
    given to one who surpasses his fellows, as you may see from words like
    shah-swwár, shah-ráh ; it is also a term applied to a bridegroom- the
    world, as the bride, betrothes herself to the king, and becomes his
    worshipper.
    iii

    Silly and shortsighted men cannot distinguish a true king from a


    selfish ruler. Nor is this remarkable, as both have in common a large
    treasury, a numerous army, clever servants, obedient subjects, an abun-
    dance of wise men, a multitude of skilful workmen, and a superfluity of
    means of enjoyment. But men of deeper insight remark a difference.
    In the case of the former, the things just now enumerated, are lasting ;
    but in that of the latter, of short duration. The former does not attach
    himselfto these things, as his object is to remove oppression, and provide
    for every thing which is good . Security, health, chastity, justice, polite
    manners, faithfulness, truth, an increase of sincerity, &c. , are the result .
    The latter is kept in bonds by the external forms of royal power, by
    vanity, the slavishness of men, and the desire of enjoyment ; hence every-
    where there is insecurity, unsettledness, strife, oppression, faithlessness,
    robbery.
    Royalty is a light emanating from God, and a ray from the sun,
    the illuminator of the universe, ' the argument of the book of perfection ,
    the receptacle of all virtues. Modern language calls this light farr i izidi
    (the divine light) , and the tongue of antiquity called it kiyán khwarah
    (the sublime halo) . It is communicated by God to kings without the
    intermediate assistance of any one, and men, in the presence of it, bend
    the forehead of praise towards the ground of submission. Again, many
    excellent qualities flow from the possession of this light. 1. A paternal
    love towards the subjects. Thousands find rest in the love of the king ;
    and sectarian differences do not raise the dust of strife. In his wisdom,
    the king will understand the spirit of the age, and shape his plans
    accordingly. 2. A large heart. The sight of anything disagreeable does
    not unsettle him ; nor is want of discrimination for him a source of
    disappointment. His courage steps in. His divine firmness gives
    him the power of requital, nor does the high position of an offender
    interfere with it. The wishes of great and small are attended to, and
    their claims meet with no delay at his hands. 3. A daily increasing
    trust in God. When he performs an action, he considers God as the
    real doer of it, (and himself as the medium,) so that a conflict of
    motives can produce no disturbance. 4. Prayer and devotion . The success
    of his plans will not lead him to neglect ; nor will adversity cause him
    to forget God, and madly trust in man . He puts the reins of desire

    1
    Akbar worshipped the sun as the mediate source of life. Regarding his
    visible representative of God, and the im- form of worship, vide below.
    iv

    into the hands of reason ; in the wide field of his desires he does not
    permit himself to be trodden down by restlessness, nor will he waste
    his precious time in seeking after that which is improper. He makes
    wrath, the tyrant, pay homage to wisdom, so that blind rage may not
    get the upper hand, and inconsiderateness overstep the proper limits. He
    sits on the eminence of propriety, so that those who have gone astray
    have a way left to return, without exposing their bad deeds to the
    public gaze. When he sits in judgment, the petitioner seems to be the
    judge, and he himself, on account of his mildness, the suitor for justice.
    He does not permit petitioners to be delayed on the path of hope ; he
    endeavours to promote the happiness of the creatures in obedience to
    the will of the Creator, and never seeks to please the people in contra-
    diction to reason . He is for ever searching after those who speak the

    truth, and is not displeased with words that seem bitter, but are in
    reality sweet. He considers the nature of the words and the rank of
    the speaker. He is not content with not committing violence, but he
    must see that no injustice is done within his realm.
    He is continually attentive to the health of the body politic, and
    applies remedies to the several diseases thereof. And in the same
    manner that the equilibrium of the animal constitution depends upon
    an equal mixture of the elements, ' so also does the political constitution
    become well tempered by a proper division of ranks ; and by means of
    the warmth of the ray of unanimity and concord, a multitude of people
    become fused into one body.
    The people of the world may be divided into four classes.2-
    1. Warriors, who in the political body have the nature offire. Their flames,
    directed by understanding, consume the straw and rubbish of rebellion
    and strife, but kindle also the lamp of rest in this world of distur-
    bances. 2. Artificers and merchants, who hold the place of air. From
    their labours and travels, God's gifts become universal, and the breeze
    of contentment nourishes the rose-tree of life . 3. The learned, such as
    the philosopher, the physician, the arithmetician, the geometrician, the

    1 Thus, according to the medical theo- s. kátúzí. It is also found in the


    ries of the middle ages. Akhlaq i Muhsiní, chapter XV., dar
    2 This passage resembles one in 'adl, in the Akhláq i Jalálí, and the
    Firdausí's Sháhnámah, in the chapter Akhláq i Náçirí, the oldest of the three
    entitled dar dástán i Jamshed ; vide Akhlaqs mentioned.
    also Vullers' Persian Dictionary, II., 756,
    V

    astronomer, who resemble water. From their pen and their wisdom, a
    river rises in the drought of the world, and the garden of the creation
    receives from their irrigating powers a peculiar freshness. 4. Husbandmen
    and labourers, who may be compared to earth. By their exertions, the
    staple of life is brought to perfection, and strength and happiness flow
    from their work.
    It is therefore obligatory for a king to put each of these in its
    proper place, and by uniting personal ability with a due respect for
    others, to cause the world to flourish.
    And as the grand political body maintains its equilibrium by the
    above four ranks of men, so does royalty receive its final tint from a
    similar fourfold division .
    1. The nobles of the state, who in reliance on their position lead
    everything to a happy issue. Illuminating the battle-field with the halo
    of devotedness, they make no account of their lives. These fortunate
    courtiers resemble fire, being ardent in devotion, and consuming in dealing
    with foes. At the head of this class is the Vakil, who from his having
    attained by his wisdom the four degrees of perfection,' is the emperor's
    lieutenant in all matters connected with the realm and the household.
    He graces the Council by his wisdom, and settles with penetration the
    great affairs of the realm. Promotion and degradation, appointment
    and dismissal, depend on his insight. It requires therefore an experien-
    ced man, who possesses wisdom, nobility of mind, affability, firmness,

    magnanimity, a man able to be at peace with any one, who is frank,


    single-minded towards relations and strangers, impartial to friends
    and enemies, who weighs his words, is skilful in business, well -bred,
    esteemed, known to be trustworthy, sharp and farsighted, acquainted
    with the ceremonies of the court, cognizant of the State secrets,
    prompt in transacting business, unaffected by the multiplicity of his
    duties. He should consider it his duty to promote the wishes of others,
    and base his actions on a due regard to the different ranks of men,
    treating even his inferiors with respect, from the desire of attaching to

    Akbar said that perfect devotedness Akbar much coveted - promised to shew
    consisted in the readiness of sacrificing this devotedness , and then belonged to
    four things,-ján (life) , mál (property), the din i ilahí, or the Divine Faith,
    dín (religion), námús (personal honour). the articles of which Akbar had laid
    Those who looked upon Akbar as a guide down, as may be seen below.
    inspiritualmatters (pir)-an honour which
    vi

    himself the hearts of all. He takes care not to commit improprieties in


    conversation, and guards himself from bad actions. Although the
    financial offices are not under his immediate superintendence, yet he
    receives the returns from the heads of all financial offices, and wisely
    keeps abstracts of their returns.
    The Mír-mál, ' the Keeper of the seal, the Mír-bakhshí," the Bár-
    bégií, ' the Qurbégí, the Mír-tózak," the Mír-bahrí," the Mír-barr, ' the
    Mír-Manzil,' the Khwánsálár, the Munshí," the Qush-bégí, " the Akhtah-
    bégi" , belong to this class. Every one of them ought to be sufficiently
    acquainted with the work of the others.
    2. The assistants of victory, the collectors and those entrusted with
    income and expenditure, who in the administration resemble wind, at
    times a heart-rejoicing breeze, at other times a hot, pestilential blast.
    The head of this division is the Vizier, also called Diwán. He is the
    lieutenant of the Emperor in financial matters, superintends the imperial
    treasuries, and checks all accounts. He is the banker of the cash of the
    revenue, the cultivator of the wilderness of the world. He must be a
    member of the Divine Faith, a skilful arithmetician, free from avarice,
    circumspect, warm-hearted, abstinent, active in business, pleasing in his
    style, clear in his writings, truthful, a man of integrity, condescending,
    zealous in his work. He is in reality a book-keeper. He explains all
    13
    matters which appear too intricate for the Mustaufi ; " and whatever is
    beyond his own ability he refers to the Vakil.The Mustaufi, the Sáhib
    17
    i Taujíh," the Awárjah Nawís, " the Mír- Sámán, 16 the Názir i Buyútát, '
    the Díwán i Buyútát," the Mushrif " of the Treasury, the Waqi'ah

    1 10 Private Secretary.
    Perhaps an officer in charge of the
    11
    Emperor's Private purse. Superintendent of the aviaries (fal-
    2 Paymaster of the Court. cons, pigeons).
    An officer who presents people at 13 Superintendent of the Stud.
    Court, their petitions, &c. He is also 13
    Deputy Díwán.
    called Mir 'Arz. 14 The Accountant of the Army.
    ↑ Bearer of the Imperial insignia. 15 The Accountant of the daily ex-
    Master of Ceremonies. penditure at Court.
    Harbour Master General and Admiral. 16 The officer in charge of the Court-
    7
    Superintendent of the Imperial For- furniture, stores, &c.
    ests. " Superintendent of the Imperial
    8 Quarter Master General of the Court. workshops.
    Akbar's court was frequently travelling. 18 The Accountant of the Imperial
    Superintendent of the Imperial workshops.
    Kitchen. 19 Clerk.
    vii

    Nawis, ' the ' Amil of the domains, are under his orders, and act by the
    force of his wisdom .

    Some princes consider the office of the Vizier as a part of that


    of the Vakil, and are anxious to find in their realm a man who
    possesses the excellent qualities of these two pillars of the edifice of the
    State. But as they are not always able to find a person qualified for
    the office of a Vakíl, they make choice of a man who has some of his
    qualities, and appoint him as Mushrif i Diwán, which office is higher in
    rank than that of the Díwán, but lower than that of the Vakíl.
    3. The companions of the king, who are the ornaments of the court by
    the light of their wisdom , the ray of their sharpsightedness, their know-
    ledge of the times, their intimate acquaintance with human nature, their
    frankness and polite address. Through the excellence of their religious
    faith and good will, thousands open in the market place of the world
    the stores of virtue. Wisely fettering ambition on the battle-field of
    the world, they extinguish the sparks of wrath by the rain of their
    wisdom ; whence they resemble water in the affairs of the body political.
    When they are of a mild temperament, they remove the dust of affliction
    from the hearts of men, and bestow freshness upon the meadow of the
    nation ; but if they depart from moderation, they inundate the world
    with a deluge of calamity, so that numbers are driven by the flood of
    misfortunes into the current of utter extinction .
    At the head of this class stands the philosopher, who with the
    assistance of his wisdom and example purifies the morals of the nation ,
    and girds himself with the noble aim of putting the welfare of mankind
    upon a sound basis. The Sadr,' the Mír- 'Adl, the Qází,* the physician ,
    the astronomer, the poet, the soothsayer, belong to this class.
    4. The servants who at court perform the duties about the king.
    They occupy in the system of the State the position of earth. As such ,
    they lie on the high road of submission, and in dust before the majesty
    of the king. If free from chaff and dross, they are like an elixir for
    the body ; otherwise they are dust and dirt upon the face of success.
    The table servant, the armour bearer, the servants in charge of the
    sharbat and the water, the servant in charge of the mattresses and the
    wardrobe, belong to this class.

    The Recorder. 2 Collector. empire.


    a
    Also called Sadr i Jahán, the Chief- The Qází hears the
    Justice and Administrator General of the 'Adl passes the sentence
    viii

    If the king be waited on by servants to whom good fortune has


    given excellent qualities, there arises sometimes a harmony, which is
    like a nosegay from the flower-bed of auspiciousness.
    Just as the welfare of the whole world depends upon the successful
    working of the above mentioned four classes, as settled by kings, so
    does the body politic depend upon the proper formation of the latter
    four divisions.
    The sages of antiquity mention the following four persons as the
    chief supports of the State-1. An upright collector ; who protects the
    husbandman, watches over the subjects, develops the country, and
    improves the revenues. 2. A conscientious commander ofthe army, active
    and strict. 3. A chiefjustice, free from avarice and selfishness, who sits
    on the eminence of circumspection and insight, and obtains his ends by
    putting various questions, without exclusively relying on witnesses and
    oaths. 4. An intelligencer, who transmits the events of the time without
    addition or diminution , always keeping to the thread of truth and
    penetration.
    It is moreover incumbent on a just king to make himself acquainted
    with the characters of the following five kinds' of men of whom the
    world is composed, and act accordingly. 1. The most commendable
    person is the sagacious man who prudently does that which is proper and
    absolutely necessary. The fountain of his virtues does not only run
    along his channel, but renders verdant the fields of other men. Such a
    one is the fittest person for a king to consult in State affairs. After him
    .
    comes, secondly, the man ofgood intentions. The river of his virtues does
    not flow over its bed, and does not therefore become an irrigating source
    for others. Although it may be proper to shew him kindness and
    respect, yet he does not merit so high a degree of confidence. Inferior
    to him is, thirdly, the simple man, who does not wear the badge of
    excellence upon the sleeve of his action, yet keeps the hem of his garment
    free from the dust of wicked deeds. He does not deserve any distinction ;
    but ought to be allowed to live at his ease. Worse than he is, fourthly,
    the inconsiderate man, who fills his house with furniture for his own
    mischief, without, however, doing harm to others. Him the king should
    keep in the hot place of disappointment, and bring him into the road
    of virtue by good advice and severe reprehension . The last of all is the

    The following is a free paraphrase of a XXXII., entitled dar siyásat.


    passage in the Akhlaq i Muhsiní, Chapter
    ix

    vicious man, whose black deeds alarm others and throw, on account of their
    viciousness, a whole world into grief. If the remedies employed in the case
    of men ofthe preceding class , do not amend him, the king should consider
    him as a leper, and confine him separate from mankind ; and provided
    this harsh treatment does not awaken him from his sleep of error, he
    should feel the torture ofgrief, and be banished from his dwelling ; and if
    this remedy produce no effect either, he should be driven out of the
    kingdom, to wander in the wilderness of disappointment ; and if even
    this should not improve his vicious nature, he should be deprived of the
    instruments of his wickedness, and lose his sight, or his hand, or his
    foot. But the king ought not to go so far as to cut the thread of his
    existence ; for enquiring sages consider the human form as an edifice
    made by God, and do not permit its destruction.
    It is therefore necessary for just kings, to make themselves first
    acquainted with the rank and character of men , by the light of insight
    and penetration, and then to regulate business accordingly. And hence
    it is that the sages of ancient times have said that princes who wear the
    jewel of wisdom, do not appoint every low man to their service ; that
    they do not consider every one who has been appointed , to be deserving
    of daily admittance ; that those who are thus favoured, are not therefore
    deemed worthy to sit with them on the carpet of intercourse ; that those
    who are worthy of this station, are not necessarily admitted to the
    pavilion of familiar address ; that those who have this privilege, are not
    therefore allowed to sit in the august assembly ; that those upon whom
    this ray of good fortune falls, are not therefore let into their secrets ;
    and that those who enjoy the happiness of this station, are not therefore
    fit for admission into the Cabinet Council.
    Praise be to God, the Giver of every good gift ! The exalted
    monarch of our time is so endowed with these laudable dispositions, that
    it is no exaggeration to call him their exordium. From the light of his
    wisdom, he discerns the worth of men, and kindles the lamp of their
    energy ; whilst ever clear to himself, and without an effort, he adorns
    his wisdom with the beauty of practice. Who can measure, by the rules
    of speech, his power as a spiritual leader, and his works in the wide field
    of holiness ; and even if it were possible to give a description of it,

    Akbar as the spiritual leader of the are related in the seventy-seventh Aín of
    members belonging to the Divine Faith, this book.
    wrought many miracles , of which some
    2
    X

    who would be able to hear and comprehend it ? The best thing I can
    do is to abstain from such an attempt, and to confine myself to the
    description of such of his wonderful doings as illustrate the worldly side
    of his nature, and his greatness as a king. I shall speak—
    First, of his regulations concerning the household ; secondly, of the
    regulations concerning the army ; thirdly, of the regulations concerning
    the empire, as these three contain the whole duty of a king. In doing
    so, I shall leave practical enquirers a present, which may seem difficult
    to understand, but which is easy ; or rather, which may seem easy, but
    is in reality difficult.
    Experienced men who are acquainted with the art of governing,
    and versed in the history of the past, cannot comprehend, how monarchs
    have hitherto governed without these wise regulations, and how the
    garden of royalty could have been fresh and verdant, without being
    irrigated by this fountain of wisdom.
    This sublime volume then, is arranged under three heads : it enables
    me, in some measure, to express my feelings of gratitude for favours
    received.

    Remark by the Author. As I had sometimes to use Hindi words, I have carefully
    described the consonants and vowels. Enquirers will therefore have no difficulty in
    reading ; nor will any confusion arise from mistakes in copying. Letters like alif, lám,
    and a few more, are sufficiently clear from their names. Some letters I have distinguished
    as manqúṭah, and letters similar in form, without such a limitation. Letters which are
    purely Persian, have been distinguished as such ; thus the p in padid, the ché in chaman,
    the gáf in nigár, the zh in muzhdah. Sometimes I have added to the names of these
    letters, the phrase having three points . Letters peculiar to the Hindi language I have
    distinguished as Hindí. The letter yá, as in rúy, I have called tahtání, and the té, as
    in dast, fauqání. The b in adab , I have merely called bé. Similarly, the letters nún,
    wów, yá, and hé, when clearly sounded, have been merely described as nún, wáw, &c.
    The nasal nún I have called nún i khafi, or nún i pinhán. The final and silent h,
    as in farkhundah, I have called maktúb, i. e., written, but not pronounced . The i and
    u, when modified to é or ó, I have called majhúl . As consonants followed by an alif
    have the vowel a, it was not necessary to specify their vowels.
    BOOK FIRST.

    THE IMPERIAL HOUSEHOLD .

    ΑΊΝ 1 .

    THE HOUSEHOLD.

    He is a man of high understanding and noble aspirations who, without


    the help of others, recognizes a ray of the Divine power in the smallest
    things ofthe world ; who shapes his inward and outward character accordingly,
    and shews due respect to himself and to others . He who does not possess
    these qualifications, ought not to engage in the struggle of the world, but
    observe a peaceable conduct. If the former be given to retirement, he will
    cultivate noble virtues ; and if his position be a dependent one, he will put
    his whole heart in the management of his affairs, and lead a life free from
    distressing cares.
    True greatness, in spiritual and in worldly matters, does not shrink
    from the minutiae of business, but regards their performance as an act of
    Divine worship .'
    If he cannot perform every thing himself, he ought to select, guided
    by insight and practical wisdom, one or two men of sagacity and understand-
    ing, of liberal views in religious matters, possessing diligence and a
    knowledge of the human heart, and be guided by their advice.
    The wise esteem him not a king who confines his attention to great
    matters only, although some impartial judges excuse a king that does so,
    because avaricious sycophants who endeavour by cunning to obtain the
    position of the virtuous, often remind him of the difference of ranks, and
    succeed in lulling asleep such kings as are fond of external greatness, their
    only object being to make a trade of the revenues of the country, and to
    promote their own interests. But good princes make no difference between
    great and small matters ; they take, with the assistance of God, the burden of
    this world and the responsibility of the world to come on the shoulder of
    resolution, and are yet free and independent, as is the case with the king of

    A phrase which Akbar often used .


    12

    our time. In his wisdom, he makes himself acquainted with the successful
    working of every department, which, although former monarchs have thought
    it derogatory to their greatness, is yet the first step towards the establish-
    ment of a good government. For every branch he has made proper regula-
    tions, and he sees in the performance of his duty a means of obtaining
    God's favour.
    The success of this vast undertaking depends upon two things : first,
    wisdom and insight, to call into existence suitable regulations ; secondly, a
    watchful eye, to see them carried out by men of integrity and diligence.
    Although many servants of the household receive their salaries on the
    list of the army, there was paid for the household in the thirty-ninth year of
    the Divine era, the sum of 309,186,795 dáms . ' The expenses on this account,
    as also the revenues, are daily increasing . There are more than one hundred
    offices and workshops, each resembling a city, or rather a little kingdom ;
    and by the unremitting attention of his Majesty, they are all conducted with
    regularity, and are constantly increasing, their improvement being accom-
    panied by additional care and supervision on the part of his Majesty.
    Some of the regulations I shall transmit, as a present, to future
    enquirers, and thus kindle in others the lamp of wisdom and energy.
    As regards those regulations which are of a general nature, and which
    from their subject matter, belong to each of the three divisions of the work,
    I have put them among the regulations of the Household .

    ΑΊΝ 2 .
    THE IMPERIAL TREASURIES.

    Every man of sense and understanding knows that the best way of
    worshipping God, consists in allaying the distress of the times, and in
    improving the condition of man. This depends, however, on the advancement
    of agriculture, on the order kept in the king's household, on the readiness of
    the champions of the empire, and the discipline of the army. All this again
    is connected with the exercise of proper care on the part of the monarch, his
    love for the people, and with an intelligent management of the revenues and
    the public expenditure. It is only when cared for, that the inhabitants of
    the towns, and those of the rural districts, are able to satisfy their wants, and
    to enjoy prosperity. Hence it is incumbent on just kings, to care for the
    former, and to protect the latter class of men. If some say that to collect

    1 Or, 7,729,6697 Rupees. One rupee the commencement of which falls on the
    (of Akbar) = 40 dáms. The Divine era, 19th February 1556 ; hence the thirty-
    or Táríkh i Iláhí, is Akbar's solar era, ninth year corresponds to A.D. 1595 .
    13

    wealth, and to ask for more than is absolutely necessary, is looked upon as
    contemptible by people given to retirement and seclusion, whilst the opposite
    is the case with the inhabitants of the towns, who live in a dependent
    position, I would answer that it is after all only shortsighted men who make
    this assertion ; for in reality both classes of men try to obtain that which
    they think necessary. Poor, but abstemious people take a sufficient quantity
    of food and raiment, so as to keep up the strength necessary for the pursuit
    of their enquiries, and to protect them against the influence of the weather ;
    whilst the other class think to have just sufficient, when they fill their
    treasuries, gather armies, and reflect on other means of increasing their
    power.
    It was from such views, when lifting the veil and beginning to pay
    attention to these weighty concerns, that his Majesty entrusted his inmost
    secrets to the Khájah sarái I'timád Khán, ' a name which his Majesty had
    bestowed upon him as a fitting title. On account of the experience of the
    Khájah, the reflections of his Majesty took a practical turn, widened by
    degrees, and shone at last forth in excellent regulations. An enquiry
    regarding the income of the different kinds of land was set on foot, and
    successfully concluded by the wisdom of upright and experienced men. With
    a comprehensiveness which knew no difference between friends and strangers,
    the lands which paid rents into the imperial exchequer were separated from
    the Jágír lands ; and zealous and upright men were put in charge of the
    revenues, each over one krór of dáms. Incorruptible bitakchis² were selected
    to assist them, and intelligent treasurers were appointed, one for each. And
    from kindness and care for the agricultural classes, it was commanded that the
    collectors should not insist upon the husbandman paying coin of full weight,
    but to give him a receipt for whatever species of money he might bring . This

    ' I'timád means trustworthiness. Khá- to Akbar's satisfaction . In 1565 , he


    jah sarái is the title of the chief' eunuch. conveyed the daughter of Mírán Mubá-
    His real name was Phúl Malik. After rik, king of Khándésh (1535 to 1566 ) , to
    serving Salím Sháh (1545 to 1553) ' who Akbar's harem , took afterwards a part
    bestowed upon him the title of Muham- in the conquest of Bengal, where he dis-
    mad Khán, he entered Akbar's service. tinguished himself, and was, in 1576 ,
    Akbar, after the death of Shamsuddin appointed governor of Bhakkar. When
    Muhammed Atgah Khán , his foster in 1578 Akbar's presence was required in
    father, commenced to look into matters the Panjáb , Itimad Khán desired to
    of finance, and finding the Revenue De- join him. In order to equip his contin-
    partment a den of thieves, he appointed gent, he collected his rents and out-
    I'timád Khán, to remodel the finances, standings, as it appears, with much harsh-
    making him a commander of One Thou- ness. This led to a conspiracy against
    sand (vide Abulfazl's list of Akbar's gran- his life. In the same year he was mur-
    dees, in part second, No. 119), and confer- dered by a man named Maqçúd 'Alí.
    ring upon him the title of l'timád Khán. Maásir ul umará.
    He appears to have performed his duties 2 Writers .
    14

    laudable regulation removed the rust of uncertainty from the minds of the
    collectors, and relieved the subjects from a variety of oppressions, whilst the
    income became larger, and the state flourished . The fountain of the revenues
    having thus been purified, a zealous and honest man was selected for the
    general treasurership, and a dárógah and a clerk were appointed to assist him.
    Vigilance was established, and a standard laid down for this department.
    Whenever a (provincial) treasurer had collected the sum of two lakhs of
    dáms, he had to send it to the Treasurer General at the Court, together with
    a memorandum specifying the quality of the sum.
    A separate treasurer was appointed for the peshkash' receipts, another
    for receiving heirless property, another for nazar receipts, and another for
    3
    the monies expended in weighing the royal person , and for charitable
    donations . Proper regulations were also made for the disbursements ; and
    honest superintendents, dárógahs and clerks were appointed . The sums
    required for the annual expenditure, are paid at the General Treasury to
    each cashkeeper of the disbursements, and correct receipts granted for them.
    A proper system of accounts having thus been inaugurated , the empire began
    to flourish. In a short time the treasuries were full, the army was augmented,
    and refractory rebels led to the path of obedience.
    In Irán and Túrán, where only one treasurer is appointed, the accounts
    are in a confused state ; but here in India, the amount of the revenues is so
    great, and the business so multifarious that twelve treasuries are necessary
    for storing the money, nine for the different kinds of cash-payments, and
    three for precious stones, gold, and inlaid jewellery. The extent of the
    treasuries is too great to admit of my giving a proper description with other
    matters before me. From his knowledge of the work, and as a reward for
    labour, his Majesty very often expresses his satisfaction, or conveys repri-
    mands ; hence everything is in a flourishing condition .
    Separate treasurers were also appointed for each of the Imperial
    workshops, the number of which is nearly one hundred . Daily, monthly,
    quarterly, and yearly accounts are kept of the receipts and disbursements, so
    that in this branch also the market-place of the world is in a flourishing
    condition .
    Again, by the order of his Majesty, a person of known integrity keeps
    in the public audience hall some gold and silver for the needy, who
    have their wants relieved without delay. Moreover a krór of dáms is kept
    in readiness within the palace, every thousand of which is kept in bags made
    of a coarse material. Such a bag is called in Hindi sahsah, and many of

    1 Tributes. 3 Tide the eighteenth Aín of the


    2 Presents, vows, & c . second book.
    15

    them put up in a heap, ganj. Besides, his Majesty entrusts to one of the
    nobility a large sum of money, part of which is carried in a purse.' This is
    the reason, why such disbursements are called in the language of the country
    kharj i bahlah.
    All these benefits flow from the wonderful liberality of his Majesty, and
    from his unremitting care for the subjects of the empire. Would to God
    that he might live a thousand years !

    AIN 3.

    THE TREASURY FOR PRECIOUS STONES .

    If I were to speak about the quantity and quality of the stones, it


    would take me an age. I shall therefore give a few particulars, " gathering
    an ear from every sheaf."
    His Majesty appointed for this office an intelligent, trustworthy, clever
    treasurer, and as his assistants, an experienced clerk, a zealous dárógah,
    and also skilful jewellers. The foundation therefore of this important
    department rests upon those four pillars. They classified the jewels, and
    thus removed the rust of confusion.
    Rubies. -1st class rubies, not less than 1000 muhurs in value ; 2nd class,
    from 999 to 500 muhurs ; 3rd class , from 499 to 300 ; 4th class, from 299 to
    200 ; 5th class, from 199 to 100 ; 6th class, from 99 to 60 ; 7th class, from 59
    to 40 ; 8th class, from 39 to 30 ; 9th class, from 29 to 10 ; 10th class, from
    93 to 5 ; 11th class, from 4 to 1 muhur ; 12th class, from muhur to
    rupee. They made no account of rubies of less value.
    Diamonds, emeralds, and the red and blue yágúts, were classified as follows :
    1st class, from 30 muhurs upwards ; 2nd class, from 29 to 15 muhurs ; 3rd
    class, from 14 to 12 ; 4th class, from 11 to 10 ; 5th class, from 93 to 7 ; 6th
    class, from 6 to 5 ; 7th class, from 4 to 3 ; 8th class, from 23 to 2 ; 9th class,
    from 1 to 1 muhur ; 10th class, from 8 rupees to 5 rupees ; 11th class,
    from 4 to 2 rupees ; 12th class, from 1 to rupee.
    The Pearls were divided into 16 classes, and strung by scores. The first
    string contained twenty pearls, each of a value of 30 muhurs and upwards ;
    2nd class pearls varied from 293 to 15 muhurs ; 3rd class, from 143 to 12 ;
    4th class, from 11 to 10 ; 5th class, from 93 to 7 ; 6th class, from 62 to 5 ;
    7th class, from 4 to 3 ; 8th class, from 23. to 2 ; 9th class, from 13 to 1 ;
    10th class, less than a muhur, down to 5 rupees ; 11th class, less than 5 , to
    2 rupees ; 12th class, less than 2 rupees, to 14 rupees ; 13th class, less than 1

    1 Α purse in Hindi is called bahlah.


    16

    rupees, to 30 dáms ; 14th class, less than 30 dáms, to 20 dáms ; 15th class, less
    than 20 dáms, to 10 dáms ; 16th class, less than 10 dáms, to 5 dáms. The
    pearls are strung upon a number of strings indicating their class, so that
    those of the 16th class are strung upon 16 strings . At the end of each
    bundle of strings the imperial seal is affixed, to avoid losses arising from
    unsorting, whilst a description is attached to each pearl, to prevent disorder.
    The following are the charges for boring pearls, independent of the daily
    and monthly wages of the workmen. For a pearl of the 1st class, rupee ;
    2nd class,; 3rd class, rupee ; 4th class, 3 dáms ; 5th class, 1 súkí ; 6th
    class, 1 dám ; 7th class, dáms ; 8th class, dám ; 9th class, dám ; 10th class,
    ; 11th class, ; 12th class, ; 13th class, ; 14th class,; 15th class,;
    16th class, dám, and less .
    The value of jewels is so well known that it is useless to say anything
    about it ; but those which are at present in the treasury of His Majesty may
    be detailed as follows :-
    Rubies weighing 11 tánks, 20 surkhs, ' and diamonds of 5 tánks, 4
    surkhs, each one lakh of rupees ; emeralds weighing 17 tánks, 3 surkhs,
    52,000 rupees ; yáqúts of 4 tánks, 7½ surkhs, and pearls of 5 tánks, each 50,000
    rupees.

    AIN 4.

    THE IMPERIAL MINT.

    As the successful working of the mint increases the treasure, and is the
    source of despatch for every department, I shall mention a few details.
    The inhabitants of the towns and the country perform their transactions
    by means of money. Every man uses it according to the extent of his
    necessities ; the man whose heart is free from worldly desires sustains by it
    his life, and the worldly man considers it the final stage of his objects- the
    wants of all are satisfied by it. The wise man looks upon it as the founda-
    tion, from which the fulfilment of his worldly and religious wishes flows . It
    is absolutely necessary for the continuance of the human race, as men obtain
    by money their food and clothing. You may indeed gain these two things
    by undergoing some labour, as sowing, rearing, reaping, cleaning, kneading,

    1 Surkh means red ; also , a little seed 1 máshah ; 12 máshahs = 1 tólah, and 80
    with a black dot on it, called in Hind. tólahs 1 sér. A tánk is valued at 4
    ghungchi, Abrus precatorius. The Per- máshahs ; but it must have weighed a
    sians called it chashmi khurús, cock's little more, as in the tenth Aín, Abulfazl
    eye. The seeds are often used for states that the weight of 1 dám was
    children's bracelets. Abulfazl means 5 tánks, or 1 tólah, 8 máshahs , 7surkhs ;
    here the weight called in Hind . rati, i. e. 1 tánk - 167 máshahs = 4
    vulgo ruttee. 8 surkhs, or 8 ratís, = máshahs, 13 surkhs.
    17

    cooking ; twisting, spinning, wearing, &c.; but these actions cannot well be
    performed without several helpers ; for the strength of a single man is not
    sufficient, and to do so day after day would be difficult, if not impos-
    sible. Again, man requires a dwelling, for keeeping his provisions .
    This he calls his home, whether it be a tent, or a cave . Man's exist-
    ence, and the continuance of his life, depend on five things - a father,
    a mother, children, servants, food, the last of which is required by all.
    Moreover, money is required, as our furniture and utensils break ; they last
    in no case very long. But money does last long, on account of the strength
    and compactness of its material, and even a little of it may produce much
    It also enables men to travel. How difficult would it be to carry provisions
    for several days, let alone for several months or years !
    By the help of God's goodness this excellent precious metal (gold) has
    come to the shore of existence, and filled the store of life without much labour
    on the part of man. By means of gold, man carries out noble plans, and
    even performs Divine worship in a proper manner. Gold has many valuable
    qualities it possesses softness, a good taste, and smell. Its component parts
    are nearly equal ' in weight ; and the marks of the four elements are visible
    in its properties . Its colour reminds us of fire, its purity of air, its
    softness of water, its heaviness of earth ; hence gold possesses many
    life-giving rays. Nor can any of the four elements injure it ; for it does not
    burn in the fire ; it remains unaffected by air ; retains for ages its appearance
    although kept in water ; and does not get altered when buried in the ground,
    whereby gold is distinguished from the other metals . It is for this reason
    that in old books on philosophy in which man's intellect is termed the greater
    2
    principle, gold is called the lesser principle, as the things required for human
    6
    life depend upon it. Among its epithets I may mention the guardian of
    (
    justice ; the universal adjuster ;'-and indeed the adjustment of things
    depends on gold, and the basis ofjustice rests upon it. To render it ser-
    vice, God has allowed silver and brass to come into use, thus creating
    additional means for the welfare of man. Hence just kings and energetic
    rulers have paid much attention to these metals, and erected mints, where
    their properties may be thoroughly studied. The success of this department
    lies in the appointment of intelligent, zealous and upright workmen , and the
    edifice of the world is built upon their attention and carefulness .

    According to the chemists of the ing properties. Vide the thirteenth Xín.
    middles ages, gold consists of quicksilver 2 Were it not for piety, I would
    and sulphur taken in equal proportions ; bow down to gold and say, ' Hallowed
    the latter must, however, possess colour- be thy name !' Hariri.

    3
    18

    THE WORKMEN OF THE MINT.


    AIN 5.

    1. The Dárógah. He must be a circumspect and intelligent man, of


    broad principles, who takes the cumbrous burden of his colleagues upon the
    shoulder of despatch. He must keep every one to his work, and shew zeal and
    integrity.
    2. The Sairafi . The success of this important department depends
    upon his experience, as he determines the degrees of purity of the coins. On
    account of the prosperity of the present age, there are now numbers of skilful
    sarráfs ; and by the attention of his Majesty, gold and silver are refined to
    the highest degree of purity. The highest degree of purity is called
    in Persia dahdah , but they do not know above ten degrees of fineness ; whilst
    in India it is called bárahbání, as they have twelve degrees. Formerly the old
    hun, which is a gold coin current in the Deccan, was thought to be pure, and
    reckoned at ten degrees ; but his Majesty has now fixed it at 8 : and the
    round, small gold dínár of ' Aláuddín, which was considered to be 12 degrees,
    now turns out to be 10 .
    Those who are experienced in this business have related wonderful
    stories of the purity of gold at the present time, and referred it to witchcraft
    and alchemy ; for they maintain, that gold ore does not come up to this
    fineness. But by the attention of his Majesty, it has come up to this degree ;
    hence the astonishment of people acquainted with this branch. It is, however,
    certain, that gold cannot be made finer, and of a higher degree. Honest
    describers and truthful travellers have indeed never mentioned this degree ;
    but, when gold is put into fusion, small particles separate from it, and mix
    with the ashes, which ignorant men look upon as useless dross, whilst the
    skilful recover the metal from it. Although malleable gold ore be calcined
    and reduced to ashes, yet by a certain operation, it is brought back to its
    original state ; but a part of it is lost. Through the wisdom of his Majesty,
    the real circumstances connected with this loss, were brought to light, and
    the fraudulent practices of the workmen thus put to the test.

    AIN 6.
    BANWARI. 3

    An abbreviation for bánwári. Although in this country clever Sairafis


    are able from experience to tell the degree of fineness by the colour and the

    1 The same as Sairafí ; hence a shroff, 2 This Hind. word which is not given
    a money lender. in the dictionaries, means the testing of
    gold.
    19

    brightness of the metal, the following admirable rule has been introduced, for
    the satisfaction of others.
    To the ends of a few long needles, made of brass or such like metal,
    small pieces of gold are affixed , having their degree of fineness written
    on them. When the workmen wish to assay a new piece of gold , they first
    draw with it a few lines on a touchstone, and some other lines with the
    needles . By comparing both sets of lines, they discover the degree of
    fineness of the gold. It is, however, necessary that the lines be drawn in the
    same manner, and with the same force, so as to avoid deception .
    To apply this rule, it is necessary to have gold of various degrees of
    fineness. This is obtained as follows. They melt together one máshah of
    pure silver with the same quantity of the best copper ; and let it get solid.
    This mixture they again melt with 6 máshahs of pure gold of 104 degrees of
    fineness. Ofthis composition one máshah' is taken, and divided into sixteen
    parts of half a surkh each . If now 7 surkhs of pure gold (of 10 }
    degrees) are mixed with one of the sixteen parts of the composition, the
    touch of the new mixture will only be 101 bán . Similarly, 7 surkhs pure
    gold and 2 parts of the composition melted together, will give gold of 10 bán ;
    6 8. pure gold and 3 parts composition, 9 bán ; 6 s . gold and 4 parts
    composition, 94 bán ; 5½ 8. gold and 5 parts composition, 94 bán ; 5 s. gold
    and 6 parts composition , 9 bán ; 43 s . gold and 7 parts composition, 83 bán ;
    4 s . gold and 8 parts composition, 84 bán ; 34 s. gold and 9 parts composition,
    81 bán ; 3 s. gold and 10 parts composition, 8 bán ; 23 s . gold and 11 parts
    composition, 73 bán ; 2 s . gold and 12 parts composition, 74 bán ; 1 s. gold
    and 13 parts composition, 74 bán ; 1 s . gold and 14 parts composition , 7 bán ;
    and lastly, 8. gold and 15 parts composition, 63 bán. Or generally, every
    additional half surkh (or one part) ofthe composition diminishes the fineness
    of the gold by a quarter bán, the touch of the composition itself being 64 bán .
    If it be required to have a degree less than 65 bán, they mix together
    surkh of the first mixture which consisted, as I said, of silver and copper,
    with 7 surkhs of the second composition (consisting of gold, copper
    and silver) , which, when melted together, gives gold of 61 bán ; and if 1
    surkh of the first mixture be melted together with 7 surkhs of the second
    composition, the result will be 6 bán ; and if they require still baser composi-
    tions, they increase the mixtures by half surkhs . But in the Banwárí, they
    reckon to 6 báns only, rejecting all baser compositions.
    All this is performed by a man who understands the tests.
    3. The Amin . He must possess impartiality and integrity, so that

    This máshah contains 6 parts gold, 2 The Hind. term bán means temper,
    1 part silver, and 1 part copper, i . e., degree.
    gold and alloy.
    20

    friends and enemies can be sure of him. Should there be any differences, he
    assists the dárógah and the other workmen, maintains that which is right,
    and prevents quarrels.
    4. The Mushrif. He writes down the daily expenditure in an upright
    and practical manner, and keeps a systematic day-book.
    5. The Merchant. He buys up gold, silver and copper, by which he
    gains a profit for himself, assists the department, and benefits the revenues
    of the State. Trade will flourish, when justice is everywhere to be had,
    and when rulers are not avaricious.
    6. The Treasurer who watches over the profits, and is upright in all his
    dealings .
    The salaries of the first four and the sixth officers differ from each other,
    the lowest of them holding the rank of an Ahadí.
    7. The Weighman, who weighs the coins. For weighing 100 jalálí gold-
    muhurs, he gets 12 dáms ; for weighing 1000 rupees, 61g dáms ; and for
    weighing 1000 copper dáms, of a dám ; and, after this rate, according to
    the quantity.
    8. The Melter ofthe ore. He makes small and large trenches in a tablet
    of clay which he besmears with grease, and pours into them the melted gold
    and silver, to cast them into ingots. In the case of copper, instead of using
    grease, it is sufficient to sprinkle ashes. For the above mentioned quantity
    of gold, he gets 23 dáms ; for the same quantity of silver, 5 dáms and 13
    jétals ; for the same quantity of copper, 4 dáms and 214 jétals .
    9. The Platemaker. He makes the adulterated gold into plates of six or
    seven máshahs each, six fingers in length and breadth ; these he carries to
    the assay master, who measures them in a mould made of copper, and stamps
    such as are suitable, in order to prevent alterations, and to shew the work
    done . He receives as wages for the above mentioned quantity of gold, 421
    dáms .

    AIN 7.

    THE MANNER OF REFINING GOLD.

    When the abovementioned plates have been stamped, the owner ofthe
    gold, for the weight of every 100 jalálí goldmuhurs, must furnish 4 sérs of

    The Ahadis correspond to our War- word Ahadi, the h of which is the Arabic
    ranted officers. Most clerks of the Im- で was spelt in official returns with the
    perial offices, the painters of the court, Persian 8. So deep-rooted, says Badáoní,
    the foremen in Akbar's workshops, &c.,
    was Akbar's hatred for every thing which
    belonged to this corps. They were called was Arabic.
    Ahadis, or single men, because they stood 2 Twenty-fivejétals make one dám.
    under Akbar's immediate orders . The
    Tide the 10th Aín .
    21

    saltpetre, and 4 sérs of brickdust of raw bricks. The plates after having
    been washed in clean water, are stratified with the above mixture (of the
    saltpetre and brickdust), and put one above the other, the whole being covered
    with cowdung, which in Hindi is called uplah. It is the dry dung of the Wild
    Cow. Then they set fire to it, and let it gently burn, till the dung is reduced
    to ashes, when they leave it to cool ; then these ashes being removed from
    the sides, are preserved. They are called in Persian khák i khaláç, and in
    Hindi salóní. By a process to be mentioned hereafter, they recover silver
    from it. The plates, and the ashes below them, are left as they are. This
    process of setting fire to the dung, and removing the ashes at the sides, is
    twice repeated. When three fires have been applied, they call the plates
    sitái . They are then again washed in clean water, and stratified three times
    with the above mixture, the ashes of the sides being removed.
    This operation must be repeated, till six mixtures and eighteen fires have
    been applied, when the plates are again washed . Then the assay master breaks
    one of them ; and if there comes out a soft and mild sound, it is a sign of its
    being sufficiently pure ; but if the sound is harsh, the plates must undergo
    three more fires. Then from each of the plates one máshah is taken away,
    of which aggregate a plate is made. This is tried on the touchstone ; if it is
    not sufficiently fine, the gold has again to pass through one or two fires. In
    most cases, however, the desired effect is obtained by three or four fires.
    The following method of assaying is also used. They take two tólahs of
    pure gold, and two tólahs of the gold which passed through the fire, and
    make twenty plates of each, of equal weight. They then spread the above
    mixture, apply the fire, wash them, and weigh them with an exact balance .
    If both kinds are found to be equal in weight, it is a proof of pureness .
    10. The Melter of the refined metal. He melts the refined plates of gold,
    and casts them, as described above, into ingots. His fee for 100 gold muhurs
    is three dáms .
    11. The Zarráb. He cuts off the gold, silver and copper ingots, as
    exactly as he can, round pieces of the size of coined money. His fees are,
    for 100 gold muhurs, 21 dáms, 1jétals ; for the weight of 1000 rupees
    53 dáms, 8 jétals, if he cuts rupees ; and 28 dáms in addition, if he cuts the
    same weight of silver into quarter rupees . For 1000 copper dáms his fee is
    20 dáms ; for the same weight of half and quarter dáms, 25 dáms ; and for
    half quarter dáms, which are called dumris, 69 dáms.
    In Irán and Túrán they cannot cut these pieces without a proper anvil ;
    but Hindustani workmen cut them without such an instrument, so exactly,
    that there is not the difference of a single hair, which is remarkable enough.
    12. The Engraver. He engraves the dies of the coins on steel, and such
    like metals. Coins are then stamped with these dies. At this day, Mauláná
    22

    'Alí Ahmad of Delhi , who has not his equal in any country, cuts different
    kinds of letters in steel, in such a manner as equals the copyslips of the most
    skilful caligraphers . He holds the rank of a yúzbáshi ;' and two of his men
    serve in the mint. Both have a monthly salary of 600 dáms .
    13. The Sikkachi . He places the round pieces of metal between two
    dies ; and by the strength of the hammerer (putkchí) both sides are stamped.
    His fees are for 100 goldmuhurs , 13 dáms ; for 1000 rupees, 5 dáms, 94 jétals ;
    and for the weight of 1000 rupees of small silver pieces, 1 dám, 3 jétals in
    addition ; for 1000 copper dáms, 3 dáms ; for 2000 half dáms, and 4000
    quarter dáms, 3 dáms, 183 jétals ; and for 8000 half-quarter dáms, 10 dáms.
    Out of these fees the sikkachí has to give one-sixth to the hammerer, for
    whom there is no separate allowance .
    14. The Sabbák makes the refined silver into round plates. For every
    1000 rupees weight, he receives 54 dáms.
    The discovery of alloy in silver. Silver may be alloyed with lead, tin and
    copper. In Irán and Túrán, they also call the highest degree of fineness of
    silver dahdahí ; in Hindustán, the sairafis use for it the term bist biswah. Accord-
    ing to the quantity of the alloy, it descends in degree ; but it is not made less
    than five, and no one would care for silver baser than ten degrees. Practical
    men can discover from the colour of the compound, which of the alloys is pre-
    vailing, whilst by filing and boring it, the quality of the inside is ascertained.
    They also try it by beating it when hot, and then throwing it into water,
    when blackness denotes lead, redness copper, a white greyish colour tin, and
    whiteness a large proportion of silver.

    THE METHOD OF REFINING SILVER.

    They dig a hole, and having sprinkled into it a small quantity


    of wild cow dung, they fill it with the ashes of Mughilan³ wood ; then
    they moisten it, and work it up into the shape of a dish ; into this
    they put the adulterated silver, together with a proportionate quantity
    of lead . First, they put a fourth part of the lead on the top of the
    silver, and having surrounded the whole with coals, blow the fire with a pair
    of bellows, till the metals are melted, which operation is generally repeated
    four times. The proofs of the metal being pure are, a lightning-like bright-
    ness, and its beginning to harden at the sides. As soon as it is hardened in

    This Turkish word signifies a com- rupees per mensem ; vide the third Aín
    mander of one hundred men, a captain. of the second book.
    Ahadis of distinction were promoted to 2 Called in Hind. babúl, a kind of
    this military rank. The salary of a Yúz- acacia. Its bark is used in tanning.
    báshí varied from five to seven hundred
    23

    the middle, they sprinkle it with water, when flames resembling in shape the
    horns of wild goats, issue from it. It then forms itself into a dish, and is
    perfectly refined . If this dish be melted again, half a surkh in every tólah
    will burn away, i. e. , 6 máshahs and 2 surkhs in 100 tólahs. The ashes of
    the dish, which are mixed with silver and lead, form a kind of litharge, called
    in Hindi k'haral, and in Persian kuhnah ;' the use of which will be hereafter
    explained . Before this refined silver is given over to the Zarráb, 5 máshahs
    and 5 surkhs are taken away for the Imperial exchequer out of every hundred
    tólahs of it ; after which the assay master marks the mass with the usual
    stamp, that it may not be altered or exchanged.
    In former times silver also was assayed by the banwárí system ; now it
    is calculated as follows : -if by refining 100 tolahs , of shahi silver, which is
    current in ' Iraq and Khurásán, and of the lárí and misqálí, which are current
    in Túrán, there are lost three tólahs and one surkh ; and of the same quantity
    of the European and Turkish narji , and the mahmudi and muzaffari of
    Gujrát and Málwah, 13 tólahs and 63 máshahs are lost, they become of the
    imperial standard.
    15. The Qurçkúb having heated the refined silver, hammers it till it has
    lost all smell of the lead. His fee for the weight of 1000 rupees, is 4 dams.
    16. The Cháshnigír examines the refined gold and silver, and fixes its
    purity as follows :-Having made two tólahs of the refined gold into eight
    plates, he applies layers of the mixture as above described, and sets fire to
    it, keeping out, however, all draught ; he then washes the plates, and melts
    them. If they have not lost anything by this process, the gold is pure. The
    assay-master then tries it upon the touchstone, to satisfy himself and others .
    For assaying that quantity, he gets 13 dáms. In the case of silver, he takes
    one tólah with a like quantity of lead, which he puts together into a bone
    crucible, and keeps it on the fire till the lead is all burnt. Having then
    sprinkled the silver with water, he hammers it till it has lost all smell of the
    lead ; and having melted it in a new crucible, he weighs it ; and if it has lost
    in weight three birinj (rice grains), it is sufficiently pure ; otherwise he melts
    it again, till it comes to that degree. For assaying that quantity, his fee is
    3 dáms, 4 jétals.
    17. The Niáriyah collects the khák i khaláç , and washes it, taking two
    sérs at the time ; whatever gold there may be amongst it, will settle, from its
    weight, to the bottom. The khák, when thus washed, is called in Hindí
    kukrah, and still contains some gold, for the recovery of which, directions
    shall hereafter be given. The abovementioned adulterated sediment is
    rubbed together with quicksilver , at the rate of six máshahs per sér. The

    1 1
    Some MSS. have katah. 2 One MS. has six.
    24

    quicksilver from its predilective affinity, draws the gold to itself, and forms
    an amalgam which is kept over the fire in a retort, till the gold is separated
    from the quicksilver.
    For extracting the gold from this quantity of khák, the Niyariyah
    receives 20 dáms, 2 jétals .

    The process of Kukrah.

    They mix with the kukrah an equal quantity of punhar, and form a
    paste of rasi ( aqua fortis), and wild cowdung. They then pound the first
    composition, and mixing it with the paste, work it up into balls of two sérs
    weight, which they dry on a cloth.
    Punhar is obtained as follows :-
    They make a hole in the earth, and fill it with the ashes of Babul- wood'
    at the rate of six fingers of ashes for every maund of lead . The lead itself is
    put at the bottom of the hole, which has been smoothed ; then they cover
    it with charcoals, and melt the lead . After that, having removed the coals,
    they place over it two plates of clay, fixed by means of thorns, and close up
    the bellows hole, but not the vent. This they keep covered with bricks, till
    the ashes have thoroughly soaked up the lead. The bricks they frequently
    remove, to learn the state of the lead . For the abovementioned quantity of
    lead, there are 4 máshahs of silver mixed up with the ashes . These ashes
    they cool in water, when they are called punhar. Out of every man of lead
    two sérs are burnt ; but the mass is increased by four sérs of ashes, so that
    the weight of the whole mass will be one man and two sérs.
    Rasi is a kind of acid, made of ashkhár' and saltpetre.
    Having thus explained what punhar and rasi are, I return to the descrip-
    tion of the process of Kukrah. They make an oven-like vessel, narrow at both
    ends, and wide in the middle, one and a half yards in height, with a hole at
    the bottom. Then having filled the vessel with coals within four fingers of
    the top, they place it over a pit dug in the earth, and blow the fire with two
    bellows. After that, the aforementioned balls being broken into pieces,
    they throw them into the fire and melt them, when the gold, silver, copper
    and lead, fall through the hole in the bottom of the vessel into the pit below.
    Whatever remains in the vessel, is softened and washed, and the lead separat-
    ed from it. They likewise collect the ashes, from whence also by a certain
    process profit may be derived . The metal is then taken out of the pit, and
    melted according to the punhar system. The lead will mix with the ashes,

    The margins of some of the MSS. impure carbonate of soda.


    explain this word by the Hind. sijji, 1
    25

    from which thirty sérs will be recovered, and ten sérs will be burnt. The
    gold, silver and copper, remain together in a mass, and this they call bugráwati,
    or according to some, gubráwati.

    The process of Bugráwati.


    They make a hole, and fill it with the ashes of babúl-wood , half a sér for
    every 100 tólahs of bugrawáti. These ashes they then make up in form of
    a dish, and mix them up with the bugráwatí, adding one tólah of copper, and
    twenty-five tólahs of lead. They now fill the dish with coals, and cover it
    with bricks. When the whole has melted , they remove the coals and the
    bricks, and make a fire of babul-wood, till the lead and copper unite with the
    ashes, leaving the gold and silver together. These ashes are also called
    k'haral, and the lead and copper can be recovered from them by a process,
    which will be hereafter explained.

    AIN 8.

    THE METHOD OF SEPARATING THE SILVER FROM THE GOLD.

    They melt this composition six times ; three times with copper, and three
    times with sulphur, called in Hind. chhachhiya. For every tólah of the alloy,
    they take a máshah of copper, and two máshahs, two surkhs of sulphur.
    First, they melt it with copper, and then with sulphur. If the alloy be of
    100 tólahs weight, the 100 máshahs of copper are employed as follows : -they
    first melt fifty máshahs with it, and then twice again, twenty-five máshahs .
    The sulphur is used in similar proportions. After reducing the mixture of
    gold and silver to small bits, they mix with it fifty máshahs of copper, and
    melt it in a crucible. They have near at hand a vessel full of cold water, on
    the surface of which is laid a broomlike bundle of hay. Upon it they pour
    the melted metal, and prevent it, by stirring it with a stick, from forming
    into a mass .
    Then having again melted these bits, after mixing them with
    the remaining copper in a crucible, they set it to cool in the shade : and for
    every tólah of this mixture, two máshahs and two surkhs of sulphur are
    used, i. e., at the rate of one and one half quarter sér ( 13 sér) per 100 tólaks.
    When it has been three times melted in this manner, there appears on the
    surface a whitish kind of ashes, which is silver. This is taken off, and kept
    separate ; and its process shall hereafter be explained . When the mixture
    of gold and silver has thus been subjected to three fires for the copper, and
    three for the sulphur, the solid part left is the gold. In the language of the
    Panjáb, this gold is called kail, whilst about Dihlí, it is termed pinjar. If
    4
    26

    the mixture contained much gold, it generally turns out to be of 63 bán, but
    it is often only five, and even four.
    In order to refine this gold, one of the following methods must be used :
    Either they mix fifty tólahs of this with 400 tólahs of purer gold, and refine
    it by the Salóni process ; or else they use the Alóni process. For the latter
    they make a mixture of two parts of wild cowdung, and one part of saltpetre,
    Having then cast the aforesaid pinjar into ingots, they make it into plates,
    none of which ought to be lighter than 14 tólahs, but a little broader than
    those which they make in the saloni process . Then having besmeared them
    with sesame-oil, they strew the above mixture over them, giving them for
    every strewing two gentle fires. This operation they repeat three or four
    times ; and if they want the metal very pure, they repeat the process till it
    comes up to nine bán . The ashes are also collected , being a kind of k’haral.

    AIN 9.

    THE METHOD OF EXTRACTING THE SILVER FROM THESE


    ASHES .

    Whatever ashes and dross have been collected, both before and after the
    process of alóni, they mix with double the quantity of pure lead, put them into
    a crucible, and keep them for one watch over the fire . When the metal is
    cold, they refine it as described under the article Sabbák, p . 22. The ashes of
    it are also k'haral. The salóni process is also performed in other ways well
    known to those conversant with the business .
    18. The Paniwár having melted the k'haral, separates the silver from
    the copper. His fee for every tólah of silver is 14 dáms . As a return for the
    profit he makes, he pays monthly 300 dáms to the díwán. Having reduced
    the 'haral to small bits, he adds to every man of it 13 sérs of tangár (borax) ,
    and three sérs of pounded natrum, and kneads them together. He then
    puts this mass, sér by sér, into the vessel above described, and melts it, when
    lead mixed with silver collects in the pit. This is afterwards refined by the
    process of the sabbák, and the lead which separates from this, and mixes
    with the ashes, turns punhar.
    19. The Paikár buys the salóni and K'haral from the goldsmiths of the
    city, and carries them to the mint to be melted, and makes a profit on the
    gold and silver. For every man of salóni, he gives 17 dáms, and for the
    same quantity of k'haral 14 dáms, to the exchequer.
    20. The Nichóiwálah brings old copper-coins which are mixed with
    silver, to be melted ; and from 100 tólahs of silver, 3 rupees go to the
    27

    díwán ; and when he wishes to coin the silver, he pays a fixed quantity for it
    as duty.
    21. The Khakshóe. When the owners of the metals get their gold and
    silver in the various ways which have now been described, the Khakshóe
    sweeps the mint, takes the sweepings to his own house, washes them, and
    gains a profit. Some of the sweepers carry on a very flourishing trade. The
    state receives from this man a monthly gift of 123 rupees.
    And in like manner all the officers of the mint pay a monthly duty to
    the state, at the rate of three dáms for every 100 dáms.

    AIN 10.

    THE COINS OF THIS GLORIOUS EMPIRE.

    As through the attention of his Majesty, gold and silver have been
    brought to the greatest degree of purity, in like manner the form of the coins
    has also been improved. The coins are now an ornament to the treasury,
    and much liked by the people . I shall give a few particulars.
    A. Gold Coins.

    The S'hansah is a round coin weighing 101 tólahs, 9 máshahs, and


    7 surkhs, in value equal to 100 la'l i jaláli-muhurs. On the field of one side
    is engraved the name of his Majesty, and on the five arches in the border,
    alsultánu alaʼzamu alkhágánu almu'azzamu khallada alláhu mulkahu wa sultánahu
    zarbu dari-lkhiláfati Agrah, —“ The great sultán, the distinguished emperor,
    may God perpetuate his kingdom and his reign ! Struck at the capital
    Agrah." On the field of the reverse is the beautiful formula,' and the
    following verse of the Qorán :2-Alláhu yarzaqu man yasháu bighairi hisábin,-
    " God is bountiful unto whom He pleaseth, without measure ;” —and
    roundabout are the names of the first four califs. This is what was first
    cut by Mauláná Maqçúd, the engraver ; after which Mullá ' Ali Ahmad
    made with great skill the following additions. On one side, Afzalu dinárin
    yanfuquhu alrajulu, dinárun yanfuquhu ' ala açhábihi fi sabilillah, -"The best
    coin which a man expends, is a coin which he spends on his co-religionists
    in the path of God. "
    And on the other side he wrote,
    Alsultánu al' álí alkhalifatu almuta'áli khallada alláhu ta'ála mulkahu wa
    sultánahu, wa abbada ' adlahu wa ihsánahu,-― " The sublime sultán, the exalted

    Also called Kalimah, or the Confession dun rasúl-ulláh.


    2
    of Faith, lá iláha ill-alláh, Muhamma- Qor. Sur. II, 208.
    28

    calif, may God the Almighty perpetuate his kingdom and his reign, and give
    eternity to his justice and bounty !"
    Afterwards all this was removed, and the following two Rubá'ís of
    the court-poet and philosopher Shaikh Faizi were engraved by him. On one
    side,
    Khurshed kih haft bahr azú gauhar yáft
    Sang é siyah az partaw i ánjauhar yáft
    Kán az nazar é tarbiyat é ú zar yáft
    Wán zar sharaf az sikkah i Shah Akbar yáft.
    "It is the Sun' from which the seven oceans get their pearls,
    The black rocks get their jewels from his lustre.
    The mines get their gold from his fostering glance,
    And their gold is ennobled by Akbar's stamp ."
    and, Alláhu akbar, jalla jaláluhu, -" God is great, may his His glory shine
    forth " in the middle. And on the other side,
    In sikkah kih piráyah i umméd burad
    Bá naqsh i dawám u nám ijáwid buwad
    Simá i sa'ádatash hamin bas kih badahr
    Yak zarrah nazar-kardah i khurshed buwad.
    " This coin, which is an ornament of hope,
    Carries an everlasting stamp, and an immortal name.
    As a sign of its auspiciousness, it is sufficient
    That once for all ages the sun has cast a glimpse upon it."
    and the date, according to the Divine era, in the middle.
    2. There is another gold coin, of the same name and shape, weighing
    91 tólahs and 8 máshahs, in value equal to 100 round muhurs, at 11 máshahs
    each. It has the same impression as the preceding.
    3. The Rahas is the half of each of the two preceding coins. It is
    sometimes made square . On one side it has the same impression as the
    s'hansah, and on the other side the following Rubá'í by Faizi :-
    In naqd i rawán i ganj i sháhinshahi
    Bá kaukab i igbál kunad hamráhi
    Khurshed biparwarash azánrú kih badahr
    Yábad sharaf az sikkah i Akbarsháhí .
    " This current coin of the imperial treasure
    Accompanies the star of good fortune.
    O sun, foster it, because for all ages
    It is ennobled by Akbar's stamp !"

    Accordingtothe Natural Philosophers cious stones into existence ; vide the thir-
    of the Middle Ages, the influence of the teenth Aín. The allusion to the sun is
    sun calls the metals, the pearls and pre- explained by the note to page III.
    29

    4 . The Atmah is the fourth part of the s'hansah, round and square .
    Some have the same impression as the s'hansah ; and some have on one side
    the following Rubá'í by Faizí—
    In sikkah kih dast i bakht rá zéwar búd
    Pirayah i nuh sipihr u haft akhtar bád
    Zarrin naqdést kár azú chún zar bád
    Dar dahr rawán banám i sháh akbar bád.
    " This coin- May it adorn the hand of the fortunate,
    And may it be an ornament of the nine heavens and the seven
    stars !-
    Is a gold coin, -May golden be its work!
    Let it be current for all ages to the glory of Shah Akbar."
    And on the other side the preceding Rubá'í.
    5. The Binsat, of the same two forms as the átmah, in value equal to
    one-fifth of the first coin.
    There are also gold coins of the same shape and impression, in value
    equal to one-eighth, one-tenth, one-twentieth, one twenty-fifth, of the s'hansah.
    6. The Chugul, ' of a square form, is the fiftieth part of the s'hansah, in
    value equal to two muhurs.2
    7. The round La'l i Jalúli, ³ in weight and value equal to two round
    muhurs, having on one side " Alláhu akbar," and on the other Yá mu'inu—
    " O helper. "
    8. The Aftabi is round, weighs 1 tólah, 2 máshahs and 43 surkhs, in

    1 Or Jugul. Abulfazl's spelling in the 3 tólahs, 5 surkhs, worth 30 rupees ;


    text is ambiguous. and then passes on to the eighth coin, the
    2 The MSS. differ. Most of them place Aftábí.
    the Chugul as the sixth coin, after the Two other MSS . -among them Col.
    Binsat, and read :- Hamilton's-read after the Binsat, (i. e.,
    " The Chugul, of a square form, weigh- after the twenty-fifth line of p. 24 of my
    ing 3 tólahs, 5 surkhs ; its value is text edition)-
    thirty rupees. Also, of a round form, " 6. The Chahárgóshah (or square),
    weighing 2 tólahs, 9 máshahs, having a weighing 3 tólahs, 5 surkhs, worth 30
    value of three round muhurs, of 11 má- rupees.
    shahs each, (i . e., 27 rupees) . But the 7. The Gird (or round) ; weighing 2
    impression of both is the same. They tólahs, 9 máshahs , in value equal to the
    are the fiftieth part of the S'hansah." 3 round muhurs of 11 máshahs each."
    The last sentence does not agree with 66 Both have the same impression
    ."
    the value and weight of the Shansah ; " 8. The Chugul, of a square form, the
    for the two Chuguls, as given by Abul- fiftieth part of a S'hansah, in value equal
    fazl, would each be the 100th
    3 part of the to two La'l i Jálalí muhurs."
    two kinds of S'hansah, not the fiftieth This reading obviates all difficulties.
    part. But the real question is whether the
    Mr. Thomas in his excellent edition of Chahárgóshah, the Gird, and the Chugul
    Prinsep's Useful tables, pp. 5 and 6, gives are three distinct coins.
    an extract from a MS. of the Ain in his For the round La'l i Jalálí, some
    66
    possession, which appears to agree with MSS. only read, " The Gird," i. e., round,
    the above reading ; but he only mentions taking the words La'li Jalálí to the
    the square form of the Chugul, weighing preceding. Vide the tenth coin.
    30

    value equal to 12 rupees. On one side, " Alláhu akbar, jalla jalláluhu," and
    on the other the date according to the Divine era, and the place where it is
    struck.
    9. The Ilahi is round, weighs 12 máshahs, 1 surkhs, bears the same
    stamp as the Aftábi, and has a value of 10 rupees.
    10. The square La'l i Jalálí is of the same weight and value ; on one
    side " Alláhu akbar," and on the other "jallajaláluhu.”
    11. The ' Adlgutkah is round, weighs 11 máshahs, and has a value of
    nine rupees. On one side " Alláhu akbar," and on the other, “ Yá mu'inu.”

    12. The Round muhur, in weight and value equal to the ' Adlgutkah, but
    of a different' stamp .
    13. Mihrábí² is in weight, value, and stamp, the same as the round
    muhur.
    14. The Mu'íní is both square and round . In weight and value it is
    equal to the La'l ijalálí, and the round muhur. It bears the stamp "yá
    mu'ínu."
    15. The Chahárgóshah, in stamp and weight the same as the Aftábí.
    16. The Gird is the half of the Iláhí, and has the same stamp.
    17 . The D'han is half a La'l i Jalálí.“
    18 . The Salimi is the half of the 'Adlgutkah.
    19. The Rabi is a quarter of the Aftábí.
    20. The Man, is a quarter of the Iláhí, and Jalálí.
    21. The Half Salimi is a quarter of the ' Adlgutkah.
    22 .The Panj is the fifth part of the Iláhí.
    23. The Pandau is the fifth part of the La'l i Jalálí; on one side is a lily,
    and on the other a wild rose.
    24. The Sumni, or Ashtsiddh, is one-eighth of the Пláhí ; on one side
    " Alláhu akbar," and on the other "jallajaláluhu."
    25. The Kalá is the sixteenth part of the Iláhí. It has on both sides a
    wild rose .
    26. The Zarah is the 32nd part of an Ilúhi, and has the same stamp as
    the kalá.
    As regards gold coins, the custom followed in the imperial mint is to
    coin La'l ijalális, D'hans, and Mans, each coin for the space of a month. The
    other gold coins are never stamped without special orders .

    It has the Kalimah. (Sayyid Ahmad's ↑ Several MSS. read-" Half a quarter
    edition of the Aín) . Iláhí and Lal i Jalálí." Forbes gives six
    rupees ( ).
    The figure called mihrábí, is 5 Several MSS. have Rabi . Perhaps we
    should write Rabbi.
    In Forbes's Dictionary, dahan.
    31

    B. Silver Coins.

    1. The Rupee is round, and weighs eleven and one half máshahs. It
    was first introduced in the time of Sher Khán. It was perfected during this
    reign, and received a new stamp, on one side " Alláhu akbar, jalla jaláluhu,”
    and on the other the date. Although the market price is sometimes more or
    less than forty dáms, yet this value is always set upon it in the payment of
    salaries.
    2. The Jalálah is of a square form, which was introduced during the
    present reign. In value and stamp it is the same as No. 1.
    3. The Darb is half a Jalálah.
    4. The Charn is a quarter Jalálah.
    5. The Pandau is a fifth of the Jalálah.
    6. The Asht is the eighth part of the Jalálah.
    7. The Dasá is one-tenth of the Jalálah.
    8. The Kalá is the sixteenth part of the Jalálah.
    9. The Súki is one-twentieth of the Jalálah.
    The same fractional parts are adopted for the [ round ] Rupee, which are
    however different in form.

    C. Copper Coins.
    1. The Dúm weighs 5 tánks, i. e. , 1 tólah , 8 máshahs, and 7 surkhs ; it is
    the fortieth part of the rupee. At first this coin was called Paisah, and also
    Bahlóli ; now it is known under this name (dám) . On one side the place is
    given where it was struck, and on the other the date.
    For the purpose of calculation , the dám is divided into twenty-five parts,
    each of which is called a jétal. This imaginary division is only used by
    accountants.
    2. The Adhélah is half of a dám.
    3. The Paulah is a quarter dám.
    4. The Damrí is one- eighth of a dám.
    In the beginning of this reign, gold was coined to the glory of his
    Majesty in many parts of the empire ; now gold coins are struck at four places
    only, viz. , at the seat of the government, in Bengal, Ahmadábád ( Gujrát) ,
    and Kábul. Silver and copper are likewise coined in these four places, and
    besides in the following ten places, -Iláhabás, Agrah, Ujain, Súrat, Dihlí,
    Patana, Kashmír, Láhór, Multán, Tándah. In twenty-eight towns copper
    coins only are struck, viz ., Ajmír, Audh, Atak, Alwar, Badáon, Banáras,
    Bhakkar, Bahrah, Patan, Jaunpúr, Jálandhar, Hardwár, Hisár Fírúzah ,

    Often misspelt chétal. The text gives the correct spelling.


    32

    Kálpí, Gwáliár, Górak’hpúr, Kalánwar, Lak’hnau, Mandú, Nágór, Sarhind,


    Siyálkót, Sarónj, Saharanpúr, Sárangpúr, Sambal, Qanauj, Rantanbhúr.
    Mercantile affairs in this country are mostly transacted in round muhurs,
    rupees, and dáms.
    Unprincipled men cause a great deal of mischief by rubbing down the
    coins, or by employing similar methods ; and in consequence of the damage
    done to the nation at large, his Majesty continually consults experienced men,
    and from his knowledge of the spirit of the age, issues new regulations, in
    order to prevent such detrimental practices.
    The currency underwent several changes. First, when (in the 27th
    year) the reins of the government were in the hands of Rájah Tódarmal, '
    four kinds of muhurs were allowed to be current : A. There was a La'l i
    Jaláli, which had the name of his Majesty stamped on it, and weighed
    1 tólah, 1 surkhs. It was quite pure, and had a value of 400 dáms.
    Again, there existed from the beginning of this glorious reign, a muhur
    with the imperial stamp, of which three degrees passed as current, viz. ,
    B. This muhur, when perfectly pure, and having the full weight of 11
    máshahs. Its value was 360 dáms. If from wear and tear it had lost in
    weight within three grains of rice, it was still allowed to be of the same de-
    gree, and no difference was made. C. The same muhur, when it had lost in
    weight from four to six rice grains ; its value was 355 dáms. D. The same

    Rájah Tódarmal, a K'hetrí by caste, cial abilities . His eldest son D'hárú, a
    was born at Láhór. He appears to commander of seven hundred , was killed
    have entered Akbar's service during in the war with That'hah,
    the eighteenth year of the emperor's Abulfazl did not like Tódarmal per-
    reign, when he was employed to settle sonally, but praises him for his strict in-
    the affairs of Gujrát. In the 19th year, tegrity and abilities ; he charges him
    we find him in Bengal in company with with vindictiveness of temper and bigotry.
    Mun'im Khán ; and three years later, Aurangzeb said, he had heard from his
    again in Gujrát. In the 27th year, he father, that Akbar complained of the
    was appointed Diwán of the empire, rájah's independence, vanity, and bigoted
    when he remodelled the revenue system. adherence to Hinduism. Abulfazl openly
    After an unsuccessful attempt on his life complained of him to Akbar ; but the
    made by a K'hetrí in the 32nd year, he emperor with his usual regard for faith-
    was sent against the Yusufzaís , to avenge ful services, said that he could not drive
    the death of Bir Bar. In the 34th year, away an old servant. In his adherence
    old age and sickness obliged him to send to Hinduism, Tódarmal may be contrast-
    in his resignation, which Akbar unwill- ed with Bir Bar, who a short time before
    ingly accepted . Retiring to the banks his death had become a member of the
    of the Ganges he died- or, went to hell, Divine Faith. Once when accompany-
    as Badhoní expresses himself in the case ing Akbar to the Panjab, in the hurry
    of Hindus- on the eleventh day A. H. of the departure, Todarmal's idols were
    998, or 10th November 1589, the same lost ; and as he transacted no business
    year in which Rájah Bhagawán Dás died . before his daily worship, he remained for
    Tódarmal had reached the rank of a several days without food and drink, and
    Chahárhazárí, or commander of Four was at last with difficulty cheered up by
    Thousand, and was no less distinguished the emperor.
    for his personal courage, than his finan-
    33

    muhur when it had lost in wright from six to nine rice grains ; its value
    was 350 dáms .
    Muhurs of less weight than this were considered as bullion.
    Of Rupees, three kinds were then current, viz. , A. one of a square form ,
    of pure silver, and weighing 11 máshahs ; it went under the name of
    Jalálah, and had a value of 40 dáms. B. The round, old Akbarshahi
    Rupee, which, when of full weight, or even at a surkh less, was valued at
    39 dáms. C. The same rupees, when in weight two surkhs less, at 38
    dáms.
    Rupees of less weight than this were considered as bullion .
    Secondly, on the 18th Mihr of the 29th year of the Divine era, ' Azad-
    uddaulah Amír Fathullah' of Shíráz coming at the head of affairs, a royal
    order was issued , that on the muhurs, as far as three grains ; and on the
    rupees, as far as six grains short weight, no account should be taken, but
    that they should be reckoned of full weight. If muhurs were still less,
    they should make a deduction for the deficiency, whatever their deficiency
    might be ; but it was not ordered, that only muhurs down to nine
    grains less, should be regarded as muhurs. Again, according to the same
    regulation, the value of a muhur that was one surkh deficient, was put
    down as 355 dáms and a fraction ; and hence they valued the price of one

    1 Amír Fathullah of Shíráz was the twenty-fourth Kín) , which caused his
    pupil of Khájah Jamaluddín Mahmud, death .
    Kamáluddín of Shirwán, and Mír Ghiás- Next to Abulfazl, Faizí, and Bír Bar,
    uddín Mançúr of Shíráz. He so excel- the Amir was perhaps most loved by
    led in all branches of Natural philosophy, Akbar. Several of his mechanical inven-
    especially mechanics, that Abulfazl said tions, mentioned below, are ascribed by
    of him, “ If the books of antiquity should Abulfazl to Akbar himself (!) . The Amír
    be lost, the Amír will restore them." At was, however, on the best terms with
    the earnest solicitations of ' Adil Shah of Abulfazl, whose son he instructed . Ac-
    Bíjápúr, he left Shíráz for the Dekhan. cording to the author of the Mir-át ul
    In A.H. 991 , after the death of 'Adil 'Alam, he was 66 a worldly man, often
    Shah, he was invited by Akbar, who accompanying the emperor on hunting
    raised him to the dignity of a Sadr, and parties, with a rifle on his shoulder, and a
    bestowed upon him, three years later, powder-bag in his waistband, treading
    the title of Aminulmulk. He was ap- down science, and performing feats of
    pointed to assist Tódarmal, and rendered strength, which Rustam could not have
    good service in working up the old re- performed."
    venue books. His title Aminulmulk, It is stated by the author of the Maá-
    to which Abulfazl alludes (vide p . 28, 1. sir ul umará that according to some, the
    9 of my text edition) , was in the same Amir was a Sih-hazárí, or Commander
    year changed to ' Azaduddaulah, or the of three thousand ; but I do not find
    arm of the empire. The Amír went his name among the lists of Akbar's
    afterwards to Khándésh . After his return grandees given in the Tabaqát i Akbarí,
    in 997 to Akbar, who was then in Kash- and the last Ain of the second book of
    mír, he was attacked with fever, of which this work. Instead of Amir Fathullah,
    he died. Thinking to understand the we also find, especially in Badáoní, Sháh
    medical art, he refused the advice of the Fathullah. He lies buried on the
    famous Hakim ' Alí, and tried to cure Takhti Sulaimán. Faizí's ode on his
    the fever by eating harísah, (vide the death is very fine.
    5
    34

    surkh of coined gold at the low rate offour dáms and a fraction. According to
    Tódarmal's regulation, a deduction offive dáms was made for a deficiency of
    one surkh ; and if the muhur had lost something more than the three grains,
    for which he had made no account, even if it were only surkh, full five
    dáms were subtracted ; and for a deficiency of 14 surkhs, he deducted ten
    dáms, even if the deficiency should not be quite 14 surkhs. By the new
    law of ' Azaduddaulah, the value of a muhur was lessened by six dáms and a
    fraction, as its gold was worth 353 dáms and a fraction only.¹
    ' Azaduddaulah abolished also the regulation, according to which the
    value of a round rupee had been fixed at one dám less than the square one,
    notwithstanding its perfection in weight and purity, and fixed the value of
    the round rupee, when of full weight or not less than one surkh, at forty dáms ;
    and whilst formerly a deduction of two dams was made for a deficiency of
    two surkhs, they now deduct for the same deficiency only one dám and a frac-
    tion .
    Thirdly, when ' Azaduddaulah went to Khándésh, the Rájah estimated
    the value of muhurs that had been expressed in Jalálah rupees, in round
    rupees ; and from his obstinate and wrangling disposition, fixed again the
    deficiencies on muhurs and rupees according to the old rates.
    Fourthly, when Qulij Khán received the charge of the government,
    he adopted the Rájah's manner of estimating the muhurs ; but he deducted

    ¹ For ' Azaduddaulah having fixed the désh, he was governor of Agrah. Two
    value of 1 surkh of coined gold at 4 dáms years later he was promoted to the go-
    and a small fraction, the value of a muhur vernorship of the Panjab and Kábul. At
    of full weight (11 máshahs 11 x 8 the accession of Jahángír, he was sent to
    surkhs) was only 11 × 8 × (4 + a small Gujrát, but returned next year to the
    fraction) dáms, i. e., according to Abul- Panjab, where he had to fight against
    fazl, 353 dáms and a fraction, instead of the Raushaniyyahs. He died, at an ad-
    360 dáms. vanced age, in 1035 , or A. D. 1625-26.
    2 Qulij Khánis first mentioned during Abulfazl, in the last Aín of the second
    the seventeenth year of Akbar's reign, book, mentions him as Chahárhazárí, or
    when he was made governor of the Fort of Commander of Four Thousand, which
    Súrat, which Akbar after a siege offorty- high rank he must have held for some
    seven days had conquered. In the 23rd time, as Nizámí i Harawí, in his Tabá-
    year he was sent to Gujrát ; and after qat i Akbari, mentions him as such, and
    the death of Sháh Mançúr, he was, two as Díwán. When tutor to Prince Dan-
    years later, appointed as Diwán. In yál, he was promoted to the command of
    the 28th year he accompanied the army Four Thousand Five Hundred . Qulij
    during the conquest of Gujrát . In the Khán was a pious man, and a stanch
    34th year, he received Sambhal as jágír. Sunní ; he was much respected for his
    After the death of Tódarmal, he was learning. As a poet he is known under
    again appointed as Díwán. This is the the name of Ulfati ; some of his verses
    time to which Abulfazl refers . In 1002 may be found in the concluding chapter
    he was made governor of Kábul, where of the Mir-át ul ' Alam. The high rank
    he was not successful. After his removal, which he held, was less due to his talents
    he accompanied, in 1005, his son -in-law as a statesman, than to his family-
    Prince Danyál as Atáliq, or tutor, but connexion with the kings of Túrán. Öf
    he soon returned to Akbar. During the his two sons , Mírzá Saifullah and Mírzá
    absence, in 1007, of the emperor in Khán- Husain Qulij , the latter is best known .
    35

    ten dáms for a deficiency in the weight of a muhur, for which the Rájah
    had deducted five dáms ; and twenty dáms, for the former deduction of ten
    dáms ; whilst he considered every muhur as bullion, if the deficiency was
    1 surkhs. Similarly, every rupee, the deficiency of which was one surkh,
    was considered as bullion.
    Lastly, his Majesty trusting to his advisers, and being occupied by
    various important affairs, paid at first but little attention to this subject, till
    after having received some intimation of the unsatisfactory state of this
    matter, he issued another regulation, which saved the nation further losses,
    and was approved of by every one, far and near. On the 26th of Bahman,
    of the year 36, according to the Divine era (A. D. 1592, ) he adopted the second
    [i. . , ' Azaduddaulah's ] method, with one exception, namely, he did not
    approve of the provision that a muhur the deficiency of which did not exceed
    three, and a rupee, the deficiency of which did not exceed six, surkhs, should
    still be regarded as of full weight. And this regulation was the only effec-
    tual method for preventing the fraudulent practices of unprincipled men ;
    for the former regulations contained no remedy in cases when the officers of
    the mint coined money of the above deficiency in weight, or when treasurers
    reduced full coins to the same deficiency. Besides shameless, thievish people
    made light grain weights, and used to reduce muhurs, deficient by three
    grains, to six grains deficiency, whilst they accepted muhurs six grains.
    deficient as muhurs deficient by nine grains. This reduction of coins being
    continued, large quantities of gold were stolen, and the losses seemed never
    to end. By the command of his Majesty grain weights of bábághuri were
    made, which were to be used in weighing. On the same date other strin-
    gent regulations were issued, that the treasurers and revenue collectors
    should not demand from the tax-payers any particular species of coins, and
    that the exact deficiency in weight and purity, whatever it might be, should
    be taken according to the present rate and no more. This order of his
    Majesty disappointed the wicked, taught covetous men moderation, and
    freed the nation from the cruelty of oppressors.

    ΑΪΝ 11 .
    THE DIRHAM AND THE DINAR.

    Having given some account ofthe currency of the empire, I shall add
    a few particulars regarding these two ancient coins, and remark on the value
    of ancient coinage.
    The Dirham, or Dirhám, as the word is sometimes given, is a silver coin,
    the shape of which resembled that of a date stone. During the califate of
    36

    ' Omar, it was changed to a circular form ; and in the time of Zubair, it was
    impressed with the words Alláhu (God), barakat (blessing ) . Hajjáj stamped
    upon it the chapter of the Qorán called Ikhláç ; and others say that he imprinted
    it with his own name. Others assert, that ' Omar was the first who stamped
    an impression on dirhams ; whilst, according to some, Greek, Khusravite,
    and Himyarite dirhams were in circulation at the time of Abdulmalik , the son
    Marwán, by whose order Hajjáj , the son of Yusuf, had struck dirhams.
    Some say that Hajjáj refined the base dirhams, and coined them with the words
    Alláhu ahad ( God is one), and Alláhu çamad (God is eternal) ; and these dirhams
    were called makrúhah ( abominable), because God's holy name was thereby
    dishonoured ; unless this term be a corruption of some other name. After
    Hajjáj, at the time of the reign of Yazid ibn i Abdulmalik, ' Omar ibn
    Hubairah coined in the kingdom of ' Iraq better dirhams than Hajjáj had
    made ; and afterwards Khálid ibn Abdullah Qasrí, when governor of ' Iráq,
    made them still finer, but they were brought to the highest degree of purity
    by Yusuf ibn 'Omar. Again, it has been said that Muç'ab ibn Zubair was
    the first who struck dirhams. Various accounts are given of their weights ;
    some saying that they were of ten or nine, or six or five misqáls ; whilst
    others give the weights of twenty, twelve and ten giráts, asserting at the
    same time that ' Omar had taken a dirham of each kind, and formed a coin
    of fourteen qíráts, being the third part of the aggregate sum. It is likewise
    said that at the time of ' Omar there were current several kinds of dirhams :
    first, some of eight dúngs , which were called baghlí, after Rás baghl who was an
    assay-master, and who struck dirhams by the command of ' Omar ; but others
    call them baghalli, from baghal, which is the name of a village ; secondly, some
    of four dángs, which were called tabrí; thirdly, some of three dángs, which
    were known as maghribi ; and lastly, some of one dáng, named yamaní, the
    half of which four kinds ' Omar is said to have taken as a uniform average
    weight. Fázil of Khujand says that in former days dirhams had been of
    two kinds, first :-full ones of eight and six dángs ( 1 dang of his = 2 qíráts ;
    1 qirút = 2 tassúj ; 1 tassúj = 2 habbah) ; and secondly, deficient ones of four
    dángs and a fraction. Some hold different opinions on this subject.
    The Dinár is a gold coin, weighing one misqúl, i. e. , 13 dirhams, as
    they put 1 misqal = 6 dángs ; 1 dáng 4 tassúj ; 1 tassúj = 2 habbahs ; 1 habbah
    = 2 jaus (barley grains) ; 1 jau = 6 khardals ( mustard-grain) ; 1 khardal =
    12 fals ; 1 fal 6 fatils ; 1 fatil 6 naqirs ; 1 nagr 6 gitmirs ; and
    1 qitmír 12 zarrahs. One misqál, by this calculation, would be equal
    to 96 barley grains. Misqál is a weight, used in weighing gold ; and
    it is also the name of the coin. From some ancient writings it appears

    1
    According to some inferior MSS., the name of a kind of gold.
    37

    that the Greek misqál is out of use, and weighs two qírúts less than this ;
    and that the Greek dirham differs likewise from others, being less in weight
    by or of a misqúl.

    ΑΪΝ 12.

    THE PROFIT OF THE DEALERS IN GOLD AND SILVER.

    One round muhur of 11 máshahs buys one tólah of gold of 10 bán ; or


    one tólah, 2 surkhs of 93 bán ; or 1 tólah, 4 s . of 8 bán ; or 1 tólah 6 s . of
    9 bán ; or 1 tólah, 1 máshah of 9 bán ; and similarly, according to the same
    proportion, the decrease of one bán increases the quantity of gold which a
    muhur can buy, by one máshah.
    The merchant buys for 100 La'l i Jaláli muhurs 130 t. 2 m . 0ğ s . of Hun
    gold of 8 báns. Of this quantity 22 t. 9 m. 73 8. burn away in melting,
    and mix with the khák i khaláç, so that 107 t. 4 m. 18. of pure gold remain,
    which are coined into 105 muhurs, leaving a remainder of nearly half a tólah
    of gold, the value of which is 4 rupees . From the khák i khaláç are recovered
    2 t. 11 m. 4 s . of gold, and 11 t. 11 m. 4 s . of silver, the value of both of
    which is 35 rupees, 12 tangahs, ' so that altogether the abovementioned
    quantity of Hun gold yields 105 muhurs, 39 Rs. , and 25 dáms.
    This sum is accounted for as follows. First, 2 Rs. 18 d. 124j., due to the
    workmen according to the rates which have been explained above ; secondly,
    5 Rs. 8d. 8j. for ingredients ; which sum is made up of 1 R. 4 d. 13 j. on
    account of articles used in refining the metal, viz. , 26 d. 163 j. dung ; 4 d. 20j.
    salóní ; 1 d. 10j. water ; 11 d. 5j. quicksilver, and 4 Rs. 4 d. 64j. on account
    of the khák i khaláç (viz . , 21 d. 74j. charcoal, and 3 Rs. 22 d. 24j . lead) ;
    thirdly, 6 Rs . 37 d. , which the owners of the gold take from the merchant,
    as a consideration for lending him the gold ; this item goes to the Díwán in
    case the gold belongs to the exchequer ; fourthly, 100 La'l i Jalálí muhurs,
    which the merchant gets in exchange for the gold which he brought ; fifthly,
    12 Rs. 37 d. 3j. which the merchant takes as his profit ; sixthly, 5 muhurs
    12 Rs. 3 d., which go to the exchequer. According to this proportion,
    merchants make their profits .
    Although gold is imported into Hindustan, it is to be found in abundance
    in the northern mountains of the country, as also in Tibet. Gold may also
    be obtained by the Salóní-process from the sands of the Ganges and Indus,

    ¹ One tangah 2 dáms ; now-a-days as the several items added up give 105 m.
    one tangah2 pais. 39 Rs. 24 d. 234j,, but not 105 m . 39 Rs .
    There is a slight mistake of 14 jétals, | 25 d.
    38

    and several other rivers, as most of the waters of this country are mixed with
    gold : however, the labour and expense greatly exceed the profit.
    One Rupee buys 1 t . 0 m. 2 s . of pure silver ; hence for 950 Rs . the merchant
    gets 969 t. 9 m. 4 8. of silver. Out of this quantity, 5 t . 0 m . 4 s. burn away in
    casting ingots. The remainder yields 1006 rupees, and a surplus of silver worth
    27 dáms. The several items are- —first, 2 Rs . 22 d. 12j. , as wages for the work-
    men (viz., The Weighman 5 d. 74j. , the Cháshnigir 3 d. 41 ; the Melter 6 d. 124j.;
    the Zarráb 2 Rs . 1 d. 0j.; the Sikkachi 6 d. 12 j. ) ; secondly, 10 d. 15 j. , on ac-
    count ofrequisites ( viz . , 10 d. charcoal, and 15j. water) ; thirdly, 50 Rs. 13 d. 0j.,
    payable to the Díwán ; fourthly, 950 Rs . , which the merchant gets in exchange
    for the silver he brought ; and fifthly, 3 Rs. 21 d. 10 j. , being the profit of
    the merchant. If he refines the base silver at his own house, his profit will
    be much greater ; but when he brings it to be coined, his profit cannot be
    so great.
    Of the silver called lári and shahi, and the other above mentioned baser
    coins, one rupee buys 1 t. 0 m. 4 8., so that 950 Rupees will buy 989 t. 7 m.
    In the Sabbákí process, 14 t. 10 m. 1 s. burn away, being at the rate of 1 t.
    per cent.; and in making the ingots, 4 t. 11 m . 3 s. are lost in the fire. The
    remainder yields 1012 rupees ; and from the khák i k’haral 34 Rs. are recover-
    able. The several items are-first, 4 Rs. 27 d. 243 j. on account of the wages
    of the workmen (riz., the Weighman 5 d. 73 j.; the Sabbák 2 Rs . 0 d. 19 j.; the
    Qurçkób 4 d. 19 j.; the Cháshnígír 3 d. 4 j. ; the Melter 6 d. 123 j. ; the Zarráb
    2 Rs. 1 d. ; the Sikkachi 6 d. 121 j. ) ; secondly, 5 Rs . 24 d. 15 j. for necessaries,
    (viz. 5 Rs. 14 d. lead ; 10 d. charcoal ; and 15j. water) ; thirdly, 50 Rs . 24 d. ,
    payable to the state ; fourthly, 950 Rs. which the merchant receives for his
    silver ; fifthly, 4 Rs . 29 d. his profit.' Sometimes the merchant gets the
    silver cheap, when his profit is much larger.
    1044 dáms buy one man of copper, i. e. , at the rate of 26 d. 24 j. per sér.
    Out of this quantity, one sér is burnt away in melting ; and as each sér yields
    30 dáms, there are coined altogether 1170 dáms, from which the merchant
    takes his capital, and 18 d. 19½ j. as profit. 33 d. 10j. go to the workmen ; and
    15 d. 8 j. for necessaries, (viz . 13 d. 8 j. for charcoal ; 1 d. for water ; and
    1 d. for clay) ; 584 d. go to the state.

    AIN 13.
    THE ORIGIN OF METALS.

    The Creator by calling into existence the four elements, has raised up
    wonderful forms. Fire is absolutely warm, dry, light ; air is relatively

    These items added give Rs. 1015 , sum mentioned by Abulfazl ( 1015 Rs.
    25d. 14j., i. e., a little more than the | 20 d.)
    39

    warm, moist, light ; water is relatively cold, moist, heavy ; earth is absolutely
    cold, dry, heavy . Heat is the cause of lightness, and cold of heaviness ;
    moistness easily separates particles, whilst dryness prevents their separation.
    This wonderful arrangement calls four compounds into existence, first, the
    ásár í'ulwí; secondly, stones ; thirdly, plants ; fourthly, animals. From the
    heat of the sun, watery particles become lighter, mix with the air, and rise
    up. Such a mixture is called bukhár (gas) . From the same cause, earthy
    particles mix with the air, and rise up . This mixture is called dukhán
    (vapour) . Sometimes, however, airy particles mix with the earth . Several
    philosophers call both of the above mixtures bukhár, but distinguish the
    mixture of watery particles and air by the name of moist, or watery bukhár,
    whilst they call the mixture of earthy particles and air, dry bukhár, or dukhání
    bukhár (vapour-like gas). Both mixtures, they say, produce above the
    surface of the earth, clouds, wind, rain, snow, &c . ; and, below the surface of
    our earth, earthquakes, springs, and minerals. They also look upon the bukhár
    as the body, and upon the dukhán as the soul of things . From a difference
    in their quality and quantity, various bodies are called into existence, as
    described in books on philosophy.
    Minerals are of five kinds : first, those which do not melt on account of
    their dryness, as the yúqút ; secondly, those which do not melt, on account of
    their liquidity, as quicksilver ; thirdly, those which can be melted, being at
    the same time neither malleable, nor inflammable, as blue stone ; fourthly,
    those which can be melted, being however not malleable, but inflammable,
    as sulphur ; fifthly, those which can be melted, and are malleable, but not
    inflammable, as gold . A body is said to melt, when from the union of
    the inherent principles of dryness and moisture its particles are moveable ;
    and a body is called malleable, when we can make it extend in such a
    manner, as to yield a longer and wider surface, without, however, either
    separating a part from it, or adding a part to it.
    When in a mixture of bukhár with dukhún , the former is greater in
    quantity, and when, after their mixture and complete union, the heat of the
    sun causes the whole to contract, QUICKSILVER will be produced. Since no
    part of it is destitute of dukhán, the dryness is perceptible ; hence, on touching
    it, it does not affect the hand, but flees from it ; and since its contraction was
    produced by heat, no warmth can dissolve it . Again, when in a mixture of
    bukhár and dukhán, both are nearly in equal proportion , a tenacious greasy
    moisture is produced . At the time of fermentation, airy particles enter, when
    cold causes the whole to contract. This mass is inflammable. If the dukhán
    and the greasiness are a little in excess, SULPHUR will be produced, in colour

    ¹ Or doings from on high, as rain, snow, &c .


    40

    either red or yellow, or grey or white. If the proportion of the dukhán is large,
    and that of the grease less, ARSENIC will result, which is red and yellow. And
    if the quantity of the bukhár is greater, pure, black and yellow NAPHtha will
    arise, after the mixture gets solid . Since in all, cold was the cause of the
    contraction, they can be melted ; and on account of the prevalence of greasi-
    ness and tenacious moistness, they are also inflammable, though, on account
    of the moistness, not malleable.
    Although quicksilver and sulphur are the only component parts of " the
    seven bodies, " there arise various forms from a difference in purity, or from
    peculiar circumstances of the mixture, or from a variety of the action of the
    component parts on each other. Thus silver will result, when neither of the
    two components mixes with earthy particles, when they are pure and become
    perfectly united, and when the sulphur is white, and less than the quicksilver.
    Or, when both are in equal proportions and the sulphur red, and capable of
    colouring, gold will originate. Again, under similar circumstances, if both
    contract after the mixture, but before a complete union has been effected,
    khárchini will be produced . This body is also called Ahanchini , and seems
    really to be raw gold ; some say, it is a kind of copper. Again, if only the
    sulphur be impure, and the quicksilver the larger component, with an
    additional power of burning, copper will result. And if the mixture be not
    thorough, and the quicksilver larger, tin will be produced ; some say that
    purity of the components is essential. If both compounds be of an inferior
    kind, closely mixed, and if the earthy particles of the quicksilver have a
    tendency of separating, and the power of burning be inherent in the sulphur,
    iron will result. And if under similar conditions the intermixture be not
    perfect, and the quicksilver quantitatively larger, lead will come into existence.
    These seven metals are called the seven bodies ; and quicksilver has the name
    of the mother of the bodies, and sulphur, the father of the bodies. Quicksilver
    is also denominated the spirit, and arsenic and sulphur, the pivots of life.
    Jast (pewter), which, according to the opinions of some, is Rúh i tútiyá,
    and resembles lead, is nowhere mentioned in philosophical books, but there
    is a mine of it in Hindustan, in the territory of Jálór, which is a dependency
    of the Súbah of Ajmír. Some practical mechanics' are of opinion that the
    metal called riçáç is a silver in the state of leprosy, and quicksilver a silver in
    the state of apoplexy ; that lead is gold apoplectic and burnt, and bronze
    crude gold ; and that the chemist, like the doctor, can restore these diseased
    metals by the principles of similarity and opposition .
    Practical men form of the above seven bodies several compounds, used for
    ornaments, vessels, &c. Among them I may mention, 1. Safidrú, which the

    1
    According to some MSS. , the Hindús .
    41

    people of Hindustan call kánsi . It is a mixture of 4 sérs of copper to 1 sér of


    tin, melted together. 2. Rúi, 4 sérs of copper to 14 sérs of lead . It is called
    in this country bhangár. 3. Brass, which the Hindus call pital, is made in
    three ways, first, 24 sérs copper to 1 sér ruh i tútiya, which is malleable,
    when cold ; secondly, 2 sérs of copper to 1 sér of ruh i tútiyá, which is
    malleable, when heated ; thirdly, 2 sérs of copper to 1 sér of rúh i
    tútiyá, not worked with the hammer, but by casting. 4. Sim i sukhtah,
    composed of lead, silver, and bronze ; it has a black lustre, and is used in
    painting. 5. Haftjósh, which, like the Khárchini, is nowhere to be found ;
    it is said to consist of six metals. Some call it tálíqún, whilst others give this
    name to common copper. 6. Ashtdhát, a compound of eight metals, viz. , the
    six of the haftjósh, rúh i tútiyá, and kánsí . It is also made of seven
    components. 7. Kaulpatr, 2 sérs of safidrú, and 1 sér of copper. It is
    coloured, and looks well, and belongs to the inventions of his Majesty.'

    ΑΪΝ 14.

    ON SPECIFIC GRAVITY.
    It has been said above that various compounds result from a mixture
    of bukhár and dukhán, which themselves consist of light and heavy elements .
    Besides, bukhár is wet or dry ; and a complete union of the two sets in,
    sometimes before and after the mixture, and sometimes in either of these
    conditions. It is on this account that a compound whose fiery and airy
    particles are more numerous than its watery and earthy particles, is lighter
    than a mineral in which there are more watery and earthy particles ; and
    likewise, every mineral in which the bukhár predominates over the dukhán,
    is lighter than a mineral, in which the opposite is the case. Again, a mineral
    in which the complete union of the bukhár and dukhán has set in, is heavier
    than one which has not reached this degree, because the interstices between
    the particles, and the entering of air, make a body large and light. Bearing
    this in mind, we have a means of discovering the weight and lightness of
    2
    every body. Some one, now long ago dead, has expressed the weight of
    several bodies in verses, (metre Mujtass)—
    Za rúy ijussah i haftád, u yak diram simáb,
    Chiló shashast, u za arziz siy u hasht shumár,
    Zahab çadast surub panjah o nuh áhan chil ;
    Birinj u mis chihil ó panj nuqrah panjah u chár.

    This phrase seems to mean that lary in rhyme, entitled Niçáb uççibyán,
    the invention was made at the time of which for centuries has been read in
    Akbar. nearly every Madrasah of Persia and
    2 Abú Naçr i Faráhí, of Faráh, a town India ; vide Journal As. Soc. Bengal, for
    in Sijistán. His real name is Muhammad 1868, p . 7 .
    Badruddín . He has written a Vocabu-
    6
    42

    " Quicksilver is 71 ; Rúi is 46 ; Tin is 38 ; Gold 100 ; Lead 59 ; Iron 40 ;


    Brass and Copper 45 ; Silver 54." Others have expressed the numbers
    by mnemotechnical words in rhyme, (metre Ramal)—

    Nuh filizz é mustawiyyul hajm rá chún barkashi,


    Ikhtilaf é wazn dárad har yaké bé ishtíbáh.
    Zar lakan, zébaq alam, usrub dahan, arziz hal,
    Fizzah nad, áhan yaki, miss o shabah mah, rúi máh.

    " Ifyou weigh equal volumes of the following nine metals, you will doubtlessly
    find their different weights as follows : -gold lakan, quicksilver alam, lead
    dahan, tin hal, silver nad, iron yakí, copper and brass mah, rúi mah." If of
    these nine metals, pieces be taken of equal dimensions, their weights will be
    different. Some sages ascribe this variety in weight to the difference in the
    qualitative constitution of the bodies, and trace to it their lightness or
    heaviness, their floating or sinking in water, and their weights as indicated
    by common and hydrostatic balances.
    Several deep-sighted philosophers compute the weight of bodies with a
    reference to water. They fill a suitable vessel with water, and throw into it
    100 misqals of each metal ; and from the quantities of water thrown out
    upon the introduction of the metals, are found the differences between them
    in volume and weight. The greater the quantity of the water is which 100
    misqáls of a body displace, the greater is its volume, and the less its weight ;
    and reversely. Thus 100 m. of silver displace 93 m. of water, and the same
    quantity of gold, 5 m. If the weight of the water displaced by a body be
    subtracted from its weight in air, its weight in water will be found. The scales
    of the air -balance are both suspended in air : those of the hydrostatic balance
    are both on the surface of the water. As the heavier body possesses the greater
    power for sinking, it will, in any case, move in the direction of the perpendi-
    cular ; but, if either of the two scales be on the surface of the water, and
    the other in the air, the latter scale, although perhaps the lighter, will
    necessarily sink, as air, being a finer substance than water, does not offer so
    much resistance. A body will sink in water, if the quantity of water
    displaced by it be less than the weight of the body ; and a body will float,
    if that quantity be greater ; and if the water displaced be equal to the weight

    1 10.40 ; Copper 8.67 ; Iron 7.76 ; Tin


    We fix the specific gravities as fol-
    lows :-Gold 19.26 ; Mercury 13.6 ; 7.32 ; Rúi 8.86 .
    Lead 11.325 ; Silver 10.47 ; Copper 9; 2 The Arabic consonants of the mnemo-
    Tin 7.32 ; Iron 7.7, for which numbers technical words lakan, alam, &c., re-
    water is unity. Abul Fazl takes gold as present numbers ; thus + k + n=
    standard ; and assuming, for his values, 30 + 20 + 50 ; a + 1 + m = 1 +30 +
    19.26 as its specific gravity, we would 40 ; &c.
    get, Mercury 13.87 ; Lead 11.36 ; Silver
    43

    of the body, its upper side will coincide with the surface of the water. Abú
    Raihan has drawn up a table , which I shall insert here.
    Quantity of water displaced by 100 Apparent weight (weight in water) of
    misqáls of 100 misqals of
    Misqáls. Dángs. Tassújes. Misqáls. Dángs. Tassújes
    Gold, ' 5 1 2 Gold, 95 4 2

    co co
    Quicksilver, 7 2 1 Quicksilver, 92 3 3
    Lead, 8 5 3 Lead, 91 1 3
    Silver,. 9 4 1 Silver, 90 1 3
    Rúi, 11 2 3 Rúi , 88 4 3
    Copper, 11 3 3 Copper, ... 88 3 3
    Brass, 11 4 3 Brass, 88 2 3
    Iron, 12 5 2 Iron, 87 3
    Tin, . 13 4 3 Tin , 86 2 3
    Yáqút (light blue), 25 1 2 Yáqút (light blue, ) 74 4 2

    co
    Yáqút (red ), ... 26 3 3 Yáqút (red, ) .... 74 3 3
    Ruby, 27 5 2 Ruby, 72 3 2
    Zumurrud, 36 2 3 Zumurrud, 63 4 3
    Pearl, 37 1 3 Pearl, 62 5 3
    Lapis lazuli, 38 3 3 Lapis lazuli, 61 3 3
    Cornelian, 38 3 3 Cornelian, 61 3 3
    Amber, 39 3 3 Amber, 60 3 3
    Billaur, 40 3 3 Billaur, 60 3 3

    The weight (in air) of the undermen- The weight (in air) of the undermen-
    tioned metals, the volume of 100 mis- tioned precious stones, the volume of
    qals of gold being taken as the unit 100 misqals of the blue yágút being
    of volume. taken as the unit of volume.
    Misqáls. Dángs Tassújes. Misqáls. Dángs Tassújes.
    Gold, ...... .... 100 0 0 Yáqút (light blue, ) 94 3 3
    Quicksilver, .... 71 1 1 Yáqút (red , ) .... 94 3 3
    Lead, 59 2 2 Ruby, * .. 90 2 3
    Silver,. 54 3 3 Zumurrud, 69 3
    2

    Rúi,. 46 2 3 Pearls, 67 5
    Copper, 45 3 3 Lapis lazuli, 65 3 2
    218

    Brass, ... 45 3 5(?)Cornelian, 64 4


    Iron, 40 0 0 Amber, 64 3
    Tin ... 38 2 2 Billaur, 63 3 3

    With the exception of Quicksilver, of the weights of the water displaced and
    Silver, and Yaqut (light blue), the the apparent weight, ought to give 100
    numbers given in the MSS., and the above misqáls (1 m. - 6 d. ; 1 d. = 4 t.) But in
    list, are slightly wrong, because the sum most items there is an excess of one dáng.
    44

    AIN 15.
    THE IMPERIAL HAREM.

    His Majesty is a great friend of good order and propriety in business .


    Through order the world becomes a meadow of truth and reality ; and that
    which is but external, receives through it a spiritual meaning . For this
    reason, the large number of women-a vexatious question even for great
    statesmen-furnished his Majesty with an opportunity to display his wisdom,
    and to rise from the low level of worldly dependence to the eminence of
    perfect freedom . The imperial palace and household are therefore in the
    best order.
    His Majesty forms matrimonial alliances with princes of Hindustan, and
    of other countries ; and secures by these ties of harmony the peace of the world.
    As the sovereign, by the light of his wisdom, has raised fit persons from
    the dust of obscurity, and appointed them to various offices, so does he
    also elevate faithful persons to the several ranks in the service of the seraglio.
    Short-sighted men think of impure gold, which will gradually turn into pure
    gold ; but the far-sighted know that his Majesty understands how to use
    elixirs and chemical processes. Any kind of growth will alter the constitution
    of a body ; copper and iron will turn to gold, and tin and lead to silver ; hence
    it is no matter of astonishment, if an excellent being changes the worthless
    into men. " The saying of the wise is true that the eye of the exalted is the
    elixir for producing goodness." Such also are the results flowing from the
    love of order of his Majesty, from his wisdom, insight, regard to rank, his
    respect for others, his activity, his patience. Even when he is angry, he does
    not deviate from the right path ; he looks at every thing with kindly
    feelings, weighs rumours well, and is free from all prejudice ; he considers it
    a great blessing to have the good wishes of the people, and does not allow the
    intoxicating pleasures of this world to overpower his calm judgment.
    His Majesty has made a large enclosure with fine buildings inside, where
    he reposes. Though there are more than five thousand women, he has
    given to each a separate apartment. He has also divided them into sections,
    and keeps them attentive to their duties. Several chaste women have been
    appointed as dúróghahs, and superintendents over each section, and one has
    - been selected for the duties of writer. Thus, as in the imperial offices, every
    thing is here also in proper order. The salaries are sufficiently liberal.
    Not counting the presents, which his Majesty most generously bestows, the
    women of the highest rank receive from 1610 to 1028 Rs . per mensem. Some

    ¹ So according to the opinion of the 2 Elixirs change quickly that which is


    philosophers of the Middle Ages. worthless into pure gold.
    45

    of the servants have from 51 to 20, others from 40 to 2 Rs . Attached to the


    private audience hall of the palace, is a clever and zealous writer, who
    superintends the expenditure of the Harem, and keeps an account of the
    cash and the stores . If a woman wants anything, within the limit of her
    salary, she applies to one of the Tahwildars ( cash-keepers ) of the seraglio .
    The Tahwíldár then sends a memorandum to the writer, who checks it,
    when the General Treasurer makes the payment in cash, as for claims of
    this nature no cheques are given.
    The writer also makes out an estimate of the annual expenditure, writes
    out summarily a receipt, which is countersigned by the ministers of the state.
    It is then stamped with a peculiar Imperial seal, which is only used in
    grants connected with the Harem, when the receipt becomes payable. The
    money itself is paid by the cash-keeper of the General Treasury to the
    General Tahwíldár, who on the order of the writer of the Harem, hands it
    over to the several Sub-Tahwíldárs for distribution among the servants of
    the seraglio. All monies are reckoned in their salaries at the current rate. '
    The inside of the Harem is guarded by sober and active women ; the
    most trustworthy of them are placed about the apartments of his Majesty.
    Outside of the enclosure the eunuchs are placed ; and at a proper distance,
    there is a guard of faithful Rajputs, beyond whom are the porters of the
    Besides, on all four sides, there are guards of Nobles, Ahadís,
    and other troops, according to their ranks.
    Whenever Bégums, or the wives of nobles, or other women of chaste
    character, desire to be presented , they first notify their wish to the servants
    of the seraglio, and wait for a reply. From thence they send their request
    to the officers of the palace, after which those who are eligible are permitted
    to enter the Harem . Some women of rank obtain permission to remain
    there for a whole month .
    Notwithstanding the great number of faithful guards, his Majesty does
    not dispense with his own vigilance, but keeps the whole in proper order.

    AIN 16 .

    THE ENCAMPMENT ON JOURNEYS .

    It would be difficult to describe a large encampment ; but I shall say


    something on the equipage used for hunting parties and short journeys .
    1. The Gulálbár is a grand enclosure, the invention of his Majesty,
    the doors of which are made very strong, and secured with locks and keys.
    It is never less than one hundred yards square. At its eastern end a

    1
    At 40 dáms per rupee.
    46

    pavilion of two entrances is erected, containing 54 divisions, 24 yards long,


    and 14 broad ; and in the middle there stands a large Chaubin ráoti,' and
    round about it a Sarápardah.' Adjoining to the Chaubin, they built up a
    two-storied pavilion, in which his Majesty performs divine worship, and
    from the top of which, in the morning, he receives the compliments of the
    nobility. No one connected with the seraglio enters this building without
    special leave. Outside of it, twenty-four chaubin ráotis are erected , 10 yards
    long, and 6 yards wide, each separated by a canvass, where the favourite
    women reside. There are also other pavilions and tents for the servants,
    with Sáibans of gold embroidery, brocade, and velvet. Adjoining to this
    is a Sarápardah of carpet, 60 yards square, within which a few tents are
    3
    erected, the place for the Urdúbégis, and other female servants. Farther on
    up to the private audience hall, there is a fine open space, 150 yards long
    and 100 yards broad, called the Mahtabi ; and on both sides of it, a screen
    is set up as before described which is supported by poles 6 yards long, fixed
    in the ground at distances of two yards. The poles are one yard in the
    ground, and are ornamented with brass knobs on the top, and kept firm by
    two ropes, one passing inside, and the other outside of the enclosure. The
    guards watch here, as has been described.
    In the midst of the plain is a raised platform, which is protected by an
    awning, or Namgirah, supported by four poles. This is the place, where his
    Majesty sits in the evening, and none but those who are particularly favoured,
    are here admitted . Adjoining to the Gulálbár, there is a circular enclosure,
    consisting of twelve divisions, each of thirty yards, the door of the enclosure
    opening into the Mahtabi ; and in the midst of it, is a Chaubín ráotí, ten yards
    long, and a tent containing forty divisions, over which twelve awnings are
    spread, each of twelve yards, and separated by canvasses. This place, in every
    division of which a convenient closet is constructed , is called Ibachki, which is
    the (Chagatai) name used by his Majesty. Adjoining to this a Sarápardah is
    put up, 150 yards in length and breadth, containing sixteen divisions, of thirty-
    six square yards, the Sarápardah being, as before, sustained by poles with
    knobs. In the midst of it the state-hall is erected, by means of a thousand
    carpets ; it contains seventy-two rooms, and has an opening fifteen yards wide.
    A tentlike covering, or Qalandari, made of waxcloth, or any other lighter
    material, is spread over it, which affords protection against the rain and the
    sun ; and round about it, are fifty awnings, oftwelve yards each. The pavilion,
    which serves as Díwán i kháç, or private audience hall, has proper doors
    and locks . Here the nobles, and the officers of the army, after having

    Described in the twenty-first Aín. As may be still seen in the ruins of


    2 Awnings . 3 Armed women. Fathpur Sikri.
    47

    obtained leave through the Bakhshis,' pass before the Emperor, the list of
    officers eligible for admission being changed on the first of every month .
    The place is decorated, both inside and outside with carpets of various
    colours, and resembles a beautiful flower-bed . Outside of it, to a distance
    of 350 yards, ropes are drawn, fastened to poles, which are set up at a
    distance of three yards from each other. Watchmen are stationed about
    them . This is the Díwán i ' Am, or public audience hall, round which, as
    above described, the various guards are placed . At the end of this place, at
    2
    a distance of twelve tanúbs is the Naqqárah Khánah, and in the midst of the
    area the Akásdiah is lighted up.
    Some encampments, as just now described, are sent off, and one of them
    is put up by the Farrúshes on a piece of ground which the Mir Manzils* have
    selected as an eligible spot, whilst the other camp furniture is sent in advance,
    to await the approach of his Majesty. Each encampment requires for its
    carriage 100 elephants, 500 camels, 400 carts, and 100 bearers . It is
    escorted by 500 troopers, Mansabdárs , Ahadis. Besides, there are employed
    a thousand Farráshes, natives of Irán, Túrán, and Hindustan, 500 pioneers,
    100 water-carriers, 50 carpenters, tent-makers, and torch-bearers, 30 workers
    in leather, and 150 sweepers .
    The monthly pay of the foot varies from 240 to 130 dáms .

    AIN 17.

    THE ENCAMPMENT OF THE ARMY.

    Although his Majesty but rarely collects his armies, a large number of
    troops accompany him in whatever direction an expedition may go ; but a
    considerable number, in every province, are employed on various services,
    and are not allowed to follow him. On account of the crowding of camp-
    followers, and the number of the troops themselves, it would take a soldier
    days to find his tent ; and how much worse would it be for a stranger ?
    His Majesty has invented an admirable methodof encamping his troops,
    which is a source of much comfort to them. On an open ground they
    pitch the imperial seraglio, the audience hall, and the Naqqarah khánah,
    all occupying a space the length of which is 1530 yards. To the
    right and left, and behind, is an open space of 360 yards, which no one
    but the guards are allowed to enter. Within it, at a distance of 100 yards to
    1
    Paymasters. The Commanding Offi- band plays. Regarding the tanáb, vide
    cers were at the same time paymasters, the tenth Aín of the third book.
    as they collected the rents of the lands A high pole to the top of which an
    assigned to them for the payment of their immense lamp is fixed. Vide p. 50.
    contingents. 4 Quarter masters.
    5 Grandees.
    A turret on the top of which the
    48

    the left centre are the tents of Maryam Makání, ' Gulbadan Bégum, and
    other chaste ladies, and the tents of Prince Dányál ; to the right, those of
    Prince Sultán Salím ; and to the left, those of Prince Sháh Murád . Behind
    their tents , at some distance, the offices and workshops are placed, and at a
    further distance of 30 yards behind them, at the four corners of the camp ,
    the bázárs . The nobles are encamped without on all sides, according to

    their rank .
    The guards for Thursday, Friday and Saturday, encamp in the centre ;
    those for Sunday and Monday, on the right ; and those for Tuesday and

    Wednesday, on the left.

    AIN 18.
    ON ILLUMINATIONS .
    His Majesty maintains that it is a religious duty and divine praise to
    worship fire and light ; surly, ignorant men consider it forgetfulness of the
    Almighty , and fire worship . But the deep -sighted know better. As the
    external form of the worship of " the select" is based upon propriety ,
    and as people think the neglect of some sort of worship abominable, there
    can be nothing improper in the veneration of that exalted element which is
    the source of man's existence , and of the duration of his life ; nor should base
    thoughts enter such a matter.
    How beautifully has Shaikh Sharafuddín Munyarí said, " What can be
    done with a man who is not satisfied with the lamp, when the sun is down ?"
    Every flame is derived from that fountain of divine light, (the sun), and bears
    the impression of its holy essence . If light and fire did not exist, we should
    be destitute of food and medicines ; the power of sight would be of no avail
    The fire of the sun is the torch of God's sovereignty .
    to the eyes.
    At noon of the day, when the sun enters the 19th degree of Aries, the
    whole world being then surrounded by his light, they expose a round piece
    of a white and shining stone, called in Hindí Súrajkránt, to the rays of the
    sun. A piece of cotton is then held near it, which catches fire from the heat
    of the stone. This celestial fire is committed to the care of proper persons.

    1 Maryam Makání , (i . e., dwelling of Akbar's favourite wives.


    2 The members of the Divine Faith.
    with the Virgin Mary, who together with
    Asiah, the wife of Pharao , Khadijah , the This famous saint died in the begin-
    name of Muhammad's first wife, and ning of the fifteenth century, Munair is a
    town in Bahár ; vide Journal As. Soc.
    Fátimah , his daughter , are the fourperfect
    women of the Islám) is the title of Akbar's Bengal, 1868, p. 7, 1. 3, from below, and
    mother . Her name was Hamidah Bánú the biographies of Indian Saints in the
    fourth book. His works are to be found
    Bégum ; vide Badáoní , ed . Bibl. Ind . I ,
    Gulbadan Bégum (i. e. , Lady among the Persian MSS . of the Society's
    p.
    Rose437.
    body) appears to be the name of one Library.
    49

    The lamp-lighters, torch-bearers and cooks of the household use it for their
    offices ; and when the year has passed away in happiness, they renew the
    fire . The vessel in which this fire is preserved, is called Agingir, i. e.,
    fire-pot.
    There is also a shining white stone, called Chandrkránt, which, upon
    being exposed to the beams of the moon, drips water.
    Every afternoon, one ghar before sunset, his Majesty, if on horse-
    back, alights, or if sleeping, he is awakened . He then lays aside the
    splendour of royalty, and brings his external appearance in harmony with
    his heart. And when the sun sets, the attendants light twelve white
    candles, on twelve candlesticks of gold and silver, and bring them before his
    Majesty, when a singer of sweet melodies, with a candle in his hand, sings
    a variety of delightful airs to the praise of God, beginning and concluding
    with a prayer for the continuance of this auspicious reign . His Majesty
    attaches the utmost importance to praise and prayer, and earnestly asks
    God for renewed light.
    It is impossible to describe the beauty and various forms of the candle-
    sticks and shades, and to give an account of the offices of the workmen .
    Some of the candlesticks weigh ten mans and upwards, and are adorned
    with various designs ; some single, others of two branches and more : they
    give light to the internal eye. His Majesty has invented a candlestick, one
    yard high. Five others are placed on the top of it, and each is adorned
    with the figure of an animal . White wax candles, three yards and upwards
    in length, are cast for it, so that a ladder is required to snuff it. Besides
    there are everywhere flambeaux both inside and outside, which increase the
    light very much. The first, second, and third nights of every lunar month,
    when there is moonlight but for a short time, eight wicks are used ;"
    from the fourth to the tenth, they decrease one in number every night, so
    that on the tenth night, when the moon is very bright, one is sufficient ; and
    they continue in this state till the fifteenth, and increase one wick every day
    from the sixteenth to the nineteenth . For the twentieth night the number
    is the same as on the nineteenth ; on the twenty-first and twenty- second
    they increase one daily ; the twenty-third is the same as the twenty-second ;
    and from the twenty-fourth to the last, eight wicks are lighted up . They
    allow for every wick one sér of oil, and half a sér of cotton . In some places
    there are fat-burners, where grease is burnt instead of oil . The allowance
    varies according to the size of the wick.
    In order to render the royal camp conspicuous to those who come from

    ¹ One ghari = 24 minutes. very common in India.


    2 Oil-burners with several wicks are 3 For each flambeau.
    7
    50

    far, his Majesty has caused to be erected, in front of the Durbár, a pole
    upwards of forty yards high, which is supported by sixteen ropes ; and on
    the top of the pole is a large lantern, which they call Akásdiah. Its light
    is seen from great distances, guides the soldiers to the imperial camp, and
    helps them to find their tents. In former times, before the lamp was erected,
    the men had to suffer hardships from not being able to find the road .
    In this department, Mansabdars, Ahadís, and other troops, are employed.
    The allowance of a foot soldier never exceeds 2400 , and is never less than
    80 dáms.

    AIN 19.
    THE ENSIGNS OF ROYALTY.

    The Shamsah' of the arch of royalty is a divine light, which God directly
    transfers to kings, without the assistance of men ; and kings are fond of
    external splendour, because they consider it an image of the Divine glory.
    I shall mention some of the insignia used at present.
    1. The Aurang, or throne, is made of several forms ; some are inlaid
    with precious stones, and others are made of gold, silver, &c. 2. The Chatr,
    or umbrella, is adorned with the most precious jewels, of which there are
    never less than seven. 3. The Sáibán is of an oval form, a yard in length,
    and its handle, like that of the umbrella, is covered with brocade, and
    ornamented with precious stones. One of the attendants holds it, to keep
    off the rays of the sun. It is also called Aftábgír. 4. The Kaukabah, ' of
    which several are hung up before the assembly hall.
    These four insignia are only used by kings.
    5. The ' Alam, or standard. When the king rides out, not less than five
    of these are carried along with the Qur, " wrapped up in scarlet cloth bags .
    On days of festivity, and in battle, they are unfurled . 6. The Chatrtóq, a
    kind of 'Alam, but smaller than it, is adorned with the tails of Thibetan
    yaks. 7. The Tumantóq is like the Chatrtóq, but longer. Both insignia are
    flags of the highest dignity, and the latter is bestowed upon great nobles
    only. 8. The Jhandá is an Indian flag. The Qur necessarily contains a
    flag of each kind ; but on great occasions many are displayed.
    Of musical instruments used in the Naqqárahkhánah, I may mention,
    1. the Kuwargah, commonly called damámah ; there are eighteen pair of

    From Akás sky, and diah lamp. At night, these pictures are illuminated.
    The Akásdiyah is also mentioned by Vide the plates .
    Bernier . The Qur is a collection of flags, arms,
    2 Shamsah is a picture of the sun affixed and other insignia, which follow the king
    to the gates or walls of thepalaces of kings. wherever he goes .
    51

    them more or less ; and they give a deep sound. 2. The naqqarah , twenty
    pair, more or less. 3. The duhul, of which four are used. 4. The Karaná¹ is
    made of gold, silver, brass, and other metals : and they never blow fewer
    than four. 5. The surná of the Persian and Indian kinds ; they blow nine
    together. 6. The nafir, of the Persian, European, and Indian kinds ; they
    blow some of each kind. 7. The sing is of brass, and made in the form of a
    cow's horn ; they blow two together. 8. The sanj, or cymbal, of which three
    pair are used.
    Formerly the band played four gharís before the commencement of the
    night, and likewise four gharís before daybreak ; now they play first at
    midnight, when the sun commences his ascent, and the second time at dawn.
    One ghari before sunrise, the musicians commence to blow the surná, and
    wake up those that are asleep ; and one gharí after sun rise, they play a
    short prelude, when they beat the kuwargah a little, whereupon they blow
    the karaná, the nafír, and the other instruments, without, however, making
    use of the naqqárah ; after a little pause the surnás are blown again, the
    time ofthe music being indicated by the nafírs . One hour later the naqqarahs
    commence, when all musicians raise " the auspicious strain." After this
    they go through the following seven performances. 1. The Mursalí, which
    is the name of a tune played by the mursil ; and afterwards the bardúsht,
    which consists likewise of certain tunes, played by the whole band. This is
    followed by a pianissimo, and a crescendo passing over into a diminuendo ;
    2. The playing of the four tunes, called ikhlátí, ibtidáí, shírází, qalandarí
    nigar qatrah, or nukhud qatrah, which occupies an hour. 3. The playing of
    the old Khwarizmite tunes. Of these his Maiesty has composed more than
    two hundred, which are the delight of young and old, especially the tunes
    Jalálsháhí, Mahámír karkat (?), and the Naurózi. 4. The swelling play ofthe
    cymbals . 5. The playing of Bá miyán daur. 6. The passing into the tunes
    azfar, also called ráh i bálá, after which comes a pianissimo . 7. The Khwáriz-
    mite tunes, played by the Mursil, after which he passes into the mursali ; he
    then pauses, and commences the blessings on his Majesty, when the whole
    band strikes up a pianissimo. Then follows the reading of beautiful sentences
    and poems. This also lasts for an hour. Afterwards the surna-players
    perform for another hour, when the whole comes to a proper conclusion .
    His Majesty has such a knowledge of the science of music as trained
    musicians do not possess ; and he is likewise an excellent hand in performing,
    especially on the naqqárah.

    1 Or Karraná. remain so. Perhaps the words shírází


    * Probably blessings on his Majesty. qalandarí, 66 a hermit of Shíráz," belong
    Several of these names of melodies to each other. Nigar qatrah means,
    are unclear, and will in all probability behold the tear.
    52

    Mansabdárs, Ahadis , and other troops are employed in this department.


    The monthly pay of a foot-soldier does not exceed 340, and is not less than
    74 dáms.

    AIN 20.

    THE ROYAL SEALS .

    Seals are used in the three ' branches of the Government ; in fact every
    man requires them in his transactions." In the beginning of the present
    reign, Mauláná Maqçúd, the seal- engraver, cut in a circular form upon a
    surface of steel, in the riqa
    ' character, the name of his Majesty and those of his
    ilustrious ancestors up to Tímúrlang ; and afterwards he cut another similar
    seal, in the nasta'liq character, only with his Majesty's name. For judicial
    transactions a second kind of seal was made, mihrábi in form, 3 which had the
    following verse round the name of his Majesty-
    Rásti mujib i rizá i khudást, kas nadidam kih gum shud az rah i rúst.
    " Uprightness is the means of pleasing God ; I never saw any one lost in
    the straight road."
    Tamkín made a new seal of the second kind ; and afterwards Mauláná ' Alí
    Ahmad of Dihlí improved both. The round small seal goes by the (chagatái)
    name of Uzuk, and is used for farmán i sabtís ; and the large one, into which
    he cut the names of the ancestors of his Majesty, was at first only used for letters
    to foreign kings, but now- a-days for both . For other orders a square seal is
    used, engraved with the words Allahu Akbar, jalla jalálulu, whilst another
    of a peculiar stamp is used for all matters connected with the seraglio .
    For the seals attached to farmáns, another stamp is used of various forms.
    Of seal- engravers I shall mention
    Mauláná Magçúd of Herát, one of the servants of Humáyún, who
    writes well the riqa' and nasta'liq characters. The astrolabe, globes, and
    various mistars which he made, were much admired by people of experience.
    The patronage of his Majesty perfected his art.

    Corresponding to the threefold divi- of the same size as the paper on which
    sion ofthe Ain i Akbarí. they write. Then they draw two parallel
    2 The word muhur, a seal, means also vertical lines, each about an inch from
    a stamp, and generally, the signature of the two vertical sides of the pasteboard.
    a man. We sign documents, Orientals Along these lines they make small holes
    stamp their names to them. Sealing wax at equal intervals, and draw a string
    is rarely used on account of the climate ; from the first hole at the left hand to the
    a tenacious black liquid, or the juice of first hole of the right of the pasteboard .
    the hélá nut is preferred. Similarly, the two second holes are joined,
    3 Vide note p. 30. and so on, care being taken that the
    4 Vide the eleventh Aín of the second horizontal strings are parallel. This con-
    book. trivance is called mistar, from saṭar, a
    5
    Copyists take a piece a pasteboard line. The copyist then puts the blank
    53

    Tamkin ofKabul. He was educated in his native country, and brought


    his art to such a perfection, as to excite the jealousy of the preceding
    engraver, whom he surpassed in the nasta'liq.
    3. Mir Dóst of Kábul. He cuts both the riqd' and nasta'liq characters
    in cornelian. He does not come up to the preceding artists. His riqa' is
    better than his nasta'liq. He also understands assaying.
    4. Mauláná Ibráhím. In the art of cutting cornelians he is the pupil
    of his brother Sharaf of Yazd . He surpasses the ancient engravers ; and it
    is impossible to distinguish his riqa' and nasta'liq from the master pieces of
    the best calligraphers . He engraved the words la'l jalálí, or the glorious
    ruby, upon all imperial rubies of value.
    5. Mauláná'Alí Ahmad' of Dihlí who, according to all calligraphers,
    stands unsurpassed as steel- engraver, so much so that his engravings
    are taken as copies. His nasta'liq is charming ; but he writes also other
    characters well . He learned the trade from his father Shaikh Husain ,
    studied the manner of Mauláná Maqçúd, and eventually surpassed all.

    AIN 21 .

    THE FARRASH KHANAH.

    His Majesty considers this department as an excellent dwelling- place,


    a shelter from heat and cold , a protector against the rain, as the ornament
    of royalty. He looks upon its efficiency as one of the insignia of a ruler,
    and therefore considers the care bestowed upon it, as a part of Divine
    worship. The department has been much improved, both in the quality
    and the quantity of the stores, and also by the introduction of new fashions.
    I shall mention a few particulars as specimens for future enquirers .
    1. The Bárgáh, when large, is able to contain more than ten thousand
    people. It takes a thousand farráshes a week to erect it with the help of
    machines. There are generally two door poles, fastened with hinges. If
    plain, (i. e. , without brocade, velvet, or gold ornaments, ) a bárgáh costs 10,000
    Rupees and upwards, whilst the price of one full of ornaments is unlimited.
    The price of others may be estimated from the price of a plain one. 2. The
    Chaubin ráwati is raised on ten pillars. They go a little into the ground, and
    are of equal height, with the exception of two, which are a little higher, as

    sheets on the top of the mistar, and presses 1 Nizám of Herát, in his Tabaqát i
    onthem with the hands, when the strings Akbarí, mentions him among the contem-
    will leave marks on the paper sufficiently poraneous Persian poets, and gives a few
    clear to prevent the writer from writing of his verses .
    crookedly.
    54

    the cross beam rests upon them. The pillars have, above and below, a
    dásah, ' to keep them firm, and several rafters pass over the dásahs and the
    crossbeam , the whole being kept tightly together by clamps and bolts
    and nuts. The walls and the roof consist of mats . There is one door or
    two ; and at the height of the lower dásahs there is a raised platform . The
    inside is ornamented with brocade and velvet, and the outside with scarlet-
    sackcloth, tied to the walls with silk tape. 3. The Doáshyánah manzil, or
    house of two stories, is raised upon eighteen pillars, six yards in height,
    which support a wooden platform ; and into this, pillars of four cubits in
    length are fixed with bolt and nuts, forming an upper story. The inside
    and outside are ornamented, as in the preceding. On the march it is
    used by his Majesty as a sleeping apartment, and also as a place of divine
    worship, where he prays to the Sun ; and hence the building resembles
    a man who strives after God without forgetting his worldly duties, whose
    one eye is directed to the solitude of pure devotion, and the other eye
    to the motly sarái of the world. After the devotions are over, the women
    are allowed to enter, to pay their compliments, and after them, outsiders.
    On journeys his Majesty inspects in this building the rations (of the
    elephants, camels, &c. , ) which is called jharókah, or window. 4. The Zamindóz
    is a tent made of various forms, sometimes with one, sometimes with two
    door poles ; screens are also hung up within it, so as to form divisions.
    5. The ' Ajáibi consists of nine awnings on four pillars. Five of the awnings
    are square, and four tapering ; sometimes they make it so as to contain one
    division only, supported by a single pole. 6. The Mandal is composed of
    five awnings joined together, and is supported by four poles. Four of the
    awnings are let down, so as to form a private room ; sometimes all four are
    drawn up, or one side only is left open. 7. The Athk' hambah consists of
    seventeen awnings, sometimes separate, sometimes joined together ; they
    are supported by eight poles. 8. The Khargah is a folding tent made in
    various ways ; some with one, others with two doors . 9. The Shámyánah- awning
    is made of various sizes, but never more than of twelve yards square. 10. The
    Qalandari has been described. 11. The Sarápardah was made in former
    times of coarse canvass, but his Majesty has now caused it to be made of
    carpeting, and thereby improved its appearance and usefulness . 12. The
    Gulálbár, is a wooden screen, its parts being fastened together, like the walls
    of the Khargah, with leather straps, so that it can be folded together,
    when the camp breaks off. The gulálbár is covered with red cloth, tied with
    tape.

    A triangular piece of wood fixed into the cross-beam, a support.


    the angle formed by the vertical beam and 2 Vide p. 46.
    55

    Carpets.
    His Majesty has caused carpets to be made of wonderful varieties and
    charming textures ; he has appointed experienced workmen, who have
    produced many master-pieces. The carpets of Irán and Túrán are no more
    thought of, although merchants still import carpets from Góshkán, Khúzistán,
    Kirmán, and Sabzwár. All kinds of carpet weavers have settled here, and
    drive a flourishing trade. There are found in every town, especially in
    Agrah, Fathpúr, and Láhór. In the imperial workshops, single carpets are
    made 20 gaz, 7 tassujes long, and 6 gaz , 11 tassújes broad, at a cost of 1810
    rupees, which those who are skilled in the business have valued at 2715
    rupees.
    Takyahnamads, or woolen coverlets, are brought from Kábul and Persia,
    but are also made in this country.
    It would take up too much time to describe the jajams, shatrinjis,
    baluchis, and the fine mats which look as if woven with silk.

    ΑΊΝ 22.
    THE ABDAR KHANAH .

    His Majesty calls this source of life " the water of immortality, " and
    has committed the care of this department to proper persons . He does not
    drink much, but pays much attention to this matter. Both at home and on
    travels, he drinks Ganges water. Some trustworthy persons are stationed
    on the banks of that river, who dispatch the water in sealed jars . When
    the court was at the capital Agrah and in Fathpúr, the water came from the
    district of Sárún ; but now that his Majesty is in the Panjáb, the water is
    brought from Hardwár. For the cooking of the food, rain water or water
    taken from the Jamnah and the Chanáb is used, mixed with a little Ganges
    water. On journeys and hunting parties his Majesty, from his predilection
    for good water, appoints experienced men as water-tasters.
    Saltpetre, which in gunpowder produces the explosive heat, is used by
    his Majesty as a means for cooling water, and is thus a source of joy for
    great and small. Saltpetre is a saline earth. They fill with it a perforated
    vessel, and pour some water over it, and collecting what drops through,

    Góshkán, or Jóshaqán, a town in cities of the Persian province Khurásán,


    'Iraq i ' Ajamí, half way between Káshán between Mashhad (Meshed) and the Cas-
    and Içfahán. Khúzistán is the Persian pian Sea.
    province of which Shushtar, or Shustar, 2 The nearest station on the Ganges
    is the capital ; the ancient Susiana. from Agrah.
    Kirmán is the capital of the Persian 3 A. D. 1596. As in 1586 Fathpúr had
    province Kirmán, which borders on Balú- ceased to be the capital, Akbar resided
    chistán . Sabzwár is one of the chief mostly in the Panjáb.
    56

    they boil it, clean it, and let it crystalize. One sér of water is then put into
    a goglet of pewter, or silver, or any other such metal, and the mouth closed.
    Then two and a half sérs of saltpetre are thrown into a vessel, together with
    five sérs of water, and in this mixture the goglet is stirred about for a
    quarter of an hour, when the water in the goglet will become cold. The
    price of saltpetre varies from 3 to 4 mans per rupee.
    Since the thirtieth year' of the Divine Era, when the imperial standards
    were erected in the Panjáb, snow and ice have come into use. Ice is
    brought by land and water, by post carriages or bearers, from the district of
    Panhán, in the northern mountains, about forty-five kós from Láhór. The
    dealers derive a considerable profit, two to three sérs of ice being sold per
    rupee. The greatest profit is derived when the ice is brought by water, next
    when by carriages, and least when by bearers . The inhabitants of the
    mountains bring it in loads, and sell it in piles containing from 25 to 30 seers ,
    at the rate of 5 dáms. If they have to bring it very far , it costs 24 d. 17 j.;
    if the distance be an average one, 15 d.
    Out of the ten boats employed for the transport of ice, one arrives daily
    at the capital, each being manned by four boatmen . The ice bundles contain
    from six to twelve sérs, according to the temperature. A carriage brings
    two loads. There are fourteen stages, where the horses are changed ; and
    besides, one elephant is used . Twelve pieces of ten to four sérs arrive daily.
    By this kind of transport, a sér of ice costs in winter 3 d. 21 j.; during the
    rains 14 d. 20 j.; in the intermediate time 9 d. 213 j.; and in the average²
    5 d. 15 j. If it is brought by bearers, twenty-eight men are required for
    the fourteen stages. They bring every day one load, containing four parcels .
    In the beginning of the year the ice costs 5 d. 193 j.; in the middle 16 d.
    2j.; and in the end 19 d. 15§ j., per sér ; in the average2 83 d.
    All ranks use ice in summer ; the nobles use it throughout the whole
    year.

    AIN 23 .

    THE IMPERIAL KITCHEN.

    His Majesty even extends his attention to this department, and has given
    many wise regulations for it ; nor can a reason be given why he should not
    do so, as the equilibrium of man's nature, the strength of the body, the

    ¹ A. D. 1586. may be compared to the prices of the


    2 The text has sarásarí, which may present age. Here, in Calcutta, one sér
    mean the average ; but the price given of American ice costs two annas, or
    = 5 dáms of Akbar.
    by Abulfazl is not an average. The rupee, i. c.,
    charges for ice, at the time of Akbar,
    57

    capability of receiving external and internal blessings, and the acquisition of


    worldly and religious advantages, depend ultimately on proper care being
    shewn for appropriate food. This knowledge distinguishes man from beasts,
    with whom, as far as mere eating is concerned, he stands upon the same
    level . If his Majesty did not possess so lofty a mind, so comprehensive an
    understanding, so universal a kindness, he would have chosen the path of
    solitude, and given up sleep and food altogether ; and even now, when he
    has taken upon himselfthe temporal and spiritual leadership of the people,
    the question, " What dinner has been prepared to-day ?" never passes over his
    tongue. In the course of twenty-four hours his Majesty eats but once, and
    leaves off before he is fully satisfied ; neither is there any fixed time for this
    meal, but the servants have always things so far ready, that in the space of
    an hour, after the order has been given, a hundred dishes are served up .
    The food allowed to the women of the seraglio commences to be taken
    from the kitchen in the morning, and goes on till night.
    Trustworthy and experienced people are appointed to this department ;
    and all good servants attached to the court, are resolved to perform well
    whatever service they have undertaken. Their head is assisted by the Prime
    Minister himself. His Majesty has entrusted to the latter the affairs of the
    state, but especially this important department. Notwithstanding all this,
    his Majesty is not unmindful of the conduct of the servants. He appoints a
    zealous and sincere man as Mir Bakáwal, or Master of the Kitchen, upon
    whose insight the success of the department depends, and gives him several
    upright persons as assistants. There are also treasurers for the cash and
    the stores, several tasters, and a clever writer. Cooks from all countries
    prepare a great variety of dishes of all kinds of grains, greens, meats ; also
    oily, sweet and spicy dishes . Every day such dishes are prepared as the
    nobles can scarcely command at their feasts, from which you may infer how
    exquisite the dishes are which are prepared for his Majesty.
    In the beginning of the year the Sub-treasurers make out an annual
    estimate, and receive the amount ; the money bags and the door of the store-
    house being sealed with the seals of the Mír Bakáwal and the writer ; and
    every month a correct statement of the daily expenditure is drawn up, the
    receipt for which is sealed by the same two officers, when it is entered under
    the head of the expenditure. At the beginning of every quarter, the Diwán
    i buyútát' and the Mir Bakáwal, collect whatever they think will be necessary ;
    e. g., Suk❜hdás rice from Bharáij , Déwzírah rice from Gwáliár, Jinjin rice from
    Rájórí and Nímlah, g'h from Hiçár Fírúzah ; ducks, water-fowls, and

    1
    Superintendent of the stores, workshops, &c .
    8
    58

    certain vegetables from Kashmir. Patterns are always kept. The sheep,
    goats, berberies, fowls, ducks, &c. , are fattened by the cooks ; fowls are
    never kept longer than a month. The slaughter-house is without the city or
    the camp, in the neighbourhood of rivers and tanks, where the meat is washed,
    when it is sent to the kitchen in sacks sealed by the cooks . There it is
    again washed, and thrown into the pots . The water-carriers pour the water
    out of their leather bags into earthen vessels, the mouths of which are
    covered with pieces of cloth, and sealed up ; and the water is left to settle
    before it is used . A place is also told off as a kitchen garden , that there
    may be a continual supply of fresh greens . The Mir Bakáwal and the
    writer determine the price of every eatable, which becomes a fixed rule ;
    and they sign the day-book, the estimates, the receipts for transfers, the list
    of wages of the servants, &c. , and watch every transaction . Bad characters ,
    idle talkers, unknown persons are never employed ; no one is entertained
    without security, nor is personal acquaintance sufficient.
    The victuals are served up in dishes of gold and silver, stone and
    earthen-ware ; some of the dishes being in charge of each of the Sub-
    Bakáwals. During the time of cooking, and when the victuals are taken
    out, an awning is spread, and lookers-on kept away. The cooks tuck up
    their sleeves, and the hems of their garments, and hold their hands before
    their mouths and noses when the food is taken out ; the cook and the
    Bakáwal taste it, after which it is tasted by the Mír Bakáwal, and
    then put into the dishes. The gold and silver dishes are tied up in red
    cloths, and those of copper and china in white ones. The Mir Bakawal
    attaches his seal, and writes on it the names of the contents, whilst the
    clerk of the pantry writes out on a sheet of paper a list of all vessels and
    dishes, which he sends inside, with the seal of the Mír Bakáwal, that none
    of the dishes may be changed . The dishes are carried by the Bakáwals,
    the cooks, and the other servants, and macebearers precede and follow,
    to prevent people from approaching them. The servants of the pantry
    send at the same time, in bags containing the seal of the Bakáwal,
    various kinds of bread, saucers of curds piled up, and small stands
    containing plates of pickles, fresh ginger, limes, and various greens . The
    servants of the palace again taste the food, spread the table cloth on the
    ground, and arrange the dishes ; and when after some time his Majesty
    commences to dine, the table servants sit opposite him in attendance : first,
    the share of the derwishes is put apart, when his Majesty commences with
    milk or curds. After he has dined, he prostrates himself in prayer. The Mir
    Bakáwal is always in attendance . The dishes are taken away according to
    the above list . Some victuals are also kept half ready, should they be called
    for.
    59

    The copper utensils are tinned twice a month ; those of the princes, & c.,
    once ; whatever is broken is given to the braziers, who make new ones.

    AIN 24.

    RECIPES FOR DISHES .

    There are many dishes, but the description is difficult. I shall give
    some particulars. Cooked victuals may be arranged under three heads,
    first, such in which no meat is used, called now-a -days çúfiyánah ; secondly,
    such in which meat and rice, &c. , are used ; thirdly, meats with spices . I
    shall give ten recipes of each kind.
    First, 1. Zard birinj. 10 s. of rice ; 5 8. of sugarcandy ; 38. of g'hí ;
    raisins, almonds, and pistachios, 8. of each ; s . of salt ; 8. of fresh ginger ;
    14 dáms saffron, 24 misqáls of cinnamon . This will make four ordinary dishes .
    Some make this dish with fewer spices, and even without any and instead
    of without meat and sweets, they prepare it also with meat and salt.
    2. Khushkah. 10 s . rice ; s. salt ; but it is made in different ways. This will
    likewise give four dishes. One maund of Déwzirah paddy yields 25 s . of
    rice, of which 17 sérs make a full pot ; jinjin rice yields 22 sérs. 3. Khichri.
    Rice, split dal, and g'hí 5 s . of each ; 8. salt : this gives seven dishes .
    4. Shirbirinj. 10 s. , milk ; 1 s. rice ; 1 s . sugarcandy ; 1 d. salt : this gives five
    full dishes. 5. Thúl . 10 s. of wheat ground, of which one-third will be
    lost ; half of that quantity of g'hí ; 10 misqáls of pepper ; 4 m . cinnamon ;
    3 m. cloves and cardamums ; 8. salt ; some add milk and sweetmeats :
    this gives four dishes. 6. Chik'hi . 10 8. of wheat-flour, made into a
    paste, and washed till it is reduced to 2 s. fine paste. This is mixed with
    spices, and dressed with various kinds of meat. 1 s. g'hí ; 1 s . onions ;
    saffron, cardamums, and cloves, d. of each ; cinnamon, round pepper, and
    coriander seed, 1 d. of each ; fresh ginger, salt 3 d. of each : this gives two
    dishes ; some add lime juice. 7. Bádinján . 10 s . rice ; 13 s . g’hí ; 33 8. onions ;
    8. ginger and lime juice ; pepper and coriander seed, 5 m . of each ; cloves,
    cardamums, and assafoetida, each m. This gives six dishes. 8. Pahit. For
    ten sérs of dál, or vetches, or gram, or skinned lentils, &c. , take 2 s.
    g'hi ; 8. of salt and fresh ginger ; 2 m . cuminseed ; 1 m . assafoetida :
    this yields fifteen dishes . It is mostly eaten with Khushkah. 9. Ság. It is
    made of spinach, and other greens, and is one of the most pleasant dishes.
    10 8. spinach, fennel, &c. , 14 s. g'hí ; 1 s. onions ; s . fresh ginger ; 54 m .
    of pepper ; m . of cardamums and cloves : this gives six dishes. 10. Halwá.
    Flour, sugarcandy, g'hi, 10 s . of each, which will give fifteen dishes ; it is
    eaten in various ways.
    60

    There are also various kinds of sugared fruits, and drinks, which I cannot
    here describe.
    Secondly, 1. Qabúlí. 10 s . rice ; 7 s. meat ; 3 s. g'hí ; 1 8. gram
    skinned ; 2 8. onions ; s. salt ; s . fresh ginger ; cinnamon, round pepper,
    cuminseed, of each 1 d.; cardamums and cloves, d. of each ; some add
    almonds and raisins : this gives five dishes. 2. Duzdbiryán . 10 s. rice, 38.
    g'hí ; 10 s . meat ; s . salt : this gives five dishes . 3. Qimah Paláo. Rice
    and meat as in the preceding ; 4 s . g'hí ; 1 8. peeled gram ; 2 s . onions ;
    8. salt ; s. fresh ginger, and pepper ; cuminseed, cardamums and cloves,
    1 d. ofeach : this gives five dishes . 4. Shullah. 10 s . meat, 34 8. rice ; 2 s . g'hí ;
    18. gram 28. onions ; 8. salt,
    8. fresh ginger ; 2 d. garlic, and round
    pepper, cinnamon, cardamums, cloves, 1 d. , of each : this gives six dishes.
    5. Bughrá. 10 s. meat ; 3 s. flour ; 18. g'hí, 1 s. gram ; 13 s. vinegar ; 1 8.
    sugarcandy ; onions, carrots, beets, turnips, spinach, fennel, ginger, 8. of
    each ; saffron, cloves, cardamums, cuminseed , 1 d. of each ; 2 d. cinnamon ;
    8 m. round pepper : this gives twelve dishes. 6. Qímah Shúrbá. 10 s.
    meat ; 1 8. rice ; 1 s . g'hí ; 8. gram, and the rest as in the Shullah :
    this gives ten full dishes. 7. Harisah. 10 s . meat ; 5 8. crushed wheat ;
    28. g'hí ; s . salt ; 2 d. cinnamon this gives five dishes . 8. Kashk. 10 s .
    meat ; 5 8. crushed wheat ; 3 8. g'hí ; 1 s. gram ; 8. salt ; 1 s.
    onions ; s. ginger ; 1 d. cinnamon ; saffron, cloves, cardamums, cuminseed,
    2 m . of each : this gives five dishes . 9. Halim. The meat, wheat, gram,
    spices, and saffron, as in the preceding ; 1 s . g'hí ; turnips, carrots, spinach,
    fennel, 8. of each : this gives ten dishes. 10. Quṭáb, which the people of
    Hindústán call sanbúsah. This is made several ways. 10 s. meat ; 4 s. flour ;
    2 8. g'hí ; 1 8. onions ; 8. fresh ginger ; 8. salt ; 2 d. pepper and coriander
    seed ; cardamum, cuminseed, cloves, 1 d. of each ; s . of summáq. This
    can be cooked in twenty different ways, and gives four full dishes .
    Thirdly, 1. Biryán. For a whole Dashmandi sheep, take 2 s . salt ; 1 s.
    g'hí ; 2 m . saffron, cloves, pepper, cuminseed : it is made in various ways.
    2. Yakhní. For 10 s . meat, take 1 s . onions, and s . salt. 8. Yulmah.
    A sheep is scalded in water till all the hair comes off ; it is then prepared
    like yakhni, or any other way ; but a lamb, or a kid, is more preferable.
    4. Kabáb is of various kinds. 10 s . meat ; s. g'hí ; salt, fresh ginger,
    onions, s . of each ; cuminseed, coriander seed, pepper, cardamums
    cloves, 1 d. of each . 5. Musamman . They take all the bones out of a fowl
    through the neck, the fowl remaining whole, s . minced meat, s. g'hí ;
    5 eggs ; 8. onions ; 10 m . coriander ; 10 m. fresh ginger ; 5 m . salt ; 3 m . round
    pepper ; m . saffron ; it is prepared as the preceding . 6. Dupiyázah . 10 s. meat,
    middling fat ; 2 8. g'hí ; 2 s. onions ; 8. salt ; 8. fresh pepper ; cuminseed,
    coriander seed, cardamums, cloves, 1 d. of each ; 2 d. pepper : this will give
    61

    five dishes. 7. Mutanjanah sheep. 10 s . meat, middling fat ; 2 s . g'hí ; s.


    gram ; s. ginger ; 1 d. cuminseed ; round pepper, cloves, cardamums, corian-
    der seed 2 d. of each ; this will give seven dishes full . It is also made of fowl
    and fish. 8. Dampukht. 10 8. meat ; 2 s . g'hí ; 1 s . onions ; 11 m . fresh ginger ;
    10 m. pepper ; 2 d. cloves ; 2 d. cardamums. 9. Qalyah. 10 s. meat ; 2 8.
    g'hi ; 1 8. onions ; 2 d. pepper ; cloves, cardamums , 1 d. each ; 8. salt :
    this will give eight dishes. In preparing qalyah, the meat is minced, and
    the gravy rather thick, in opposition to the mutanjanah. Here in Hindustan
    they prepare it in various ways. 10. Malghúbah 10 s . meat ; 10 s. curds ; 1 8.
    g'hi ; 1 s. onions, s. ginger ; 5 d. cloves : this will give ten dishes.

    AIN 25.
    OF BREAD.

    This belongs, properly speaking, to the preceding chapter. Bread is


    made in the pantry. There is a large kind, baked in an oven, made of
    10 8. flour ; 5 8. milk ; 1½ s . g'hí ; 8. salt. They make also smaller ones .
    The thin kind is baked on an iron plate. One sér will give fifteen, or even
    more . There are various ways of making it : one kind is called chapáti,
    which is sometimes made of khushkah ; it tastes very well, when served
    hot. For the bread used at court, one man of wheat is made to yield m.
    of fine flour ; 2 8. coarsely pounded flour ; and the rest bran ; if this degree
    of fineness be not required, the proportions are altered .

    ΑΙΝ 26 .

    THE DAYS OF ABSTINENCE. ( Çúfiyánah . ' )

    His Majesty cares very little for meat, and often expresses himself to
    that effect. It is indeed from ignorance and cruelty that, although various
    kinds of food are obtainable, men are bent upon injuring living creatures,
    and lending a ready hand in killing and eating them ; none seems to have
    an eye for the beauty inherent in the prevention of cruelty, but makes
    himself a tomb for animals. If his Majesty had not the burden of the world
    on his shoulders, he would at once totally abstain from meat ; and now, it is
    his intention to quit it by degrees, conforming, however, a little to the spirit
    of the age. His Majesty abstained from meat for some time on Fridays, and
    then on Sundays ; now on the first day of every solar month, on Sundays, on
    solar and lunar eclipses, on days between two fasts, on the Mondays of the

    1 Living according to the manner of the Súfis.


    62

    month of Rajab, ' on the feast-day of every solar month, during the whole
    2
    month of Farwardin, and during the month, in which his Majesty was born,
    viz, the month of Abán . Again, when the number of fast days of the month
    of Abán had become equal to the number of years his Majesty had lived, some
    days ofthe month of Azar also were kept as fasts . At present the fast extends
    over the whole month. These fast days, however, from pious motives, are
    annually increased by at least five days. Should fasts fall together, they
    keep the longer one, and transfer the smaller by distributing its days
    over other months . Whenever long fasts are ended, the first dishes of meat
    come dressed from the apartments of Maryam Makání, next from the other
    bégums, the princes, and the principal nobility.
    In this department nobles, ahadís, and other military, are employed.
    The pay of a foot soldier varies from 100 to 400 dáms.

    ΑΪΝ 27 .

    STATISTICS OF THE PRICES OF CERTAIN ARTICLES.

    The prices of course vary, as on marches, or during the rains, and for
    other reasons ; but I shall give here the average prices for the information
    of future enquirers .
    A. The spring harvest.
    Wheat, per man, 12 d. Linseed, per man, ..... 10 d.
    Kábul gram , do. 16 d . Safflower (carthamus), do... 8 d.
    Black gram, do . 8 d. Fenugreek, do 10 d.
    Lentils, do. 12 d. Peas, do. 6 d.
    Barley, do. 8 d. Mustardseed , do. 12 d.
    Millet, do.... 6 d. Kéwú, do. 7 d.
    B. The autumnal harvest.

    Mushkin paddy, per man, .. 110 d. Déwzírah rice, do. .... 90 d.


    Sádah paddy, do. 100 d. Jinjin rice, do.. 80 d.
    Suk'hdás rice, do. 100 d. Dakah (?) rice, do . 50 d.
    Dúnahparsád rice , do ....... 90 d. Zirhí rice, do . 40 d.
    Sámzírah rice, do . 90 d. Sát’hí rice, do .... 20 d.
    Shakarchíní rice, do . 90 d. Múng (black gram) do. .... 18 d.

    ¹ Akbar was born on the fifth of Rajab members of the Divine Faith fasted
    A. H. 949, a Sunday, This corresponds likewise during the month of their birth.
    2
    to the 15th October, 1542. The Mondays February-March ; vide the first Aín
    of the month of Rajab were observed as of the third book ; Abán corresponds to
    fasts, because the Sundays had been in- October-November.
    cluded in the list of fast days. The
    63

    Másh (a kind of vetch) per man, 16 d. Lahdarah, do . 8 d.


    Mót'h (do . ) , do. 12 d. Kódram, do.. 7 d.
    White sesame, do . 20 d. Kúrí, do. 7 d.
    Black sesame , do..... 19 d. Shamákh ( Hind. Sánwank) ,do. 6 d.
    Lóbiyá (a king of bean) , do. 12 d. Gál (Hind. Kangni ), do, .... 8 d.
    Juwárí (a kind of millet ) , do. 10 d. Millet ( Hind. chinah) , do. .. 8 d.

    Múng dál, per man,. 18 d. Lentils, per man, 16 d.


    Nukhúd dál, do. 161 d. Mót'h dál, do. 12 d.

    Wheat flour, per man, 22 d. Nukhúd flour, per man, .... 22 d.


    Do. coarse, do. 15 d. Barley flour, do... 11 d.

    C. Vegetables.
    Fennel, per man, 10 d. Garlic flowers , per sér, 1 d.
    Spinach, do. 16 d. Upalhák, (from Kashmir) do . 1 d.
    Mint, do. 40 d. Jítú, do. 3 d.
    Onions, do. 6 d. Ginger, do. 23 d.
    Garlic, do... 40 d. Póí, do..... 1 d.
    Turnips, do. • 21 d. Kachnárbuds, do. ... d.
    Cabbage, per sér, 1 d. Chúká (sorrel) , do. 1 d.
    Kankachhú, from Kashmir, do . 4 d. Bat'hwah, do . i d.
    Dunwrétú, do. .... 2 d. Ratsaká, do . 1 d.
    Shaqáqul (wild carrot), do... 3 d. Chauláí, do... 4 d.
    D. Living animals and meats.
    Dáshmandí sheep, per head, .. 6 R. Duck, per head,.. 1 R.
    Afghán sheep, 1st kind, do . 2 R. Tughdarí (bustard) , do . .... 20 d.
    Do., 2d kind, do . 1 R. Kulang (heron), do . 20 d.
    Do. , 3d kind, do. ... 1 R. Jarz (a kind of bustard), do . 18 d.
    Kashmir sheep, do . 1 R. Durráj (black patridge), do. 3 d.
    Hindustani sheep, do. 20 d.
    1 R. Kabg, (partridge), do ......
    Barbari goat, 1st kind, do. .. 1 R. Búdanah, do. 1 d.
    Do. , 2d kind, do. R. Lawah, do. 1 d.
    Mutton, per man, 65 d. Karwának ( stone curlew) , do . 20 d.
    Goat, do . 54 d. Fákhtah, (ringdove), do ..... 4 d.
    Geese, per head,.. 20 d.

    E. Butter, Sugar, &c.


    G'hi , per man, 105 d. Refined sugar, per sér, 6 d.
    ....
    Oil, do .
    80 d. White sugar candy, do ….... 5 d.
    Milk, do. 25 d. White sugar, per man, .... 128 d.
    Curds, do... 18 d. Brown sugar, do. 56 d.
    64

    F. Spices.
    Saffron, per sér,. 400 d. Aniseed, per sér, 2 d.
    Cloves, do..... 60 d. Turmeric ( Hind. haldi) do... 10 d.
    Cardamums, do. 52 d. Coriander seed, do ..... 3 d.
    Round pepper, do . 17 d. Siyáhdánah(Hind.kalaunji), do . 1 d.
    Long pepper, do. 16 d. Assafoetida, do . 2 d.
    Dry ginger, do ... 4 d. Sweet fennel, do ... 1 d.
    Fresh do . , do. 24 d. Cinnamon, do.... 40 d.
    Cummin seed, do. 2 d. Salt, per man, 16 d.
    G. Pickles.
    Sour limes, per sér, 6 d. Pickled quinces, per sér,. . . . 9 d.
    Lemon-juice, do . 5 d. Do. garlic, do ... 1 d.
    Wine vinegar, 5 d. Do. onions, do . I d.
    Sugarcane vinegar, do. .... 1 d. Do. bádinján (egg-plant, ) do. 1 d.
    Pickled ashtarghár, do . .... 8 d. Do. raisins & munaqqa, do. 8 d.
    Mangoes in oil, do. 2 d. Do. kachnár, do . 2 d.
    Do. in vinegar, do . 2 d. Do. peaches, do ...... 1 d.
    Lemons in oil, do . 2 d. Do. sahajnah(horse-raddish ), 1 d.
    Do. in vinegar, do. 2 d. Do. karílbuds ( capparis), do . d.
    Do. in salt, do .... 1 d. Do. karilberries, do. å d.
    Do. in lemon-juice, do . 3 d. Do. súran, do. 1 d.
    Pickled ginger,. 2 d. Do. mustard, d.
    Adarshákh, do...... 2 d. Do. tórí (a kind of cucumber, ) 3 d.
    Turnips in vinegar, do . .... 1 d. Do. cucumbers, do ........ d.
    Pickled carrots, do . & d. Do. bádrang, (gourd) do. d.
    Do. bamboo, do . 4 d. Do. kachálú, do . d.
    Do. apples, do. 8 d. Do. raddishes, do . 3 d.

    AIN 28.

    THE FRUITERY .

    His Majesty looks upon fruits as one of the greatest gifts of the
    Creator, and pays much attention to them . The horticulturists of Irán and
    Túrán have, therefore, settled here, and the cultivation of trees is in a
    flourishing state. Melons and grapes have become very plentiful and
    excellent ; and water-melons, peaches, almonds, pistachios, pomegranates ,
    &c., are everywhere to be found. Ever since the conquest of Kábul, Qandahár,
    and Kashmir, loads offruits are imported ; throughout the whole year the stores
    of the dealers are full, and the bázárs well supplied . Muskmelons come in
    season, in Hindústán, in the month of Farwardin (February- March), and
    65

    are plenty in Urdibihisht (March- April). They are delicious, tender, opening,
    sweet smelling, especially the kinds called náshpátí, bábáshaikhi, ' alishéri,
    alchah, barg i nai, dúd i chirágh, &c. They continue in season for two months
    longer. In the beginning of Shariwar, (August) they come from Kashmir, and
    before they are out of season, plenty are brought from Kábul ; during the
    month of Azar (November) they are imported by the caravans from
    Badakhshan, and continue to be had during Dai (December. ) When they are
    in season in Zábulistán, good ones are also obtainable in the Panjáb ; and in
    Bhakkar and its vicinity they are plentiful in season, except during the
    forty cold days of winter. Various kinds of grapes are here to be had from
    Khurdad (May) to Amurdád (July) , whilst the markets are stocked with
    Kashmir grapes during Shahriwar. Eight sérs of grapes sell in Kashmír
    at one dám, and the cost of the transport is two rupees per man. The
    Kashmirians bring them on their backs in conical baskets, which look very
    curious. From Mihr (September) till Urdibihisht grapes come from Kábul, to-
    gether with cherries, ' which his Majesty calls sháhálú , seedless pomegranates,
    apples, pears, quinces, guavas, peaches, apricots, girdálús, and álúchas , &c. ,
    many of which fruits grow also in Hindústán . From Samarqand even they
    bring melons, pears, and apples.
    Whenever his Majesty wishes to take wine, opium, or kúknar (he calls
    the latter sabras), the servants in charge place before him stands of fruits ;
    he eats a little, but most is distributed . The fruits are marked according
    to their degree of excellence : melons of the first quality are marked with
    a line drawn round the top ; those of the second, with two lines ; and so on.
    In this department Mansabdárs , Ahadís, and other soldiers are employed ;
    the pay of a foot soldier varies from 140 to 100 d.
    The following tables contain particulars regarding the names, seasons,
    taste, and prices, of various fruits .

    A. Túráni Fruits.

    Arhang melons, 1st quality, @ 2 R. Kábul and European apples, 5 to


    Do., 2nd and 3rd do. , @ 1 to 2 R. 10 for... 1 R.
    Kábul melons, 1st do . , @ 1 to 14 R. Kashmir grapes, per man, .... 108 d.
    Do., 2d do . , @to 1 R. Dates, per sér, 10 d.
    Do. , 3rd do., @to ........ R. Raisins, do. .... 9 d.
    Samarqand apples, 7 to 15 for 1 R. Abjósh (large raisins), do... · 9 d.
    Quinces, 10 to 30 for 1 R. Plums, do . , . . . . 8 d.
    Guavas, 10 to 100 for ... .1 R. Khúbání(dried apricots),per sér, 8 d.
    Pomegranates, per man, 6 to 15 R. Qandahár dry grapes, do . , .. 7 d.

    The original has a word kílás, which It may be cerasus.


    is not to be found in our dictionaries. 2 Atown in Badakhshán .
    9
    66

    Figs, per sér, 7 d. Chilghúzah nuts, per sér, .... 8 d.


    Munaqqa, do . 63 d. Sinjid (jujubes) , do ….. 63 d.
    Jujubes , do. 3 d. Pistachios, do . 6 d.
    Almonds, without the shell, do . 28 d. Jauz (nuts), do.. 4 d.
    Do. , with do. , do. 11 d. Filberts, do. 3 d.
    Pistachios , do. ... 9 d. Hazel nuts, do. 2 d.

    B. The sweet fruits of Hindustan . *


    Mangoes, per hundred, up to . 40 d. Usírá,.
    Pineapples, one for 4 d. Dates, per sér, 4 d.
    *
    Oranges , two for 1 d. Angúhal,
    Sugarcanes, two for 1 d. Délá, do . 1 d.
    Jackfruits, two for ... 1 d. Gúlah, *

    Plantains, do. 1 d. Bholsarí, per sér, 4 d.


    Bér, per sér, 2 d. Tarkul, two for 1 d.
    Pomegranates, per man, 80 to 100 d. Paniálah, per sér, 2 d.
    Guavas, two for ... 1 d. Lahsaurah, do. 1 d.
    Figs, per sér, 1 d. Gumbhí, do. 4 d.
    Mulberry, do.... 2 d. Karahrí,. 4 d.
    1 d. Tarrí, *
    Custard apples, ' one for
    Melons, per man, 40 d. Bangah, two for 1 d.
    Water melons , one .. 2 to 10 d. Gúlar , per sér, 2 d.
    K'hirní, per sér,. 4 d. Pílú, do... 2 d.
    Mahuwá, do . .. 1 d. Barautah, *

    Dép'hal, do. Piyár, do.


    4 d. 4 d.
    Téndú, do. ... 2 d.
    Mulberries and gúlars are in season during spring; pine apples, oranges,
    sugarcane, bérs, úsírás, bhólsarís, gumbhís, dép'hals during winter ; jackfruits,
    tarkuls, figs, melons, lahsauras, karahrís, mahuwás, téndús, pílús, barautahs,
    during summer ; and mangoes, plantains, dates, delas, gúlahs , pomegranates,
    guavas, watermelons, paniálas, bangahs, k’hirnís, piyárs, during the rains.
    C. Dried Fruits.
    Cocoanuts, one for 4 d. Mak'háná, per sér, ... 4 d.
    Dry Dates, per sér, 6 d. Súpyárí, do . 8 d.
    Walnuts, do. ... 8 d. Kaulgattah, do . 2 d.
    Chiraunchí, do. 4 d.
    Dates, walnuts, chiraunchís, and kaulgattahs are in season during
    summer, and cocoanuts, mak'hánás and supyárís, during winter.

    The original says that custard apples This seems a mistake of the MSS. The
    are to be had throughout the whole year. remark suits the next fruit (melons) .
    * The Original does not mention the price.
    67

    D. Vegetables.
    Palwal, per sér,. 2 d. Kachálú, për sér, 2 d.
    Gourd, one . 2 d. Chachíndá, do . 2 d.
    Bádinján, per sér, • 13 d. Súran, do . 1 d.
    Turai, do... 1 d. Carrots, do . .. 1 d.
    Kandúrí, do. 1 d. Sing'hárah, do. 3 d.
    Sénb, do. 1 d. Sálak, do. 2 d.
    Pét❜h, do. 1 d. Pindálú, do . 2 d.
    • 1 d. *
    Karilah, do. ... Séálí ,.......
    Kakúrah, do..... 14 d. Kasérú do .... 3 d.
    Súrans and séálís are in season during summer ; palwals, gourds, turais,
    kachálús, chachíndás, kandúrís, sénbs, pét'hs, karilahs, kakúrahs, and
    sing'hárahs during the rains ; and carrots, sálaks, pindálús, and kasérús,
    during winter. Bádinjáns are to be had throughout the year.
    E. Sour Fruits.
    Limes, four up to *
    1. Ghép ,…
    Amalbét, do. 1 d. Bijaurá, one for ... 8 d.
    Galgal, two up to ........ 1 d. Anwlah, per sér, ... 2 d.
    Limes and ánwlahs are to be had in summer, the others during the
    rains.
    F. Fruits somewhat acid.
    Ambilí, per sér, 2 d. Kait, four up to . 1 d.
    Badhal , one for ... 1 d. Kánkú , *
    Kamrak, four up to 1 d. Pákar, per sér, d.
    Nárangí, two up to 1 d. Karná, one for 1 d.
    Mountain grapes , * Labhírá *
    Jáman, per sér, 1 d. Janbhírí, five up to 1 d.
    P'hálsah, do. • 14 d. *
    Garnah,
    Karaundá, do. 1 d.

    Kamraks and nárangís are in season during winter ; ambilís, badhals,


    mountain-grapes, p'hálsas, labhíras, during summer ; and kaits , pákars,
    karnás, jámans, karaundás, jhanbhírís, during the rains.
    The fruits of Hindustan are either sweet, or subacid, or sour ; each kind
    is numerous . Some fruits also taste well when dry ; others as above
    described are used when cooked . I shall give now a few details.
    The Mangoe. The Persians call this fruit Naghzak, as appears from a
    A
    verse of Khusrau. This fruit is unrivalled in colour, smell, and taste ; and some
    of the gourmands of Túrán and Irán place it above muskmelons and grapes .

    Vide the fourth note on p. 75 of my text edition.


    * The Original does not mention the price.
    68

    In shape it resembles an apricot, or a quince, or a pear, or a melon, and


    weighs even one sér and upwards. There are green, yellow, red, variegated,
    sweet, and subacid mangoes. The tree looks well, especially when young ;
    it is larger than a nut tree, and its leaves resemble those of the willow, but are
    larger. The new leaves appear soon after the fall of the old ones in autumn,
    and look green and yellow, orange, peach-coloured, and bright red . The
    flower which opens in spring, resembles that of the vine, has a good smell,
    and looks very curious. About a month after the leaves have made their
    appearance, the fruit is sour, and is used for preserves and pickles . It
    improves the taste of qalyahs (p . 61. ) as long as the stone has not become hard.
    If a fruit gets injured whilst on the tree, its good smell will increase . Such
    mangoes are called kóilás. The fruit is generally taken down when unripe,
    and kept in a particular manner. Mangoes ripened in this manner are much
    finer. They mostly commence to ripen during summer, and are fit to be eaten
    during the rains ; others commence in the rainy season, and are ripe in the
    beginning of winter : the latter are called Bhadiyyah. Some trees bloom
    and yield fruit the whole year ; but this is rare. Others commence to ripen,
    although they look unripe ; they must be quickly taken down ; else the
    sweetness would produce worms. Mangoes are to be found every where in
    India, especially in Bengal, Gujrát, Málwah, Khándésh, and the Dekhan.
    They are rarer in the Pánjab, where their cultivation has, however, increased,
    since his Majesty made Láhór his capital. A young tree will bear fruit after
    four years. They put also milk and treacle round about the tree, which
    makes the fruits sweeter. Some trees yield in one year a rich harvest, and
    less in the next : others yield for one year no fruit at all. When people eat
    a great deal of mangoes, they may promote digestion by partaking of milk
    with the kernels of the mangoe stones. The kernels of old stones are subacid,
    and taste well : when two or three years old, they are used as medicine .
    If a half ripe mangoe, together with its stalk to a length of about two fingers,
    be taken from the tree, and the broken end of its stalk be closed with warm
    wax, and kept in butter, or honey, the fruit will retain its taste for two or
    three months, whilst the colour will remain even for a year.
    Pineapples' are also called Kat'hal i Safarí, or the jackfruits for travels,
    because young plants, put into a vessel, may be taken on travels, and
    will yield fruits. In colour and shape they resemble an oblong orange ;
    and in taste and smell, a mangoe. The plant is about a yard long, and its
    leaves have the shape of a hand. The edges of the leaves are like a saw.
    The fruit forms at the end of the stalk, and has a few leaves on its top.
    When the fruit is plucked, they cut out these leaves, separate them, and

    1
    Jahangir in his Memoirs (Toozuk i that the pineapples, at his time, came from
    Jahangiri, ed. Sayyid Ahmad , p . 3,) states 1 the harbour towns held by the Portuguese
    69

    put them singly into the ground : they are the seedlings . Each plant bears
    only once, and one fruit only.
    Oranges have the colour of saffron, and the shape of quinces . They
    belong to the best fruits to be had in Hindústán . The tree resembles the
    lime tree ; its flower has a weak, but fine smell.
    Sugarcane, which the Persians call Naishakar, is of various kinds ;
    one species is so tender and so full of juice, that a sparrow can make
    it flow out by pecking it ; and it would break to pieces, if let fall.
    Sugarcane is either soft, or hard. The latter is used for the preparation of
    brown sugarcandy, common sugar, white candy, and refined sugar, and
    thus becomes useful for all kinds of sweetmeats . It is cultivated as follows.
    They put some healthy sugarcane in a cool place, and sprinkle it daily with
    water. When the sun enters the sign of Aquarius, they cut off pieces, a
    cubit and upwards in length, put them into soft ground, and cover them up
    with earth . The harder the sugarcane is, the deeper they put it. Constant
    irrigation is required . After seven or eight months it will come up.
    Sugarcane is also used for the preparation of intoxicating liquor, but
    brown sugar is better for this purpose. There are various kinds of preparing
    it. One way is as follows. They pound Babul bark, mixing it at the rate
    of ten sérs to one man of sugarcane, and put three times as much water
    over it. Then they take large jars, fill them with the mixture, and put them
    into the ground, surrounding them with dry horse-dung. From seven to ten
    days are required to produce fermentation . It is a sign of perfection, when
    it has a sweet, but astringent taste . When the liquor is to be strong, they
    again put to the mixture some brown sugar, and sometimes even drugs and
    perfumes, as ambergis, camphor, &c. They let also meat dissolve in it.
    This beverage when strained, may be used, but it is mostly employed for
    the preparation of arrack.
    They have several methods of distilling it ; first, they put the above
    liquor into brass vessels, in the interior of which a cup is put, so as not to
    shake, nor must the liquid flow into it. The vessels are then covered with
    inverted lids which are fastened with clay. After pouring cold water on the
    lids, they kindle the fire, changing the water as often as it gets warm . As
    soon as the vapour inside reaches the cold lid, it condenses, and falls as arrack
    into the cup. Secondly, they close the same vessel with an earthen pot,
    fastened in the same manner with clay, and fix to it two pipes, the free ends
    of which have each a jar attached to them, which stands in cold water. The
    vapour through the pipes will enter the jars, and condense. Thirdly, they
    fill an earthen vessel with the above mentioned liquor, and fasten to it
    a large spoon with a hollow handle. The end of the handle they attach
    to a pipe, which leads into a jar. The vessel is covered with a lid, which is
    kept full with cold water. The arrack, when condensed, flows through the
    70

    spoon into the jar. Some distil the arrack twice, when it is called Duátashah,
    or twice burned. It is very strong. If you wet your hands with it, and
    hold them near the fire, the spirit will burn in flames of different colours,
    without injuring the hands. It is remarkable that when a vessel, containing
    arrack, is set on fire, you cannot put it out by any means ; but if you cover
    the vessel, the fire gets at once extinguished .
    The Jackfruit has the shape of a black pudding, looks greenish, and is
    sometimes a yard long, and half a yard broad. When small, it resembles
    a water melon ; its peel is full of thorns. It grows out of the branches, the
    trunk, and the roots. Those that grow below the ground are sweetest.
    On opening you see round clusters, so viscous, that the fingers stick
    together, when you take them out. The tree looks like a nut tree, but is
    somewhat bigger, and has larger leaves. The flower, like the fruit, has a
    good smell. The fruits are also taken down, when unripe. They then apply
    chalk, &c., when the fruits will get ripe .
    The Plantain tree looks straight like a spear ; the leaves come out of the
    trunk thick and soft, and resemble an unsewn plaited sleeve, but are much
    larger and wider. Out of the middle rises something looking like a spindle,
    of a lilac colour ; this is the bud. The fruit consists of a cluster of seventy to
    eighty plantains. In shape they resemble small cucumbers ; the peel is
    easily removed . As plantains are very heavy, you cannot eat many. There
    are various kinds of plantains. The plant is every year cut down, and a
    stump only is left of it : if this is not done, it will no longer bear fruit. The
    vulgar believe that the plantain tree yields camphor, but this is wrong ;
    for the camphor tree, as shall be hereafter explained, is a different tree,
    although it has the same name. They also say that pearls originate in plan-
    tain trees ,—another statement upon which the light of truth does not shine.
    The Mahuwa tree resembles the mangoe tree ; its wood is used for
    building purposes. The fruit, which is also called Gilaundah, yields an
    intoxicating liquor.
    The Bhólsirí tree is large and handsome ; ' the fruit has an orange
    colour, and resembles jujubes.
    The Tarkul tree, and its fruit, resemble the cocoanut palm and its fruit.
    When the stalk of a new leaf comes out of a branch, they cut off its end,
    and hang a vessel to it, to receive the out-flowing juice . The vessel will fill
    twice or three times a day. The juice is called túri ; when fresh it is sweet ;
    when it is allowed to stand for some time, it turns subacid, and is inebriating.
    The Paniálah fruit resembles the Zardálú ; and its tree, the lime tree ;
    the leaves are like those of the willow. When unripe, the fruit is green ;
    and red, when ripe.

    The text has here a few words the meaning of which I do not understand.
    71

    The Gumbhi has a stem the branches of which are like creepers ; its
    leaves and fruits, as those of the kunár, come from below the roots.
    The Tarri forms at the root ; it grows mostly in the mountains, and
    weighs a man, more or less, when the creeper is a year old ; and two, when
    two years old . It looks like a millstone . When older, it grows larger according
    to the same proportion. Its leaves resemble those of the water melon .
    The Piyár is like a small grape ; brownish and sweet. The inside of
    the kernel is like butter, and is used in the preparation of food ; it is called
    Chiraunji. Its tree is about a yard high.
    The Cocoanut is called by the Persians Jauz i Hindi ; the tree resembles
    the date tree, but is larger ; its wood, however, looks better, and the leaves
    are larger. The tree bears fruit throughout the whole year ; they get ripe
    in three months. They are also taken down, when unripe and green, and
    kept for some time. Their inside contains a cup full of milk-like juice, which
    tastes well, and is very often drunk in summer, mixed with sugar. When
    ripe the fruit looks brown. The juice has now become solid, and gets black
    when mixed with butter ; it is sweet and greasy. When eaten with pán-
    leaves, it makes the tongue soft and fresh. The shell is used for spoons,
    cups, and ghichaks (a kind of violin ) . There are nuts having four, three, two,
    and one, holes or eyes ; each kind is said to possess certain qualities, the
    last being considered the best . Another kind is used for the preparation of
    an antidote against poison. The nuts weigh sometimes twelve sérs and
    upwards. The bark of the tree is used for ropes ; the large ropes used on
    ships are made of it .
    Dates are called in Hindi Pindk' hajur. The tree has a short stem, rising
    little above the ground, and produces from four to five hundred fruits .
    The Súpyári, or betel nut, is called in Persian fúfal. The tree is
    graceful, and slender like the cypress . The wind often bends it, so that its
    crown touches the ground ; but it rises up again . There are various kinds.
    The fruit when eaten raw, tastes somewhat like an almond, but gets hard
    when ripe. They eat it with betel leaves.
    The Sing'hárah is a triangular fruit ; its creeper grows in tanks, and
    the fruit is on the surface of the water. They eat it raw or roasted.
    The Sálak grows in tanks under the earth . They go into the water
    and dig it up.
    The Pindálú is reared on lattice work, and grows about two yards high.
    Its leaf resembles the betel leaf ; they dig up the root.
    The Kasérú grows in tanks. When the water gets low, they take it
    out of the ground and eat it, raw or boiled .
    The Séáli root is long and conical ; the plant is a creeper, to whose root
    the fruit is attached .
    72

    The Orange has the shape of an egg. One kind is called kághazi.
    Between the peel and the fruit is a thin white membrane. The fruit is
    juicy, and tastes well ; one kind is to be had throughout the whole year.
    The Amalbét is like a lime, and very sour. If you put a steel needle
    into this fruit, the needle in a short time will dissolve ; and a white shell
    when put into its juice, will soon disappear.
    The Karnú resembles an apple, and appears after the plant has reached
    the third year. At first the fruit is green, sour, and also somewhat bitter,
    but turns afterwards yellow and bitter ; when ripe it is red and sweet.
    When it is kept long, it turns green again. The tree looks like an orange
    tree, but the leaves are somewhat broader, and the buds like fine arrows.
    The flower is white, and has four petals and yellow stamens. It has a fine
    smell, and is used for ambergis ; but it is beyond my power to describe the
    process of the manufacture.
    The Betel leafis properly speaking a vegetable, but connoisseurs call it an
    excellent fruit. Mír Khusrau of Dihlí in one of his verses says, " It is an
    excellent fruit like the flower of a garden, the finest fruit of Hindústán. " The
    eating of the leaf renders the breath agreeable, and repasts odorous. It
    strengthens the gums, and makes the hungry satisfied, and the satisfied
    hungry. I shall describe some of the various kinds. 1. The leaf called Bilahri
    is white and shining, and does not make the tongue harsh and hard . It tastes
    best of all kinds. After it has been taken away from the creeper, it turns
    white, with some care, after a month, or even after twenty days, when greater
    efforts are made. 2. The Kákér leaf is white with spots, and full, and has
    hard veins. When much of it is eaten, the tongue gets hard. 3. The Jaiswár
    leaf does not get white, and is profitably sold mixed with other kinds. 4. The
    Kapúri leaf is yellowish, hard, and full of veins, but has a good taste and
    smell. 5. The Kapúrkánt leaf is yellowish-green, and pungent like pepper ;
    it smells like camphor. You could not eat more than ten leaves. It is to be
    had at Banáras ; but even there it does not thrive in every soil. 6. The
    Banglah leaf is broad, full, hard, plushy, hot, and pungent.
    The cultivation is as follows. In the month of Chait (March-April) ,
    about New-Year's time, they take a part of a creeper four or five fingers
    long with Karhanj leaves on it, and put it below the ground. From
    fifteen to twenty days after, according as leaves and knots form, a new
    creeper will appear from a knot, and as soon as another knot forms, a leaf
    will grow up. The creepers and new leaves form for seven months , when
    the plant ceases to grow. No creeper has more than thirty leaves. As the
    plant grows, they prop it with canes, and cover it, on the top and the sides,
    with wood and straw, so as to rear it up in the shade . The plant requires
    continually to be watered, except during the rains . Sometimes they put
    73

    milk, sesame oil and its seeds pressed out, about the plant. There are seven
    kinds of leaves, known under nine names : 1. The Karhanj leaf, which
    they separate for seedlings, and call Péri. The new leaf is called Gadautah.
    2. The Nautí leaf. 3. The Bahutí leaf. 4. The Chhiw leaf. 5. The
    Adhinidá leaf. 6. The Agahniyah or Léwár leaf. 7. The Karhanj leaf
    itself. With the exception of the Gadautah, the leaves are taken away from
    the creeper when a month old . The last kind of leaf is eaten by some ;
    others keep it for seedlings : they consider it very excellent, but connoisseurs
    prefer the Péri.
    A bundle of 11,000 leaves was formerly called Lahúsah, which name is
    now given to a bundle of 14,000 . Bundles of 200 are called Dhóli ; a lahásah
    is made up of dholis . In winter they turn and arrange the leaves after four
    or five days ; in summer every day. From 5 to 25 leaves, and sometimes
    more, are placed above each other, and adorned in various ways. They also
    put some betelnut and kat'h' on one leaf, and some chalk paste on another,
    and roll them up : this is called a bérah. Some put camphor and musk into
    it, and tie both leaves with a silk thread. Others put single leaves on plates,
    and use them thus. They are also prepared as a dish.

    AIN 29.
    ON FLAVOURS .
    As I have mentioned various kinds of food, I shall also say something on
    flavours. Heat renders pungent that which is agreeable, bitter that which
    is greasy, and brackish that which has the proper flavour ; cold makes the first
    acid, the second astringent, and the third tart. Astringency when affecting
    the tongue merely is called in Arabic qabz ; and ' ufuçat, when affecting the
    whole frame. A moderate temperature renders the first quality greasy, the
    second sweet, and the last tasteless . These are the fundamental flavours .
    Others count four, viz., the sweet, the bitter, the acid, the brackish. The
    flavours produced by combinations is endless ; some have however names, e. g. ,
    basha'at is a bitter and tart flavour, and zu'úqah a combination of the brackish
    and the bitter.

    AIN 30.
    ON PERFUMES .
    His Majesty is very fond of perfumes, and encourages this department
    from religious motives . The court-hall is continually scented with ambergis,
    aloewood, and compositions according to ancient recipes, or mixtures invented

    An astringent vegetable extract eaten the gums red.


    by the natives of India with the pán leaf. 2 In Persian chúnah ; but Anglo - Indice,
    It looks brown, and stains the tongue and chunám .
    10
    74

    by his Majesty ; and incense is daily burnt in gold and silver censers of
    various shapes, whilst sweet- smelling flowers are used in large quantities.
    Oils are also extracted from flowers, and used for the skin and the hair. I
    shall give a few recipes .
    1. Santúk is used for keeping the skin fresh : 1 tólahs Civet ; 1 t.
    Chúwah ; 2 máshahs Chambéli essence ; 2 bottles of rose-water. 2. Argajah,
    s. sandel wood ; 2 t. Iksír and Míd ; 3 t. Chúwah ; 1 t. violet root, and géhlah
    (the seed of a plant) ; m. camphor ; 11 bottles of rose-water. It is used in
    summer for keeping the skin cool. 3. Gulkámah. Pound together 1 t. best
    Ambergis ; t . Ládan ; 2 t. best musk ; 4 t. wood of aloes, and 8 t. Iksír i
    'abír ; and put it into a porcelain vessel, mix with it a sér of the juice of the
    flower called Gul ʼn surkh, and expose it to the sun, till it dries up. Wet it in
    the evening with rose-water and with the extract of the flower called Bahár,
    and pound it again on Samáq stone. Let it stand for ten days, mix it with the
    juice of the flower called Bahár i Náranj, and let it dry. During the next
    twenty days, add occasionally some juice of the black Raihán (also called
    black Núzbúi) . A part of this mixture is added to the preceding. 4. Rúhafzá,
    5 8. Aloewood ; 1 s . Sandelwood ; 1 s . Ládan ; Iksír, Lúbán, Dhúp ( a
    root brought from Kashmir), 3 t . of each ; 20 t. violet root ; 10 t. Ushnah,
    called in Hind. Chharilah. Press till it gets tenacious like syrup. To be
    made into cakes with four bottles of rose-water. It is burnt in censers,
    and smells very fine. 5. Opatnah is a scented soap. 23 8. Ládan ; 18 .
    5 d. Aloewood ; the same quantity of Bahár i Náranj , and 14 8. of its bark ;
    1 8. 10 d. Sandelwood ; 1 s. 5 d. Sumbul uṭṭíb, called in Hind. Chhar ; the
    same quantity of Ushnah ; 38 t . musk ; 1 8. 4 t. páchah leaves ; 36 t.
    apples ; 11 t. Su'd, called in Hind. Móť'h ; 5 d. violet root ; 1 t. 2 m. Dhúp ;
    1½t. Ikankí ( a kind of grass) ; the same quantity of Zurumbád, called in
    Hind. kachúr, (zerumbet ) ; 1 t. 2 m. Lúbán ; 106 bottles of rose-water ; 5
    bottles of extract of Bahár. Pound the whole, sift it, and boil slowly in rose-
    water. When it has become less moist, let it dry. 6. ' Abírmáyah,² 4 d.
    Aloewood ; 2 d. Sandelwood ; 1 d. violet root ; 3 d. Sumbuluṭṭíb ; 3 d.
    Duwálak ; 4 t. musk of Khatá ( Cathay) ; 24 d. Ládan ; 73 d. Bahár i Náranj .
    Pound, and sift, boil over a slow fire in 10 bottles of rose-water, and put it
    into the shade to dry. 7. Kishtah, 24 t. Aloewood ; 6 Ládan , Lúbán, and
    Sandelwood ; Iksír and Dhúp, 2 t. of each ; violet root and musk, 2 t.; 1 t.
    Ushnah ; mix with 50 t. refined sugar, and boil gently in 2 bottles of rose-
    water. It is made into cakes. It smells very fine when burnt, and is
    exhilarating. 8. Bukhúr, 1 s . Aloewood and Sandelwood ; s . Ládan'; 2 t.

    This and the following names of per- chapter.


    fumes are explained further on in this 2 Vide below the twelfth flower.
    75

    musk ; 5 t. Iksír ; mix with two sérs of refined sugar and one bottle of
    rosewater over a slow fire . 9. Fatilah, 5 s. Aloewood ; 72 t. Sandelwood ;
    Iksír and Ládan, 20 t. of each ; 5 t. Violet root ; 10 t . Lúbán ; 3 t. refined
    sugar ; mix with two bottles of rose-water, and make into tapers. 10 .
    Bárját, 1 8. Aloewood ; 5 t . Ládan ; 2 t. musk ; 2 t . Sandelwood ; 1 t.
    Lúbán ; t . Camphor. Then distill it like Chuwah, (vide below) . 11 ' Abir-
    Iksir, 8. Sandelwood ; 26 t. Iksír ; 2 t . 8 m. musk. Pound it, and dry it
    in the shade. 12. Ghasúl (a liquid soap), 35 t . Sandelwood ; 17 t.
    Katúl (?)¹ ; 1 t. musk ; 1 t . Chúwah ; 2 m. Camphor ; 2 m . Míd. Mix with
    2 bottles of rose-water.

    A List of Perfumes and their Prices.


    'Ambar i ashhab,. 1 to 3 Muhurs, per tólah.
    Zabád (civet), R. to 1 M. , do .
    Musk, 1 to 4 R. , do.
    Lignum aloes, Hind. Agar, 2 R. to 1 M., per sér.
    Chúwah (Distilled wood of Aloes), R. to 1 R., per tólah.
    Gaurah, " 3 to 5 R. , do .
    Bhimsíni Camphor, 3 R. to 2 M., do.
    Mid, 1 to 3 R. , do.
    Za'farán, 12 to 22 R. , per sér.
    Za'farán i Kamandí, 1 to M. , do .
    Za'farán (from Kashmir), 8 to 12 R. , do.
    Sandalwood , ... 32 to 55 R., per man.
    Náfah i mushk, 3 to 12 M., per sér.
    Kalanbak ( Calembic, ) 10 to 40 R., per man.
    Siláras, 3 to 5 R., per sér,
    'Ambar i Ládan, 1 to 4 R., do .
    Káfúr i Chínah , 1 to 2 R. , do.
    'Araq i Fitnah, .. 1 to 3 R., per bottle.
    'Araq i Béd i Mushk, ... 1 to 4 R. , do.
    Rosewater, to 1 R., do .
    'Araq i Bahár, 1 to 5 R., do.
    'Araq i Chambélí, to R. , do .
    Violet -root, to 1 R. , per sér.
    Azfár uṭṭíb, ... 1 to 2 R., do.
    Barg i Máj (brought from Gujrát), to 1 R., do .
    Sugandh Gúgalá, . . . 10 to 13 R., do.

    1
    According to some MSS. Kanwal. In the text,p. 85 , by mistake Kaurah.
    Most of the following names are ex- Vide my text edition p. 94, 1. 6.
    plained below.
    76

    Lúbán ( from Sargard ?), to 3 R., per tólah.


    Lúbán ( other kinds) , 1 to 2 R., per sér.
    Alak, Hind. Chhar, to R. , do .
    Duwálak, Hind. Chharilah, 3 to d., do.
    *
    Géhlah,
    *
    Su'd,
    Ikankí, *

    Zurumbád,.

    A List of fine smelling Flowers.


    1. The Sewti. Whitish ; blooms the whole year, especially towards
    the end of the rains .
    2. The Bhólsari. Whitish ; in the rains.
    3. The Chambeli. White, yellow, and blue. In the rains, and partly
    during winter.
    4. Ráibél. White and pale yellow. In the end of the hot season, and
    the beginning of the rains.
    5. The Móngrá. Yellow. In summer.
    6. The Champah. Yellow. All the year ; especially when the sun
    stands in Pisces and Aries.
    7. Kétki. The upper leaves are green, the inner ones yellowish-white.
    It blooms during the hot season.
    8. Kúzáh. White. During the hot season .
    9. The Pádal. Brownish lilac. In spring.
    10. The Juhi. White and yellow, like jasmin . During the rains.
    11. The Niwári. Whitish . In spring.
    12. The Nargis. White. In spring.
    13. The Kéwarah. From Leo to Libra.
    14. The Chaltah.
    15. The Gulál. In spring.
    16. The Tasbih i Gulál. White . In winter.
    17. The Singárhár. It has small white petals . In the hot season.
    18. The Violet. Violet. In the hot season .
    19. The Karnah. White. In spring.
    20. The Kapúr bél.
    21. The Gul i Za'farán . Lilac. In autumn.

    A List of Flowers notable for their beauty.


    1. The Gul i Aftab. Yellow.
    2. The Gul i Kanwal. White, and also bluish. In the rains.

    * The original text does not mention the prices.


    77

    3. The Ja'fari. A golden yellow, or orange coloured, or greenish . In


    spring.
    4. The Gudhal. Of different colours, red, yellow, orange, white. In
    the rains.
    5. The Ratanmanjaní. Bright red . It is smaller than jasmin . All
    the year.
    6. The Késú. In the hot season.
    7. The Sénbal. Dark red . In spring.
    8. The Ratanmálá. Yellow. In spring.
    9. The Sónzard. Yellow. In spring.
    10. The Gul i Máltí.
    11. The Karn p'húl. A golden red .
    12. The Karil. In spring.
    13. The Kanér. Red and white.
    14. The Kadam. Outside green ; in the middle yellow threads ; the
    inside leaves white. In spring.
    15. The Nágkésar. In spring.
    16. The Surpan. White, with red and yellow stripes in the middle .
    During the rains.
    17. The Siri k'handi. Inside yellowish white, outside reddish . In
    spring.
    18. The Jait. Inside yellow, outside a blackish red. In the rains .
    19. The Champalah. White, like orange blossoms . In spring.
    20. The Láhí. It blooms in Pisces.
    21. The Gul i Karaundah. White . It is smaller than the Chambélí, and
    blooms during the rains.
    22. The D'hanantar resembles the Nilufar. During the rains.
    23. The Gul i Hinná.
    24. The Dupahriyá. Bright red, and white. All the year.
    25. The Bhún Champá. Peach coloured.
    26. The Sudarsan. Yellow ; it resembles the Nilufar, but is smaller.
    27. The Kanglái. There are two kinds, red, and white.
    28. The Sirs. Yellowish green. It is full of stamens. In spring .
    29. The San. Yellow. During the rains.

    On the Preparation of some Perfumes.


    1. ' Ambar. Some say that ' Ambar grows at the bottom of the sea,
    and that it is the food brought up again after eating, by various animals
    living in the sea. Others say that fishes eat it and die from it, and that it is
    taken from their intestines . According to some, it is the dung of the sea-cow,
    called sárá ; or the foam of the sea. Others again say, it trickles from the
    78

    mountains of islands. Many look upon it as marine gum; others whose opinion
    I adopt, take it to be wax. It is said that on some mountains a great deal
    of honey is to be found, so much in fact that it runs into the sea ; the wax
    rises to the surface, when the heat of the sun reduces it to a solid state.
    As the bees collect the honey from sweet smelling flowers, 'Ambar is,
    naturally, scented. Bees are also occasionally found in it. Abú Síná thinks
    that there is a fountain at the bottom of the sea, from which ' Ambar rills,
    when it is carried by waves to the shore. 'Ambar, when fresh, is moist ; the
    heat of the sun causes it to dry up. It is of various colours : the white one
    is the best, and the black is the worst ; the middling sort is pistachio-
    coloured and yellow. The best kind goes by the name of ashhab. It feels
    greasy, and consists of layers. If you break it, it looks yellowish white.
    The whiter, lighter, and more flexible it is, the better. Next in qualtity is the
    pistachio-coloured ' Ambar ; and inferior to it the yellow kind, called
    Khashkhashi. The black kind is bad ; it is inflammable. Greedy bázár-
    dealers will mix it with wax, Mandal, and Ládan, &c. ; but not every one has
    recourse to such practices. Mandal is a kind of ' Ambar taken from the
    intestines of dead fishes ; it does not smell much.
    2. Ládan is also often called ' Ambar. It is taken from a tree which
    grows in the confines of Qibrus (Cyprus) and Qísús (Chios) or Qistús. It is a
    moisture that settles on the leaves of the tree. When goats in grazing pass
    near it, the hairs of their legs and the horn of their hoofs stick to it, and
    the whole then dries up. Such Ládan as is mixed with goat's-hair, is counted
    superior. It looks greenish, and has a good smell. But Ládan which is
    mixed with horn is looked upon as inferior. Sometimes people tie ropes
    round about the trees, and collect the Ládan which sticks to them. After-
    wards they boil it in water, clean it, and make it into cakes.
    3. The Camphor tree is a large tree growing in the ghauts of Hindustan
    and in China. A hundred horsemen and upwards may rest in the shade of
    a single tree. Camphor is collected from the trunk and the branches . Some
    say that during summer a large number of serpents wind themselves round
    about the tree, for the sake of its coolness ; people then mark such trees by
    shooting an arrow into the trunks, and collect the camphor during the
    winter. Others say that camphor trees are much frequented by leopards, which
    like camphor so much as never to go away from the trees . The camphor
    within the tree looks like small bits of salt ; that on the outside like resin.
    It often flows from the tree on the ground, and gets after some time solid :
    If there are earthquakes during a year, or any other cosmical disturbances,
    camphor is found in large quantities .
    Of the various kinds of camphor, the best is called Ribúhí, or
    Qaiçuri. Although different in name, they are the same ; for it is said
    79

    that the first camphor was found by a king of the name of Ribáh near
    Qaiçur, which is a place near the island of Ceylon. According to some
    books, it is white like snow and this is true, for I have broken it myself
    from the tree. Ibn Baitár, however, said that it was originally red and
    shining, and only got white by artificial crystallization . Whatever the
    case may be, there is certainly a kind of camphor which is white in its
    natural state. And of all other kinds it is the best, the whitest, which has
    the thinnest layers, the cleanest, and the largest. Inferior to it is the kind
    called Qurqui, which is blackish and dirty. Still inferior is the light brown
    kind called Kaukab. The worst camphor is mixed with pieces of wood ; it
    goes under the name of Bálús. By artificial crystallization each kind will
    become clean and white. In some books camphor in its natural state is
    called Júdánah or Bhimsini . If kept with a few barley grains, or pepper-
    corns, * or surkh dánahs, it will evaporate the less . The camphor which is made
    - of Zurumbád by mixing it with other ingredients, is called Chini or Mayyit-
    camphor. White Zurumbád is finely pounded, and mixed with sour cream,
    of cow or buffaloe's milk ; on the fourth day they put fresh cream to it, and
    beat it with the hand till foam appears, which they take away. With this
    they mix some camphor, put it into a box, and keep it for some time in the
    husks of grains. Or, they reduce some white stone to fine powder, mix it at
    the rate of ten dirhams of it with two dirhams of wax, and half a dirham of
    oil of Violet, or oil of Surkh Gul. The wax is first melted, and then mixed
    with the powder, so as to form a paste. They then put it between two
    stones, and make it thin and flat. When it gets cold, it looks like camphor,
    bits of which are mixed with it. Unprincipled men profit in this manner
    by the loss of others.
    4. Zabúd (civet) is also called Shákh. It is a moist substance secreted
    during the rutting season by an animal which resembles a cat, having, however ,
    a larger face and mouth . The zabád which is brought from the harbour-
    town of Sumatra, from the territory of Achín, goes by the name of Sumatra
    zabúd, and is by far the best. The moist substance itself is yellowish white .
    The animal has below its tail a bag, of the size of a small hazel nut, in which
    there are from five to six holes. The bag may be emptied every week or
    fortnight, and yields from half a tólah to eight máshahs. Some civet cats
    become so tame as to hold quiet when the bag is being emptied ; but in the
    case of most animals, they have to catch hold of the tail, and draw it through
    the cage, when they take out the zabád with a shell, or by pressing
    gently against the bag . The price of a civet cat varies from 300 to 500 Rs .
    The zabád of the male is better than that of the female, because in the latter
    the vulva is just above the bag. . When removed, the zabád is washed, and

    ' Bázár dealers here give a few pepper | corns along with every piece of camphor.
    80

    becomes afterwards one of the finest pefumes. The smell will remain a long
    time in the clothes, and even on the skin. There are several ways of washing
    it. If the quantity be small, they put it into a cup, or if greater, into a
    larger vessel, and wash it thirty times in cold water, and three times in warm
    water. The latter renders it thin and removes impurities . Then they wash
    it again in cold water till it gets solid, when they wash it three times in
    lime juice, which removes all unpleasant smell . After this, they wash it
    again three times in cold water, pass it through a piece of cloth, put it into
    a China cup, and wash it three times in rose water. They then smear the
    zabád on the inside of the cup, keep it at night inverted in extract of
    Chambélí, or Ráibél, or Surkh gul, or Gul i Karnah, and expose it at day-
    time to the rays of the sun, covered with a piece of white cloth till all
    moisture goes away. It may then be used, mixed with a little rose water.
    5. Gaurah looks greyish white, but does not smell so well as the
    preceding. It is a moisture secreted during the rutting season by an animal
    like the civet cat, but somewhat larger. It is also brought from the confines
    of Achín. The price of this animal varies from 100 to 200 Rs .
    6. Mid resembles the preceding, but is inferior to it. They mix it
    with other substances ; hence they sell it in larger quantities. The animal
    which yields Míd, is found in various countries, and only sells from five to
    six dáms. Some say that Míd is the dried bag of the civet cat, pounded and
    boiled in water ; the greasy substance which rises to the surface is the Mid .
    7. ' U'd, or wood of Aloes, called in Hind. Agar, is the root of a tree.
    They lop it off and bury it in the earth, when whatever is bad rots, and the
    remainder is pure aloes. Some say that they do so with the whole tree.
    The statement occasionally found in some old books that the habitat of the
    tree is Central India, is an absurdity of fanciful writers. There are several
    kinds the best is called Mandali, and the second in quantity, Jabal or Hindi.
    The smell of the wood, especially that of the first kind, is a preventive
    against fleas ; but some think both kinds equal in this respect. Of other
    good kinds I may mention the Samandúrí ; the Qumári, which is inferior to
    it ; the Qáqulí, next in rank ; the Barri ; the Qit' ; and the Chinese, also
    called Qismúrt, which is wet and sweet. Still inferior are the Jaláli, the
    Máyatagi, the Lawáqi, the Rítalí." But of all kinds the Mandalí, is the best
    Samanduri is grey, fatty, thick, hard, juicy, without the slightest sign of
    whitishness, and burns long. The best of all is the black and heavy ; in
    water it settles at the bottom, is not fibrous, and may be easily pounded.
    The wood which floats is looked upon as bad. Former kings transplanted
    the tree to Gujrát, and now-a-days it grows in Chánpánír. It is generally

    So with the kasrah, a kind of per- 2 The last three names are doubtful.
    fume. Kashfullughát.
    81

    brought from Achín and Dahnásarí. Nothing is known of the habitat


    mentioned in old books. Aloewood is often used in compound perfumes ;
    when eaten, it is exhilarating. It is generally employed in incense ; the
    better qualities, in form of a powder, are often used for rubbing into the skin
    and clothes.
    8. Chúwah is distilled wood of aloes ; it is in general use. The
    preparation is as follows : They take fine clay, mix it with cotton or rice
    bran, and beat it well. When properly intermixed, they take a small bottle
    large enough to put a finger into it, smear it all over with the clay, and let
    it dry. After this, they put very small pieces of wood of aloes into it, so as
    nearly to fill the bottle. The wood must have been kept wet for a week
    before. Another vessel, with a hole in the middle, is now placed on a
    three-legged stand. Into this vessel, they pass the neck of the little
    bottle inverted, placing a cup full of water at the bottom of the vessel,
    in such a manner that the mouth of the bottle reaches the surface of the
    water. On the top of the vessel they then put wild cow's dung, and light
    a gentle fire. Should flames break out, they extinguish them with water.
    The wood of aloes will then secrete a moisture which trickles on the surface
    of the water, where it remains. This is collected, and washed several times
    with water and rose water, to take off all smell of smoke. The oftener it is
    washed, and the older it gets, the better will be the scent. It looks black,
    although experienced people make it white. One sér of wood of aloes will
    yield from two to fifteen tólahs of Chúwah. Some avaricious dealers mix
    sandalwood or almonds with it, trying thereby to cheat people.
    9. Sandalwood is called in Hind. Chandan. The tree grows in China.
    During the present reign, it has been successfully planted in India. There
    are three kinds, the white, the yellow, the red. Some take the red to be more
    refreshing than the white ; others prefer the white . The latter is certainly
    more cooling than the red, and the red more so than the yellow. The best is
    that which is yellow and oily ; it goes by the name of Magáçari. Sandalwood
    is pounded and rubbed over the skin ; but it is also used in other ways.
    10. Siláras (storax) is called in Arabic Mi'ah. It is the gum of a tree
    that grows in Turkey. The kind which is clear, is called Miah i sáilah

    (liquid) ; the other kinds, Mi'ah i yábisah (dry) .


    The best kind is that which
    spontaneously flows out of the trunk ; it is yellowish .
    11. Kalanbak (calembic) is the wood of a tree brought from Zírbád (?) ;¹
    it is heavy and full of veins. Some believe it to be raw wood of aloes .
    When pounded, it looks grey. They use it for compound perfumes ; and
    they also make rosaries of it .

    1
    Zirbád (Zírábád), a town near the frontiers of Bengal. Ghiásullughát.
    11
    82

    12. The Malágír is a tree resembling the former, only that the wood is
    lighter and not veined. When pounded, it looks reddish white.
    13. Lubán (frankincense) is the odorous gum of a tree which is found in
    Java. Some take it to be the same as Mí'ah i yábisah. When exposed to
    fire, it evaporates like camphor. The Lubán which the Persians call
    Kundur i daryái (mastix), is a resin brought from Yaman ; but it is not
    odorous.
    14. Azfár uṭṭíb, or scented finger nails, are called in Hind. Nak'h, and
    in Persian Nákhun i bóyá. It is the house of an animal, consisting, like a
    shell, of two parts . They have a good smell, as the animal feeds on sumbuls,
    and are found in the large rivers of Hindustan, Baçrah, and Bahrain, the
    latter being considered the best . They are also found in the Red Sea, and
    many prefer them to the other kinds. They warm them in butter ; others
    expose them afterwards to the fire, pound them, and mix them with other
    perfumes.
    15. Sugandh gugalú (bdellium) is a plant very common in Hindustan ;
    it is used in perfumes .

    As I have said something on perfumes, I shall make a few remarks on


    several beautiful flowers .
    1. The Séwti resembles the Gul i Surkh, but is smaller. It has in
    the middle golden stamens, and from four to six petals. Habitat, Gujrát and
    the Dek'han.
    2. Of the Chambéli there are two kinds. The Rái Chambéli has from
    five to six petals, outside red . The Chambélé proper is smaller, and has on
    the top a red stripe. Its stem is one and a half or two yards high, and
    hangs over the ground. It has many long and broad branches. It flowers
    from the first year.
    3. The Rái bél resembles the jasmin. There are various kinds ; some
    are simple, double, &c. A quintuple is very common, so that each petal
    might be separated as a distinct flower. Its stem grows a yard high. The
    leaves of the tree resemble those of the orange tree ; but they are some-
    what smaller and softer.
    4. The Mungrá resembles the Rái bél. It is larger, but inferior in
    smell. It has more than a hundred petals ; the plant grows to a large tree.
    5. The Champah flower has a conical shape, of the size of a finger,' and
    consists of ten petals and more, lying in folds one above the other. It has
    several stamens. The tree looks graceful, and resembles in leaf and trunk
    the nut tree. It flowers after seven years.

    ¹ Orientals, as a rule, have very small hands and fingers.


    83

    6. The Kétki has the form of spindle, of the size of a quarter of a


    yard, with twelve or more petals. Its smell is delicate and fragrant. It
    bears flowers in six or seven years.
    7. The Kéwrah resembles the preceding, but is more than twice as big.
    The petals have thorns. As they grow on different places, they are not all
    equal. In the midst ofthe flower, there is a small branch with honey- coloured
    threads, not without smell. The flower smells even after it is withered.
    Hence people put it into clothes, when the smell remains for a long time.
    The stem of the tree is above four yards high ; the leaves are like those of
    the maize, only longer, and triangular, with three thorns in each corner.
    It flowers from the fourth year. Every year they put new earth round about
    the roots. The plant is chiefly found in the Dek'han, Gujrát, Málwah, and
    Bahár.
    8. The Chaltah resembles a large tulip . It consists of eighteen petals,
    six green ones above ; six others, some red, some green, some greyish
    yellow ; and six white. In the midst of the flower, as in the flower called
    Haméshah Bahár, there are nearly two hundred little yellow leaves, with a
    red globule in the centre. The flower will remain quite fresh for five or six
    days after having been plucked . It smells like the violet. When withered,
    the flower is cooked and eaten. The tree resembles the pomegranate tree ;
    and its leaves look like those ofthe orange tree. It blooms in seven years .
    9. The Tasbihgulál has a fine smell. The petals have the form of a
    dagger. The stem of the plant is two yards high. It flowers after four
    years. They make rosaries of the flowers, which keep fresh for a week.
    10. The Bholsari is smaller than the jasmin ; its petals are indented.
    When dry the flower smells better. The tree resembles the walnut tree,
    and flowers in the tenth year.
    11. The Singárhár is shaped like a clove, and has an orange-coloured
    stalk. The stamens look like poppy seeds. The tree resembles the pome-
    granate tree, and the leaves are like the leaves of a peach tree. It flowers
    in five years .
    12. The Kúzah looks like a Gul i surkh ; but the plant and the leaves
    are larger. It has five or a hundred petals, and golden coloured stamens in
    the middle. They make ' Abírmáyah and an extract from it.
    13. The Pádal has five or six long petals . It gives water an agreeable
    flavour and smell. It is on this account that people preserve the flowers,
    mixed with clay, for such times when the flower is out of season. The leaves
    and the stem are like those of a nut tree. It flowers in the twelfth year.
    14. The Júhí has small leaves . This creeper winds itself round about
    trees, and flowers in three years.
    15. The Niwári looks like a simple Rái bél, but has larger petals.
    84

    The flowers are often so numerous, as to conceal the leaves and branches of
    the plant. It flowers in the first year.
    16. The Kapúr bél has five petals, and resembles the saffron flower.
    This flower was brought during the present reign from Europe.
    17. The Za'farán ( saffron). ' In the beginning of the month of
    Urdíbihisht, the saffron seeds are put into the ground which has been
    carefully prepared and rendered soft. After this, the field is irrigated with
    rain water. The seed itself is a bulb resembling garlic . The flower appears
    in the middle of the month of Abán ; the plant is about a quarter of a
    yard long ; but, according to the difference of the soil in which it stands,
    there are sometimes two-thirds of it above, and sometimes below the ground.
    The flower stands on the top of the stalk, and consists of six petals and six
    stamens. Three of the six petals have a fresh lilac colour, and stand round
    about the remaining three petals. The stamens are similarly placed, three
    of a yellow colour standing round about the other three, which are red.
    The latter yield the saffron . Yellow stamens are often cunningly intermixed .
    In former times saffron was collected by compulsory labour : they pressed
    men daily, and made them separate the saffron from the petals and the
    stamens, and gave them salt instead of wages, a man who cleaned two
    2
    pals receiving two pals of salt. At the time of Ghází Khán, the son of
    (Khájí) Chak, another custom became general : they gave the workmen
    eleven tarks of saffron flowers, of which one tark was given them as wages ;
    and for the remaining ten they had to furnish two Akbarsháhí sérs of clean,
    dry saffron, i. e., for two Akbarsháhí mans³ of saffron flowers they had to
    give two sérs of cleaned saffron. This custom, however, was abolished by
    his Majesty, on his third visit to Kashmir, to the great relief of the people.
    When the bulb has been put into the ground, it will produce flowers
    for six years, provided the soil be annually softened . For the first two
    years, the flowers will grow sparingly ; but in the third yearthe plant
    reaches its state of perfection . After six years the bulbs must be taken out ;
    else they get rotten. They plant them again on some other place ; and
    leave the old ground uncultivated for five years.
    Saffron comes chiefly from the place Panpúr, which belongs to the
    district of Maruráj (?) . The fields there extend over nearly twelve kós.

    1 Vide a similar account of the saffron 3 One Kashmiri Tark = 8 sérs (of
    flower in the third book (Súbah Kábul) . Akbar) 4 Kashm. mans ; 1 Kash.
    He was the contemporary of Shér man = 4 Kash, sérs ; 1 Kash. sér = 7/11
    Khán ; vide Abulfazl's list of Kashmir pals.
    Rulers in the third book. A good These places lie to the south of Srí-
    biography of Ghází Khán may be found nagar, the capital of Kashmir ; for
    in the beginning of the Maásir i Rahimi, Maruráj the test has . Vide Súbah
    Persian MS. No. 45, of the Asiatic Kábul, third book.
    Society of Bengal.
    85

    Another place of cultivation is in the Parganah of Paraspúr, near Indrakál,


    not far from Kamráj , where the fields extend about a kós.
    18. The Aftabi ( sun-flower) is round, broad, and large, has a large
    number of petals, and turns continually to the sun. Its stem reaches a
    height of three yards.
    19. The Kanwal. There are two kinds. One opens when the sublime
    Sun shines, turning wherever he goes, and closing at night. It resembles
    the shaqáiq-lily ; but its red is paler. Its petals which are never less
    than six in number enclose yellow stamens, in the midst of which there
    is an excrescence of the form of a cone with the base upwards, which
    is the fruit, and contains the seeds. The other kind has four white
    petals, opens at night, and turns itself according to the moon, but does
    not close.
    20. The Ja'fari is a pretty round flower, and grows larger than the
    çadbarg. One kind has five, another a hundred petals . The latter remains
    fresh for two months and upwards. The plant is of the size of a man, and
    the leaves resemble those of the willow, but are indented. It flowers in two
    months.
    21. The Gudhal resembles the joghású- tulip, and has a great number of
    petals. Its stem reaches a height of two yards and upwards ; the leaves
    look like Mulberry leaves. It flowers in two years .
    22. The Ratanmanjaní has four petals, and is smaller than the jasmin.
    The tree and the leaves resemble the Ráibél. It flowers in two years .
    23. The Késú has five petals resembling a tiger's claw. In their
    midst is a yellow stamen of the shape of a tongue. The plant is very large,
    and is found on every meadow ; when it flowers, it is as if a beautiful fire
    surrounded the scenery .

    24. The Kanér remains a long time in bloom. It looks well, but it is
    poisonous. Whoever puts it on his head, is sure to fall in battle . It has
    mostly five petals. The branches are full of the flowers ; the plant itself
    grows to a height of two yards. It flowers in the first year.
    25. The Kadam resembles a tumághah (a royal cap). The leaves are
    like those of the nut tree, which the whole tree resembles .
    26. The Nág késar, like the Gul i surkh, has five petals and is full of
    fine stamens . It resembles the nut tree in the leaves and the stem , and
    flowers in seven years .

    27. The Surpan resembles the Sesame flower, and has yellow stamens
    in the middle. The stem resembles the Hinná plant, and the leaves those
    ofthe willow .
    28. The Srik'handi is like the Chambéli, but smaller. It flowers in
    two years.
    86

    29. The Hinna has four petals, and resembles the flower called
    Náfarmán. Different plants have often flowers of a different colour.
    30. The Dupahriyá is round and small, and looks like the flower called
    Haméshah bahár. It opens at noon. The stem is about two yards high.
    31. The Bhún champá resembles the Nilufar flowers, and has five
    petals. The stem is about a span long . It grows on such places as are
    periodically under water. Occasionally a plant is found above the water.
    32. The Sudarsan resembles the Ráibél, and has yellow threads in-
    side. The stem looks like that of the Sósan flower.
    33. Sénbal has five petals, each ten fingers long, and three fingers
    broad.
    34. The Ratanmálá is round and small. Its juice is cooked out, and •
    when mixed with vitriol and Muaçfar, furnishes a fast red dye for stuffs.
    Butter, sesame oil, are also boiled together with the root of the plant, when
    the mixture becomes a purple dye.
    35. The Súnzárd resembles the jasmin, but is a little larger, and has
    from five to six petals. The stem is like that of the Chambeli. It flowers in
    two years .
    36. The Máltí is like the Chamhéli, but smaller. In the middle there
    are little stamens looking like poppyseed . It flowers in two years more or
    less.
    37. The Karil has three small petals. It flowers luxuriantly, and
    looks very well. The flower is also boiled and eaten ; they make also pickles
    of it.
    38. The Jait plant grows to a large tree ; its leaves look like
    Tamarind leaves.
    39. The Chanpalah is like a nosegay . The leaves of the plant are like
    nut leaves. It flowers in two years. The bark of the plant, when boiled
    in water, makes the water red. It grows chiefly in the hills ; its wood burns
    bright like a candle.
    40. The Láhí has a stem one and a half yards high. The branches,
    before the flowers appear, are made into a dish which is eaten with bread.
    When camels feed on this plant, they get fat and unruly.
    41. The Karaundah resembles the Juhi flower.
    42. The Dhanantar resembles the Nilufar, and looks very well. It is
    a creeper.
    43. The Sirs flower consists of silk-like threads, and resembles a
    tumághah. It sends its fragrance to a great distance. It is the king ofthe
    trees, although the Hindus rather worship the Pipal and Bar trees . The tree
    grows very large ; its wood is used in building . Within the stem the wood
    is black, and resists the stroke of the axe.
    87

    44. The Kanglái has five petals, each four fingers long, and looks very
    beautiful. Each branch produces only one flower.
    45. The San flower (hemp) looks like a nosegay. The leaves of the
    plant resemble those of the Chanár . Of the bark of the plant strong ropes
    are made. One kind of this plant bears a flower like the cotton tree, and
    is called Patsan . It makes a very soft rope.
    It is really too difficult for me, ignorant as I am, to give a descrip-
    tion of the flowers of this country : I have mentioned a few for those who
    wish to know something about them. There are also found many flowers
    of Irán and Túrán, as the Gul i Surkh, the Nargis, the violet, the Yásaman i
    kabúd, the Sósan, the Raihan, the Ra'ná, the Zébá, the Shaqúiq, the Táj i
    khurús, the Qalghah, the Náfarmán, the Khatani, &c. Garden and flower
    beds are everywhere to be found. Formerly peeple used to plant their
    gardens without any order, but since the time of the arrival in India of the
    emperor Bábar, a more methodical arrangement of the gardens has obtained ;
    and travellers now-a-days admire the beauty of the palaces and their
    murmuring fountains .
    It would be impossible to give an account of those trees of the country,
    whose flowers, fruits, buds, leaves, roots, &c. , are used as food, or medicine.
    If, according to the books of the Hindus, a man were to collect only one leaf
    from each tree, he would get eighteen bárs, or loads, ( 5 surkhs = 1 máshah ;
    16 máshahs = 1 karga ; 4 kargas = 1 pala ; 100 palas = 1 tulá ; 20 tulás - 1
    bár) ; i. e., according to the weights now in use, 96 mans. The same books
    also state that the duration of the life of a tree is not less than two gharis
    (twice 24 minutes), and not more than ten thousand years. The height of
    the trees is said not to exceed a little above a thousand jujans .' When a tree
    dies, its life is said to pass into one of the following ten things : fire, water,
    air, earth, plants, animals, animals of two senses, such as have three, or
    four, or five senses.

    AIN 31 .
    THE WARDROBE AND THE STORES FOR MATTRESSES.

    His Majesty pays much attention to various stuffs ; hence Irání,


    European, and Mongolian articles of wear are in abundance. Skilful
    masters and workmen have settled in this country , to teach people an
    improved system of manufacture . The Imperial workshops , the towns of

    1
    Regarding this measure, vide the edition of the Tuzuk i Jahángírí ; but I
    fourth book. cannot find it in any Persian or Chagatai
    2 The text has a word which Dictionary. The meaning a wardrobe is
    occurs about three times in this work. I however clear.
    have also found it in Sayyid Ahmad's
    88

    Láhór, Agrah, Fathpúr, Ahmadábád, Gujrát, turn out many master-pieces


    of workmanship ; and the figures and patterns, knots, and variety of fashions
    which now prevail, astonish experienced travellers . His Majesty himself
    acquired in a short time a theoretical and practical knowledge of the whole
    trade ; and on account of the care bestowed upon them, the intelligent
    workmen of this country soon improved. All kinds of hair-weaving and
    silk-spinning were brought to perfection ; and the imperial workshops
    furnish all those stuffs which are made in other countries. A taste for fine
    material has since become general, and the drapery used at feasts surpasses
    every description.
    All articles which have been bought, or woven to order, or received as
    tribute or presents, are carefully preserved ; and according to the order in
    which they were preserved, they are again taken out for inspection, or given
    out to be cut and to be made up, or given away as presents. Articles which
    arrive at the same time, are arranged according to their prices. Experienced
    people inquire continually into the prices of articles used both formerly and
    at present, as a knowledge of the exact prices is conducive to the increase
    of the stock. Even the prices became generally lower. Thus a piece woven
    by the famous Ghiás i Naqshband may now be obtained for fifty muhurs,
    whilst it had formerly been sold for twice that sum ; and most other articles
    have got cheaper at the rate of thirty to ten, or even forty to ten.' His
    Majesty also ordered that people of certain ranks should wear certain
    articles ; and this was done in order to regulate the demand.
    I shall not say much on this subject, though a few particulars regarding
    the articles worn by his Majesty may be of interest.
    1. The Takauchiyah is a coat without lining, of the Indian form.
    Formerly it had slits in the skirt, and was tied on the left side ; his Majesty
    has ordered it to be made with a round skirt, and to be tied on the right
    3
    side. It requires seven yards and seven girihs, and five girihs for the
    binding. The price for making a plain one varies from one rupee to three
    rupees ; but if the coat be adorned with ornamental stitching, from one to
    four and three quarters rupees. Besides a misqál of silk is required.

    Or as we would, the prices have madans adopt the old Hindu fashion
    become less by 663, and even 75 per cent. of wearing a simple unsewn piece of
    2 The coats used now-a-days both by muslin (chúdar).
    Hindús and Muhammadans resemble in a It is not stated in the Aín how many
    shape our dressing gowns (Germ . Schlaf- girihs the tailor's gaz, or yard, contains.
    rock), but fitting tight where the lower It is probable that 16 girihs = 1 gaz,
    ribs are. There the coat is tied ; the which is the usual division at present. For
    Muhammadans make the tie on the left, other yard measures, vide the 87th and
    and the Hindus on the right side . In the 89th Aíns of this book. The Persian word
    Eastern parts of Bengal, many Muham- girih is pronounced in India girah.
    89

    2. The Pésház (a coat open in front) is of the same form, but ties in
    front. It is sometimes made without strings.
    3. The Dutáhi ( a coat with lining ) requires six yards and four girihs
    for the outside, six yards lining, four girihs for the binding, nine girihs for
    the border. The price of making one varies from one to three rupees. One
    misqál of silk is required.
    4. The Shah-ájidah (or the royal stitch coat) is also called Shaçtkhat
    (or sixty rows), as it has sixty ornamental stitches per girih. It has generally
    a double lining, and is sometimes wadded and quilted. The cost of making
    is two rupees per yard.
    5. The Sózani requires a quarter of a sér of cotton and two dáms of
    silk. If sewed with bakhyah' stitches, the price of making one is eight
    rupees ; one with ajidah stitches costs four rupees .
    6. The Qalami requires s . cotton, and one dám silk. Cost of making,
    two rupees.
    7. The Qabá, which is at present generally called jámah i pumbahdár,
    is a wadded coat. It requires 1 s . of cotton, and 2 m . silk. Price, one rupee
    to a quarter rupee.
    8.
    The Gadar is a coat wider and longer than the qabá, and contains
    more wadding . In Hindustan, it takes the place of a fur-coat. It requires
    seven yards of stuff, six yards of lining, four girihs binding, nine for
    bordering, 28. cotton, 3 m . silk. Price, from one-half to one and one-half
    rupees.
    9. The Farjí has no binding, and is open in front. Some put buttons
    to it. It is worn over the júmah (coat), and requires 5 y. 12 g. stuff ; 5 y.
    5 g. lining ; 14 g. bordering ; 1 s. cotton ; 1 m. silk. Price, from a quarter
    to one rupee .
    10. The Fargul resembles the yápanji, but is more comfortable and
    becoming. It was brought from Europe ; but every one now-a-days wears
    it. They make it of various stuffs. It requires 9 y. 63 g. stuff, the same

    ¹ Bakhyah, in Hind. bak'hiyá, cor- is what we call white embroidery.


    responds to what ladies call backstitching. 2 A coat used in rainy weather. Calcutta
    Ajidah is the button hole stitch. These, Chagatai Dictionary.
    at least, are the meanings which bakhyah The etymology of the word fargul
    and ájídah now have. Sozani, a name is not known to me. The names of
    which in the text is transferred to the several articles of wear, now-a-days cur-
    coat, is a kind of embroidery, resembling rent in India, are Portuguese ; as saya,
    our satin-stitch. It is used for working a petticoat ; fita, a ribbon. Among other
    leaves and flowers, &c ., on stuffs, the leaves Portuguese words, now common in Hin-
    lying pretty loosely on the cloth ; hence dustani, are padrí, clergyman ; girjá,
    we often find sozaní work in rugs, small a church, Port. igréja ; kóbí, cabbage,
    carpets, &c. The rugs themselves are Port. cuóve ; chábí, a key, Port. cháve.
    also called sozaní. A term which is Abul Fazl's explanation (vide my text
    sometimes used in Dictionaries as a edition, p. 102, 1. 16) corrects Vullers II.
    synonym for sozaní is chikin ; but this p. 663 a.
    12
    90

    cotton .
    quantity of lining, 6 m. silk, 1 s. cotton. It is made both single and double .
    Price, from to 2 R.
    11. The Chakman' is made of broadcloth, or woollen stuff, or wax cloth.
    His Majesty has it made of Dáráí wax cloth, which is very light and pretty.
    The rain cannot go through it. It requires 6 y. stuff, 5 g. binding,
    and 2 m . silk. The price of making one of broadcloth is 2 R.; of wool,
    1 R.; of wax cloth, R.
    12. The Shalwar (drawers ) is made of all kinds of stuff, single and
    double, and wadded . It requires 3 y. 11 g. cloth, 6 g. for the hem through
    which the string runs, 3 y. 5 g. lining, 14 m . silk, 8. cotton. Price, from
    to R.
    There are various kinds of each of these garments. It would take me
    too long to describe the chirahs, fauṭahs, and dupattahs, or the costly dresses
    worn at feasts or presented to the grandees of the present time . Every
    season, there are made one thousand complete suits for the imperial wardrobe,
    and one hundred and twenty, made up in twelve bundles, are always kept
    in readiness. From his indifference to every thing that is worldly, His
    Majesty prefers and wears woollen stuffs, especially shawls ; and I must
    mention, as a most curious sign of auspiciousness, that His Majesty's clothes
    becomingly fit every one whether he be tall or short, a fact which has
    hitherto puzzled many.
    His Majesty has changed the names of several garments, and invented
    new and pleasing terms. Instead of jámah ( coat) , he says sarbgátí, i. e.,
    covering the whole body ; for izár (drawers ) , he says yúrpiráhan (the companion
    of the coat) ; for nímtanah ( a jacket), tanzéb ; for fauṭah, patgat ; for burqu'
    (a veil), chitragupita ; for kuláh (a cap) , sís sobhá ; for múibáf (a hair ribbon, )
    késg'han ; for patká ( a cloth for the loins ), katzéb ; for shál (shawl), parmnarm;
    for.... , parmgarm ; for kapúrdhur, a Tibetan stuff, kapúrnúr ; for páiafzár
    (shoes) , charndharn ; and similarly for other names.

    As this word is not given in any Faizi who like the poets of imperial
    dictionary, the vowels are doubtful . So Rome- represents the emperor as God,
    is Vullers' form chaspán. as may be seen in the poetical extracts of
    2 Stuffs of different shapes, used for the second book. But the praises of the
    making turbans . two brothers throw a peculiar light on
    In allusion to the practice of Cúfis, Akbar's character, who received the most
    who only wear garments made of wool immoderate encomiums with self-com-
    (cúf) . Abul Fazl often tries to represent placency.
    Akbar as a Gift of so high a degree as The following passage is remarkable,
    to be able to work miracles, and he states as it shews Akbar's predilection for Hindí
    below that it was his intention to write terms.
    a book on Akbar's miracles. The charge The MSS. have an unintelligible
    of fulsomeness in praise has often been word. The Banáras MS. has pardak
    brought against Abul Fazl, though it Firáng, or European Pardak (P).
    would more appropriately lie against
    91

    AIN 32.

    ON SHAWLS, STUFFS , & c.

    His Majesty improved this department in four ways. The improvement


    is visible, first, in the Tús shawls, which are made of the wool of an animal of
    that name ; its natural colours are black, white, and red , but chiefly black.
    Sometimes the colour is a pure white. This kind of shawl is unrivalled for its
    lightness, warmth, and softness . People generally wear it without altering
    its natural colour ; his Majesty has had it dyed . It is curious that it will not
    take a red dye. Secondly, in the Safid Alchahs,' also called Tarhdárs , in their
    natural colours . The wool is either white or black. These stuffs may be
    had in three colours, white, black, or mixed. The first or white kind, was
    formerly dyed in three ways ; his Majesty has given the order to dye it in
    various ways. Thirdly, in stuffs as Zardózí," Kalábatún, Kashidah, Qulghai,
    Bándhnún, Chhint, Alchah, Purzdár, to which His Majesty pays much attention.
    Fourthly, an improvement was made in the width of all stuffs ; His Majesty
    had the pieces made large enough to yield the making of a full dress.
    The garments stored in the Imperial wardrobe are arranged according
    to the days, months, and years, of their entries, and according to their
    colour, price, and weight. Such an arrangement is now-a-days called misl,
    a set. The clerks fix accordingly the degree of every article of wear, which
    they write on a strip of cloth, and tack it to the end of the pieces. Whatever
    pieces of the same kind arrive for the Imperial wardrobe on the Urmuzd day
    (first day) of the month of Farwardin, provided they be of a good quality,
    have a higher rank assigned to them than pieces arriving on other days ;
    and if pieces are equal in value, their precedence, or otherwise, is determined
    by the character" of the day of their entry ; and if pieces are equal as far
    as the character of the day is concerned, they put the lighter stuff higher in
    rank ; and if pieces have the same weight, they arrange them according to
    their colour. The following is the order of colours : tús, safidalchah, ruby
    coloured, golden, orange, brass-coloured, crimson, grass green, cotton-flower
    coloured, sandalwood-coloured, almond-coloured, purple, grape- coloured,
    mauve like the colour of some parrots, honey-coloured, brownish lilac,

    ¹ Alchah, or Aláchah, any kind of is plush-like.


    corded (mukhaṭṭat) stuff. Tarhdár Akbar, like all Parsees, believed in
    means corded. lucky and unlucky days. The arrange-
    Zardózí, Kalábatún, (Forbes, kala- ment of the stores of clothing must strike
    battún), Kashidah, Qalghai, are stuffs the reader as most unpractical. Similar
    with gold and silk threads ; Bándhnún, arrangements, equally curious, will be
    are stuffs dyed differently in different found in the following Aíns. Perhaps
    parts of the piece ; Chhint is our chintz, they indicate a progress, as they shew
    which is derived from Chhint. Purzdár that some order at least was kept.
    are all kinds of stuffs the outside of which
    92

    coloured like the Ratanmanjani flower, coloured like the Kásní flower, apple-
    coloured, hay-coloured, pistachio, .... , bhojpatra coloured, pink,
    light blue, coloured like the galghah flower, water-coloured, oil -coloured,
    .brown red, emerald , bluish like China-ware, violet, bright pink, mangoe
    coloured, musk- coloured, coloured like the Fákhtah pigeon.
    In former times shawls were often brought from Kashmir. People
    folded them up in four folds, and wore them for a very long time. Now-a-
    days they are generally worn without folds, and merely thrown over the
    shoulder. His Majesty has commenced to wear them double, which looks
    very well.
    His Majesty encourages, in every possible way, the manufacture of
    shawls in Kashmir . In Láhór also there are more than a thousand work-
    shops. A kind of shawl, called máyán, is chiefly woven there ; it consists of
    silk and wool mixed . Both are used for chirahs (turbans), fauṭahs (loin
    bands), & c.
    I subjoin the following tabular particulars.
    A. Gold stuffs.
    Brocaded velvet, from Yazd, 2 per piece, 15 to 150 M.
    Do. from Europe, do. 10 to 70 M.
    Do. from Gujrát, do …... 10 to 50 M.
    Do. from Káshán, do. 10 to 40 M.
    Do. from Herát, do . *
    Do. from Láhór, do. 10 to 40 M.
    Do. from Barsah, (? ) do. 3 to 70 M.
    3
    Muṭabbaq, do. 2 to 70 M.
    Milak, do. .... 3 to 70 M.
    Brocade, from Gujrát, do... 4 to 60 M.
    Tás¹- Brocade, from do. do . 1 to 35 M.
    1 The text contains two doubtful from Naushad in Turkestán. Ghiásul-
    words. The next word bhojpatra is the lughat.
    bark of a tree used for making hukka
    tubes. • Tás means generally brocade ; Dáráí-
    báfis a kind of brocaded silk ; Muqayyash
    2 Yazd is the principal city in the is silk with stripes of silver-the Ghiás
    south of the Persian province of Khurásán.
    says that Muqayyash comes from the
    Káshán lies in ' Iraq i ' Ajamí, north of Hind. késh, hair, to which the silver-
    Içfahán. 66 The asses of Káshán are
    stripes are compared, and that it is an
    wiser than the men of Içfahán," which Arabicised form of the Hindi word, as
    latter town is for Persia what Boeotia is
    qaranful, a clove, for the Hind. karn-
    for Ancient Greece, or the Bretagne for p'hul ; itrifal, a kind of medicine, for trí-
    France, or the kingdom of Fife for Scot- p'hal, as it consists of three fruits ; &c.
    land, or the town of Schilda for Germany, Mushajjar is a kind of silk with leaves and
    or Bahár for India,-the home of fools. branches woven in it ; Débá is coloured
    During the time of Moguls, the Sayyids silk ; Khárá, moirée antique ; Khazz is
    of Barhah enjoyed a similar notoriety. filoselle-silk. For tafilah (vide Freytag
    a Muṭabbaq, a kind of cloth, chiefly III. p. 353), we also find tafsilah.
    brought from Khallukh, and Milak
    93

    Dáráí báf, from Gujrát, 2 to 50 M.


    Muqayyash, do. 1 to 20 M.
    Shirwání Brocade, do. 6 to 17 M.
    Mushajjar, from Europe, per yard, 1 to 4 M.
    Débá silk, do. do . .... 1 to 4 M.
    Do. , from Yazd, do. 1 to 14 M.
    Khárá, do. .... 5 R. to 2 M.
    *
    Satin, from Chinese Tartary,
    Nawár, from do. *
    Khazz silk, *

    Tafçilah, (a stuff from Mecca) ...


    . .from 15 to 20 R.
    Kurtahwár, from Gujrát, 1 to 20 M.
    Mindil, .... 1 to 14 M.
    Chirah, (for turbans) to 8 M.
    Dupattah , do...... 9 to 8 R.
    Fautahs, (loin bands) to 12 M.
    Counterpanes, 1 to 20 M.
    The Text does not give the prices.

    B. Silks, &c., plain.


    Velvet, from Europe, per yard,. 1 to 4 M.
    Do. from Káshán, per piece, .. 2 to 7 M.
    Do. from Yazd, do . 2 to 4 M.
    Do. from Mashhad, do . 2 to 4 M.
    Do. from Herát, do . ... 1 to 3 M.
    Do. Kháfí, do . 2 to 4 M.
    Do. from Láhór, do . 2 to 4 M.
    Do. from Gujrát, per yard, 1 to 2 R.
    Qatifah i Púrabí, ' do . 1 to 14 R.
    Tájah Báf, per piece, 2 to 30 M.
    Dáráí Báf, do ... 2 to 30 M.
    Muṭabbaq, do. 1 to 30 M.
    Shirwání, do..... 1 to 10 M.
    Mílak, do... 1 to 7 M.
    Kamkháb, from Kábul and Persia, do. 1 to 5 M.
    Tawár, (?) do..... 2 R. to 2 M.
    Khúrí (?) do. 4 to 10 R.
    Mushajjar, from Europe, per yard, .... 2 R. to 1 M.
    Do. from Yazd, per piece, ... 1 to 2 M.
    Satin, from Europe, per yard, 2 R. to 1 M.

    A kind of velvet .
    94

    5 R. to 2 M.
    Satin, from Herát, per piece,
    1 R. to 6 R.
    Khárá, per yard,
    1 to 3 M.
    Sihrang,' per piece,
    1 R. to 2 M.
    Qutní, 2 do.
    to 1 R.
    Katán, " from Europe, per yard,.
    to 2 R.
    Táftah, * do .
    4 d. to R.
    Anbarí, do.
    R. to 2 R.
    Dáráí , do.
    6 R. to 2 M.
    Sitípúrí, per piece,.
    6 R. to 2 M.
    Qabáband, do.
    2 R. to 13 M.
    Tát bandpúrí, do . . .
    to R.
    Láh, per yard,
    to 1 M.
    Miçrí, per piece,
    1 to R.
    Sár, per yard,
    tó 2 R.
    Tassar," per piece,.
    to 1 R.
    Plain Kurtahwár Satin,per yard,
    Kapúrnúr , formerly called Kapúrdhur, do. to 1 R.
    to 2 R.
    Alchah, do .
    7 to 12 R.
    Tafçílah, per piece,
    C. Cotton cloths.
    3 R. to 15 M.
    Kháçah, per piece,
    2 R. to 9 M.
    Chautár , do. ..
    4 R.
    Malmal, do...
    4 R. to 5 M.
    Tansak'h , do ...
    2 R. to 5 M.
    Sirí Çáf, do .
    4 R. to 5 M.
    Gangájal, do.
    4 R. to 4 M.
    Bhíraun , do.
    1 to 3 M.
    Sahan, do.
    1 R. to 1 M.
    Jhónah, do.
    2 R. to 1 M.
    Atán, do.
    1 to 5 M.
    Asáwalí, do..
    14 R. to 5 M.
    Báftah, do.
    to 3 M.
    Mahmudi , do. •
    1 to 3 M.
    Panchtóliyah, do.
    to 2 M.
    Jhólah , do.
    3 R. to 2 M.
    Sálú, per piece,
    moon shines on it ; it is Muslin.
    ¹ Changing silk. + Properly , woven ; hence taffeta.
    2 A stuff made of silk and wool.
    Generally translated by linen . All Now-a-days chiefly made in Berham-
    Dictionaries agree that it is exceedingly pore and Patna ; vulgo , tessa.
    thin, so much so that it tears when the
    95

    Dóriyah, per piece, 6 R. to 2 M.


    Bahadur Sháhí, do .... 6 R. to 2 M.
    Garbah Sútí, do. 1 to 2 M.
    Shélah, from the Dek'han, do. to 2 M.
    Mihrkul, do ..... 3 R. to 2 M.
    Mindíl , do. to 2 M.
    Sarband, do... to 2 M.
    Dupattah, do. 1 R. to 1 M.
    Katánchah , do. 1 R. to 1 M.
    Fauṭah, do . to 6 R.
    Góshpéch, do . 1 to 2 R.
    Chhint, per yard, 2 d. to 1 R.
    Gazínah, per piece, to 1 R.
    Siláhatí, per yard, 2 to 4 d.
    D. Woollen stuffs.
    Scarlet Broadcloth, from Turkey, Europe' , and
    Portugal, per yard, 24 R. to 4 M.
    Do. , from Nágór and Láhór, per piece, 2 R. to 1 M.
    Çúfi Murabba' , do. 4 to 15 M.
    Çúfi...... 2, do ... 3 R. to 13 M.
    Parmnarm, do. 2 R. to 20 M.
    Chírah i Parmnarm, do... 2 R. to 25 M.
    Fauṭah, do ..... to 3 M.
    Jámahwár i Parmnarm, do. to 4 M.
    Góshpéch , do .... 1 R. to 14 M.
    Sarpéch, do. to 4 M.
    Aghrí, do. 7 R. to 21 M.
    Parmgarm , do. 3 R. to 21 M.
    Katás , do . 24 R. to 10 M.
    P'húk, per piece, 24 to 15 R.
    Durmah, do. ... 2 R. to 4 M.
    Patú, do. 1 to 10 R.

    The articles imported from Eu- woollen stuffs and, for the poorer classes,
    rope were chiefly broadcloth ; musical blankets, was much more general than
    instruments , as trumpets ; pictures ; now. Even the light caps generally worn
    curiosities (vide Badáoní II, p. 290, by Muhammadans in this country, called
    1. 2 from below ; p. 338, 1. 7.) and, in Hind. tópí, and in Persian takhfifah
    since 1600, tobacco. Of the names (vide Bahár i ' Ajam) are mostly imported
    of cloths mentioned by Abulfazl, several from England. I am not aware that
    are no longer known, as native weavers the soldiers of the armies of the Moguls
    cannot compete with the English Long- were uniformly dressed, though it appears
    cloth and the cheap European Muslins, that the commanders of the contingents
    Alpaccas, Chintzes, and Mohairs, which at least looked to uniformity in the caps
    are now-a-days in common use with the and turbans .
    natives all over the East. At the time 2 The MSS. have an unintelligible word.
    of the Moguls, and before, the use of
    96

    Rewkár, per piece, • 2 R. to 1 M.


    Miçri , do.. 5 to 50 R.
    Burdi Yamaní, do... 5 to 35 R.
    Mánjí (?) namad, do. 2 R. to 1 M.
    Kanpak(?) namad, do. 2 R. to 1 M.
    Takyahnamad, from Kábul and Persia, *
    Do., country made, do. 13 to 5 R.
    Lóí, do. ... 14 d. to 4 R.
    Blankets, do.... 10 d. to 2 R.
    Kashmirian Caps, do . 2 d. to 1 R.

    AIN 33.
    ON THE NATURE OF COLOURS.

    White and black are believed to be the origin of all colours. They
    are looked upon as extremes, and as the component parts of the other
    colours . Thus white when mixed in large proportions with an impure black,
    will yield yellow ; and white and black, in equal proportions, will give red.
    White mixed with a large quantity of black, will give a bluish green . Other
    colours may be formed by compounding these. Besides, it must be borne in
    mind that cold makes a juicy body white, and a dry body black ; and heat
    renders that which is fresh black, and white that which is dry. These two
    powers (heat and cold) produce, each in its place, a change in the colour of a
    body, because bodies are both qábil, i. e., capable of being acted upon, and
    muqtaza, i. e. , subject to the influence of the heavenly bodies (chiefly the sun),
    the active origin of heat.

    AIN 34.
    THE ARTS OF WRITING AND PAINTING.

    What we call form leads us to recognize a body ; the body itself leads
    us to what we call a notion, an idea. Thus on seeing the form of a letter, we
    recognize the letter, or a word, and this again will lead us to some idea.
    Similarly in the case of what people term a picture. But though it is true.
    that painters, especially those of Europe, succeed in drawing figures
    expressive of the conceptions which the artist has of any of the mental

    * The price is not given in the text.


    97

    1
    states, so much so, that people may mistake a picture for a reality yet
    pictures are much inferior to the written letter, inasmuch as the letter may
    embody the wisdom of bygone ages, and become a means to intellectual
    progress .
    I shall first say something about the art of writing, as it is the more
    important of the two arts. His Majesty pays much attention to both, and is
    an excellent judge of form and thought. And indeed, in the eyes of the
    friends of true beauty, a letter is the source from which the light confined
    within it beams forth ; and in the opinion of the far-sighted, it is the world-
    reflecting cup in the abstract. The letter, a magical power, is spiritual
    geometry emanating from the pen of invention ; a heavenly writ from the
    hand of fate ; it contains the secret of the word, and is the tongue of the hand.
    The spoken word goes to the hearts of such as are present to hear it ; the
    letter gives wisdom to those that are near and far . If it was not for the letter,
    the spoken word would soon die, and no keepsake would be left us of those
    that are gone by. Superficial observers see in the letter a sooty figure ; but
    the deepsighted, a lamp of wisdom. The written letter looks black,
    notwithstanding the thousand rays within it ; or, it is a light with a mole
    on it that wards off the evil eye. A letter is the portrait painter of
    wisdom ; a rough sketch from the realm of ideas ; a dark night ushering in
    day ; a black cloud pregnant with knowledge ; the wand for the treasures
    of insight ; speaking, though dumb ; stationary, and yet travelling ; stretched
    on the sheet, and yet soaring upwards.
    When a ray of God's knowledge falls on man's soul, it is carried by the
    mind to the realm of thought, which is the intermediate station between
    that which is conscious of individual existence (mujarrad) and that which is
    material ( máddí). The result is a concrete thing mixed with the absolute,
    or an absolute thing mixed with that which is concrete. This compound
    steps forward on man's tongue, and enters, with the assistance of the
    conveying air, into the windows of the ears of others. It then drops the
    burden of its concrete component, and returns as a single ray, to its old place,
    the realm of thought. But the heavenly traveller occasionally gives his course
    a different direction by means of man's fingers, and having passed along

    1
    Khilqi (from khilqat) referring to the cheek of his sweetheart, Háfiz would
    states of the mind natural to us, as bene- make a present of Samarqand and Buk-
    volence, wrath, &c. These, Abulfazl says, a hárá. Other poets rejoice to see at least
    C painter may succeed in representing ; but one black spot on the beautiful face ofthe
    the power of writing is greater. beloved who , without such an amulet,
    The fabulous cup of king Jamshed, would be subject to the influence of the
    which revealed the secrets of the seven evil eye.
    heavens . The spoken word, the idea expressed
    Human beauty is imperfect unless by a sound.
    accompanied by a mole. For the mole on
    12
    98

    the continent of the pen and crossed the ocean of the ink, alights on the
    pleasant expanse of the page, and returns through the eye of the reader to
    its wonted habitation.
    As the letter is a representation of an articulate sound, I think it
    necessary to give some information regarding the latter.
    The sound of a letter is a mode of existence depending on the nature of
    the air. By qara' we mean the striking together of two hard substances ; and
    by qala' , the separation of the same. In both cases the intermediate air,
    like a wave, is set in motion ; and thus the state is produced which we call
    sound. Some philosophers take sound to be the secondary effect, and define
    it as the air set in motion ; but others look upon it as the primary effect, i. e.,
    they define sound to be the very qara' , or the qala' , of any hard substances.
    Sound may be accompanied by modifying circumstances : it may be piano,
    deep, nasal, or guttural, as when the throat is affected by a cold. Again, from
    the nature of the organ with which man utters a sound, and the manner in
    which the particles of the air are divided, another modifying circumstance
    may arise, as when two piano, two deep, two nasal, or two guttural sounds
    separate from each other. Some, as Abú ' Alí Síná, call this modifying
    element (' ariz) the sound of the letter ; others define it as the original state
    of the sound thus modified (ma'ruz ) ; but the far-sighted define an articulate
    sound as the union of the modifying element and the original state modified.
    This is evidently the correct view.
    There are fifty-two articulate sounds in Hindí, so and so many in Greek,
    and eighteen in Persian . In Arabic, there are twenty- eight letters represented
    by eighteen signs, or by only fifteen , when we count the joined letters, and if
    we take the Hamzah as one with the Alif. The reason for writing an Alif and
    a Lám, (Y ) separately at the end of the single letters in the Arabic Alphabet, is
    merely to give an example of a súkin letter, which must necessarily be
    joined to another letter ; and the reason why the letter lám is preferred"

    Abul Fazl has forgotten to put in the when you say the Alphabet : look upon it
    number. He counts eighteen letters, or as a mere example of a sákin letter .'
    rather signs, in Persian, because ‫رخ ج‬ The term hamzah, as used here in
    and T have the same fundamental sign. native schools, is carefully distinguished
    from the terms Shakli Hamzah and
    2 Or rather, the alif was preferred to
    the wáw or yá , because these two letters Markiz i Hamzah. Shakli Hamzah
    may be either sákin or mutaharr . is the small sign consisting of a semicircle,
    But the custom has become establishe ik to one extremity of which stands upon a
    d straight line slightly slanting. Markizi
    call the alif, when mutaharr , hamzah ;
    ik Hamzah is either of the letters alif, wáw,
    and to call the alif, when sákin , merely
    alif. 'Abdulwás ' , of Hánsah , in his ex- or yá, but chiefly the latter, when accom-
    cellent Persian Girammar , entitled Risá- panied by the Shakl i Hamzah. Hamzah
    lah i'Abdulw ' , which is read all over is a general term for either of the three
    ási letters alif, wáw, yá, when accompanied
    India , says that the lám-alif has the
    meaning of not , i . e., ' do not read this by the Shakli Hamzah. In European
    compoun lám -alif, but pass over it, grammars, the chapter on the Hamzah is
    d
    99

    as an example, is because the letter lám is the middle letter of the word alif,
    and the letter alif the middle letter of the word lám.
    The vowel-signs did not exist in ancient times, instead of which letters
    were dotted with a different kind of ink ; thus a red dot placed over a letter
    expressed that the letter was followed by an a ; a red dot in front of the
    letter signified a u ; and a red dot below a letter, an i. It was Khalíl ibn i
    Ahmad, ' the famous inventor of the Metrical Art of the Arabians, who
    fixed the forms of the vowel-signs as they are now in use.
    The beauty of a letter and its proportions depend much on personal
    taste ; hence it is that nearly every people has a separate alphabet . Thus
    we find an Indian, Syriac, Greek, Hebrew, Coptic, Ma'qalí, Kúfí, Kashmirí,
    Abyssinian, Raihání, Arabic, Persian, Himyaritic, Berbery, Andalusian,
    Rúhání, and several other ancient systems of writing . The invention of the
    Hebrew characters is traced in some poems to Adam i Hafthazárí ; but
    some mention Idris as the inventor. Others, however, say that Idris
    perfected the Ma'qali character. According to several statements, the Kúfic
    character was derived by the Khalifah ' Alí from the Ma'qalí.
    The difference in the form of a letter in the several systems, lies
    in the proportion of straight and round strokes : thus the Kúfic character
    consists of one-sixth curvature and five-sixths straight lines ; the Ma'qali has
    no curved lines at all ; hence the inscriptions which are found on ancient
    buildings are mostly in this character.
    In writing we have to remember that black and white look well, as
    these colours best prevent ambiguities in reading.
    In Irán and Túrán, India, and Turkey, there are eight caligraphical
    systems* current, of which each one is liked by some people. Six of them
    were derived, in A. H. 310, by Ibn i Muqlah from the Ma'qalí and the Kúfic
    characters, viz., the Suls, Tauqi , Muhaqqaq, Naskh, Raihán, Riga' . Some add
    the Ghubár, and say that this seventh character had likewise been invented
    by him. The Naskh character is ascribed by many to Yáqút, a slave of the

    badly treated, because all explain the his death, had reached the number seven
    word Hamzah as the name of a sign. thousand. A better explanation is given
    Another peculiarity of European gram- by Badáoní (II. p. 337, l . 10) , who puts
    mars is this, that in arranging the letters the creation of Adam seven thousand years
    of the alphabet, the wáw is placed after before his time. Vide the first Aín of the
    the he ; here, in the East, the he is Third Book. 3 Idris, or Enoch.
    invariably put before the yá. It is remarkable that, in the whole
    He is said to have been born A. H. chapter, there is not the slightest allusion
    100, and died at Baçrah A. II . 175 or 190. to the art of printing. Nor do Abulfazl's
    He wrote several works on the science letters, where nearly the whole of this
    which he had established, as also several Aín is repeated, 66contain a reference to
    books on the rhyme, lexiciographical com- printed books. "The first book printed
    pilations, &c. in India was the Doctrina Christiana of
    * 'Adam is called Haft-hazári, because Giovanni Gonsalvez, a lay brother of the
    the number of inhabitants on earth, at order of the Jesuits , who, as far as I
    100

    Khalifah Musta'çam Billáh . ' The Suls and the Naskh consist each of
    one-third curved lines, and two-thirds straight lines ; the former (the suls)
    3
    is jali , whilst the latter (the naskh) is khafi. The Tauqi' and Riqa' consist of
    three-fourths curved lines, and one-fourth straight lines ; the former is jali,
    the latter is khafi. The Muhaqqaq and Raihán contain three-fourths straight
    lines ; the former, as in the preceding, is jali, and the Raihán khafi.
    Among famous copyists I must mention ' Alí ibn i Hilál, better known
    under the name of Ibn i Bawwáb; ' he wrote well the six characters . Yáqút
    brought them to perfection . Six of Yáqút's pupils are noticeable ; 1. Shaikh
    Ahmad, so well known under the name of Shaikhzádah i Suhrwardí ;
    2. Arghún of Kábul ; 3. Mauláná Yúsuf Sháh of Mashhad ; 4. Mauláná
    Mubárik Sháh, styled Zarrin qalam (the golden pen ) ; 5. Haidar, called
    Gandahnawis (i. e., the writer of the jali) ; 6. Mír Yahya.
    The following caligraphists are likewise well known : Çúfi Naçrullah,
    also called Çadr i ' Iráqí ; Arqún ' Abdullah ; Khájah 'Abdullah i Çairafi ;
    Hájí Muhammad ; Mauláná ' Abdullah i Ashpaz ; Mauláná Muhí of Shíráz ;
    Mu'inuddín i Tanúrí ; Shamsuddin i Khațáí ; ' Abdurrahím i Khalúlí (?) ;
    Abdulhay ; Mauláná Ja'far' of Tabríz ; Mauláná Sháh of Mashhad ; Mauláná
    Ma'ruf of Baghdad ; Mauláná Shamsuddín i Báyasanghur ; Mu'ínuddín of

    know, first cast Tamulic characters in ibn i Hasan ibn i Muqlah, was the vizier
    the year 1577. After this appeared, in of the Khalifahs Muqtadir billah, Alqáhir
    1578, a book entitled Flos Sanctorum, billah, and ArRází billah, who reigned
    which was followed (?) by the Tamulic from A. D. 907 to 940. The last cut off
    Dictionary of Father Antonio de Proenza, Ibn i Muqlah's right hand. He died in
    printed in 1679, at Ambalacate, on the prison, A. H. 327, or A. D. 938-39.
    coast of Malabar. From that period the Ibn i Bawwáb, or Abul Hasan ' Alí ibn
    Danish Missionaries at Tranquebar have i Hilál, lived under the twenty-fifth
    printed many works, a catalogue of which Khalifah, Alqadir billah (A. D. 992-1030),
    may be found in Alberti Fabricii Salu- the contemporary of Mahmúd of Ghazní,
    taris lux Evangelii." Johnston's trans- and died A. H. 416, or A. D. 1025.
    lation of Fra P. Da San Bartolomeo's Yáqút, or Shaikh Jamaluddín, was
    Voyage to the East Indies, p. 395. The born at Baghdad, and was the Librarian
    Italian Original has the same years : of Musta'çam billah, the thirty- seventh
    1577, 1578, 1679. and last Khalifah, who imprisoned him
    He was the last caliph, and reigned some time on account of his Shi'ah
    from 1242 to 1258, when he was put to tendencies. He survived the general
    death by Hulágú, grandson of Chingiz slaughter (1258 ) of Hulágú Khán, and
    Khán . died,at the age of one hundred and twenty,
    2 Hence the name suls, or one-third. A. H. 697, or A. D. 1297, during the
    Jali (i. e., clear) is a term used by reign of Gházán Khán, Hulágú's great
    copyists to express that letters are thick, grandson.
    and written with a pen full of ink. He lived in the beginning of the
    Ghiás.—Khafi (hidden) is the opposite. fifteenth century, at the time of Mírzá
    Ibn Muglah, Ibn Bawwáb, and Shahrukh, (1404-1447) .
    Yáqút, are the three oldest caligraphists A contemporary and rival of the
    mentioned in various histories . The great poet Salmán of Sáwah (died 769).
    following notes are chiefly extracted from The name Ma'ruf appears to have been
    Bakhtawar Khán's Mir-átul 'Alam common in Baghdad since the times of
    Ibn Muglah, or according to his full the famous saint Ma'ruf of Karkh (a
    name, Abú 'Alí Muhammad ibn i ' Alí part of Baghdad).
    101

    Faráh ; Abdulhaq of Sabzwár ; Mauláná Ni'matullah i Bawwáb ; Khájagí


    Múmin i Marwáríd, the inventor of variegated papers and sands for strewing
    on the paper ; Sultán Tbrálím , son of Mírzá Shahrukh ; Mauláná Muhammad
    Hakím Háfiz ; Mauláná Mahmúd Siyáúsh ; Mauláná Jamáluddín Husain ;
    Mauláná Pír Muhammad ; Mauláná Fazlulhaq of Qazwin' .
    A seventh kind of writing is called Ta'liq, which has been derived from
    the Riqa' and the Tauqi' . It contains very few straight lines, and was
    brought to perfection by Khájah Táj i Salmání, who also wrote well the other
    six characters. Some say that he was the inventor.
    Of modern caligraphists I may mention : Mauláná ' Abdulhay, the
    Private Secretary of Sultán Abú Sa'íd Mírzá, who wrote Ta'liq well ; Mauláná
    Darwish ; Amir Mançúr ; Mauláná Ibráhím of Astarábád ; Khájah Ikhtiyár ;*
    Munshi Jamaluddin ; Muhammad of Qazwin ; Mauláná Idrís ; Khájah
    Muhammad Husain Munshi ; and Ashraf Khán, the Private Secretary
    of His Majesty, who improved the Ta'liq very much.
    The eighth character which I have to mention is the Nasta’líq : it
    consists entirely of round lines. They say that Mir ' Ali of Tabriz, a
    contemporary of Tímúr, derived it from the Naskh and the Ta'liq ; but this
    can scarcely be correct, because there exist books in the Nasta'liq character,
    written before Timúr's time. Of Mír ' Ali's pupils I may mention two : "
    Mauláná Ja'far of Tabríz, and Mauláná Azhar ; and of other caligraphists
    in Ta'liq, Mauláná Muhammad of Aubah (near Herát), an excellent writer ;
    Mauláná Bárí of Herát ; and Mauláná Sultán ' Ali" of Mashhad, who surpasses

    The Maktubát and the Mir-át Mír Munshi, Mír ' Arzí and Mír Málí.
    also mention Mullá Abá Bakr, and Shaikh He accompanied Tardí Bég on his
    Mahmud . flight from Dihlí, was imprisoned by
    According to the Maktúbát and Bairám, and had to go to Mecca. He
    several MSS., Sulaimání. rejoined Akbar, in A. H. 968, when
    Inthe original text, p. 114, 1. 5, by Bairam had just fallen in disgrace,
    mistake, Mauláná 'Abdulhay and the received in the following year the title of
    Munshi of Sultán Abú Sa'íd. Ashraf Khán, and served under Mun'im
    4 Mauláná Darwish Muhammad was a Khán in Bengal . He died in the tenth
    friend of the famous Amír 'Alí Shér, the year of Akbar's reign, A. H. 973. In
    vizier of Sultán Husain Mírzá, king of Abulfazl's list of grandees, in the second
    Khurásán (A. D. 1470 to 1505) , and the book, Ashraf Khán is quoted as a
    patron of the poet Jámí. Mauláná commander of two thousand. Badáoní
    Darwish entered afterwards the service mentions him among the contemporane-
    of Shah Junaid i Cafawí, king of Persia, ous poets. Abul Muzaffar, Ashraf Khán's
    (A. D. 1499 to 1525 ) . A biography of son was, A. D. 1596, a commander of five
    the Mauláná may be found in the Maásir hundred.
    i Rahimi, P. 751. The Mir-át mentions a third imme-
    3
    Khájah Ikhtiyar, the contemporary diate pupil of Mir Ali , Mauláná Khájah
    and successful rival of the preceding Muhammad, and relates that he put
    caligraphist. He was Private Secretary Mir Ali's name to his own writings ,
    to Sultán Husain Mirzá. without giving offence to his master.
    This is the title of Muhammad He also was a friend of Amir ' Alí
    Acghar, a Sayyid from Mashhad- or Shér, and died A. H. 910,during the reign
    according to the Tabaqát i Akbarí, from of Sultán Husain Mírzá, mentioned in the
    Arabshahí. He served Humáyún as fourth note.
    102

    them all . He imitated the writing of Mauláná Azhar, though he did not learn
    from him personally. Six of his pupils are well known : Sultán Muhammad
    i Khandán ;' Sultán Muhammad Núr ; Mauláná ' Aláuddín² of Herát ;
    Mauláná Zainuddín (of Níshápúr ) ; Mauláná ' Abdí of Níshápúr ; Muhammad
    Qasim Shádí Sháh, each of whom possessed some distinguishing qualities.
    Besides these, there are a great number of other good caligraphists,
    who are famous for their skill in Nasta'líq ; as Mauláná Sultán ' Alí, of
    Qáyin ; Mauláná Sultán 'Alí of Mashhad ;* Mauláná Hijrání ; and after
    them the illustrious Mauláná Mír ' Alí," the pupil, as it appears , of Mauláná
    Zainuddín . He brought his art to perfection by imitating the writing of
    Sultán ' Alí of Mashhad. The new method which he established, is a proof
    of his genius ; he has left many master-pieces. Some one asked him once
    what the difference was between his writing and that of the Mauláná. He
    said, " I have brought his writing to perfection ; but yet, his method has
    a peculiar charm."
    In conclusion I may mention :-Sháh Mahmúd' of Níshápúr ; Mahmúd
    Is-háq ; Shamsuddín of Kirmán ; Mauláná Jamshed, the riddle-writer ;
    Sultan Husain of Khujand ; Mauláná ' Aishí ; Ghiásuddín, the gilder ;
    Mauláná ' Abduççamad ; Mauláná Malik ; Mauláná ' Abdulkarím ; Mauláná
    Abdurrahím of Khárizm ; Mauláná Shaikh Muhammad ; Mauláná Sháh
    Mahmud i Zarrínqalam (or gold pen) ; Mauláná Muhammad Husain of
    Tabriz ; Mauláná Hasan ' Alí of Mashhad ; Mír Mu'izz of Káshán ; Mírzá
    Ibráhím of Içfahán ; and several others who have devoted their lives to the
    improvement of the art.
    His Majesty shews much regard to the art, and takes a great interest
    in the different systems of writing ; hence the large number of skilful
    caligraphists. Nasta'liq has especially received a new impetus . The artist
    who, in the shadow of the throne of His Majesty, has become a master of
    caligraphy, is Muhammad Husain of Kashmir. He has been honoured

    He was called Khandán, as he was mentioned together with Mír Ahmad, son
    always happy. He was a friend of Amír of Mír Khusrau of Dihlí, and Bairám
    'Alí Shér, and died A. H. 915 . Khán , Akbars Khánkhánán , as a master
    2 In the Maktubát, ' Aláuddín Muham- of Dakhl poetry. Dakhl, or entering,
    mad of Herát. is the skilful use which a poet makes of
    3 He was the instructor of Sultán verses, or parts of verses, of another poet.
    7
    Husain Mírzá's children, and died A. H. According to the Maktúbát and the
    914. Qayin is a Persian town , S.E. of Mir-át, Shah Muhammad of Níshápúr.
    Khurásán, near the frontier of Afghánis- Both mention another caligraphist, Mir
    tán. It is spelt Ghayan on our maps. Sayyid Ahmad of Mashhad.
    4 According to the Maktúbát, Maulá- 8 He was the teacher of the celebrated
    ná Sultán ' Ali sher of Mashhad, which is caligraphist 'Imád, whose biography will
    evidently the correct reading. be found in the Mir-át. Vide also the
    A poet and friend of Amír ' Alí Shér. preface of Dr. Sprenger's Gulistán.
    He died A. H. 921. He died A. H. 1020, six years after
    Mauláná Mír ' Alí, a Sayyid of Herát, Akbar's death.
    died A. H. 924. As a poct he is often
    103

    with the title of Zarrinqalam, the gold pen. He surpassed his master
    Mauláná ' Abdul-' Aziz ; his maddát and dawáir shew everywhere a proper
    proportion to each other, and art critics consider him equal to Mullá Mír
    'Ali . Of other renowned caligraphists of the present age, I must mention
    Mauláná Báqir, the son of the illustrious Mullá Mír ' Alí ; Muhammad Amin
    of Mashhad ; Mír Husain i Kulanki ; Mauláná ' Abdulhay ; Mauláná Daurí² ;
    Mauláná ' Abdurrahim ; Mír 'Abdullah ; Nizámí of Qazwín ; ' Alí Chaman of
    Kashmir ; Núrullah Qásim Arsalán .
    His Majesty's library is divided into several parts : some of the books
    are kept within, and some without the Harem. Each part of the Library
    is subdivided, according to the value of the books and the estimation in
    which the sciences are held of which the books treat. Prose books, poetical
    3
    works, Hindi, Persian, Greek, Kashmirian, Arabic, are all separately
    placed . In this order they are also inspected . Experienced people bring
    them daily and read them before His Majesty, who hears every book
    from the beginning to the end. At whatever page the readers daily stop,
    His Majesty makes with his own pen a sign, according to the number of the
    pages ; and rewards the readers with presents of cash, either in gold or
    silver, according to the number of leaves read out by them. Among books
    of renown, there are few that are not read in His Majesty's assembly hall ;
    and there are no historical facts of the past ages, or curiosities of science,
    or interesting points of philosophy, with which His Majesty, a leader of
    impartial sages, is unacquainted. He does not get tired of hearing a book
    over again, but listens to the reading of it with more interest. The Akhlaq
    i Náçirí, the Kímiyá i Sa'ádat, the Qábúsnámah, the works of Sharaf of
    Munair (vide p. 48 ), the Gulistán, the Hadiqah of Hakim Sanáí, the
    Masnawi of Ma'nawi, the Jám i Jam, the Bustán, the Sháhnámah, the

    1 In Grammar the word markiz means


    By Maddát, (extensions) caligra-
    phists mean letters like ,; by dawáir the same as shoshah in caligraphy ; thus
    (curvatures), letters like U, ,, consist of a markiz, and a shakl i
    Draw four horizontal lines at equal hamzah .
    intervals ; call the spaces between them By içtáh caligraphists mean any addi-
    a, b, c, of which a is the highest. Every tional ornamental strokes, or refilling a
    letter which fills the space b, is called a written letter with ink (Hind. siyáhí
    shúshah ; as , ♣ , J , J. The diacritical bharná), or erasing (Hind. chhilna).
    points are immaterial. Every line above 2 His name is Sultán Báyazíd ; he
    b, is called a markiz ; every line below was born at Herát. Daurí is his poetical
    b, i. e. in c, a dáman. Thus consists name. Vide Badáoní's list of poets (Vol.
    of a shoshah and a markiz ; Lo of a shó- III of the Bibl. Indica) . Akbar bestowed
    on him the title of Kátib ul mulk, the
    shah and a dáman. The knob of a ‫ع‬ writer of the empire. His pupil was
    , or , is called kallah, head. Thus Khájah Muhammad Husain, an Ahadí,
    is a Maddah, consisting of a kallah, and (vide Badáoní, II , p. 394, where for
    a dáman ; so also ‫ جع‬. The ‫ ک‬con- Ibrahim, in the Táríkh, read Baráhím).
    Observe that the Arabic books are
    sists of a markiz and a dáman.
    placed last.
    104

    collected Masnawis of Shaikh Nizámí, the works of Khusrau and Mauláná


    Jámí, the Díwáns of Kháqání, Anwari, and several works on History, are
    continually read out to His Majesty. Philologists are constantly engaged
    in translating Hindi, Greek, Arabic, and Persian books, into other languages.
    Thus a part of the Zich i Jadid i Mírzái (vide IIIrd book, Aín 1 ) was translated
    under the superintendence of Amir Fathullah of Shíráz (vide p. 33 ), and
    also the Kishnjóshí, the Gangadhar, the Mohesh Mahánand, from Hindi
    (Sanscrit) into Persian, according to the interpretation of the author of this
    book. The Mahábhárat which belongs to the ancient books of Hindústán has
    likewise been translated, from Hindi into Persian, under the superintendence
    of Naqib Khán¹ , Mauláná ' Abdul Qadir of Badáon, ' and Shaikh Sultán of
    T'hanésar. The book contains nearly one hundred thousand verses : His
    Majesty calls this ancient history Razmnámah, the book of Wars. The same

    1
    Regarding this renowned man, vide in its grandeur and its failings , is much
    Abulfazl's list of Grandees, IInd book, more prominent than inthe Akbarnámah,
    No. 161 . or the Tabaqát i Akbarí, or the Maásiri
    2 Mullá 'Abdul Qadir, poetically styled Rahimi. It is especially ofvalue forthe
    Qadiri, was born A. H. 947 [ or 949] at religious views of the emperor, and con-
    Badáon, a town near Dihlí. He was thus tains interesting biographies of most
    two years older than Akbar. His father, famous men and poets of Akbar's time.
    whom he lost in 969, was called Shaikh The History ends with the beginning of
    Mulúk Sháh, and was a pupil of the Saint A. H. 1004, or eleven years before Akbar's
    Béchú of Sambhal. Abdul Qadir, or death, and we may conclude that Badáoní
    Badaoni,as we generally call him, studied died soon after that year. The book was
    various sciences under the most renowned kept secret, and according to a statement
    and pious men of his age, most of whom he in the Mir-átul álam, it was made public
    enumerates in the beginning of the third during the reign of Jahangir, who
    volume of his Muntakhab. He excelled shewed his displeasure by disbelieving the
    in Music, History, and Astronomy, and statement of Badáoní's children that they
    was on account of his beautiful voice themselves had been unaware of the exis-
    appointed Court Imám for Wednesdays. tence of the book. The Tuzuk i Jahán-
    He had early been introduced to Akbar gírí unfortunately says nothing about
    by Jalál Khán Qúrchí (vide List of this circumstance ; but Badaoni's work
    Grandees, IInd book, No. 213 ) . For forty was certainly not known in A. H. 1025 ,
    years Badáoní lived in company with the tenth year of Jahángír's reign , in
    Shaikh Mubárik, and Faizí and Abulfazl, which the Maásir i Rahimi was written,
    the Shaikh's sons ; but there was no sincere whose author complains of the want of a
    friendship between them, as Badáoní history beside the Tabaqát, and the
    looked upon them as heretics . Atthe com- Akbarnámah.
    mand of Akbar, he translated the Ramá- In point of style, Badáoní is much
    yan (Badáoní II , pp . 336 , 366, ) from the inferior to Bakhtawar Khán ( Mir -atul
    Sanscrit into Persian, receiving for twenty- 'Alam) and Muhammad Kázim (the
    fourthousand slóks150Ashrafis and 10,000 'Alamgírnámah), but somewhat superior
    Tangahs ; and parts ofthe Mahábhárat ; to his friend Mírzá Nizamuddin Ahmad
    extracts from the History of Rashid ; and of Herát, author of the Tabaqát, and
    the Bahr ul asmár, a work on the Hadís. to 'Abdul Hamíd of Láhór, author of the
    A copy of another of his works, entitled Pádisháhnámah.
    Najáturrashid may be found among the ' Abdul Qadir of Badáon must not be
    Persian MSS. of the As. Soc. Bengal. confounded with Mauláná Qádirí, another
    His historical work, entitled Muntakhab- learned man contemporaneous with Akbar.
    ut Tawarikh, is much prized as written 8 Vide Badáoní III, p. 118 ; and for
    by an enemy of Akbar, whose character, Hájí Ibráhím , III, p . 139.
    105

    learned men translated also into Persian the Ramáyan, likewise a book of
    ancient Hindustan, which contains the life of Rám Chandra, but is full of
    interesting points of Philosophy. Hájí Ibráhím of Sarhind translated into
    Persian the Atharban' which, according to the Hindús, is one ofthe four divine
    books. The Lilawati, which is one of the most excellent works written by
    Indian Mathematicians on Arithmetic, lost its Hindú veil, and received a
    Persian garb from the hand of my elder brother, Shaikh ' Abdul Faiz i Faizí."
    At the command of His Majesty, Mukammal Khán of Gujrát translated
    into Persian the Tájak, a well known work on Astronomy. The Memoirs
    of Bábar, the Conqueror of the world, which may be called a Code of
    practical wisdom, have been translated from Turkish into Persian by Mírzá

    "In this year (A. H. 983, or A. D. by Naqíb Khán and Mullá Shérí , and
    1575) a learned Brahmin, Shaikh Bhá- another part by Sultán Hájí of T'hanésar ;
    wan, had come from the Dek'han and then Shaikh Faizí was appointed, who
    turned Muhammadan , when His Majesty wrote two chapters, prose and poetry ;
    gave me the order to translate the then the Hájí wrote two other parts,
    Atharban. Several of the religious pre- adding a verbal translation of the parts
    cepts of this book resemble the laws of the that had been left out. He thus got a
    Islám. As in translating I found many hundred juz together, closely written, so
    difficult passages, which Shaikh Bhawan exactly rendered, that even the accidental
    could not interpret either, I reported the dirt of flies on the original was not left out ;
    circumstance to His Majesty, who ordered but he was soon after driven from Court,
    Shaikh Faizí, and then Hájí Ibráhím, to and is nowin Bhakkar. Other translators
    translate it. The latter, though willing, and interpreters, however, continue now-
    did not write anything. Among the a-days the fight between Pandús and the
    precepts of the At'harban, there is one Kurús. May God Almighty protect those
    which says that no man will be saved that are not engaged in this work, and
    unless he read a certain passage. This accept their repentance, and hear the
    passage contains many times the letter prayer ofpardon of every one who does not
    1, and resembles very much our Lá illah hide his disgust, and whose heart rests in
    illallah. Besides, I found that a the Islám ; for ' He allows men to return
    Hindú, under certain conditions, may eat to Him in repentance !' This Razmnámah
    cow flesh ; and another, that Hindús bury was illuminated, and repeatedly copied ;
    their dead, but do not burn them. With the grandees were ordered to make copies,
    such passages the Shaikh used to defeat and Abdul Fazl wrote an introduction to
    other Brahmins in argument ; and they it of about two juz, &c." Badáoní II.
    had in fact led him to embrace Islám. p. 302. A copy of this translation in
    Let us praise God for his conversion !" two volumes, containing eighteen fans
    Baddoni II. p. 212. ( ) s among the MSS. of the As. Soc.
    The translation of the Mahábhárat of Bengal, No. 1329. One juz ) ‫(جزء‬
    was not quite a failure. " For two nights, sixteen pages quarto, or two sheets.
    His Majesty himself translated some pas- 2 This work has been printed. Abulfazl's
    sages of the Mahábhárat, and told Naqib words Hindú veil are an allusion to Líla-
    Khán to write down the general meaning wati's sex.
    in Persian ; the third night he associated 3 Vide Tuzuk i Jahángírí, p. 417.
    mewith Naqib Khán ; and , after three or The Wáqiát i Timur were translated into
    four months, two of the eighteen chapters Persian, during the reign of Shahjahan,
    of these useless absurdities- enough to by Mír Abú Tálib i Turbatí. Padshah-
    confound the eighteen worlds-were laid námah II, p. 288, edit. Bibl. Indica.
    before His Majesty . But the emperor 66
    Conqueror of the world," gétí sitání, is
    took exception to my translation, and Báber's title. Regarding the titles of
    called me a Harámkhur and a turnip- the Mogul Emperors from Bábar to
    eater, as ifthat was my share of the book. Bahadur Shah, vide Journal As. Soc.
    Another part was subsequently finished Bengal for 1868, Part I. p. 39.
    14
    106

    ’Abdurrahím Khán , the present Khán Khánán ( Commander -in -Chief ). The
    History of Kashmir, which extends over the last four thousand years, has
    been translated from Kashmirian into Persian' by Mauláná Sháh Muhammad
    of Sháhábád . The Mu'jam ul Buldán, an excellent work on towns and countries,
    has been translated from Arabic into Persian by several Arabic scholars,
    as Mullá Ahmad of T'hat'hah, Qásim Bég, Shaikh Munawwar, and others.
    The Haribans, a book containing the life of Krishna, was translated into
    Persian by Mauláná Sherí ( Vide the poetical extracts of the second book).
    By order of His Majesty, the author of this volume composed a new
    version of the Kalílah Damnah, and published it under the title of ' Ayár
    Dánish. The original is a master-piece of practical wisdom, but is full of
    rhetorical difficulties ; and though Naçrullah i Mustaufi and Mauláná
    Husain i Wá'iz had translated it into Persian, their style abounds in rare
    metaphors and difficult words.
    The Hindí story of the Love of Nal and
    Daman, which melts the heart of feeling readers, has been metrically
    translated by my brother Shaikh Faizí i Fayyází, in the masnawí metre of
    the Laílí Majnún, and is now everywhere known under the title of Nal
    Daman.*
    As His Majesty has become acquainted with the treasure of history,
    he ordered several well informed writers to compose a work containing the
    events which have taken place in the seven zones for the last one thousand
    years. Naqib Khán, and several others, commenced this history. A very
    large portion was subsequently added by Mullá Ahmad of T'hat'hah, and
    the whole concluded by Ja'far Bég i Açaf Khán. The introduction is
    composed by me. The work has the title of Tarikh i Alfi,' the History of
    a thousand years.

    " During this year (A. H. 999, or A. was put among the set of books read at
    D. 1590-91 ,) I received the order from Court, and Naqib Khán was appointed
    His Majesty, to re-write, in an easy style, to read it out to His Majesty . It is, indeed,
    the History of Kashmir, which Mullá a masnawí, the like of which, for the
    Shah Muhammad of Sháhábád, a very last three hundred years, no poet of
    learned man, had translated into Persian. Hindustan, after Mír Khusrau of Dihlí,
    I finished this undertaking in two months, has composed." Badáoní, II . p. 396.
    when my work was put into the Imperial 5 In A. H. 1000, A. D. 1591-92 , the
    Library, to be read out to His Majesty belief appears to have been current among
    in its turn." Badáoní, II. p. 374 . the Muhammadans that the Islám and
    2 Regarding the tragic end of this the world were approaching their end.
    "heretic," vide Badáoní II. p. 364. Various men arose, pretending to be
    Notices regarding the other two men will Imam Mahdi, who is to precede the reap-
    be found in the third volume of Badáoní. pearance of Christ on earth ; and even
    For 'Iyári Dánish. Such abbrevia- Badáoní's belief got doubtful on this
    tions are common in titles. point. Akbar's disciples saw in the com-
    ↑ " Faizí's Naldaman (for Nal o Da- mon rumour a happy omen for the pro-
    man contains about 4200 verses, and was pagation of the Din i Ilahi. The Tarikh
    composed, A. H. 1003, in the short space Alfi was likewise to give prominence to
    of five months. It was presented to this idea.
    Akbar with a few ashrafis as nazar. It The copy of the Tárikh i Alfi in
    107

    The Art of Painting.


    Drawing the likeness of anything is called taçwir. His Majesty, from his
    earliest youth, has shewn a great predilection for this art, and gives it every
    encouragement, as he looks upon it as a means, both of study and amusement.
    Hence the art flourishes, and many painters have obtained great reputation.
    The works of all painters are weekly laid before His Majesty by the
    Dáróghahs and the clerks ; he then confers rewards according to excellence
    of workmanship, or increases the monthly salaries. Much progress was
    made in the commodities required by painters, and the correct prices of
    such articles were carefully ascertained . The mixture of colours has
    especially been improved. The pictures thus received a hitherto unknown
    finish . Most excellent painters are now to be found, and master-pieces ,
    worthy of a Bihzád,' may be placed at the side of the wonderful works of the
    European painters who have attained world-wide fame. The minuteness
    in detail, the general finish, the boldness of execution, &c., now observed in
    pictures, are incomparable ; even inanimate objects look as if they had life.
    More than a hundred painters have become famous masters of the art,
    whilst the number of those who approach perfection , or of those who are
    middling, is very large. This is especially true of the Hindus : their
    pictures surpass our conceptions of things. Few, indeed, in the whole world
    are found equal to them .
    Among the forerunners on the high road of art I may mention :
    1. Mir Sayyid ' Alí of Tabríz. " He learned the art from his father.
    From the time of his introduction at Court, the ray of royal favour has
    shone upon him. He has made himself famous in his art, and has met
    with much success .
    2. Khájah Abduççamad, styled Shirinqalam, or sweet pen . He comes
    from Shíráz. Though he had learnt the art before he was made a grandee of
    the Court, his perfection was mainly due to the wonderful effect of a look of
    His Majesty, which caused him to turn from that which is form to that which
    is spirit. From the instruction they received, the Khájah's pupils became
    masters .

    the Library of the As. Soc. of Bengal wí of Persia." Sirájullughát.


    2
    (No. 19,) contains no preface, commences Compare with Abulfazl's opinion,
    with the events subsequent to the death Elphinstone's History of India, second
    of the Prophet (8th June, 632), and ends edition, p. 174.
    abruptly with the reign of ' Umar ibn i Better known as a poet under the
    'AbdulMalik (A. H. 99, or A. D. 717-18) . name of Judáí. Vide the poetical ex-
    The years are reckoned from the death of tracts of the second book. He illumina-
    the Prophet, not from the Hijrah. For ted the Story of Amir Hamzah, men-
    further particulars regarding this book, tioned on the next page.
    1 66Badioni, II. p. 317.
    vide He was a Chahárçadi. Vide the
    Bihzad was a famous painter, who list of grandees, in the second book,
    lived at the Court of Shah Isma'il i Çafa- No. 266.
    108

    3. Daswant'h . He is the son of a palkee-bearer. He devoted his


    whole life to the art, and used, from love to his profession, to draw and
    paint figures even on walls . One day the eye of His Majesty fell on him ;
    his talent was discovered, and he himself handed over to the Khájah. In
    a short time he surpassed all painters, and became the first master of the
    age. Unfortunately the light of his talents was dimmed by the shadow of
    madness ; he committed suicide. He has left many master-pieces.
    4. Basáwan. In back grounding, drawing of features, distribution of
    colours, portrait painting, and several other branches, he is most excellent,
    so much So, that many critics prefer him to Daswant'h.
    The following painters have likewise attained fame : Késú , Lál,
    Mukund, Mushkin, Farrukh the Qalmáq ( Calmuck), Mádhú,' Jagan, Mohesh,
    K'hémkaran, Tárá, Sánwlah, Haribans, Rám. It would take me too long
    to describe the excellencies of each. My intention is " to pluck a flower
    from every meadow, an ear from every sheaf."
    I have to notice that the observing of the figures of objects and the
    making of likenesses of them, which are often looked upon as an idle
    occupation, are, for a well regulated mind, a source of wisdom, and an
    antidote against the poison of ignorance. Bigoted followers of the letter of
    the law are hostile to the art of painting ; but their eyes now see the truth.
    One day at a private party of friends, His Majesty, who had conferred on
    several the pleasure of drawing near him, remarked : " There are many
    that hate painting ; but such men I dislike. It appears to me as if a painter
    had quite peculiar means of recognizing God ; for a painter in sketching
    anything that has life, and in devising its limbs, one after the other, must
    come to feel that he cannot bestow individuality upon his work, and is thus
    forced to think of God, the Giver of life, and will thus increase in
    knowledge."
    The number of master-pieces of painting increased with the encourage-
    ment given to the art. Persian books, both prose and poetry, were
    ornamented with pictures, and a very large number of paintings was thus
    collected . The Story of Hamzah was represented in twelve volumes, and
    clever painters made the most astonishing illustrations for no less than one
    thousand and four hundred passages of the story. The Chingiznámah, the
    2
    Zafarnámah, this book, the Razmnámah, the Ramáyan, the Nal Daman,
    the Kalilah Damnah, the ' Ayár Dánish, &c. , were all illustrated . His
    Majesty himself sat for his likeness, and also ordered to have the likenesses

    1 Mentioned in the Maásir i Rahímí 2 A History of the House of Tímúr,


    (p. 753) as in the service of Abdurrahím by Sharafuddín of Yazd (died 1446).
    Khán Khánán, Akbars Commander -in- Vide Morley's Catalogue of Historical
    Chief. MSS. , p. 94.
    109

    taken of all the grandees of the realm. An immense album was thus
    formed those that have passed away, have received a new life, and those
    who are still alive, have immortality promised them.
    In the same manner, as painters are encouraged, employment is held
    out to ornamental artists, gilders, line-drawers, and pagers.
    Many Mansabdars, Ahadís, and other soldiers, hold appointments in
    this department . The pay of foot soldiers varies from 1200 to 600 dúms.

    AIN 35.
    THE ARSENAL.

    The order of the Household, the efficiency of the Army, and the
    welfare of the country, are intimately connected with the state of this
    department ; hence His Majesty gives it every attention, and looks
    scrutinizingly into its working order. He introduces all sorts of new
    methods, and studies their applicability to practical purposes. Thus a
    plated armour was brought before His Majesty, and set up as a target ; but
    no bullet was so powerful as to make an impression on it. A sufficient
    number of such armours has been made so as to supply whole armies.
    His Majesty also looks into the prices of such as are sold in the bázárs.
    All weapons for the use of His Majesty have names, and a proper rank
    is assigned to them. Thus there are thirty swords, (kháçah swords ) one of
    which is daily sent to His Majesty's sleeping apartments. The old one is
    returned, and handed over to the servants outside the Harem, who keep it
    till its turn comes again. Forty other swords are kept in readiness : they
    are called kotal swords. When the number of kháçah swords (in consequence
    ofpresents, &c. ) has decreased to twelve, they supply new ones from the kotal
    swords. There are also twelve Yakbandi (?) , the turn of every one of
    which recurs after one week. Of Jámdhars and K'hapwahs, there are forty of
    each. Their turn recurs every week ; and each has thirty kotals, from
    which deficiencies are supplied as before. Besides, eight knives, twenty
    spears and barchhas are required monthly. Of eighty-six Mashhadi bows,
    2
    Bhadayan bows, and twenty-four others, are returned monthly....
    In the same manner a rank is assigned to each.
    Whenever His Majesty rides out, or at the time of the Bár i’Ẩm, or
    Levee, the sons of the Amírs, and other Mansabdárs and Ahadís, carry the
    Qur in their hands and on their shoulders , i. e. , every four of them carry four

    1
    I doubt the correctness of the trans- 2 The text has an unintelligible sen-
    lation. The word yakbandí is not in the tence.
    Dictionaries.
    110

    quivers, four bows, four swords, four shields ; and besides, they take up
    lances, spears, axes, pointed axes, piyazi war-clubs, sticks, bullet bows,
    pestles, and a footstool, all properly arranged. Several gitárs ' of camels
    and mules are loaded with weapons and kept in readiness ; and on travels,
    they use Bactrian camels, &c., for that purpose. At Court receptions the
    Amirs and other people stand opposite the Qur, ready for any service ;
    and on the march, they follow behind it, with the exception of a few who
    are near His Majesty. Elephants in full trappings, camels, carriages,
    naqqarahs, flags, the kaukabahs, and other Imperial insignia, accompany the
    Qur, while eager macebearers superintend the march, assisted by the Mir-
    bakhshis. In hunting expeditions several swift runners are in attendance,
    and a few others are in charge of harnesses.
    In order to shorten the trouble of making references, I shall enumerate
    the weapons now in use in form of a table, and give pictures of some of
    them.
    1. Swords (slightly bent), R. to 15 Muhurs.
    2. K'hándah (straight swords),. 1 to 10 R.
    3. Guptí ' Açá (a sword in a walking stick), 2 to 20 R.
    4. Jamd'har (a broad dagger ) , R. to 21 M.
    5. Khanjar, to 5 R.
    6. K'hapwah, R. to 14 M.
    7. Jam K'hák,. R. to 1 M.
    8. Bánk, R. to 1 M.
    9. Jhanbwah, R. to 1 M.
    10. Katárah, R. to 1 M.
    11. Narsink Mot'h, R. to 2 M.
    12. Kamán (bows) ... R. to 3 M. t
    13. Takhsh Kamán , 1 to 4 R.
    14. Náwak, R. to 1 M.
    15. Arrows, per bundle, to 30 R.
    16. Quivers, R. to 2 M.
    17. Dadí, .... to 5 R.
    18. Tírbardár (Arrow drawers), " to 24 d.
    19. Paikánkash (Do. ), ... to 3 R.
    20. Naizah ( a lance), .. 13 R. to 6 M.
    21. Barchhah, R. to 2 M.
    22. Sánk, .. to 1 R.

    Five camels are called a gitár, in put on the backs of their mothers.
    Hind. qatár. A string of some length is If this spelling be correct, it is the
    tied to the tail of the front camel and is same as the next (No. 19) ; but it may
    drawn through the nose holes of the next be tír i pardar, an arrow with a feather
    at the bottom of the shaft, a barbed arrow.
    111

    23. Saint'hí,. to 1 R.
    24. Sélarah, 10 d. to R.
    25. Gurz (a war club, ) .... to 5 R.
    26. Shashpar (do . ) , ... R. to 3 M.
    27. Késtan (?)¹ 1 to 3 R.
    28. Tabar (a war axe), R. to 2 M.
    29. Piyází (a club), .... to 5 R.
    30. Zághnól (a pointed axe)... R. to 1 M.
    31. Chakar-Basólah, 1 to 6 R.
    32. Tabar zághnól,.... 1 to 4 R.
    33. Tarangálah, to 2 R.
    34. Kárd (a knife) 2 d. to 1 M.
    35. Guptí kárd, .... 3 R. to 13 M.
    36. Qamchí kárd, ... 1 to 3 R.
    37. Cháqú (a clasp knife) 2 d. to R.
    38. Kamán i Guróhah (bullet bow) ... 2 d. to 1 R.
    39. Kamt'hah,. 5 d. to 3 R.
    40. Tufak i dahán (a tube ; Germ. Blaserohr) 10 d. to R.
    41. Pushtkhár," ... 2 d. to 2 R.
    42. Shaçtáwéz, ³ 2 d. to 1 R.
    43. Girihkushá, 1 d. to R.
    44. Khár i Máhí,. 1 to 5 R.
    45. Góbhan (a sling) 1 d. to R.
    46. Gajbág, 1 to 5 R.
    47. Sipar ( a shield), 1 to 50 R.
    48. Dhál, R. to 4 M.
    49. K'hérah , 1 R. to 4 M.
    50. Pahrí, .... 1 R. to 1 M.
    51. Uḍánah, to 5 R.
    52. Dubulghah, R. to 3 M.
    53. K'hóg'hí, 1 to 4 R.
    54. Zirih Kuláh, 1 to 5 R.
    55. G'húg'huwah, 1 R. to 2 M.
    56. Jaibah, * 20 R. 30 M.

    This name is doubtful. The MSS . can hook anything. In Vullers' Persian
    give all sorts of spellings. Vide my Dicty. II. p. 426, b, read bíz for panír (!).
    4 This word is used in a general sense ,
    Text edition, p. 121 , Î. 1. The Dictionaries
    give no information. an armour. It is either Turkish, or a
    2 Vide Journal As. Society, Bengal , for corruption of the Arab. jubbah. The
    1868, p. 61. form jaibá is occasionally met with ; but
    3
    A weapon resembling the following. jabah, as given by Vullers I, p. 508 a.,
    The word Shaçtáwéz, or more correctly is wrong, and against the metre of his
    shastáwéz, means a thing by which you quotation.
    112

    57. Zirih, 1 R. to 100 M.


    58. Bagtar, ... 4 R. to 12 M.
    59. Jóshan, 4 R. to 9 M.
    50. Chár Kínah, 2 R. to 7 M.
    61. Kot'hí,, 5 R to 8 M.
    62. Çádiqí, 3 R. to 8 M.
    63. Angirk'hah, 1 R. to 5 M.
    64. Bhanjú, 3 R. to 2 M.
    65. Chihrahzirih i Khaní, 1 R. to 1 M.
    66. Salhqabá, 5 R. to 8 M.
    67. Chihilqad, 5 to 25 R.
    68. Dastwánah,. 1 R. to 2 M.
    69. Rák, ¹ 1 R. to 10 M.
    70. Kant'hah sobhá, " 1 to 10 R.
    71. Mózah i Ahaní. to 10 R.
    72. Kajém, ... 50 to 300 R.
    73. Artak (the quilt) i Kajém, 4 R. to 7 M.
    74. Qashqah,. 1 R. to 2 M.
    3 1 R. to 1 M.
    75. Gardaní,
    76. Matchlocks ,. R. to 1 M.
    77. Bán (rockets ),. 2 to 4 R.

    AIN 36.

    ON GUNS .

    Guns are wonderful locks for protecting the august edifice of the
    state ; and befitting keys for the door of conquest. With the exception
    of Turkey, there is perhaps no country which in its guns has more means
    of securing the government than this. There are now-a-days guns made
    of such a size that the ball weighs 12 mans ; several elephants and a
    thousand cattle are required to transport one. His Majesty looks upon the
    care bestowed on the efficiency of this branch as one of the higher objects
    of a king, and therefore devotes to it much of his time. Dáróghahs and
    clever clerks are appointed, to keep the whole in proper working order.
    His Majesty has made several inventions, which have astonished the
    whole world. He made a gun which, on marches, can easily be taken to

    According to some MSS. rág. A round shield-like plate of iron


    2 The figure represents a long spear ; attached to the neck of the horse and
    but the etymology, as also its position in hanging down so as to protect the chest
    the list of weapons, shews that it must be of the animal.
    a part of the armour, a neck-piece.
    113

    pieces, and properly put again together when required. By another


    invention, His Majesty joins seventeen guns in such a manner as to be
    able to fire them simultaneously with one match. Again, he made another
    kind of gun, which can easily be carried by a single elephant ; such guns
    have the name of Gajnáls. Guns which a single man may carry, are called
    Narnáls.
    The imperial guns are carefully distributed over the whole kingdom,
    and each Súbah has that kind which is fit for it. For the siege of fortresses
    and for naval engagements , His Majesty has separate guns made, which
    accompany his victorious armies on their marches. It is impossible to
    count every gun ; besides clever workmen make continually new ones,
    especially Gajnáls and Narnáls .
    Amirs and Ahadis are on staff employ in this branch. The pay of the
    foot varies from 100 to 400 d.

    ΑΪΝ 37 .
    ON MATCHLOCKS , &c.

    These are in particular favour with His Majesty, who stands unrivalled
    in their manufacture, and as a markman. Matchlocks are now made so
    strong, that they do not burst, though let off when filled to the top. Formerly
    they could not fill them to more than a quarter. Besides, they made them
    with the hammer and the anvil by flattening pieces of iron, and joining the
    flattened edges of both sides. Some left them, from foresight, on one edge
    open ; but numerous accidents were the result, especially in the former kind.
    His Majesty has invented an excellent method of construction . They flatten
    iron, and twist it round obliquely in form of a roll, so that the folds get longer
    at every twist ; then they join the folds, not edge to edge, but so as to allow
    them to lie one over the other, and heat them gradually in the fire. They also
    take cylindrical pieces of iron, and pierce them when hot with an iron pin.
    Three or four of such pieces make one gun ; or, in the case of smaller
    ones, two. Guns are often made of a length of two yards ; those of a
    smaller kind are one and a quarter yards long, and go by the name of
    Damának. The gunstocks are differently made. From the practical
    knowledge of His Majesty, guns are now made in such a manner that they
    can be fired off, without a match, by a slight movement ofthe cock. Bullets
    are also made, so as to cut like a sword. Through the assistance of the
    inventive genius of His Majesty, there are now many masters to be found
    among gunmakers ; e . g. , Ustád Kabír, and Husain .
    Iron, when heated, loses about one-half of its volume.
    15
    114

    When a barrel is completed lengthways, before the transverse bot-


    tom piece is fixed to it, they engrave on it the quantity of its iron and the
    length, both being expressed in numerals. A barrel thus far finished, is called
    Daul. In this imperfect state they are sent to His Majesty, and delivered ,
    in proper order, at the Harem, to which place they are also brought for..... '
    At the same time, the weight of the ball is fixed, and the order is given for
    the transverse section of the matchlock. For long guns the weight of a ball
    does not exceed twenty-five tanks, and for smaller ones, fifteen . But balls
    of the former weight no one but His Majesty' would dare to fire. When
    the barrels are polished, they are again sent to the Harem, and preserved
    in proper order. They are afterwards taken out, and closed by the order
    of His Majesty with a transverse bottom piece. Having been put to an old
    stock, they are filled to one-third of the barrel with powder, and fired off.
    If no taráwish takes place, and the trial is satisfactory, they take the
    barrels again to His Majesty, who gives the order to finish the mouth piecǝ
    ofthe barrel. After this the gun is again placed on the stock, and subjected
    to a trial. If the ball issues in a crooked line, the barrel is heated, and
    straightened by means of a rod introduced into it, and, in the presence
    of His Majesty, handed over to a filer. He adorns the outside of the barrel
    in various ways, according to orders, when it is taken to the Harem. The
    wood and the shape of the stock are then determined on . Several things
    are marked on every matchlock, viz. , the weight of the raw and the
    manufactured iron, the former marks being now removed ; the place
    where the iron is taken from ; the workman ; the place where the gun is
    made ; the date ; its number. Sometimes without reference to a proper
    order, one of the unfinished barrels is selected, and completed at His
    Majesty's command. It is then entered in another place ; the transverse
    bottom piece is fixed ; and the order is given to make the cock, the ramrod,
    the pargaz, &c. As soon as all these things have been completed, a new
    trial is ordered ; and when it succeeds, they send in the gun, and deliver
    it a third time at the Harem. In this state the gun is called sádah (plain) .
    Five bullets are sent along with it. His Majesty, after trying it in the manner
    above described, returns it with the fifth bullet. The order for the colour
    of the barrel and the stock is now given ; one of the nine kinds of colour
    is selected for the stock. Guns also differ in the quantity of inlaid gold

    The text has an unintelligible word ; Taráwish means a trickling ; the


    the variantes lectiones are marked on particular meaning which it here has, is
    p. 125 of my text edition, Note (13). unclear and not given in the Dictionaries.
    The Banaras MS . has . The word Pargaz, or Purgaz, may mean the
    appears to be a foreign term. groove into which the ramrod is put, or
    2 Akbar was remarkable for bodily the ramrod itself. The word is not in the
    strength. Vide Tuzuk i Jahángírí, p. 16. Dicts., and appears to be unknown at the
    present day.
    115

    and enamel ; the colour ofthe barrel is uniform . A gun thus far completed
    is called rangin (coloured). It is now, as before, handed over together with
    five bullets ; His Majesty makes four trials, and returns it with the last
    ball. When ten of such guns are ready, His Majesty orders to inlay the
    mouth of the barrel and the butt end with gold. They are then again sent
    for trial into the Harem, and whenever ten are quite complete, they
    are handed over to the slaves.

    AIN 38.

    THE MANNER OF CLEANING GUNS.

    Formerly a strong man had to work a long time with iron instruments,
    in order to clean matchlocks. His Majesty, from his practical knowledge,
    has invented a wheel, by the motion of which sixteen barrels may be
    cleaned in a very short time. The wheel is turned by a cow. The plate
    will best shew what sort of a machine it is.

    AIN 39.

    THE RANKS OF THE GUNS .

    The Imperial Arsenal contains manufactured, purchased, and presented,


    guns. Each of them is either long, or short ; and these are again subdivided
    into sádah (plain), rangin, ( coloured), and koftkár (hammered) guns . His
    Majesty has selected out of several thousand guns, one hundred and five as
    kháçah, i. e. , for his special use. First, twelve in honour of the twelve months ;
    each of them is brought back in its turn after eleven months. Secondly,
    thirty for every week ; after every seven days one goes out, and another is
    brought. Thirdly, thirty-two for the solar days ; one for every day. Fourthly,
    thirty-one kotals . Sometimes there are only twenty-eight. Whenever some of
    the former guns have been given away, kotals are brought, to supply their
    places. The order of precedence is as follows : the guns for the month ;
    the week ; days ; kotals ; plain ; coloured ; koftkár, not handed over to
    the slaves ; koftkár, handed over to the slaves ; long ones, selected from
    péshkash presents , or from such as were bought ; Damánaks, selected from
    péshkash, or from bought ones ; such as have been chosen from selections
    of both . The one hundred and five kháçah guns are divided into seven
    parts ; every fifteen form a kishk, or guard, and are always kept ready by the
    slaves. On Sundays, two are taken from the first ; four from the second ;
    five from the third ; four from the fourth. This order is also followed on
    Mondays, Tuesdays, and Wednesdays. On Thursdays, two are again taken
    from the first, and four from the second ; four from the third ; five from
    116

    the fourth . On Fridays, one is taken from the first ; five from the second ;
    four from the third ; five from the fourth . So also for Saturdays. In
    order to supply the places of such kháçah guns as have been given away, five
    other classes have been determined on : half kotals, fourteen ; quarter kotals,
    seven ; one-eighth kotals , four ; one-sixteenth kotals, two ; one-thirty second
    kotals, one. When kotal guns are given away, they bring half kotals ;
    similarly, the place of a gun, when given away, is taken by the next ; and the
    place of the last is supplied by one selected from such as have been bought.
    One hundred and one guns are continually kept in the Harem. Their
    order is as follows . On the first day of every solar month eleven guns are
    handed over to the servants of the Harem, one of each of the guns for the
    months, the weeks, the days, the kotals, the plain ones, the coloured ones, the
    koftkár not in charge of the slaves, the koftkár in their charge, the selected
    long ones, the selected Damánaks, the chosen ones of the selected ones. On the
    second day only the guns of the months (i. e. , ten) are handed over in the
    same order. For ten days an equal number is sent to the Harem.
    His Majesty practises often. When he has tried each gun, he commences
    from the beginning ; and when each gun has been used four times, it
    is sent away and replaced by a new one of each kind. If guns have been
    left unused at the beginning of a new month, they are placed last, and the
    guns for the current month are put first.
    An order has also been given to the writers to write down the game
    killed by His Majesty with the particulars of the guns used. Thus it was
    found that with the gun, which has the name of Sangrám, one thousand
    and nineteen animals have been killed . This gun is the first of His
    Majesty's private guns, and is used during the Farwardín month of the
    present era.

    AIN 40.
    ON THE PAY OF THE MATCHLOCK BEARERS .
    The pay of a Mírdahah' is of four grades, 300 dáms, 280 d. , 270 d ., 260 d.
    The pay ofthe others is of five grades. Each grade is again subdivided into
    three classes. First grade, 250 d. , 240 d. , 230 d. Second grade, 220 d. , 210 d. ,
    200 d. Third grade, 190 d. , 180. , d. , 170 d. Fourth grade, 160 d. , 150 d. ,
    140 d. Fifth grade, 130 d., 120 d. , 110 d.

    A man placed over ten. The rank differs in usage, and signifies a man in
    of the Mirdahah appears to have been command of ten. The rank of a Dahbá-
    the only non-commissioned rank in the shí was the lowest Mansabdár rank (vide
    Mogul Armies. The lowest commissioned the second book) . Mirdahah is also
    rank was that of a Dahbáshi, which word, used in the sense of a servant who looks
    though ofthe same etymological meaning, after ten horses.
    117

    I
    AIN 41 .

    THE IMPERIAL ELEPHANT STABLES .

    This wonderful animal is in bulk and strength like a mountain ; and in


    courage and ferocity like a lion. It adds materially to the pomp of a king
    and to the success of a conqueror ; and is of the greatest use for the army.
    Experienced men of Hindustan put the value of a good elephant equal to
    five hundred horse ; and they believe, that when guided by a few bold men
    armed with matchlocks, such an elephant alone is worth double that
    number. In vehemence on one side, and submissiveness to the reins on
    the other, the elephant is like an Arab, whilst in point of obedience and
    attentiveness to even the slightest signs , it resembles an intelligent human
    being. In restiveness when full-blooded, and in vindictiveness, it surpasses
    man. An elephant never hurts the female, though she be the cause of his
    captivity ; he never will fight with young elephants, nor does he think it
    proper to punish them. From a sense of gratitude, he does his keepers no
    harm, nor will he throw dust over his body, when he is mounted, though he
    often does so at other times. Once an elephant, during the rutting season,
    was fighting with another. When he was in the height of excitement, a
    small elephant came in his way : he kindly lifted up the small one with his
    trunk, set him aside, and then renewed the combat. If a male elephant
    breaks loose during the rutting season, in order to have his own way, few
    people have the courage to approach him ; and some bold and experienced
    man will have to get on a female elephant, and try to get near him and tie a
    rope round his foot. Female elephants, when mourning the loss of a young
    one, will often abstain from food and drink ; they sometimes even die from
    grief.
    The elephant can be taught various feats. He learns to remember
    such melodies as can only be remembered by people acquainted with music ;
    he will move his limbs, to keep time, and exhibit his skill in various ways.
    He will shoot off an arrow from a bow, discharge a matchlock, and will
    learn to pick up things that have been dropped, and hand them over to the
    keeper. Sometimes they get grain to eat wrapped up in hay ; this they hide
    in the side of their mouth, and give it back to the keeper, when they are
    4 alone with him.
    The teats of a female elephant, and the womb, resemble those of
    woman. The tongue is round like that of a parrot. The testicles are not

    visible. Elephants frequently with their trunks take water out of their
    stomachs, and sprinkle themselves with it. Such water has no offensive
    smell. They also take out of their stomach grass on the second day, without
    its having undergone any change.
    118

    The price of an elephant varies from a lak' to one hundred rupees ;


    elephants worth five thousand, and ten thousand rupees, are pretty common.
    There are four kinds of elephants. 1. Bhaddar. It is well proportioned ,
    has an erect head, a broad chest, large ears, a long tail, and is bold, and can
    bear fatigue. They take out of his forehead an excrescence resembling a
    large pearl, which they call in Hindi Gaj manik. Many properties are
    ascribed to it. 2. Mand. It is black, has yellow eyes, a uniformly sized
    belly, a long penis, and is wild and ungovernable. 3. Mirg. It has a
    whitish skin, with black spots ; the colour of its eyes is a mixture of red,
    yellow, black, and white. 4. Mir. It has a small head, and obeys readily.
    It gets frightened, when it thunders.
    From a mixture of these four kinds are formed others of different
    names and properties. The colour of the skin of elephants is threefold :
    white, black, grey. Again, according to the threefold division of the
    dispositions assigned by the Hindus to the mind, namely, sat benevolence,
    raj love of sensual enjoyment, and tam irascibility, which shall be further
    3
    explained below, elephants are divided into three classes . First, such in
    which sat predominates. They are well proportioned, good looking, eat
    moderately, are very submissive, do not care for intercourse with the female,
    and live to a very old age. Secondly, such in whose disposition raj prevails.
    They are savage looking, and proud, bold, ungovernable, and voracious.
    Lastly, such as are full of tam. They are self-willed, destructive, and given
    to sleep and voraciousness.
    The time of gestation of the female is generally eighteen* lunar months,
    For three months the fluida germinalia intermix in the womb of the female ;
    when agitated, the mass looks like quicksilver. Towards the fifth month
    the fluida settle, and get gelatinous. In the seventh month, they get more
    solid, and draw to perfection towards the ninth month. In the eleventh, the
    outline of a body is visible ; and in the twelfth, the veins, bones, hoofs, and

    1
    During the reigns of Akbar's succes- wish to have the time of gestation ofthe
    sor, the price of a well trained war elephant female elephant correctly determined. It
    rose much higher. Vide Tuzuki Jahán- is now certain that a female birth takes
    gírí, p. 198. At the time of Shahjahan, place after sixteen, and a male birth after
    the first white elephant was brought nineteen months [the emperor means
    from Pégú, Pádisháhnamah, I. p. 267. evidently solar months ] ; and the process
    2 This excrescence is also called Gaj- is different from what it is with man, the
    motí, or elephants' pearl. Forbes has, fœtus being born with the feet foremost.
    aso Gajmanih, and the Dalil i Súti, Aftergivingbirth, the female at once covers
    ‫وت‬ gaj watí ?) . the young one with earth and dust, and
    In the fourth book of this work. continually caresses it, whilst the young
    The time is differently given. The one sinks down every moment trying to
    emperor Jahángír says in his Memoirs reach the teats of the mother." Vide
    (p . 130) :- During this month, a female Lt. Johnstone's remarks on the same
    elephant in my stables gave birth before subject, in the Proceedings of the Asiatic
    my own eyes . I had often expressed the Society of Bengal for May, 1868.
    119

    hairs, make their appearance. In the thirteenth month, the genitalia become
    distinguishable, and in the fifteenth, the process of quickening commences.
    If the female, during gestation, gets stronger, the foetus is sure to be a
    male ; but if she gets weak, it is the sign of a female. During the sixteenth
    month, the formation becomes still more perfect, and the life of the fœtus
    becomes quite distinct. In the seventeenth month, there is every chance' of
    a premature birth, on account of the efforts made by the foetus to move,
    till, in the eighteenth month, the young one is born.
    According to others, the sperm gets solid in the first month ; the
    eyes, ears, the nose, mouth, and tongue, are formed in the second ; in the
    third month, the limbs make their appearance ; in the fourth month,
    the foetus grows and gets strong ; in the fifth, it commences to quicken ;
    in the sixth, it gets sense, which appears more marked during the seventh
    month ; in the eighth, there is some chance of a miscarriage ; during the ninth,
    tenth, and eleventh months, the foetus grows, and is born during the twelfth. It
    will be a male young one, if the greater part of the sperm came from the male ;
    and it will be a female young one, if the reverse is the case. If the sperm of
    both the male and female is equal in quantity, the young one will be a herm-
    aphrodite. The male foetus lies towards the right side ; the female towards
    the left ; a hermaphrodite in the middle.
    Female elephants have often for twelve days a red discharge, after
    which gestation commences. During that period, they look startled, sprinkle
    themselves with water and earth, keep ears and tail upwards, and go rarely
    away from the male. They will rub themselves against the male, bend their
    heads below his tusks, smell at his urine and dung, and cannot bear to see
    another female near him. Sometimes, however, a female shews aversion
    to intercourse with the male, and must be forced to copulate, when other
    female elephants, at hearing her noise, will come to her rescue.
    In former times, people did not breed elephants, and thought it unlucky ;
    by the command of His Majesty, they now breed a very superior class of ele-
    phants, which has removed the old prejudice in the minds of men . A female
    elephant has generally one young one, but sometimes two. For five years the
    young ones content themselves with the milk of the mother ; after that period
    they commence to eat herbs. In this state they are called bál. When ten
    years old, they are named pút ; when twenty years old, bikka ; when thirty
    years old, kalbah. In fact the animal changes appearance every year, and then
    gets a new name. When sixty years old, the elephant is full grown . The
    skull then looks like two halves of a ball, whilst the ears look like winnowing

    The words of the text are ambiguous. month, the effort of the fetus to move
    They may also mean : In the seventeenth causes the female to sink down.
    120

    fans.' White eyes mixed with yellow, black, and red, are looked upon as a
    sign of excellence.The forehead must be flat without swellings or wrinkles.
    The trunk is the nose of the animal, and is so long as to touch the ground .
    With it, it takes up the food and puts it into the mouth ; similarly, it sucks up
    water with it, and then throws it into the stomach. It has eighteen teeth ;
    sixteen ofthem are inside the mouth, eight above and eight below, and two
    are the tusks outside. The latter are one and more yards long, round, shining,
    very strong, white, or sometimes reddish, and straight, the end slightly bent
    upwards. Some elephants have four tusks. With a view to usefulness as
    also to ornament, they cut off the top of the tusks, which grow again. With
    some elephants they have to cut the tusks annually ; with others after two or
    three years ; but they
    do not like to cut them when an elephant is ten and eighty
    years old. An elephant is perfect when it is eight dast high, nine. dast long,
    and ten dast round the belly, and along the back. Again, nine limbs ought
    to touch the ground, namely, the fore feet, the hind feet, the trunk, the tusks,
    the penis, the tail. White spots on the forehead are considered lucky,
    whilst a thick neck is looked upon as a sign of beauty. Long hairs
    on and about the ears point to good origin.
    Some elephants rut in winter, some in summer, some in the rains.
    They are then very fierce, they pull down houses, throw down stone walls,
    and will lift up with their trunks a horse and and its rider. But elephants
    differ very much in the amount of fierceness and boldness.
    When they are hot, a blackish discharge exudes from the soft parts
    between the ears and the temples, which has a most offensive smell ; it is
    sometimes whitish, mixed with red. They say that elephants have twelve
    holes in those soft parts, which likewise discharge the offensive fluid . The
    discharge is abundant in lively animals, but trickles drop by drop in slow
    ones . As soon as the discharge stops, the elephant gets fierce and looks
    grand ; in this state he gets the name of Taft or Sarhari. When the
    above discharge exudes from a place a little higher than the soft parts be-
    tween the ears and the temples, the elephant is called Singúdhál ; and when
    the fluid trickles from all three places, Taljór. When hot, elephants
    get attached to particular living creatures, as men, or horses ; but some
    elephants to any animal. So at least according to Hindu books.
    The Bhaddar ruts in Libra and Scorpio ; the Mand in spring ; the Mirg
    in Capricorn and Sagittarius ; the Mir in any season . Elephant drivers

    1 Ghallah afshán. This word, though ment with both hands, they throw up the
    common, is not in our dictionaries. It grain, till the husks, stones, and all other
    is a flat piece of wicker work, from one refuse, collect near the side which is not
    to two feet square. Three sides of the bent upwards, when the refuse is removed
    square are slightly bent upwards. They with the hand. We use sieves for such
    put grain on it, and seizing the instru purposes.
    121

    have a drug which causes an artificial heat ; but it often endangers the life
    of the beast. The noise of battle makes some superior elephants just as
    fierce as at the rutting season ; even a sudden start may have such an effect.
    Thus His Majesty's elephant Gajmuktah ; he gets brisk, as soon as he hears
    the sound of the Imperial drum, and gets the above mentioned discharge.
    This peculiar heat generally makes its first appearance, when elephants have
    reached the age of thirty ; sometimes, however, earlier, at an age of twenty-
    five. Sometimes the heat lasts for years, and some of the Imperial
    elephants have continued for five years in an uninterrupted alacrity. But it
    is mostly male elephants that get hot. They then commence to throw up
    earth, and run after a female, or roll about in mud, and daub themselves
    all over with dirt. When hot, they are very irritable, and yawn a great
    deal, though they sleep but little. At last, they even discontinue eating, and
    dislike the foot-chain ; they try to get loose, and behave noisily.
    The elephant, like man, lives to an age of one hundred and twenty
    years.
    The Hindi language has several words for an elephant, as hasti, gaj,
    pil, hát hí, &c. Under the hands of an experienced keeper, it will much
    improve, so that its value, in a short time, may rise from one hundred to ten
    thousand rupees .

    The Hindus believe that the eight points of the earth are each guarded
    by a heavenly being in the shape of an elephant ; they have curious legends
    regarding them. Their names are as follows : 1. Airáwata, in the East ; 2 .
    Pundarika, South-east ; 3. Báman, South ; 4. Kumada, South-west ; 5. Anjan,
    West; 6. Puhpadanta, North-west ; 7. Sárbhabhima, North ; 8. Supratika,
    North-east. When occasions arise, people read incantations in their names,
    and address them in worship . They also think that every elephant in the
    world is the offspring of one of them. Thus, elephants of a white skin
    and white hairs are related to the first ; elephants with a large head, and
    long hairs, of a fierce and bold temper, and eyelids far apart, belong to the
    second ; such as are .... ', good looking, black, and high in the back, are the
    offspring of the third ; if tall, ungovernable, quick in understanding, short-
    haired, and with red and black eyes, they come from the fourth ; if bright
    black, with one tusk longer than the other, with a white breast and belly,
    and long and thick fore-feet, from the fifth ; if fearful, with prominent
    veins, with a short hump and ears, and a long trunk, from the sixth ; if
    thin-bellied, red-eyed, and with a long trunk, from the seventh ; and if of a
    combination ofthe preceding seven qualities, from the eighth.

    1
    The MSS. have an unintelligible the correct reading.
    word. Perhaps khushsanj, graceful, is
    16
    122

    The Hindus also make the following division into eight classes. 1. Ele-
    phants whose skin is not wrinkled, who are never sick, who are grand looking,
    do not run away from the battle-field, dislike meat, and preferclean food at pro-
    per times, are said to be Déw mizáj (of a divine temper) . 2. Such as possess
    all the good qualities of elephants, and are quick in learning, moving about
    the head, ears, trunk, forelegs, hind legs, and the tail, and do no one harm,
    except they be ordered to do so, are Gandharba mizáj (angelic). 3. If
    irritable, of good appetite, fond of being in water, they are Barhaman mizáj
    (of a brahminical temper). 4. Such as are very strong, in good condition,
    fond of fighting, ungovernable, are said to have the temper of a Khetri, or
    warrior. 5. Those which are of a low stature, and forgetful, self-willed in
    their own work, and neglectful in that of their master, fond of unclean food,
    and spiteful towards other elephants, are Súdra mizáj. 6. Elephants which
    remain hot for a long time, and are fond of playing tricks, or destructive,
    and lose the way, have the temper of a serpent. 7. Such as squint, and
    are slow to learn, or feign to be hot, have the temper of a Pishácha
    (spectre). 8. Those which are violent, swift, and do men harm, and are
    fond of running about at night, have the qualities of a Ráchhas (demon) .
    The Hindus have written many books in explanation of these various
    tempers, as also many treatises on the diseases of the elephants, their causes
    and proper remedies .
    Elephants are chiefly found in the Súbah of Agrah, in the forests of
    Bayawan and Narwar' , as far as Barár ; in the Súbah of Iláhábás (Allahabad),
    in the confines of Pattah (?), and G'horág'hát, and Ratanpúr, Nandanpúr,
    Sargachh, and Bustar ; and in the Súbah of Málwah, near Handiyah,
    Uchhod, Chandérí, Santwás, Bíjágarh, Ráisín, Hoshangábád, Gaḍh, Haryá-
    gadh ; in the Súbah of Bahár, in the neighbourhood of Rahtás and Chár
    K'hand ; and in the Súbah of Bengal, in Orissá, and Sátgánw (Húglí). The
    elephants of Pattah (?) are the best.
    A herd of elephants is called in Hindi sahn . They vary in number ;
    sometimes a herd amounts to a thousand elephants. Wild elephants are very
    cautious. In winter and summer, they select a proper place, and break down

    1 Narwar, where Abul Fazl was subse- and 24° (Gwáliár). For Uchhod ( 9421)
    quently murdered at the instigation of the third book as Unchhod ‫اولجهود‬
    Prince Salím (Jahángír), Long. 77° 58, Lat. The Fort of Rahtás, the scene of Sher
    25° 39' ; G'horág'hát, near Dinagepore, Shah's first exploit, lies Long. 81°, Lat.
    Long . 89° 17′, Lat. 25 ° 12' ; Ratanpúr 24° 38'. The name Pattah ( ) is
    (Abul Fazl evidently means the one south- doubtful, each MS. having a different
    east of Sargachh) Long. 82°, Lat . 22° 14' ; reading .
    Sargachh, Long. 83° 8' , Lat. 23° 8 ' ; Wild elephants have now-a-days dis-
    Bustar, Long. 81° 58', Lat. 19° 13'. The
    appeared in nearly all the places mentioned
    towns from Handiyah to Haryágadh lie by Abulfazl.
    all between Long.75° and 79°, and Lat.21°
    123

    a whole forest near their sleeping place. For the sake of pleasure, or for
    food and drink, they often travel over great distances. On the journey one
    runs far in front of the others, like a sentinel ; a young female is generally
    selected for this purpose. When they go to sleep, they send out to the
    four sides of the sleeping place pickets of four female elephants, which
    relieve each other.
    Elephants will lift up their young ones, for three or four days after
    their birth, with their trunks, and put them on their backs, or lay them over
    their tusks. They also prepare medicines for the females when they are
    sick or in labour pains, and crowd round about them. When some of them
    get caught, the female elephants break through the nets, and pull down the
    elephant-drivers . And when a young elephant falls into a snare, they hide
    themselves in an ambush, go at night to the place where the young one is,
    set it at liberty, and trample the hunters to death. Sometimes its mother
    slowly approaches alone, and frees it in some clever way. I have heard the
    following story from His Majesty.- " Once a wild young one had fallen into
    a pit. As night had approached, we did not care to pull it out immediately,
    and left it; but when we came next morning near the place, we saw that
    some wild elephants had filled the pit with broken logs and grass, and thus
    pulled out the young one." Again, " Once a female elephant played us a trick.
    She feigned to be dead. We passed her, and went onwards ; but when at
    night we returned, we saw no trace left of her."
    There was once an elephant in the Imperial stables, named Ayáz. For
    some reason, it had got offended with the driver, and was for ever watch-
    ing for an opportunity. Once at night, it found him asleep . It got hold
    of a long piece of wood, managed to pull off with it the man's turban, seized
    him by his hair, and tore him asunder.
    Many examples are on record of the extraordinary cleverness of
    elephants ; in some cases it is difficult to believe them.
    Kings have always shown a great predilection for this animal, and done
    every thing in their power to collect a large number. Elephant-keepers
    are much esteemed, and a proper rank is assigned to such as have a special
    knowledge of the animal. Wicked, low men see in an elephant a means of law-
    lessness ; and unprincipled evildoers, with the help of this animal, carry on
    their nefarious trade. Hence kings of former times never succeeded in
    suppressing the rebellious, and were thus disappointed in their best intentions.
    But His Majesty, though overwhelmed with other important matters, has
    been able, through God's assistance and his numerous elephants, to check
    those low but haughty men ; he teaches them to desire submission, and
    bestows upon them, by wise laws, the blessings of peace.
    His Majesty divided the Imperial elephants into sections, which he
    124

    put in charge of honest Dároghahs . Certain elephants were also declared


    kháçah, i. e., appointed for the exclusive use of His Majesty.

    AIN 42 .

    THE CLASSIFICATION OF THE IMPERIAL ELEPHANTS.

    His Majesty made a seven-fold division, based upon experience ;


    1. Mast (full blood) ; 2. Shergir (tiger- seizing) ; 3. Sádah (plain) ; 4. Manjholah
    (middlemost) ; 5. Karha ; 6. P'handurkiya ; 7. Mokal. The first class
    comprises young elephants, possessed of the peculiar heat which renders
    the animal so strong. The second class contains likewise young ones, which
    once or twice have given signs of perfection, and exhibit an uninterrupted
    alacrity. The third class comprehends useful elephants, which are nearly as
    good as the preceding . The fourth class contains elephants of a somewhat
    inferior value. Those of the fifth class are younger than those of the fourth.
    The elephants of the sixth class are smaller than those ofthe fifth. The last
    class contains all young ones still unfit for use.
    Each class is divided into three subdivisions, viz. , large sized, middle,
    young ones ; the last class contains ten kinds. A certain quantity of food
    has been fixed for each class.

    AIN 43.
    THE FOOD ALLOWED TO THE ELEPHANTS .

    Formerly the classification of the elephants was never attended to ;


    hence in feeding them a large quantity of the stores was wasted. But when
    His Majesty, soon after lifting the veil, ' commenced to care for the happiness
    of his subjects, this matter was properly inquired to, and wise regulations
    were issued for guidance. 1. Mast elephants . Large ones get daily 2 mans
    24 sers ; middle-sized, 2 m . 19 s.; small ones, 2 m. 14 s. 2. Shergirs. Large
    ones, 2 m. 9 8.; middle -sized ones, 2 m. 4 s.; small ones , 1 m. 39 8.
    3. Sádahs. Large ones, 1 m. 34 s.; middle-sized ones, 1 m . 29 s. ; small ones,
    1 m . 24 s. 4. Manjholahs. Large ones, 1 m. 22 s.; middle-sized ones, 1 m.
    20 s.; small ones, 1 m . 18 8. 5. Karhas. Large ones, 1 m. 14 s.; middle-
    sized ones, 1 m. 9 s. ; small ones, 1 m. 4 s. 6. P'handurkiyas. Large ones, 1 m.;
    middle -sized ones, 36 8.; small ones, 32 8. 7. Mokals. Large ones, 26 8. ;
    middle-sized ones, 248 ; third class, 22 s .; fourth class, 20 s.; fifth class,

    The same phrase as on p. 13, 1. 12. fell in disgrace, and Akbar assumed the
    It refers to the year 1569, when Bairám reins of the government .
    125

    18 8. ; sixth class, 16 s.; seventh class, 14 s .; eighth class, 12 s.; ninth class,
    10 s.; tenth class, 8 8.
    Female elephants have been divided into four classes, viz., large ones,
    middle-sized ones, small ones, Mokals. The first two classes are divided
    into three ; the third, into four ; the fourth, into nine subdivisions .
    1. Large ones . Big, 1 m. 22 s.; middling, 1 m . 18 8.; small ones, 1 m . 14 s .
    2. Middle-sized ones. Big, 1 m. 10 s.; middling, 1m . 68. ; small , 1m . 28. 3. Small
    ones. Big, 37 8.; middling, 32 s .; small, 27 s .; still smaller, 22 8. 4. Mokals.
    First class, 22 s.; second, 20 s .; third, 18 s.; fourth , 16 s.; fifth, 14 s .; sixth,
    12 8.; seventh, 10 s.; eighth, 8 s.; ninth, 6 8.

    AIN 44 .

    THE SERVANTS OF THE ELEPHANT STABLES .

    1. Mast elephants . There are five and a half' servants for each, viz.,
    first, a Mahawat, who sits on the neck ofthe animal and directs its movements.
    He must be acquainted with its good and bad properties, and thus contribute
    to its usefulness . He gets 200 dáms per month ; but if the elephant be
    k’huṭahar, i. e. , wicked and addicted to pulling down the driver, he gets
    220 d. Secondly, a Bhoi, who sits behind, upon the rump of the elephant, and
    assists in battle and in quickening the speed of the animal ; but he often
    performs the duties of the Mahawat. His monthly pay is 110 d. Thirdly,
    the Met'hs, of whom there are three and one-half, or only three in case of
    small elephants. A met'h fetches fodder, and assists in caparisoning the
    elephant. Met'hs of all classes get on the march four dáms daily, and at other
    times, three and a half.
    2. For every Shergir, there are five servants, viz. , a Maháwat, at 180 d.;
    a Bhoí, at 103 d.; and three Met'hs as before.
    3. For every Sádah, there are four and a half servants, viz. , a Maháwat,
    at 160 d. , a Bhoí at 90 d.; and two and a half Met'hs.
    4. For every Manjholah, there are four servants ; viz., a Maháwat, at
    140 d. ; a Bhoí, at 80 d.; and two Met'hs.
    6. For every Karha, there are three and a half servants ; viz., a Maháwat
    at 120 d. , a Bhoí at 70 d.; and one and a half Met'hs.
    6. For every P'handurkiya, there are two servants ; viz., a Maháwat, at
    100 d., and a Met'h.
    7. For every Mokal, there are likewise two servants ; viz ., a Maháwat,
    at 50 d., and a Met'h.

    ¹I. e., either eleven servants for two elephants, or the last was a boy.
    126

    Female Elephants. 1. Large ones have four servants, viz., a Maháwat


    at 100 d.; a Bhoí, at 60 d., two Met'hs . 2. Middle sized ones have three
    and a half servants ; viz . , a Maháwat, at 80 d.; a Bhoí, at 50 d.; and one
    and a half Met'hs. 3. Small ones have two ; viz., a Maháwat, at 60 d. ; and
    a Met'h. 4. Mokals have likewise two ; viz . a Maháwat, at 60 d., and a
    Met'h.
    The Faujdár.
    His Majesty has appointed a Superintendent over every troop of ten,
    twenty, and thirty, elephants. Such a troop is called a halqah ; the superin-
    tendent is called Faujdár. His business is to look after the condition and
    the training of the elephants ; he teaches them to be bold, and to stand
    firm at the sight of fire, and at the noise of artillery ; and he is responsible
    for their behaviour in these respects. When a Faujdár is raised to the
    dignity of a Çadi (a commander of one hundred), or higher, he has twenty-
    five elephants assigned to himself, the other Faujdárs, as Bistis (commanders
    of twenty) and Dahbáshús (commanders of ten) being under his orders . The
    same order is followed from the Dahbáshis up to the Hazáris (commanders of
    one thousand) . The pay of officers above the Çadí is different. Some Fauj-
    dárs have been raised to the dignity of grandees of the court. A Çadí marks
    two horses. A Bisti of the first grade has 30 Rupees per mensem ; second
    grade, 25 R ; third grade, 20 R. A Dahbáshí of the first grade has twenty
    R.; second grade, 16 R.; third grade, 12 R. Bístís and Dahbáshís mark one
    horse, and belong to the Ahadis. Such Faujdars as have thirty or twenty-
    five elephants assigned to themselves, have to pay the wages of the Mahá-
    wat and of one Bhoí of that elephant, which they select for their own use ;
    but such as have twenty or ten, only pay for a Maháwat.
    The above arrangement regarding the servants was not thought
    sufficient by His Majesty, who has much experience in this matter. He
    therefore put several halqahs in charge of every grandee, and required him
    to look after them. The fodder also is now supplied by the government .
    A trustworthy clerk has, besides, been appointed, who is in charge of the
    correspondence of this branch ; he looks after the receipts and expenditure,
    and sees that the orders of His Majesty are carried out. He also parades
    the elephants in the order described below (Aín 78).

    ΑΊΝ 45 .
    THE HARNESS OF ELEPHANTS.

    1. The Dharnah is a large chain, made of iron, gold, or silver. It is


    made of sixty oval links, each weighing three sers ; but the chain differs in
    length and thickness according to the strength of the elephant. One end of
    127

    the chain is fixed in the ground, or fastened to a pillar ; the other end is
    tied to the left hind leg of the elephant. Formerly, they fastened this chain.
    to the forefoot ; but as this is injurious for the chest of the elephant, His
    Majesty ordered to discontinue the usage.
    2. The Andú is a chain, with which both forefeet are tied. As it
    annoys the elephant, His Majesty ordered it to be discontinued.
    3. The Beri is a chain for fastening both hindfeet.
    4. The Baland is a fetter for the hindfeet, an invention of His Majesty.
    It allows the elephant to walk, but prevents him from running.
    5. The Gaddh beri resembles the Andú, and is an additional chain for
    the hindlegs of unruly and swift elephants.
    6. The Loh langar is a long chain, suitable for an elephant. One end is
    tied to the right fore foot, and the other end to a thick log, a yard in
    length. This the driver keeps near him, and drops it, when the elephant.
    runs too swiftly, or gets so unruly as no longer to obey. The chain twists
    round his leg, and the log will annoy the animal• to such an extent that
    it necessarily stops. This useful invention, which has saved many lives, and
    protected huts and walls, is likewise due to His Majesty.
    7. The Charkhi is a piece of hollowed bamboo, half a yard and two
    tassújes long, and has a hole in the middle. It is covered with sinews and
    filled with gunpowder, an earthen partition dividing the powder into two
    halves. A fuzee wrapt in paper, is put into each end . Fixed into the hole
    of the bamboo at right angles is a stick, which serves as a handle. Upon
    fire being put to both ends, it turns round, and makes a frightful noise.
    When elephants fight with each other, or are otherwise unruly, a bold man
    on foot takes the burning bamboo into his hand, and holds it before the
    animals, when they will get quiet. Formerly, in order to separate two
    elephants that were fighting, they used to light a fire ; but people had much
    trouble, as it seldom had the desired effect. His Majesty invented the present
    method, which was hailed by all.
    8. Andhiyári, i. e. , darkness, a name which His Majesty changed into
    Ujyálí, i. e., light, is a piece of canvass above one and a half yards square.
    It is made of brocade, velvet, &c. , and tied with two ends to the Kiláwah
    (vide next). When the elephant is unruly, it is let fall, so that he cannot
    see. This has been the saving of many. As it often gives way, especially
    when the elephant is very wild, His Majesty had three heavy bells attached
    .
    to the ends of the canvass, to keep it better down. This completed the
    arrangement.
    9. The Kiláwah' consists of a few twisted ropes, about one and a half

    This should be Kaláwah. Abulfazl edition, p. 136, 1. 16. It looks as if


    spells the word wrong ; vide my Text Abulfazl had mistaken this Persian word
    128

    yards long. They are laid at the side of each other, without however being
    interwoven among themselves, the whole being about eight fingers broad.
    A ring is drawn through both ends of the ropes, aud fastened where the
    throat of the elephant is : the elephant driver rests his feet in it, and thus
    sits firmly. Sometimes it is made of silk or leather. Others fix small
    pointed iron-spikes to the kaláwah, which will prevent an unruly elephant
    from throwing down the driver by shaking its head.
    10. The Dult'hi is a rope, five yards long, as thick as a stick . This
    they tie over the kaláwah, to strengthen it.
    11. The Kanár is a small pointed spike, half a yard long. This they
    likewise attach to the kaláwah, and prick the elephant's ears with it, in
    order to make the animal wild, or to urge it on.
    12. The Dór is a thick rope passing from the tail to the throat. When
    properly tied, it is an ornament. They also catch hold of it, when the
    elephant makes an awkward movement. They also attach many other trap-
    pings to it.
    13. The Gadelah, is a cushion put on the back of the elephant, below
    the dult'hí. It prevents galling, and is a source of comfort.
    14. The Gudauțí is a chain of brass. They attach it near the tail, which
    it prevents from getting injured by the dult'hí. It is also ornamental .
    15. The Pichwah is a belt made of ropes, and is fastened over the
    buttocks of the elephant. It is a support for the Bhot, and of much use to
    him in firing.
    16. The Chaurás? consists of a number of bells attached to a piece of
    broadcloth, which is tied on before and behind with a string passed through
    it. It looks ornamental and grand.
    17. Pitkachh is the name of two chains fastened over the elephant's sides.
    Attached to them, a bell hangs below the belly. It is of great beauty and
    grandeur.
    18. Large chains. They attach six on both sides, and three to the
    kaláwah, the latter being added by His Majesty.
    19. Qutás (the tail of the Thibetan Yak). There are about sixty, more
    or less, attached to the tusk, the forehead, the throat, and the neck. They
    are either white, or black, or pied, and look very ornamental.
    20. The Tayyá consists of five iron plates, each a span long, and four
    fingers broad, fastened to each other by rings. On both sides of the Tayyá
    there are two chains, each a yard long, one of which passes from above the
    ear, and the other from below it, to the kaláwah, to which both are attached.

    for a Hindi term ; else, why should he khait for khat, and ba tanid for his
    have any spelling at all. In Vullers' emendation (?) tabyín.
    Persian Dictionary, II, p. 862 b, read
    129

    Between them there is another chain, which is passed over the head and tied
    to the kaláwah ; and below, crossways, there are four iron spikes ending in a
    curve, and adorned with knobs. The Quțás are attached here. At their
    lower end, there are three other chains similarly arranged . Besides, four other
    chains are attached to the knob ; two of them, like the first, end in a knob,
    whilst the remaining two are tied to the tusks. To this knob again three
    chains are attached, two of which are tied round about the trunk, the middle
    one hanging down. Qutás and daggers are attached to the former knobs, but
    the latter lies over the forehead. All this is partly for ornament, partly to
    frighten other animals.
    21. The Pák'har is like an armour, and is made of steel ; there are sepa-
    rate pieces for the head and the trunk.
    22. The Gaj-jhamp is a covering put as an ornament above the pák 'har.
    It looks grand. It is made of three folds of canvass, put together and sewn,
    broad ribbons being attached to the outside .
    23. The Meg'h dambar is an awning, to shade the elephant driver, an
    invention by His Majesty. It also looks ornamental.
    24. The Ranpiyala is a fillet for the forehead , made of brocade or
    similar stuffs , from the hem of which nice ribbons and quțás hang down .
    25. The Gateli consists of four links joined together, with three above
    them, and two others over the latter. It is attached to the feet of the
    elephant. Its sound is very effective .
    26. The Pái ranjan consists of several bells similarly arranged.
    27. The Ankus is a small crook. His Majesty calls it Gajbag'h. It
    is used for guiding the elephant and stopping him.
    28. The Gaḍ is a spear which has two prongs, instead of an iron point.
    The Bhoi makes use of it, when the elephant is refractory.
    29. The Bangri is a collection of rings made of iron or brass. The rings
    are put on the tusks, and serve to strengthen as well as to ornament them.
    30. The Jagáwat resembles the Gaḍ (No. 28 ) , and is a cubit long . The
    Bhoí uses it, to quicken the speed of the elephant.
    31. The Jhandá, or flag, is hung round with Qutás, like a togh. It is
    fixed to the side of the elephant.
    But it is impossible to describe all the ornamental trappings of elephants.
    For each Mast and Shergir and Sádah, seven pieces of cotton cloth are
    annually allowed, each at a price of 8 dáms. Also, four coarse woollen.
    pieces, called in Hindí kambal, at 10 d. each, and eight ox hides, each at 8 d.

    I. c., an elephant-rein. His Majesty Hence the Persians pronounce it


    had reason to change the name Ankus,
    66 which anguzh.
    sounds offensive to a Persian ear.' 2
    Tógh is the same as tóq. Vide Aín
    Rashidi. 19, p . 50.
    17
    130

    For Manjholah and Karha elephants, four of the first ; three of the second ;
    and seven of the third, are allowed. For P'handurkiyas, and Mokals, and female
    elephants, three of the first ; two of the second ; four of the third.
    The saddle cloth is made of cloth, lining, and stuff for edging it round
    about ; for sewing, half a ser of cotton thread is allowed. For every
    man of grain, the halqah dár is allowed ten sers of iron for chains, &c., at
    2 d. per ser ; and for every hide, one ser of sesame oil, at 60 d. per man.
    Also, 5 8. coarse cotton thread for the kaláwah of the elephant on which the
    Faujdár rides, at 8 d. per ser ; but for other elephants, the men have to
    make one of leather, &c. , at their own expense.
    A sum of twelve dáms is annually subtracted from the servants ; but
    they get the worn out articles.

    AIN 46 .

    THE ELEPHANTS FOR HIS MAJESTY'S USE (KHAÇAH).

    There are one hundred and one elephants selected for the use of
    His Majesty. Their allowance of food is the same in quantity as that of
    the other elephants, but differs in quality. Most of them also get 5 8. of
    sugar, 4 8. of g'hí, and half a man of rice mixed with chillies, cloves, &c.;
    and some have one and a half man ' of milk in addition to their grain . In
    the sugar-cane season, each elephant gets daily, for two months, 300 sugar-
    canes, more or less. His Majesty takes the place of the Maháwat.
    Each elephant requires three bhois in the rutting season, and two, when
    cool. Their monthly wages vary from 120 to 400 d., and are fixed by His
    Majesty himself. For each elephant there are four Met'hs. In the Halqahs,
    female elephants are but rarely told off to accompany big male ones ; but
    for each kháçah elephant there are three, and sometimes even more,
    appointed . First class big female elephants have two and one-half meths ;
    second class do. , two ; third class do. , one and one-half ; for the other classes,
    the same as in the Halqahs.
    As each Halqah is in charge of one of the Grandees, so is every kháçah
    elephant put in charge of one of them. Likewise, for every ten kháçah
    elephants, a professional man is appointed, who is called Daháidár. They
    draw twelve, ten, and eight rupees per mensem. Besides, an active and
    honest superintendent is appointed for every ten elephants . He is called
    Nagib (watcher) , and has to submit a daily report, when elephants eat little,
    or get a shortened allowance, or in cases of sickness, or when anything unusual
    happens. He marks a horse, and holds the rank of an Ahadi. His Majesty

    1
    Liquids are sold in India by the weight.
    131

    also weekly dispatches some of the servants near him, in the proportion of
    one for every ten elephants, who inspect them and send in a report.

    AIN 47 .

    THE MANNER OF RIDING KHAÇAH- ELEPHANTS.


    His Majesty, the royal rider of the plain of auspiciousness, mounts on
    every kind of elephants, from the first to the last class, making them,
    notwithstanding their almost supernatural strength, obedient to his command.
    His Majesty will put his foot on the tusks, and mount them, even when they
    are in the rutting season, and astonishes experienced people. '
    They also put comfortable turrets on the backs of swift-paced elephants,
    which serve as a travelling sleeping apartment. An elephant so capari-
    soned, is always ready at the palace.
    Whenever His Majesty mounts an elephant, a month's wages are given
    as a donation to the Bhoís. And when he has ridden ten elephants, the
    following donations are bestowed, viz. , the near servant who has weekly
    to report on the elephants, receives a present ; the former, 100 R.; the
    Daháí, 31 R.; the Naqib, 15 R.; the Mushrif (writer), 7 R. Besides ,
    the regal rewards given to them at times when they display a particular
    zeal or attentiveness, go beyond the reach of speech.
    Each elephant has his match appointed for fighting : some are always
    ready at the palace, and engage when the order is given. When a fight is
    over, if the combatants were kháçah elephants, the bhoís receive 250 dúms as
    a present ; but if other elephants, the bhoís get 200 d.
    The Daháidúr of kháçah elephants receives one dám for every rupee
    paid as wages to the Bhoís and Met'hs ; the Mushrif is entitled to d. , and
    the Naqib tod. In the case of Halqah elephants, the Cadíwál, the
    Dahbáshi, and the Bisti, are entitled to 1 d. for every rupee ; and the Mushrif
    and the Naqib receive the allowance given for kháçah elephants.

    AIN 48 .
    ON FINES .

    In order to prevent laziness, and to ensure attentiveness, His Majesty,


    as for all other departments, has fixed a list of fines. On the death of a
    male or a female kháçah elephant, the Bhois are fined three months' wages .
    If any part of the harness is lost, the Bhoís and Met'hs are fined two-

    1
    Jahangir, in his Memoirs, gives respect ; vide Tuzuk, p . 16.
    several examples of Akbar's daring in this
    132

    thirds of the value of the article ; but in the case of a saddle cloth, the full
    price. When a female elephant dies from starvation, or through want of
    care, the Bhoís have to pay the cost price of the animal.
    If a driver mixes drugs with the food of an elephant, to make the
    animal hot, and it dies in consequence thereof, he is liable to capital punish-
    ment, or to have a hand cut off, or to be sold as a slave. If it was a kháçah
    elephant, the Bhoís lose three months ' pay, and are further suspended for
    one year.
    Two experienced men are monthly dispatched, to enquire into the
    fatness or leanness of kháçah elephants . If elephants are found by them
    out of flesh, to the extent of a quarter, according to the scale fixed by
    the Págosht Regulation (ride Aín 83), the grandees in charge are fined, and
    the bhoís are likewise liable to lose a month's wages . In the case of
    Halqah elephants , Ahadís are told off to examine them, and submit a report
    to His Majesty. If an elephant dies, the Maháwat and the Bhoi are fined
    three months ' wages. If part of an elephant's tusk is broken, and the
    injury reaches as far as the kalí-this is a place at the root of the tusks,
    which on being injured is apt to fester, when the tusks get hollow and
    become useless - a fine amounting to one-eighth of the price of the elephant
    is exacted, the dárogah paying two-thirds, and the Faujdár one-third.
    Should the injury not reach as far as the kali, the fine is only one-half of
    the former, but the proportions are the same. But, at present, a fine of one
    per cent, has become usual ; in the case of kháçah elephants, however, such
    punishment is inflicted as His Majesty may please to direct.

    AIN 49.

    THE IMPERIAL HORSE STABLES .

    His Majesty is very fond of horses, because he believes them to be of


    great importance in the three branches of the government, and for expeditions
    of conquest, and because he sees in them a means of avoiding much
    inconvenience.
    Merchants bring to court good horses from ' Iráq i ' Arab and ' Iráq
    i'Ajam, from Turkey, Turkestan, Badakhshán, Shirwán, Qirghiz, Thibet,
    Kashmir, and other countries. Droves after droves arrive from Túrán and
    Irán, and there are now- a-days twelve thousand in the stables of His Majesty.
    And in like manner, as they are continually coming in, so there are others
    daily going out as presents, or for other purposes.
    Skilful, experienced men have paid much attention to the breeding of
    this sensible animal, many of whose habits resemble those of man ; and
    after a short time Hindustan ranked higher in this respect than Arabia,
    133

    whilst many Indian horses cannot be distinguished from Arabs or from 'Iráqí
    breed. There are fine horses bred in every part of the country ; but those
    of Cachh excel, being equal to Arabs . It is said that a long time ago an
    Arab ship was wrecked and driven to the shore of Cachh ; and that it had
    seven choice horses, from which, according to the general belief, the breed of
    that country originated . In the Panjáb, horses are bred resembling ’Iráqís ,
    especially between the Indus and the Bahat (Jhelum) : they go by the
    2
    name of Sanúji ; so also in the district of Patí Haibatpúr, Bajwárah,
    Tahárah, in the Súbah of Agrah, Mewát, and in the Súbah of Ajmír, where the
    horses have the name of pachwariyah. In the northern mountainous district
    of Hindustan, a kind of small but strong horses is bred, which are called
    gut ; and in the confines of Bengal, near Kúch [ - Bahár ], another kind of
    horses occurs, which rank between the gut and Turkish horses, and are called
    táng'han: they are strong and powerful.
    His Majesty, from the light of his insight and wisdom, makes himself
    acquainted with the minutest details, and with the classification and the
    condition of every kind of article ; he looks to the requirements of the times,
    and designs proper regulations. Hence he also pays much attention to every
    thing that is connected with this animal, which is of so great an importance
    for the government, and an almost supernatural means for the attainment'
    of personal greatness .
    First, he has set apart a place for horse-dealers, where they may,
    without delay, find convenient quarters, and be secure from the hardships
    of the seasons . By this arrangement, the animals will not suffer from that
    hardness and avariciousness so often observed in dealers of the present
    time ; nor will they pass from the hands of well intentioned merchants into
    those of others . But dealers who are known for their uprightness and
    humanity, may keep their horses where they please, and bring them at an
    appointed time. Secondly, he appointed a circumspect man to the office of an
    Amin i Kárwánsard, who from his superior knowledge and experience,
    keeps the dealers from the path of disobedience, and ties the mischievous
    tongues of such as are wicked and evasive. Thirdly, he has appointed a
    clever writer, who keeps a roll of horses that arrive and have been mustered,
    and who sees that the orders of His Majesty do not fall into abeyance.
    Fourthly, he has appointed trustworthy men, acquainted with the prices
    of horses, to examine the animals, and to fix their prices, in the order in
    which they are imported . His Majesty, from his goodness, generally gives

    1 Several good MSS . read Satújí. domestic animals. Towards the end of
    2 Haibatpúr, Lat. 29° 51', Long . 76 ° his life, as shall be mentioned below,
    2' ; Tahárah, Lat. 30 ' 57 °, Long. 75 ° he even gave up hunting and animal
    25' . fights .
    • Akbar abhorred cruelty towards
    134

    half as much again above the price fixed by them, and does not keep them
    waiting for their money.¹

    AIN 50.

    THE RANKS OF THE HORSES .

    There are two classes of horses : 1. Kháçah ; 2. Those that are not
    kháçah. The kháçah horses are the following - six stables, each containing
    forty choice horses of Arabia and Persia ; the stables of the princes ; the
    stables of Turkish courier horses ; the stables of horses bred in the Imperial
    studs. They have each a name, but do not exceed the number thirty.
    His Majesty rides upon horses of the six stables .
    The Second class horses are of three kinds, viz., si-aspi, bist-aspí, duh-aspi
    i. e., belonging to the stables of thirty, twenty, and ten. A horse whose
    value comes up to ten muhurs, is kept in a Dah-muhrí stable ; those worth
    from eleven to twenty muhurs, in a Bist-muhrí stable, and so on.
    Grandees and other Mançabdárs, and Senior Ahadis are in charge of
    the stables. Hay and crushed grain are found by the government for all
    horses, except for the horse which the Yatáqdár (guard) of every stable is
    allowed to ride, and which he maintains in grain and grass at his own
    expense.

    AIN 51 .

    THE FODDER ALLOWED IN THE IMPERIAL STABLES .

    A kháçah horse was formerly allowed eight sers fodder per diem, when
    the ser weighed twenty-eight dáms. Now that the ser is fixed at thirty
    dáms, a kháçah horse gets seven and a half sers. In winter, they give boiled
    peas or vetch ; in summer, grain . The daily allowance includes two sers
    of flour, and one and a half sers of sugar. In winter, before the horse gets
    fresh grass, they give it half a ser of g'hi . Two dams are daily allowed for

    ¹ Abulfazl mentions this very often in a lot of transfer receipts, and left him in
    the Aín. Contractors generally received the hands of the collectors (muhaççil),
    cheques on a local treasury ; but they who, like the clerks, always pretend to
    might be sent from there to another be in a hurry ; and although Mírzá
    local treasury, unless they bribed the Rahím, a relation of his, tried to come to
    collector, or made over their cheques, an understanding with them, in order
    for a consideration, to Mahajans (ban- to help Mírzá Çálih out of his wretched
    kers ) . It was the same in Persia. plight, they ruined him, in a short
    The clerks whose habit it is to annoy time, to such an extent, that they had
    people, gave him (Wazír Mírzá Çálih, to provide in lieu a daily subsistence
    brother of the great Persian historian allowance. He died of a broken heart."
    Sikandar Beg) in payment of his claims Tahir Naçrábádí's Tadzkirah.
    135

    hay ; but hay is not given, when fresh grass is available. About three
    big'has of land will yield sufficient fodder for a horse . When, instead of
    sugar, the horses get molasses, they stop the g'hi ; and when the season of
    fresh grass comes, they give no grain for the first three days, but allow
    afterwards six sers of grain and two sers of molasses per diem. In other
    'Iraqi and Turki stables, they give seven and a half sers of grain. During
    the cool six months of the year, they give the grain boiled, an allowance
    ofone dám being given for boiling one man of it. The horses also get once a
    week a quarter ser of salt. When g'hi and fresh grass are given, each horse,
    provided its price be above thirty-one muhurs, gets also one ser of sugar ;
    whilst such as are worth from twenty-one to thirty muhurs, only get half a
    ser. Horses of less value get no sugar at all . Before green grass is given,
    horses of a value from twenty-one to upwards of one hundred muhurs, get
    one man and ten sers of g'hí ; such as are worth from eleven to twenty muhurs,
    thirty sers ; but horses up to ten muhurs get neither g'hí, brown sugar,
    nor green oats. Salt is given at the daily rate one-fiftieth of a dám, though it
    is mostly given in a lump. 'Iráqí and Turki horses which belong to the
    court, are daily allowed two d. for grass ; but such of them as are in the
    country, only one and a half. In winter, each horse gets a bíg'ha of fresh
    oats, the price of which, at court, is 240 d., and in the country, 200 d. At
    the time of fresh oats, each horse gets two mans of molasses, the same
    quantity being subtracted from the allowance of grain.
    Experienced officers, attached to the Imperial offices, calculate the
    amount required, and make out an estimate, which in due course is paid.
    When a horse is sick, every necessary expense is paid on the certificate of the
    horse doctor .
    Every stallion to a stud of mares receives the allowance of a kháçah
    horse. The gút horses get five and a half sers of grain, the usual quantity
    of salt, and grass at the rate of one and a half d. per diem, if at court,
    and at the rate of 1 25 d., when in the country ; but they do not get g'hí,
    molasses, or green oats . Qisráqs, i. e., female horses, get, at court, four
    and a half sers of grain, the usual allowance of salt, and one d. for grass ;
    and in the country, the same, with the exception of the grass, for which only
    three fourths of a dám are allowed . Stud mares get two and three fourths
    sers of grain ; but the allowance for grass, salt, and fuel, is not fixed .
    A foal sucks its dam for three months ; after which, for nine months,
    it is allowed the milk of two cows ; then, for six months, two and three-
    fourths sers of grain per diem ; after which period, the allowance is every
    six months increased by a ser, till it completes the third year, when its food
    is determined by the above regulations.
    136

    AIN 52.

    ON HARNESS , & c .
    It would be difficult and tedious to describe the various ornaments,
    jewels, and trappings, used for the kháçah horses on which His Majesty
    rides out.
    For the whole outfit of a kháçah horse, the allowance is 2771 d. per
    annum ; viz., an artak, or horse quilt, of wadded chintz, 47 d.; a yúlposh
    (a covering for the mane) 32 d. ; a woollen towel, 2 d.- these three articles
    are renewed every six months ; in lieu of the old artak, half the cost price
    is deducted, and one-sixth for the old yálposh-; a saddle cloth, the outside
    of which is woven of hair, the lining being coarse wool, 42 d. ; halters for
    the nakhtah (headstall ) and the hind feet, ' 40 d. ; a pusht-tang (girth), 8 d.; a
    magas-rán (a horse tail to drive away flies), 3 d.; a nakhtah and gaizah (the
    bit) , 14 d.; a curry-comb, 14 d.; a grain bag, 6 d. ; a basket, in which the
    horse gets its grain, 1 d. These articles are given annually, and fifteen
    dáms, ten jetals , subtracted in lieu of the old ones .
    In the other stables, the allowance for horses whose value is not less
    than twenty-one muhurs, is 1964 d. per annum, the rate of the articles being
    the same.. Twenty-five and a half dáms are subtracted in lieu of the old
    articles .
    In stables of horses worth twenty to eleven muhurs, the annual
    allowance is 155 d.; viz. , for the artak, 393 d.; the yálposh, 274 d. ; a
    coarse saddle cloth, 30 d.; the girth, 6 d.; the nakhtah and qaizah, 10 d. , and
    the nakhtah ropes and feet-ropes, 32 d. ; the magasrán, 2 d. ; a towel, 13 d. ; a
    curry-comb, 14 d. ; a basket, 1 d.; a grain bag, 4 d. Twenty dáms are
    subtracted for the old articles.
    For horses worth up to ten muhurs, and qisráqs, and gút, the allowance
    is 117 d. ;² viz. , an artak, 37 d.; a yálposh, 24 d.; a jul, 24 d.; a nakhtah
    band and a páiband, 8 d. ; a nakhtah and qaizah, 8 d.; a pusht-tang, 5 d.;
    a magasrán and a towel, each 14 d. ; a curry- comb, 14 d.; a basket, 1 d. ; a
    grain bag, 4 d. The amount subtracted is the same as before.

    ¹ In consequence of the climate, horses word nakhtah, which, like hundreds of


    are kept, in the East, much more outside other words, is not given in our dic-
    than in the stables. When being cleaned tionaries, is generally pronounced nuqtah.
    or fed, each of the hindlegs is fastened Similarly, qaizah is pronounced qáizah ;
    by means of a rope to a peg in the vide Journal As. Soc. Bengal for 1868,
    ground. In the case of wicked horses,
    a rope is attached to each side of the · p. 36 b. c.
    Altogether 1963 d., and 81 d. on
    head stall, and fastened, like tent ropes, account of the first three articles renewed
    to pegs in the ground . Native grooms after six months. The deduction in lieu
    in feeding horses, generally squat on the of old articles refers, of course, to the
    ground, pushing the grain in the basket wages of the grooms.
    towards the mouth of the horse. The The items added only give 116 d.
    137

    1. The Karáh is an iron vessel for boiling grain sufficient for ten
    horses. The price of a karáh is at the rate of one hundred and forty dáms per
    man of iron ; but this includes the wages of the maker. 2. The Missin Saṭl,
    or brass bucket, out of which horses drink. There is one for every ten kháçah
    horses. The price of making one is 140 d. For other horses, as in the
    stables of thirty, &c., there is only one. 3. The Kamand is a halter,
    attached to iron pegs, for fastening the horses. In stables of forty, there
    are three ; in stables of thirty, two ; in others, one. The weight of a halter
    is half a man ; its cost price is 140 d., and 16 d. the wages ofthe rope maker.
    4. The Ahanin mekh, or iron peg, of which there are two for every halter.
    Each peg weighs five sers, and costs 15 d. 5. The Tabartukhmág, or
    hammer, weighs five sers, and is used for fixing the iron pegs. There is one
    in every stable.
    All broken and old utensils of brass and iron, in the kháçah stables, if
    repairable, are repaired at the expense of the Dároghahs ; and when they
    are past mending, their present value is deducted, and the difference paid
    in cash. In other stables, a deduction of one-half of their value is made
    every third year.
    6. Na'l, or horseshoes, are renewed twice a year. Formerly eight dáms
    were given for a whole set, but now ten. 7. Kúndlán. One is allowed for
    ten horses .' The price of it is 803 R.

    AIN 53.

    THE OFFICERS AND SERVANTS ATTACHED TO THE IMPERIAL


    STABLES .

    1. The Atbegí is in charge of all horses belonging to the government.


    He directs all officers charged with the management of the horses . This
    office is one of the highest ofthe State, and is only held by grandees of high
    rank at present it is filled by the Khán Khánán² ( Commander-in- Chief) .
    2. The Dároghah . There is one appointed for each stable. This post may
    be held by officers of the rank of commanders of five thousand down to
    Senior Ahadís . 3. The Mushrif, or accountant. He keeps the roll of the
    horses, manages all payments and fines, sees that His Majesty's orders are

    This appears to be the same as the * Or Mirá Khán Khánản , i. e. , ’Ab-


    Hind. 5, which our meagre dic- durrahím , son of Bairám Khán ; vide
    tionaries describe as 66 a kind of tent." List of Grandees, IInd book, No. 29.
    18
    138

    carried out, and prepares the estimate of the stores required for this depart-
    ment. He is chosen from among the grandees. 4. The Didahwar, or inspector.
    Their duty is occasionally to inspect the horses, before they are mustered
    by His Majesty ; they also determine the rank and the condition of the
    horses. Their reports are taken down by the Mushrif. This office may be
    held by Mansabdárs or Ahadís . 5. The Akhtachis look after the harness,
    and have the horses saddled. Most of them get their pay on the list of the
    Ahadis. 6. The Chábuksuwár rides the horses, and compares their speed with
    the road, which is likewise taken down by the Mushrif. He receives the pay
    of an Ahadí. 7. The Hádá . This name is given to a class of Rájpúts, who teach
    horses the elementary steps . Some of them get their pay on the list of the
    Ahadís . 8. The Mirdahah is an experienced groom placed over ten servants.
    He gets the pay of an Ahadí : but in other kháçah stables, he only gets 170 d.;
    in the country-bred stables, 160 d.; in the other Siaspi stables, 140 d.; in
    the Bistaspi stables, 100 d.; and in the Dah-aspi stables, 30 d. Besides he
    has to look after two horses . 9. The Baitár, or horse-doctor, gets the pay
    of an Ahadí. 10. The Naqib, or watcher. Some active, intelligent men
    are retained for supervision . They report the condition of each stable
    to the Dároghahs and the Mushrif, and it is their duty to have the cattle
    in readiness . The two head Naqibs are Ahadís, and they have thirty people
    under them, who receive from 100 to 120 d. 11. The Sáis, or groom.
    There is one groom for every two horses. In the Chihilaspi stables, each
    groom gets 170 d.; in the stables of the eldest prince, 138 d. ; in the stables
    of the other princes, and in the courier horse stables, 136 d. ; in the country
    bred stables, 126 d.; in the other Siaspí stables, 106 d. ; in the Bistaspí
    stables, 103 d.; and in the Dahaspi stables, 100 d. 12. The Jilaudár (vide
    Aín 60 ) and the Paik (a runner). Their monthly pay varies from 1200 to
    120 d. , according to their speed and manner of service. Some of
    them will run from fifty to one hundred kroh (kos ) p . day. 13. The
    Na'lband, or farrier. Some of them are Ahadís, some foot soldiers . They
    receive 160 d. 14. The Zindár, or saddle holder, has the same rank and pay
    as the preceding . In the Kháçah stable of forty horses, one saddle is
    allowed for every two horses, in the following manner : for the first and
    twenty-first ; for the second and twenty- second, and so on. If the first horse
    is sent out of the stable, the saddle remains at its place, and what was the
    second horse becomes first, and the second saddle falls to the third horse,
    and so on to the end. If a horse out of the middle leaves, its saddle is
    given to the preceding horse. 15. The Abkash, or water-carrier. Three
    are allowed in the stables of forty ; two in stables of thirty, and only one
    in other stables. The monthly pay is 100 d. 16. The Farrásh (who dusts
    the furniture). There is one in every kháçah stable . His pay is 130 d.
    139

    17. A Sipandsoz' is only allowed in the stables of forty horses ; his pay is 100 d.
    18. The Khákrúb, or sweeper. Sweepers are called in Hindustan Halálkhur ;
    His Majesty brought this name en vogue. In stables of forty, there are
    two ; in those of thirty and twenty, one. Their monthly pay is 65 d.
    During a march, if the dároghahs are in receipt of a fixed allowance for
    coolies, they entertain some people to lead the horses. In the stables of
    thirty horses, fifteen are allowed. And in the same proportion does the
    government appoint coolies, when a dároghah has not received the extra-
    allowance. Each cooly gets two dáms per diem.

    AIN 54.

    THE BARGIR.

    His Majesty, from the regard which he pays to difference in rank,


    believes many fit for cavalry service, though he would not trust them with the
    keeping of a horse . For these he has told off separate stables, with
    particular Dároghahs and Mushrifs. When their services are required,
    they are furnished with a horse on a written order of the Bitikchi (writer) ;
    but they have not to trouble themselves about the keeping of the horse . A
    man so mounted is called a Bárgirsuwár.

    AIN 55 .
    REGULATIONS FOR BRANDING HORSES .

    In order to prevent fraudulent exchanges, and to remove the stamp of


    doubtful ownership, horses were for some time marked with the word (nazar
    sight), sometimes with the word ¿ls (dágh, mark), and sometimes with the

    1 The seeds of sipand (in Hind. sar- 2 Akbar was very fond of changing
    son, a kind of mustard seed) are put on names which he thought offensive, or of
    a heated plate of iron . Their smoke is giving new names to things which he
    an effectual preventive against the evil liked ; vide p. 46, 1. 28 ; p. 55 , l. 18 ;
    eye (nazar i bad, chashm rasidan), p. 65, 1. 16 ; p. 90, l. 22 ; also Forbes'
    which is even dangerous for Akbar's Dictionary under rangtará. Halálkhur,
    choice horses. The seeds burn away i. e., one who eats that which the cere-
    slowly, and emit a crackling sound. monial law allows, is a euphemism for
    The man who burns them, is called harámkhur, one who eats forbidden
    Sipandsóz. Vide the poetical extracts of things, as pork, &c. The word halál-
    the IInd book, under Shikebí. Instead khur is still in use among educated
    of Sipand, grooms sometimes keep a Muhammadans ; but it is doubtful whether
    monkey over the entrance of the stable. it was Akbar's invention . The word in
    The influence of the evil eye passes from common use for a sweeper is mihtar,
    the horses to the ugly monkey. a prince, which like the proud title of
    Another remedy consists in nailing old khalifah, now-a-days applied to cooks,
    horse shoes to the gates of the stables. tailors, &c. , is an example of the irony of
    Hundreds of such shoes may still be fate.
    seen on the gates in Fathpúr Síkṛí.
    140

    1
    numeral (seven). Every horse that was received by government had
    the mark burnt on the right cheek ; and those that were returned, on the
    left side . Sometimes, in the case of ' Iraqi and Mujannas horses, they
    branded the price in numerals on the right cheek ; and in the case of
    Turki and Arab horses, on the left . Now-a-days the horses of every stable.
    are distinguished by their price in numerals. Thus, a horse of ten muhurs,
    is marked with the numeral ten ; those of twenty muhurs, have a twenty,
    and so on. When horses, at the time of the musters, are put into a higher
    or a lower grade, the old brand is removed .

    AIN 56.
    REGULATIONS FOR KEEPING UP THE FULL COMPLEMENT
    OF HORSES .

    Formerly, whenever there had been taken away either ten horses from
    the stables of forty, or from the stud-bred horses, or five from the courier
    horses, they were replaced in the following manner. The deficiency in
    the stables of forty was made up from horses chosen from the stables of
    the princes ; the stud-bred horses were replaced by other stud bred ones,
    and the courier horses from other stables. Again, if there were wanting
    fifteen horses in the stables of the eldest prince ( Salím), they were replaced
    by good horses of his brothers ; and if twenty were wanting in the stables
    of the second prince (Murád), the deficiency was made up by horses taken
    from the stables of the youngest prince and from other stables ; and if
    twenty-five were wanting in the stables of the youngest prince ( Dányál),
    the deficiency was made up from other good stables.
    But in the thirty-seventh year of the Divine Era (A. D. 1593 ), the
    order was given that, in future, one horse should annually be added to
    each stable. Thus, when, in the present year, the deficiency in the
    kháçah stables had come up to eleven, they commenced to make up the
    complement, the deficiency of the other stables being made up at the time
    of the muster parades .

    ΑΙΝ 57.
    ON FINES .
    When a kháçah horse dies, the Dároghah has to pay one rupee, and
    the Mírdahah ten d., upon every muhur of the cost price ; and the

    1 Vide Aíns 7 and 8 ofthe second book. Khilji and Sher Sháh ; vide Badáoní,
    The branding of horses was revived in pp.2 173, 190.
    A. H. 981 , A. D. 1573, when Shahbáz Mujannas, i. e., put nearly equal
    had been appointed Mir Bakhshi. He (to an Iraqi horse) ; vide IInd book,
    followed the regulations of ' Aláuddín Aín 2.
    141

    grooms lose one-fourth of their monthly wages. When a horse is stolen, or


    injured, His Majesty determines the fine, as it cannot be uniform in each
    case.

    In the other stables, they exacted from the Dároghah for a single
    horse that dies, one rupee upon every muhur ; for two horses, two rupees
    upon every muhur ; and from the Mirdahah and the grooms the above
    proportions. But now, they take one rupee upon every muhur for one to
    three horses that die ; and two upon every muhur, for four horses ; and
    three upon every muhur, for five.
    If the mouth of a horse gets injured, the Mírdahah is fined ten dáms
    upon every muhur, which fine he recovers from the other grooms .

    AIN 58.

    ON HORSES KEPT IN READINESS .

    There are always kept in readiness two kháçah horses ; but of courier-
    horses, three, and one of each stable from the seventy muhurs down to
    the ten muhur stables and the Guts. They are formed into four divisions,
    and each division is called a misl.
    First misl, one from the chihilaspí stables ; one from the stable of the
    eldest prince ; one from those of the second prince ; one from the stable of
    kháçah courier horses. Second misl, one from the stable of the youngest
    prince ; one from the studbred ; one from the chihilaspí stables ; one
    courier horse. Third misl, one horse from the stables of the three princes ;
    one stud bred. Fourth misl, one horse from each of the stables of horses of
    forty, thirty, twenty, and ten muhurs.
    His Majesty rides very rarely on horses of the fourth misl. But when
    prince Shah Murád joined his appointment, ' His Majesty also rode the best
    horses of the stables of forty muhurs. The arrangement was then as
    follows. First misl, one horse from the stables of forty ; one horse from
    the stables of the eldest and the youngest prince, and a courier horse.
    Second misl, stud bred horses from the stables of horses above seventy
    muhurs ; kháçah horses of forty muhurs, and courier horses. Third misl,

    1
    "Prince Murád, in the beginning of emperor resolved to go himself (43rd
    the fortieth year (1596) of Akbar's reign, year), and dispatched Abulfazl, to bring
    was put in command of the army of the prince back to court. Abulfazl came
    Gujrát, and ordered to take Ahmadnagar. just in time, to see the prince die, who
    But when, some time after, Akbar heard from the preceding year had been suffer-
    that Murad's army was in a wretched ing from epileptic fits (çar' , delirium
    condition, chiefly through the carelessness tremens33 ?) brought on by habitual drunk-
    and drunken habits of the prince, the enness. Mir-át.
    142

    one horse from the stables of each of the two princes , the stud bred , and the
    seventy muhur horses. Fourth misl, horses from the stables of sixty, forty,
    and thirty muhurs.
    Horses are also kept in readiness from the stables of twenty and ten
    muhurs and the Guts.

    AIN 59.
    ON DONATIONS.

    Whenever His Majesty mounts a horse belonging to one of the six


    kháçah stables, he gives something, according to a fixed rule, with the view
    of increasing the zeal and desire for improvement among the servants. For
    some time it was a rule that, whenever he rode out on a kháçah horse, a
    rupee should be given, viz., one dám to the Atbegí, two to the Jilaudár ;
    eighteen and one-half to the grooms , the rest being shared by the Mushrif,
    the Naqib, the Akhtachí, and the Zindár. In the case of horses belonging
    to the stables of the eldest prince, thirty dáms were given, each of the
    former recipients getting a quarter of a dam less. For horses belonging to
    stables of the second prince, twenty dáms were given, the donations decreas-
    ing by the same fraction ; and for horses belonging to the stables of the
    youngest prince, as also for courier horses, and stud-breds, ten dáms,
    according to the same manner of distribution.
    Now, the following donations are given :-For a horse of a stable of
    forty, one rupee as before ; for a horse belonging to a stable of the eldest
    prince, twenty dáms ; for a horse belonging to the youngest prince, ten
    dáms ; for courier horses, five ; for stud breds, four ; for horses of the other
    stables, two .

    AIN 60.

    REGULATIONS FOR THE JILAWANAH . '


    Whenever a horse is given away as a present, the price of the horseis
    calculated fifty per cent. higher, and the recipient has to pay ten dáms upon
    every muhur of the value of the horse . These ten dáms per muhur are

    Jilau is the string attached to the derivatives ; as na-ín, jawín, from nai,
    bridle, by which a horse is led . A led jau, not nai-in, or jau-ín. The jila
    horse is called janíbah. The adjective dár, or janibahdar, or janíbahkash, is
    jilawánah, which is not in the diction- the servant who leads the horse. The
    aries, means referring to a led horse. We jilaubegi is the superintendent ofhorses
    have to write jilawánah, not jilauánah, selected for presents . The tahçíldár
    according to the law of the Persian collects the fee.
    language, to break up a final diphthong in
    143

    divided as follows :-The Atbegi gets five dáms ; the Jilaubegí, two and a
    half ; the Mushrif, one and a quarter ; the Naqibs, nine jetals ; the grooms,
    a quarter dám ; the Tahçíldár, fifteen jetals ; the remainder is equally divided
    among the Zindár and Akhtachí.
    In this country, horses commonly live to the age of thirty years . Their
    price varies from 500 muhurs to 2 Rupees.

    ΑΊΝ 61 .

    THE CAMEL STABLES.

    From the time His Majesty paid regard to the affairs of the state, he has
    shewn a great liking for this curiously shaped animal ; and as it is of great
    use for the three branches of the government, and well known to the
    emperor for its patience under burdens, and for its contentment with little
    food, it has received every care at the hands of His Majesty. The quality of
    the country breed improved very much, and Indian camels soon surpassed
    those of Irán and Túrán.
    From a regard to the dignity of his court, and the diversion of others,
    His Majesty orders camel-fights, for which purpose several choice animals
    are always kept in readiness. The best of these kháçah camels, which is
    named Shahpasand (approved of by the Sháh), is a country bred twelve years
    old : it overcomes all its antagonists, and exhibits in the manner in which
    it stoops down and draws itself up, every finesse of the art of wrestling .
    Camels are numerous near Ajmír, Jodhpúr, Nágór, Bíkánír, Jaisalmír,
    Batinda, and Bhaṭnír ; the best are bred in the Súbah of Gujrát, near Cachh.
    But in Sind is the greatest abundance : many inhabitants own ten thou-
    sand camels and upwards . The swiftest camels are those of Ajmir ; the best
    for burden are bred in T'hat'hah.
    The success ' of this department depends on the Arwánahs, i. e., female
    camels. In every country, they get hot in winter, and couple. The male
    oftwo humps goes by the name of Bughur. The young ones of camels are
    called nar (male), and máyah (female), as the case may be ; but His Majesty has
    given to the nar the name of Bughdí, and to the female that of Jammázah.
    The bughdi is the better for carrying burdens and for fighting ; the jammázah
    excels in swiftness. The Indian camel called Lok, and its female, come close
    to them in swiftness, and even surpass them. The offspring of a bughur
    and ajammázah goes by the name of g'hurd ; the female is called máyah
    1
    In the text máyah, which also preface, p. 6. Regarding the word bughur
    means a female camel-a very harmless vide Journal, Asiatic Society , Bengal, for
    pun. Vide Dr. Sprenger's Gulistán, 1868, p. 59.
    144

    g'hurd. If a bughdi, or a lok, couples with a jammázah, the young one is


    called bughdi or lok respectively. But if a bughdi or a lok couples with an
    arwánah, the young male is named after its sire, and the young female after
    its dam. The lok is considered superior to the g'hurd, and the máyah g'hurd.
    When camels are loaded and travel, they are generally formed into
    qatárs (strings), each qatár consisting of five camels. The first camel of each
    qatár is called peshang ; the second, peshdarah ; the third, miyánah gatár ; the
    fourth, dumdast ; the last camel, dumdár.

    AIN 62.

    THE FOOD OF CAMELS .

    The following is the allowance of such bughdis as are to carry burdens.


    At the age of two and a half, or three years, when they are taken from the
    herd of the stud dams, a bughdi gets 2 8. of grain ; when three and a half to
    four years old, 5 s .; up to seven years, 9 s .; at eight years, 10 s. The same
    rule applies to bughurs. Similarly in the case of jammázahs, g'hurds, máyah
    g'hurds, and loks, up to four years of age ; but from the fourth to the
    seventh year, they get 7 s .; and at the age of eight years, 73 8., at the rate
    of 28 dáms p. ser. As the ser has now 30 dáms, a corresponding deduction
    is made in the allowance. When bughdis are in heat, they eat less . Hence
    also concession is made, if they get lean, to the extent of 10 s. , according to
    the provisions of the Págosht rule ( Aín 83) ; and when the rutting season is
    over, the Dároghahs give out a corresponding extra allowance of grain, to
    make up for the former deficiency . If they have made a definite entry into
    their day-book, and give out more food, they are held indemnified according
    the Págosht rule ; and similarly in all other cases, note is taken of the
    deductions according to that rule.
    At Court, camels are found in grass by the government for eight
    months. Camels on duty inside the town, are daily allowed grass at the
    rate of 2 d. per head ; and those outside the town, 1 d. During the four
    rainy months, and on the march, no allowance is given, the drivers taking
    the camels to meadows to graze.

    ¹ So according to the best MSS. The darah means in front of the belly, or
    word is evidently a vulgar corruption of middle, of the gaṭár .'
    pesh-áhang, the leader of a troop. Pesh-
    145

    AIN 63.

    THE HARNESS OF CAMELS.

    The following articles are allowed for kháçah camels : -an Afsár
    (head stall) ; a Dum-afsár, (crupper) ; a Mahár káť'hí (furniture resembling
    a horse-saddle, but rather longer, -an invention of His Majesty) ; a kúchí
    (which serves as a saddle-cloth) ; a Qaṭárchi ; a Sarbchi ; a Tang (a girth) ;
    a Sartang a (head-strap) ; a Shebband (a loin- strap) ; a Jalájil (a breast rope
    adorned with shells or bells) ; a Gardanband (a neckstrap) ; three Chádars
    (or coverings) made of broadcloth, or variegated canvass, or waxcloth.
    The value of the jewels, inlaid work, trimmings, and silk, used for adorning
    the above articles, goes beyond description.
    Five qatárs of camels, properly caparisoned, are always kept ready for
    riding, together with two for carrying a Mihaffah, which is a sort of wooden
    turret, very comfortable, with two poles, by which it is suspended, at the
    time of travelling, between two camels.
    A camel's furniture is either coloured or plain. For every ten qațúrs,
    they allow three qatárs coloured articles .
    For Bughdis, the cost of the [ coloured ] furniture is 2253 d. , viz. , a head-
    stall studded with shells, 20 d.; a brass ring, 1 d. ; an iron chain, 4 d.; a
    kallagi (an ornament in shape of a rosette, generally made of peacock's
    feathers, with a stone in the centre), 5 d. ; a pushtpozi (ornaments for the
    strap which passes along the back) , 8 d. ; a dum-afsár (a crupper), 13 d.;
    for a takaltu (saddle quilt) and a sarbchí, both of which require 5 sers of
    cotton, 20 d.; a jul ( saddle-cloth), 68 d.; a jaház i gajkúrí, ” which serves as
    a mahárkát'hi (vide above), 40 d. a tang, shebband, gulúband (throat-strap),
    24 d.; a tanáb (long rope) for securing the burden- camel-drivers call this
    rope táqah tanáb, or kharwár—38 d.; a báláposh, or covering, 15 d.³
    For Jammázahs, two additional articles are allowed, viz., a gardanband,
    2 d.; and a sinah band (chest-strap), 16 d.
    The cost of a set of plain furniture for Bughdis and Jammúzahs amounts to
    168 d., viz., an afsár, studded with shells, 10 d. ; a dum-afsár, d.; a jaház,

    The meaning is doubtful. The not 225 , as stated by Abulfazl. When


    Arab. sarb, like gitár, signifies a troop discrepancies are slight, they will be found
    of camels . From the following it ap- to result from a rejection of the fractional
    pears
    2 Gajthat sarbchí is a sort of quilt. parts of the cost of articles. The dif-
    kárí appears to be the correct ference of 20 d. in this case can only
    reading. The Arab. jaház means what- have resulted from an omission on the
    ever is upon a camel , especially the part of the author, because all MSS.
    saddle and its appurtenances , generally agree in the several items. Perhaps
    made of coarse canvass, steeped in lime some of the articles were not exchanged
    (gay) . Hence gajkarí, white -washed . triennially, but had to last a longer
    These items added up give 246 d. , time.
    19
    146

    16 d.; a jul, 521 d. ; a tang, a shebband, and gulúband, 24 d. ; a táqah ṭanáb,


    37 d.; a báláposh, 28 d.¹
    For Loks, the allowance for furniture is 143 d., viz ., an afsúr, jaház,
    kharwár, according to the former rates ; a jul, 37 d.; a tang, shebband,
    gulúband, 14 d. ; a báláposh, 28 d.2
    The coloured and plain furniture is renewed once in three years, but
    not so the iron bands and the wood work. In consideration of the old
    coloured furniture of every qatár, sixteen dúms, and of plain furniture,
    fourteen dáms, are deducted by the Government. At the end of every three
    years, they draw out an estimate, from which one-fourth is deducted ; then
    after taking away one-tenth of the remainder, an assignment is given for
    the rest.
    ' Alafi camels (used for foraging ) have their furniture renewed annually,
    at the cost of 523 d. for countrybred camels and loks, viz., [ for countrybred
    camels ] an afsár, 5 d.; a jul, 363 d ; a sardoz , d. ; a tang, and a shebband,
    4
    10 d. ; and [ for loks ] , an afsár, a tang, and a shebband, as before ; a jul,
    45 d.; a sardoz, 3 d.
    From the annual estimate one-fourth is deducted, and an assignment
    is given for the remainder.
    Shalitah fáts, or canvass sacks, for giving camels their grain, are
    allowed one for every gațár, at a price of 303 d. for bughdís and jammázahs,
    and 24 d. for loks.
    Hitherto the cost of these articles had been uniformly computed and
    fixed by contract with the camel-drivers. But when in the forty-second
    year of the divine era [ 1598 A. D. ] , it was brought to the notice of His
    Majesty that these people were, to a certain extent, losers, this regulation
    was abolished, and the current market price allowed for all articles . The
    price is therefore no longer fixed.
    On every New Year's day, the head camel-drivers receive permission for
    shearing the camels, anointing them with oil, injecting oil into the noses
    of the animals, and indenting for the furniture allowed to ' Alafi camels.

    AIN 64.
    REGULATIONS FOR OILING CAMELS, AND INJECTING OIL
    INTO THEIR NOSTRILS.
    The scientific terms for these operations are taṭliyah and tajri' , though
    we might expect taṭliyah and tánshiq, because tanshiq means injecting into
    the nose.

    ¹ These items added up give 169 d., rule, of the estimates


    instead of Abulfazl's 168 d. presented.
    2 The items added up give 144 d., The addition gives 52 d. instead of
    instead of Abulfazl's 143 d. 52. The following items, for loks,
    Hence the Government paid, as a give added up 624 .
    147

    For each Bughdi and Jammázah 3 sers of sesame oil are annually
    allowed, viz ., three sers for anointing, and ser for injection into the nose.
    So also s. of brimstone, and 6 s . of butter-milk. For other kinds of
    camels the allowance is § 8. of brimstone, 6 8. of butter-milk, and 8. of
    grease for injecting into the nose -holes.
    Formerly these operations were repeated three times, but now only once
    a year .

    ΑΊΝ 65 .

    THE RANKS OF THE CAMELS, AND THEIR SERVANTS .

    His Majesty has formed the camels into qatárs, and given each qaṭár
    in charge of a sárbán , or driver. Their wages are four-fold. The first class
    get 400 d.; the second, 340 d.; the third, 280 d.; the fourth, 220 d., per
    mensem.
    The qatárs are of three kinds- 1 . Every five qaṭárs are in charge of an
    experienced man, called bistopanji, or commander of twenty-five. His salary
    is 720 d. He marks a Yábú horse, and has four drivers under him.
    2. Double the preceding, or ten qatárs, are committed to the care of a Panjúhí,
    or commander of fifty. He is allowed a horse, draws 960 d. , and has nine
    drivers under him. 3. Every hundred qatárs are in charge of a Panjçadí,
    or commander of five hundred . Ten qatárs are under his personal superin-
    tendence. With the exception of one qatár, Government finds drivers for
    the others. The Panjáhis, and Bistopanjis are under his orders. Their
    salary varies now-a-days many Yúzbásbís ' are appointed to this post.
    One camel is told off for thefarráshes . A writer also has been appointed . His
    Majesty, from his practical knowledge, has placed each Pançadi under a
    grandee of the court. Several active foot-soldiers have been selected, to
    enquire from time to time into the condition of the camels, so that there
    may be no neglect. Besides, twice a year some people adorned with the
    jewel of insight, inspect the camels as to their leanness or fatness, at the
    beginning of the rains, and at the time of the annual muster.
    Should a camel get lost, the Sárbán is fined the full value ; so also the
    Panjahi and the Pançadi. If a camel get lame or blind, they are fined the
    fourth part of the price.
    Raibári.
    Raibári is the name given to a class of Hindus who are acquainted with
    the habits of the camel. They teach the country bred lok camel so to step
    as to pass over great distances in a short time. Although from the capital
    1
    Corresponding to our Captains of the Army, commanders of 100 soldiers .
    148

    to the frontiers of the empire, into every direction, relay horses are stationed,
    and swift runners have been posted at the distance of every five kos, a few of
    these camel riders are kept at the palace in readiness. Each Raibárí
    is also put in charge of fifty stud arwánahs, to which for the purpose of
    breeding, one bughur and two loks are attached. The latter (the males) get
    the usual allowance of grain, but nothing for grass. The fifty arwánahs
    get no allowance for grain or grass. For every bughur, bughdi, and jam-
    mázah, in the stud, the allowance for oiling and injecting into the nostrils,
    is 4 8. of sesame oil, 8. of brimstone, 63 8. of butter milk. The first
    includes 8. of oil for injection. Loks, arwánahs, g'hurds, and máyah g'hurds,
    only get 33 8. of sesame oil-the deduction is made for injection, -61 8. of
    butter milk, and § 8. of brimstone.
    Botahs and Dumbálahs - these names are given to young camels ; the former
    is used for light burdens-are allowed 2 s . of oil, inclusive of 8. for
    injection into the nostrils, 8. of brimstone, and 44 8. of butter-milk.
    Full grown stud camels get weekly 8. of saltpetre and common salt ;
    botahs gets .
    The wages of a herdsman is 200 d. per mensem. For grazing every
    fifty stud camels, he is allowed five assistants, each of whom gets 2 d. per
    diem. A herdsman of two herds of fifty is obliged to present His Majesty
    three arwánahs every year ; on failure, their price is deducted from his
    salary.
    Formerly the state used to exact a fourth part of the wool sheared from
    every bughdi and jammázah, each camel being assessed to yield four sers of
    wool . This His Majesty has remitted, and in lieu thereof, has ordered the
    drivers to provide their camels with dum-afsárs, wooden pegs, &c .
    The following are the prices of camels :-a bughdi, from 5 to 12 Muhurs ;
    ajammázah, from 3 to 10 M.; a bughur, from 3 to 7 M.; a mongrel lok, from
    8 to 9 M.; a country-bred, or a Balúchí lok, from 3 to 8 M.; an arwánah,
    from 2 to 4 M.
    His Majesty has regulated the burdens to be carried by camels. A first
    class bughdi, not more than 10 mans ; a second class do. , 8 m .; superior
    jammázahs, loks, &c., 8 m.; second class do, 6 m.
    In this country, camels do not live above twenty-four years.

    AIN 66.
    THE GAOKHANAH OR COW- STABLES.

    Throughout the happy regions of Hindustan, the cow is considered


    auspicious, and held in great veneration ; for by means of this animal,
    tillage is carried on, the sustenance of life is rendered possible, and the table of
    149

    the inhabitant is filled with milk, butter-milk, and butter. It is capable of


    carrying burdens and drawing wheeled carriages, and thus becomes an
    excellent assistant for the three branches of the government.
    Though every part of the empire produces cattle of various kinds, those
    of Gujrát are the best. Sometimes a pair of them are sold at 100 muhurs.
    They will travel 80 kos [ 120 miles ] in 24 hours, and surpass even swift
    horses. Nor do they dung whilst running. The usual price is 20 and 10
    muhurs. Good cattle are also found in Bengal and the Dakh'in. They
    kneel down at the time of being loaded . The cows give upwards of half a
    man of milk. In the province of Dihlí again, cows are not more worth
    than 10 Rupees. His Majesty once bought a pair of cows for two lacs of
    dáms [ 5000 Rupees] .
    In the neighbourhood of Thibet and Kashmir, the Qatás, or Thibetan
    Yak, occurs, an animal of extraordinary appearance.
    A cow will live to the age of twenty-five.
    From his knowledge of the wonderful properties of the cow, His
    Majesty, who notices every thing which is of value, pays much attention to
    the improvement of cattle. He divided them into classes, and committed
    each to the charge of a merciful keeper . One hundred choice cattle were
    selected as kháçah, and called kotal. They are kept in readiness for any
    service, and forty of them are taken unladen on hunting expeditions , as
    shall be mentioned below (Book II, Kín 27. ) . Fifty-one others nearly as
    good are called half-kotal, and fifty-one more, quarter-kotal. Any deficiency
    in the first class is made up from the second, and that of the middle from
    the third. But these three form the cow-stables for His Majesty's use.
    Besides, sections of cattle have been formed, each varying in number
    from 50 to 100, and committed to the charge of honest keepers . The rank
    of each animal is fixed at the time of the public muster, when each gets its
    proper place among sections of equal rank. A similar proceeding is
    adopted for each section, when selected for drawing waggons and travelling
    carriages, or for fetching water (vide Kín 22).
    There is also a species of oxen, called gaini, small like gút horses, but
    very beautiful.
    Milk-cows and buffaloes have also been divided into sections, and
    handed over to intelligent servants.

    ΑΪΝ 67.

    THE DAILY ALLOWANCE OF FOOD.

    Every head of the first kháçah class is allowed daily 6 8. of grain, and
    1 d . of grass . The whole stable gets daily 1 man, 19 s . of molasses, which
    150

    is distributed by the Dárogah, who must be a man suitable for such a duty
    and office. Cattle of the remaining kháçah classes get daily 6 8. of grain,
    and grass as before, but no molasses are given .
    In other cow-stables, the daily allowance is as follows. First kind, 6 8.
    of grain, 14.d. of grass at court, and otherwise only 1 d. The second kind
    get 5 8. of grain, and grass as usual. The oxen used for travelling carriages
    get 6 8. of grain, and grass as usual. First class gainis get 3 s. of grain,
    and 1 d. of grass at court, otherwise onlyd.. Second class do. , 21 8. of
    grain, and d. of grass at court, otherwise onlyd.
    A male buffalo (called Arnah) gets 8 8. of wheat flour boiled, 28.
    of g'hí, 8. of molasses, 1 8. of grain, and 2 d. of grass. This animal,
    when young, fights astonishingly, and will tear a lion to pieces. When this
    peculiar strength is gone, it reaches the second stage, and is used for
    carrying water. It then gets 8 s. of grains, and 2 d. for grass . Female
    buffaloes used for carrying water get 6 s. of grain , and 2 d. for grass. First
    class oxen for leopard- waggons ' get 6 s . of grain ; and other classes, 5 8.
    of grain, but the same quantity of grass . Oxen for heavy waggons got
    formerly 5 8. of grain, and 1½ d. for grass ; but now they get a quarter ser
    less, and grass as before.
    The milk-cows and buffaloes, when at court, have grain given them
    in proportion to the quantity of milk they give. A herd of cows and
    buffaloes is called ' hút. A cow will give daily from 1 to 15 s . of milk ; a
    buffalo from 2 to 30 8. The buffaloes of the Panjáb are the best in this
    respect. As soon as the quantity of milk given by each cow has been
    ascertained, there are demanded two dáms weight of g'hí for every ser of
    milk.

    AIN 68.
    THE SERVANTS EMPLOYED IN THE COW- STABLES.

    In the kháçah stables, one man is appointed to look after four head of
    cattle. Eighteen such keepers in the first stable get 5 d. per diem, and the
    remaining keepers , 4 d. In other stables, the salary of the keepers is the
    same, but each has to look after six cows. Of the carriage drivers, some
    get their salaries on the list of the Ahadís ; others get 360 d . , others 256 d.
    down to 112 d. Bahals, or carriages, are of two kinds : -1 . Chatridár or
    covered carriages, having four or more poles (which support the chatr, or
    umbrella) ; 2. without a covering. Carriages suited for horses are called
    g'hurbahals. For every ten waggons, 20 drivers and 1 carpenter are allowed.

    1
    Carriages for the transport of trained hunting leopards. Vide Book II, Aín 27.
    151

    The head driver, or Mirdahah, and the carpenter, get each 5 d. per diem ;
    the others, 4 d. For some time 15 drivers had been appointed, and the
    carpenter was disallowed : the drivers themselves undertook the repairs,
    and received on this account an annual allowance of 2200 dáms [ 55 Rupees. ]
    If a horn of an ox was broken, or the animal got blind, the Dároghah
    was fined one-fourth of the price, or even more, according to the extent of
    the injury .
    Formerly the Dároghahs paid all expenses on account of repairs, and
    received for every day that the carriages were used, half a dám úng money-
    ing is hemp smeared with g'hí, and twisted round about the axle-tree which,
    like a pivot, fits into the central hole of the wheel, and thus prevents it
    from wearing away or getting broken. When afterwards the Dárogahship
    was transferred to the drivers, they had to provide for this expense. At
    first, it was only customary for the carts to carry on marches a part of the
    baggage belonging to the different workshops ; but when the drivers
    performed the duties of the Dároghahs, they had also to provide for the
    carriage of the fuel required at court, and for the transport of building
    materials. But subsequently, 200 waggons were set aside for the transport
    of building materials, whilst 600 others have to bring, in the space of ten
    months, 1,50,000 mans of fuel to the Imperial kitchen. And if officers of
    the government on any day use the Imperial waggons for other purposes ,
    that day is to be separately accounted for, as also each service rendered
    to the court. The drivers are not subject to the Págosht regulation (vide
    Ain 83). If, however, an ox dies, they have to buy another.
    But when it came to the ears of His Majesty that the above mode of
    contract was productive of much cruelty towards these serviceable, but
    mute animals, he abolished this system, and gave them again in charge
    of faithful servants. The allowance of grain for every cart-bullock was
    fixed at 4 s ., and 13 d. were given for grass. For other bullocks, the
    allowance in one-half of the preceding. But during the four rainy months
    no money is allowed for grass . There were also appointed for every
    eighteen carts twelve drivers, one of whom must understand carpenter's
    work. Now, if a bullock dies, government supplies another in his stead,
    and likewise pays for the úng, and is at the expense of repairs .
    The cattle that are worked are mustered once a year by experienced
    men who estimate their fatness or leanness ; cattle that are unemployed are
    inspected every six months. Instead of the above mentioned transport of
    firewood, &c. , the carters have now to perform any service which may be
    required by the government.
    152

    ΑΊΝ 69 .
    THE MULE STABLES .

    The mule possesses the strength of a horse, and the patience of an ass ;
    and though it has not the intelligence of the former, it has not the stupidity
    of the latter. It never forgets the road which it has once travelled . Hence
    it is liked by His Majesty, whose practical wisdom extends to every thing,
    and the breeding is encouraged. It is the best animal for carrying burdens,
    and travelling over uneven ground, and has a very soft step . People
    generally believe that the male ass couples with a mare, but the opposite
    connexion also is known to take place, as mentioned in the books of
    antiquity. The mule resembles its dam. His Majesty had a young ass
    coupled with a mare, and they produced a very fine mule.
    In many countries just princes prefer travelling about on a mule ; and
    people can therefore easily lay their grievances before them, ' without
    inconveniencing the traveller.
    2
    Mules are only bred in Hindustan in Pak'halí, and its neighbourhood.
    The simple inhabitants of this country used to look upon mules as asses,
    and thought it derogatory to ride upon them ; but in consequence of the
    interest which His Majesty takes in this animal, so great a dislike is now
    nowhere to be found.
    Mules are chiefly imported from 'Iraq i ' Arab and ' Iráq i ' Ajam. Very
    superior mules are often sold at Rs. 1,000 per head.
    Like camels, they are formed into qatárs of five, and have the same
    names, except the second mule of each qatár, which is called bardast,
    [instead of peshdarah, vide Kín 61 , end].
    Mules reach the age of fifty.

    AIN 70.

    THE DAILY ALLOWANCE OF FOOD FOR MULES.

    Such mules as are not country-bred, get at court, 6 s . of grain, and 2 d.


    for grass ; otherwise, only 1 d. Country-bred mules get 4 s. of grain, and
    1 d. of grass, when at court ; otherwise, 1 d. for grass. Each mule is
    allowed every week 33 jetals for salt ; but they give the salt in a lump.

    Which the subjects could not so 2 The Sarkár of Pak'halí lies between
    easily do, if the princes, on their tours Atak (Attock) and Kashmír, a little
    of administration of justice, were to north of Rawul Pindee. Vide towards
    ride on elephants, because the plaintiff the end of Book III.
    would stand too far from the king.
    153

    ΛΙΝ 71 .
    THE FURNITURE OF MULES .

    For imported mules, a head stall of leather, 20 d.; an iron chain


    weighing 2 8., 10 d.; a ranaki (erupper) of leather, 4 d.; a pálán (pack-
    saddle), 102 d. ; a sháltang ( shawl strap), and a palás-tang (blanket strap) ,
    364 d. ; a táqah ṭanáb ( a rope for fasteniug the burden, ) 63 d. ; a qatir shaláq
    (a short whip), 6 d. ; a bell, one for every qatár, 10 d. ; a horse hair saddle,
    40 d.; a kaláwah (vide Kin 45, No. 9 ) of leather, 13 d.; a set of ropes, 9 d. ;
    a saddle cloth, 4 d.; a sardoz (a common head stall) 4 d.; a khurjin
    (wallet), 15 d.; a fodder-bag, 4 d. ; a magas-rán (to drive away flies) of
    leather, 1 d.; a curry-comb and a hair-glove (for washing ) , 4 d. Total,
    3453 d.
    For country-bred mules the allowance is 151 d. , viz., a head stall of
    leather, 4 d.; pack- saddle, 51 d. 183 j .; the two straps, 163 d.; a táqah
    tanáb and sardoz, 40 d. ; a bell, 5 d. ; a fodder-bag, 3 d.; a crupper, 3 d. ;
    a saddle, 24 d. ; a curry-comb and a hair-glove, 4 d.
    The furniture is renewed every third year ; but for all iron and wood
    work, half the price is deducted . The annual allowance for the repair of
    the furniture is 40 d. ; but on the march, the time of renewal depends on the
    wear. Mules are shod every six months at a cost of 8 d. per head.
    Each gatár is in charge of a keeper. Túránís, Iránís, and Indians, are
    appointed to this office : the first two get from 400 to 1920 d.; and the
    third class, from 240 to 256 d. per mensem. Such keepers as have monthly
    salaries of 10 R. [ 400 d . ] and upwards, have to find the peshang (first mule of
    their qatar) in grain and grass. Experienced people inspect the mules twice
    a year as to leanness or fatness. Once a year they are paraded before His
    Majesty.
    If a mule gets blind or lame, the muleteer is fined one-fourth of the
    cost price ; and one-half, if it is lost.
    Asses also are employed for carrying burdens and fetching water.
    They get 3 s. of grain, and 1 d. for grass. The furniture for asses is the
    same as that for country-bred mules, but no saddle is given. The annual
    allowance for repairs is 23 d. The keepers do not get above 120 d. per
    mensem.

    AIN 72.

    THE MANNER IN WHICH HIS MAJESTY SPENDS HIS TIME.

    The success of the three branches of the government, and the fulfilment
    of the wishes of the subjects, whether great or small, depend upon the
    20
    154

    manner in which a king spends his time. The care with which His Majesty
    guards over his motives, and watches over his emotions, bears on its face the
    sign of the Infinite, and the stamp of immortality ; and though thousands of
    important matters occupy, at one and the same time, his attention, they do
    not stir up the rubbish of confusion in the temple of his mind, nor do they
    allow the dust of dismay to settle on the vigour of his mental powers, or
    the habitual earnestness with which His Majesty contemplates the charms
    of God's world. His anxiety to do the will of the Creator is ever increasing ;
    and thus his insight and wisdom are ever deepening. From his practical
    knowledge, and capacity for every thing excellent, he can sound men of
    experience, though rarely casting a glance on his own ever extending
    excellence . He listens to great and small, expecting that a good thought, or
    the relation of a noble deed, may kindle in his mind a new lamp of wisdom,
    though ages have past without his having found a really great man.
    Impartial statesmen, on seeing the sagacity of His Majesty, blotted out the
    book of their own wisdom, and commenced a new leaf. But with the
    magnanimity which distinguishes him, and with his wonted zeal, he continues
    his search for superior men, and finds a reward in the care with which he
    selects such as are fit for his society.
    Although surrounded by every external pomp and display, and by
    every inducement to lead a life of luxury and ease, he does not allow his
    desires, or his wrath, to renounce allegiance to Wisdom, his sovereign - how
    much less would he permit them to lead him to a bad deed ! Even the
    telling of stories , which ordinary people use as as a means of lulling themselves
    into sleep, serves to keep His Majesty awake.
    Ardently feeling after God, and searching for truth, His Majesty
    exercises upon himself both inward and outward austerities, though he
    occasionally joins public worship, in order to hush the slandering tongues of
    the bigots of the present age. But the great object of his life is the
    acquisition of that sound morality, the sublime loftiness of which captivates
    the hearts of thinking sages, and silences the taunts of zealots and
    sectarians.
    Knowing the value of a lifetime, he never wastes his time, nor
    does he omit any necessary duty, so that in the light of his upright in-
    tentions, every action of his life may be considered as an adoration of God.
    It is beyond my power to describe in adequate terms His Majesty's
    devotions. He passes every moment of his life in self- examination or in
    adoration of God . He especially does so at the time, when morning spreads
    her azure silk, and scatters abroad her young, golden beams ; and at noon,
    when the light of the world-illuminating sun embraces the universe, and
    thus becomes a source of joy for all men ; in the evening, when that
    155

    fountain of light withdraws from the eyes of mortal man, to the bewildering
    grief of all who are friends of light ; and lastly at midnight, when that
    great cause of life turns again to ascend, and to bring the news of renewed
    cheerfulness to all who, in the melancholy of the night, are stricken with
    sorrow . All these grand mysteries are in honor of God, and in adoration
    of the Creator of the world ; and if dark-minded, ignorant men cannot
    comprehend their signification, who is to be blamed, and whose loss is it ?
    Indeed, every man acknowledges that we owe gratitude and reverence to
    our benefactors ; and hence it is incumbent on us, though our strength may
    fail, to show gratitude for the blessings we receive from the sun, the light
    of all lights, and to enumerate the benefits which he bestows. This is
    essentially the duty of kings, upon whom, according to the opinion of the
    wise, this sovereign of the heavens sheds an immediate light. ' And this
    is the very motive which actuates His Majesty to venerate fire and reverence
    lamps.
    But why should I speak of the mysterious blessings of the sun, or of
    the transfer of his greater light to lamps ? Should I not rather dwell on
    the perverseness of those weakminded zealots, who, with much concern, talk
    of His Majesty's religion as of a deification of the Sun, and the introduc-
    tion of fire-worship ? But I shall dismiss them with a smile.
    The compassionate heart of His Majesty finds no pleasure in cruelties,
    or in causing sorrow to others ; he is ever sparing of the lives of his subjects,
    wishing to bestow happiness upon all.
    His Majesty abstains much from flesh, so that whole months pass away
    without his touching any animal food, which, though prized by most, is
    nothing thought of by the sage. His august nature cares but little for the
    pleasures of the world. In the course of twenty- four hours, he never
    makes more than one meal . He takes a delight in spending his time in
    performing whatever is necessary and proper. He takes a little repose in
    the evening, and again for a short time in the morning ; but his sleep looks
    more like waking.
    His Majesty is accustomed to spend the hours of the night profitably ;
    to the private audience hall are then admitted eloquent philosophers, and
    virtuous Çúfís, who are seated according to their rank, and entertain His
    Majesty with wise discourses. On such occasions His Majesty fathoms
    them, and tries them on the touch-stone of knowledge. Or theobject of an
    ancient institution is disclosed, or new thoughts are hailed with delight. Here
    young men of talent learn to revere and adore His Majesty, and experience
    the happiness of having their wishes fulfilled, whilst old men of impartial

    1 Vide Abulfazl's Preface, p. iii ., and p. 49.


    156

    judgment see themselves on the expanse of sorrow, finding that they have
    to pass through a new course of instruction .
    There are also present in these assemblies, unprejudiced historians,
    who do not mutilate history by adding or suppressing facts, and relate the
    impressive events of ancient times . His Majesty often makes remarks
    wonderfully shrewd, or starts a fitting subject for conversation . On other
    occasions matters referring to the empire and the revenue, are brought up,
    when His Majesty gives orders for whatever is to be done in each case.
    About a watch before day-break, musicians of all nations are introduced,
    who recreate the assembly with music and songs, and religious strains ;
    and when four g'haris are left till morning, His Majesty retires to his
    private apartments, brings his external appearance in harmony with the
    simplicity of his heart, and launches forth into the ocean of contemplation.
    In the meantime, at the close of night, soldiers, merchants, peasants, trades-
    people, and other professions, gather round the palace, patiently waiting
    to catch a glimpse of His Majesty. Soon after day-break, they are allowed
    to make the kornish (vide Aín 74). After this, His Majesty allows the
    attendants ofthe Harem to pay their compliments. During this time various
    matters of worldly and religious import are brought to the notice of His
    Majesty. As soon as they are settled, he returns to his private apartments,
    and reposes a little.
    The good habits of His Majesty are so numerous, that I cannot
    adequately describe them. If I were to compile dictionaries on this subject,
    they would not be exhaustive.

    AIN 73 .
    REGULATIONS FOR ADMISSION TO COURT.

    Admittance to Court is a distinction conferred on the nation at large ;


    it is a pledge that the three branches of the government are properly
    looked after, and enables subjects personally to apply for redress of their
    grievances. Admittance to the ruler of the land is for the success of his
    government, what irrigation is for a flower-bed ; it is the field, on which
    the hopes of the nation ripen into fruit.
    His Majesty generally receives twice in the course of twenty-four
    hours , when people of all classes can satisfy their eyes and hearts with the
    light of his countenance. First, after performing his morning devotions,
    he is visible, from outside the awning, to people of all ranks, whether they
    be given to worldly pursuits, or to a life of solitary contemplation, without
    any molestation from the mace-bearers. This mode of shewing himself is
    157

    called, in the language of the country, darsan (view) ; and it frequently


    happens that business is transacted at this time. The second time of his
    being visible is in the State Hall, whither he generally goes after the first
    watch of the day. But this assembly is sometimes announced towards the
    close of day, or at night. He also frequently appears at a window which
    opens into the State Hall, for the transaction of business ; or he dispenses
    there justice calmly and serenely, or examines into the dispensation of
    justice, or the merit of officers, without being influenced in his judgment
    by any predilections, or any thing impure and contrary to the will of God.
    Every officer of government then presents various reports, or explains his
    several wants, and is instructed by His Majesty how to proceed . From his
    knowledge of the character of the times , though in opposition to the practice
    of kings of past ages, His Majesty looks upon the smallest details as mirrors
    capable of reflecting a comprehensive outline ; he does not reject that
    which superficial observers call unimportant, and counting the happiness
    of his subjects as essential to his own, never suffers his equanimity to be
    disturbed.
    Whenever His Majesty holds court, they beat a large drum, the
    sounds of which are accompanied by Divine praise. In this manner, people
    of all classes receive notice. His Majesty's sons and grandchildren, the
    grandees of the Court, and all other men who have admittance, attend to
    make the kornish, and remain standing in their proper places. Learned
    men of renown and skilful mechanics pay their respects ; the Dároghahs
    and Bitikchis (writers ) set forth their several wants ; and the officers of
    justice give in their reports. His Majesty, with his usual insight, gives
    orders, and settles everything in a satisfactory manner. During the whole
    time, skilful gladiators and wrestlers from all countries hold themselves
    in readiness, and singers, male and female, are in waiting . Clever jugglers,
    and funny tumblers also are anxious to exhibit their dexterity and agility.
    His Majesty, on such occasions, addresses himself to many of those
    who have been presented, impressing all with the correctness of his
    intentions, the unbiasedness of his mind, the humility of his disposition,
    the magnanimity of his heart, the excellence of his nature, the cheerfulness
    of his countenance, and the frankness of his manners ; his intelligence
    pervades the whole assembly, and multifarious matters are easily and
    satisfactorily settled by his truly divine power.
    This vale of sorrows is changed to a place of rest : the army and the
    nation are content. May the empire flourish, and these blessings endure !
    158

    AIN 74.

    REGULATIONS REGARDING THE KORNISH AND THE TASLIM.

    Superficial observers, correctly enough, look upon a king as the origin


    of the peace and comfort of the subjects . But men of deeper insight are
    of opinion that even spiritual progress among a people would be impossible,
    unless emanating from the king, in whom the light of God dwells ; for near
    the throne, men wipe off the stain of conceit, and build up the arch of true
    humility. '
    With the view, then, of promoting this true humility, kings in their
    wisdom have made regulations for the manner in which people are to shew
    their obedience. Some kings have adopted the bending down of the head.
    His Majesty has commanded the palm of the right hand to be placed upon
    the forehead, and the head to be bent downwards. This mode of salutation,
    in the language of the present age, is called kornish, and signifies that the
    saluter has placed his head (which is the seat of the senses and the mind)
    into the hand of humility, giving it to the royal assembly as a present, and
    has made himself in obedience ready for any service that may be required
    of him.
    The salutation, called taslim, consists in placing the back of the right
    hand on the ground, and then raising it gently till the person stands erect,
    when he puts the palm of his hand upon the crown of his head, which
    pleasing manner of saluting signifies that he is ready to give himself as an
    offering.
    His Majesty relates as follows : " One day my royal father bestowed
    upon me one of his own caps, which I put on. Because the cap of the king
    was rather large, I had to hold it with my [ right] hand, whilst bending my
    head downwards, and thus performed the manner of salutation (kornish)
    above described. The king was pleased with this new method, and from his
    feeling of propriety ordered this to be the mode of the kornish and taslím.
    Upon taking leave, or presentation, or upon receiving a mansab, ajágír,
    or a dress of honour, or an elephant, or a horse, the rule is to make three
    taslíms ; but only one on all other occasions, when salaries are paid, or
    presents are made.
    Such a degree of obedience is also shewn by servants to their masters, and
    looked upon by them as a source of blessings . Hence for the disciples of

    Hence the presence of the king the head of the New Church, the subjects
    promotes humility, which is the founda- occupy the position of disciples. Vide
    tion of all spiritual life. So especially Aín 77, and the Note after it.
    in the case of Akbar, towards whom, as
    159

    His Majesty, it was necessary to add something, viz. , prostration ' (sijdah) ;
    and they look upon a prostration before His Majesty as a prostration
    performed before God ; for royalty is an emblem of the power of God, and
    a light-shedding ray from this Sun of the Absolute .
    Viewed in this light, the prostration has become acceptable to many,
    and proved to them a source of blessings upon blessings .
    But as some perverse and dark-minded men look upon prostration as
    blasphemous man-worship, His Majesty, from his practical wisdom, has
    ordered it to be discontinued by the ignorant, and remitted it to all ranks,
    forbidding even his private attendants from using it in the Darbár i ' Am
    (general court-days ). However, in the private assembly, when any of those
    are in waiting, upon whom the star of good fortune shines, and they receive
    the order of seating themselves, they certainly perform the prostration of
    gratitude by bowing down their foreheads to the earth, and thus participate
    in the halo of good fortune.
    In this manner, by forbidding the people at large to prostrate, but
    allowing the Elect to do so, His Majesty fulfills the wishes of both, and
    shows the world a fitting example of practical wisdom.

    AIN 75 .

    Just as spiritual leadership requires a regulated mind, capable of


    controlling covetousness and wrath, so does political leadership depend on
    an external order of things, on the regulation of the difference among men
    in rank, and the power of liberality. If a king possess a cultivated mind,
    his position as the spiritual leader of the nation will be in harmony with his
    temporal office ; and the performance of each of his political duties will be
    equivalent to an adoration of God. Should any one search for an example,
    I would point to the practice of His Majesty, which will be found to exhibit
    that happy harmony of motives, the contemplation of which rewards the

    The prostration, or sijdah, is one kings, at whose courts the προςκυνεῖν


    of the positions at prayer, and is there- had been the usual salutation. "It was
    fore looked upon by all Muhammad- Nizám of Badakhshan who invented the
    ans as the exclusive right of God. prostration when the emperor was still
    When Akbar, as the headof his new at Fathpur [ before 1586 ] . The suc-
    faith , was treated by his flattering cess of the innovation made Mullá
    friends, perhaps against his calmer judg A'lam of Kábul exclaim, " O that I had
    ment, as the representative of God on been the inventor of this little business !"
    earth, he had to allow prostration in the Bad. III, p. 153. Regarding Nizám,
    assemblies of the Elect. The people at or Ghází Khán, vide Abulfazl's list of
    large would never have submitted . The Grandees, IInd book, No. 144. The
    practice evidently pleased the emperor, sijdah as an article of Akbar's Divine
    because he looked with fondness upon Religion, will be again referred to in the
    every custom of the ancient Persian note to Aín 77.
    160

    searcher with an increase of personal knowledge, and leads him to worship


    this ideal of a king.'
    When His Majesty seats himself on the throne, all that are present
    perform the kornish, and then remain standing at their places, according to
    their rank, with their arms crossed, " partaking , in the light of his imperial
    countenance, of the elixir of life, and enjoying everlasting happiness in
    standing ready for any service.
    The eldest prince places himself, when standing, at a distance of one
    to four yards from the throne, or when sitting, at a distance from two to
    eight. The second prince stands from one and one-half to six yards from
    the throne, and in sitting from three to twelve. So also the third ; but
    sometimes he is admitted to a nearer position than the second prince, and
    at other times both stand together at the same distance . But His Majesty
    generally places the younger princes affectionately nearer.
    Then come the Elect of the highest rank, who are worthy of the spiritual
    guidance of His Majesty, at a distance of three to fifteen yards, and in sitting
    from five to twenty. After this follow the senior grandees from three and a
    half yards, and then the other grandees, from ten or twelve and a half yards
    from the throne.
    All others stand in the Yasal. One or two attendants' stand nearer
    than all.

    1 The words of the text are ambiguous by persons of no rank in the presence of
    They may also mean, and leads him to strangers. Pharaoh-Orientals mean the
    praise me as the man who directed him Pharaoh of the, time of Moses- is pro-
    towards this example. verbial in the East for vain-glory. The
    2 The finger tips of the left hand touch position suitable for society is the duzánú
    the right elbow, and those of the right mode of sitting, i . e., the person first
    hand, the left elbow ; or, the fingers of kneels down with his body straight ; he
    each hand rest against the inner upper then lets the body gently sink till he sits
    arm of the opposite side. The lower on his heels, the arms being kept ex-
    arms rest on the kamarband. When in tended and the hands resting on the
    this position, a servant is called ámádah knees.
    i khidmat, or ready for service . Some- 3 Yasal signifies the wing of an army,
    times the right foot also is put over the and here, the two wings into which the
    left, the toes of the former merely assembly is divided . The place before
    touching the ground. The shoes are, of the throne remains free. One wing was
    course, left outside at the cuff i nï'ál. generally occupied by the grandees of
    The emperor sits on the throne (vide the Court, and the chief functionaries ; on
    Plate VII. ) with crossed legs, or chahár- the other wing stood the Qur (vide pp.
    zámú,a position of comfort which Orientals 109, 110) , the Mullás and the ' Ulamá,
    allow to persons of rank. This position, &c.
    however, is called firauni nishast, or The servants who hold the sáibán
    Pharaoh's mode of sitting, if assumed Kín 19, or the fans.
    161

    AIN 76.
    THE MUSTER OF MEN.

    The business which His Majesty daily transacts is most multifarious ;


    hence I shall only describe such affairs as continually recur.
    A large number of men are introduced on such days, for which an
    Anjuman i Dád o Dihish, or assembly of expenditure, has been announced.
    Their merits are enquired into, and the coin of knowledge passes current.
    Some take a burden from their hearts by expressing a wish to be enrolled
    among the members of the Divine Faith ; others want medicines for their
    diseases . Some pray His Majesty to remove a religious doubt ; others
    again seek his advice for settling a worldly matter. There is no end to
    such requests, and I must confine myself to the most necessary cases.
    The salaries of a large number of men from Túrán and Irán, Turkey
    and Europe, Hindustan and Kashmir, are fixed by the proper officers in a
    manner described below, and the men themselves are taken before His
    Majesty by the paymasters. Formerly it had been the custom for the men
    to come with a horse and accoutrements ; but now-a-days only men appointed
    to the post of an Ahadi ' bring a horse. The salary as proposed by the
    officers who bring them, is then increased or decreased, though it is generally
    increased ; for the market of His Majesty's liberality is never dull . The
    number of men brought before His Majesty depends on the number of men
    available. Every Monday all such horsemen are mustered as were left
    from the preceding week. With the view of increasing the army and the
    zeal of the officers, His Majesty gives to each who brings horsemen, a
    present of two dáms for each horseman.
    Special Bitikchis' [ writers ] introduce in the same manner such as are
    fit to be Ahadís. In their case, His • Majesty always increases the stipulated
    salary. As it is customary for every Ahadí to buy his own horse, His
    Majesty has ordered to bring to every muster the horses of any Ahadís that

    ' This is to be taken literally. The Book, Aín 1 ) , a horse was given to each
    water on which Akbar breathed, was a recruit on joining, for which he was
    universal remedy. Vide next Aín. answerable.
    As settling a family-feud, recom- As Ahadís drew a higher salary (II,
    mending a matrimonial alliance, giving Aín 4) , they could buy, and maintain,
    a new -born child a suitable name , &c. horses of a superior kind.
    * Abulfazl means men who were willing 3 Aín 4 of the second book mentions
    to serve in the several grades of the only one officer appointed to recruit the
    standing army. The standing army ranks of Ahadís.
    consisted of cavalry, artillery, and rifles. So according to two MSS. My text
    There was no regular Infantry. Men edition, p. 158 , 1. 10, has As it is not
    who joined the standing army, in the customary for Ahadis to buy a horse,
    beginning of Akbar's reign , brought &c . P es give a sense, though
    their horse and accoutrements with mission ofthe nega-
    them own
    ; but IN
    as this was found to be the ti . to Aín 4, of the
    cause of much inefficiency (vide Second St as supplied with
    162

    may have lately died, which he hands over to the newly appointed Ahadís
    either as presents, or charging the price to their monthly salaries.
    On such occasions, Senior Grandees and other Amirs introduce also
    any of their friends, for whom they may solicit appointments. His Majesty
    then fixes the salaries of such candidates according to circumstances ; but
    appointments under fifty rupees per mensem are rarely ever solicited in this
    manner.
    Appointments to the Imperial workshops also are made in such
    assemblies, and the salaries are fixed .

    ΑΪΝ 77 .
    HIS MAJESTY' AS THE SPIRITUAL GUIDE OF THE PEOPLE.

    God, the Giver of intellect and the Creator of matter, forms mankind
    as He pleases, and gives to some comprehensiveness, and to others narrow-
    ness of disposition. Hence the origin of two opposite tendencies among
    men, one class of whom turn to religious (din), and the other class to worldly
    thoughts (dunya) . Each of these two divisions selects different leaders , ² and
    mutual repulsiveness grows to open rupture. It is then that men's blindness
    and silliness appear in their true light ; it is then discovered how rarely mutual
    regard and charity are to be met with.
    But have the religious and the worldly tendencies of men no common
    ground ? Is there not everywhere the same enrapturing beauty which beams
    forth from so many thousand hidden places ? Broad indeed is the carpet*
    which God has spread, and beautiful the colours which He has given it.
    The Lover and the Beloved are in reality one ;"
    Idle talkers speak of the Brahmin as distinct from his idol.

    a horse when his first horse had died . God, there is a ground common to both.
    To such cases the negative phrase would Hence mankind ought to learn that there
    refer. But it was customary for Ahadís is no real antagonism between din and
    to bring their own horse on joining; dunyá. Let men rally round Akbar,
    and this is the case which Abulfazl who joins Cufic depth to practical
    evidently means ; for in the whole Aín wisdom. By his example, he teaches
    he1 speaks of newcomers. men how to adore God in doing one's
    A note will be found at the end of duties ; his superhuman knowledge
    this Aín. proves that the light of God dwells in
    2 As prophets, the leaders of the him. The surest way of pleasing God
    Church ; and kings, the leaders of the is to obey the king.
    State. The reader will do well to compare
    God. He may be worshipped by the Abulfazl's preface with this Aín.
    meditative, and by the active man. 4 The world.
    The former speculates on the essence of These Çufic lines illustrate the idea
    God, the latter rejoices in the beauty of that the same enrapturing beauty' is
    the world, and does his duty as man. everywhere. God is everywhere, in
    Both represent tendencies apparently everything hence everything is God.
    antagonistic ; but as both strive after Thus God, the Beloved, dwells in man,
    163

    There is but one lamp in this house, in the rays of which ,


    Wherever I look, a bright assembly meets me.

    One man thinks that by keeping his passions in subjection he worships


    God ; and another finds self-discipline in watching over the destinies of a
    nation. The religion of thousand others consists in clinging to an idea :
    they are happy in their sloth and unfitness of judging for themselves . But
    when the time of reflection comes, and men shake off the prejudices of their
    education, the threads of the web of religious blindness' break, and the
    eye sees the glory of harmoniousness .
    But the ray of such wisdom does not light up every house, nor
    could every heart bear such knowledge. Again, although some are enlightened,
    many would observe silence from fear of fanatics, who lust for blood, but
    look like men . And should any one muster sufficient courage, and openly
    proclaim his enlightened thoughts, pious simpletons would call him a mad
    man, and throw him aside as of no account, whilst ill-stared wretches would
    at once think of heresy and atheism, and go about with the intention of
    killing him.
    Whenever, from lucky circumstances, the time arrives that a nation
    learns to understand how to worship truth, the people will naturally look to
    their king, on account of the high position which he occupies, and expect
    him to be their spiritual leader as well ; for a king possesses, independent
    of men, the ray of Divine wisdom, 2 which banishes from his heart every-
    thing that is conflicting . A king will therefore sometimes observe the
    element of harmony in a multitude of things, or sometimes, reversely, a
    multitude of things in that which is apparently one ; for he sits on the
    throne of distinction, and is thus equally removed from joy or sorrow.
    Now this is the case with the monarch of the present age, and this
    book is a witness of it.
    Men versed in foretelling the future, knew this when His Majesty was
    3
    born, and together with all others that were cognizant of the secret, they

    the lover, and both are one. Brahmin = or A. D. 1575 ] a great number of Portu-
    manGod
    ; the idol = God ; lamp =thought guese, from whom they likewise picked
    of ; house man's heart. The up doctrines justifiable by reasoning."
    thoughtful man sees everywhere 6 the Badáoní II , p. 281.
    bright
    1 assembly of God's works .' 2 Vide Abulfazl's preface, p. III, 1. 19.
    The text has taqlid, which means This is an allusion to the wonderful
    to put a collar on one's own neck, to event which happened at the birth of
    follow another blindly, especially in the emperor. Akbar spoke. " From
    religious matters . " All things which Mirza Shah Muhammad, called Ghaznín
    refer to prophetship and revealed religion Khán , son of Sháh Begkhán , who had
    they [ Abulfazl, Hakim Abulfath, &c. ] the title of Daurán Khán, and was an
    called taqlidiyát, i. e., things against Arghún by birth. The author heard
    reason, because they put the basis of him say at Láhor, in A. H. 1053 ,
    religion upon reason, not testimony. " I asked Nawáb ' Aziz Kokah, who has
    Besides, there came [ during A. H. 983, the title of Khán i A'zam [ vide List of
    164

    have since been waiting in joyful expectation. His Majesty, however, wisely
    surrounded himself for a time with a veil, as if he were an outsider, or a
    stranger to their hopes. But can man counteract the will of God ? His
    Majesty, at first, took all such by surprise as were wedded to the prejudices
    of the age ; but he could not help revealing his intentions : they grew to
    maturity in spite of him, and are now fully known. He now is the spiritual
    guide of the nation, and sees in the performance of this duty a means of
    pleasing God. He has now opened the gate that leads to the right path,
    and satisfies the thirst of all that wander about panting for truth.
    But whether he checks men in their desire of becoming disciples, or
    admits them at other times, he guides them in each case to the realm of
    bliss . Many sincere enquirers, from the mere light of his wisdom, or his
    holy breath, obtain a degree of awakening which other spiritual doctors.
    could not produce by repeated fasting and prayers for forty days. Numbers
    of those who have renounced the world, as Sannásis, Jogis, Sevrás, Qalandars,
    Hakims, and Çufis, and thousands of such as follow worldly pursuits, as
    soldiers, tradespeople, mechanics, and husbandmen, have daily their eyes
    opened to insight, or have the light of their knowledge increased. Men of all
    nations, young and old, friends and strangers, the far and the near, look
    upon offering a vow to His Majesty as the means of solving all their diffi-
    culties, and bend down in worship on obtaining their desire . Others again,
    from the distance of their homes, or to avoid the crowds gathering at Court,
    offer their vows in secret, and pass their lives in grateful praises. But
    when His Majesty leaves Court, in order to settle the affairs of a province,
    to conquer a kingdom, or to enjoy the pleasures of the chase, there is not a
    hamlet, a town, or a city, that does not send forth crowds of men and women
    with vow-offerings in their hands, and prayers on their lips, touching the
    ground with their foreheads, praising the efficacy of their vows, or proclaim-
    ing the accounts ofthe spiritual assistance received . Other multitudes ask for
    lasting bliss, for an upright heart, for advice how best to act, for strength
    of the body, for enlightenment, for the birth of a son, the reunion of friends,
    a long life, increase of wealth, elevation in rank, and many other things.
    His Majesty, who knows what is really good, gives satisfactory answers to
    every one, and applies remedies to their religious perplexities. Not a day
    passes but people bring cups of water to him, beseeching him to breathe
    upon it. He who reads the letters of the divine orders in the book of fate,
    on seeing the tidings of hope, takes the water with his blessed hands, places

    Grandees, second Book, Aín 30] , whether Edition, p. 390. Bombay edition, p. 260.
    the late emperor, like the Messiah, had The words which Christ spoke in the
    really spoken with his august mother. cradle, are given in the Qorán, Sur. 19,
    He replied, " His mother told me, it was and in the spurious gospel of the Infancy
    true.' Dabistán ul Mazáhib, Calcutta of Christ, pp. 5, 111.
    165

    it in the rays of the world-illuminating sun, and fulfils the desire of the
    suppliant. Many sick people' of broken hopes, whose diseases the most
    eminent physicians pronounced incurable, have been restored to health by
    this divine means.
    A more remarkable case is the following. A simple-minded recluse had
    cut off his tongue, and throwing it towards the threshold of the palace,
    2
    said, " If that certain blissful thought, which I just now have, has been put
    into my heart by God, my tongue will get well ; for the sincerity of my
    belief must lead to a happy issue." The day was not ended before he
    obtained his wish.
    Those who are acquainted with the religious knowledge and the piety
    of His Majesty, will not attach any importance to some of his customs,"
    remarkable as they may appear at first ; and those who know His Majesty's
    charity and love of justice, do not even see any thing remarkable in them.
    In the magnanimity of his heart, he never thinks of his perfection , though
    he is the ornament of the world. Hence he even keeps back many who
    declare themselves willing to become his disciples . He often says, " Why
    should I claim to guide men, before I myself am guided ?" But when a
    novice bears on his forehead the sign of earnestness of purpose, and he be
    daily enquiring more and more, His Majesty accepts him, and admits him
    on a Sunday, when the world-illuminating sun is in its highest splendour.
    Notwithstanding every strictness and reluctance shewn by His Majesty in
    admitting novices, there are many thousands, men of all classes, who have
    cast over their shoulders the mantel of belief, and look upon their con-
    version to the New Faith as the means of obtaining every blessing.
    At the above-mentioned time of everlasting auspiciousness, the novice
    with his turban in his hands, puts his head on the feet of His Majesty.
    This is symbolical, and expresses that the novice, guided by good fortune.
    and the assistance of his good star, has cast aside conceit and selfishness,
    " He [Akbar] shewed himself every there remained in the breast of the mo-
    morning at a window, in front of which narch a stronghold of idolatry, on which
    multitudes came and prostrated them- they [the Portuguese Missionaries ] could
    selves ; while women brought their sick never make any impression. Not only
    infants for his benediction, and offered did he adore the sun, and make long
    presents on their recovery." From the ac- prayers to it four times a day ; he also
    count ofthe Goa Missionaries who came to held himself forth as an object of worship ;
    Akbar in 1595, in Murray's Discoveries and though exceedingly tolerant as to
    in Asia, II, p. 96. other modes of faith, never would admit
    2 His thought was this. If Akbar is a of any encroachments on his own divi-
    prophet, he must, from his supernatural nity.' Murray's Discoveries, II, p 95.
    wisdom, find out in what condition I am
    a 4 The text has zabán i hál, and a little
    lying here. lower down, zabán i bezufání. Zabán
    3 He [Akbar] shewed , besides, no par- i hál, or symbolical language, is opposed
    tiality to the Mahometans ; and when in to zabán i maqál, spoken words.
    straits for money, would even plunder Or rather, from his head, as the text
    the mosques to equip his cavalry. Yet has, because the casting aside of selfish-
    166 .

    the root of so many evils, offers his heart in worship, and now comes to en-
    quire as to the means of obtaining everlasting life. His Majesty, the chosen
    one of God, then stretches out the hand of favour, raises up the suppliant,
    and replaces the turban on his head, meaning by these symbolical actions.
    that he has raised up a man of pure intentions, who from seeming existence
    has now entered into real life. His Majesty then gives the novice the
    Shaçt, upon which is engraved the Great Name, " and His Majesty's
    symbolical motto, Alláhu Akbar.' This teaches the novice the truth that
    " The pure Shaçt and the pure sight never err."
    Seeing the wonderful habits of His Majesty, his sincere attendants are
    guided, as circumstances require it ; and from the wise counsels they receive,
    they soon state their wishes openly. They learn to satisfy their thirst in
    the spring of divine favour, and gain for their wisdom and motives renewed
    light. Others, according to their capacities are taught wisdom in excellent
    advices.
    But it is impossible while speaking of other matters besides, to give a
    full account of the manner in which His Majesty teaches wisdom, heals
    dangerous diseases, and applies remedies for the severest sufferings. Should
    my occupations allow sufficient leisure, and should another term of life be
    granted me, it is my intention to lay before the world a separate volume on
    this subject .
    Ordinances of the Divine Faith.
    The members of the Divine Faith, on seeing each other, observe the
    following custom . One says, " Alláhu Akbar ;" and the other responds,
    "Jalla Jaláluhu . " The motive of His Majesty, in laying down this mode

    ness is symbolically expressed by taking root, not a derivative. All epithets of


    off the turban. To wear a turban is a dis- God are contained in it." Kashfullughát .
    tinction . 3 These formulæ remind of Akbar's
    1
    Shact means aim ; secondly any name, Jalaluddin Muhammad Akbar.
    thing round, either a ring, or a thread, The words Alláhu Akbar are ambi-
    as the Brahminical thread. Here a ring guous : they may mean, God is great, or,
    seems to be meant. Or it may be the Akbar is God. There is no doubt that
    likeness of the Emperor which, according Akbar liked the phrase for its ambiguity ;
    to Badáoní, the members wore on their for it was used on coins, the Imperial
    turbans. seals, and the heading of books, farmáns,
    2 The Great Name is a name of God. &c. His era was called the Divine era ;
    66 Some say, it is the word Allah ; others his faith, the Divine faith ; and the note
    say, it is çamad, the eternal ; others, al- at the end of this Aín shews how Akbar,
    hayy, the living ; others, alqayyúm, the starting from the idea of the Divine right
    everlasting ; others, arrahman, arrahim, of kings, gradually came to look upon
    the clement and merciful ; others, 66almu- himself as the Mujtahid of the age, then
    haimin, the protector. Ghiás. Qází as the prophet of God and God's Vice re-
    Hamiduddín of Nágor says, the Great gent on earth, and lastly as a Deity. "It
    Name is the word Hú, or He (God), was during these days [ A. H. 983, or A. D.
    because it has a reference to God's na- 1575-76 ] that His Majesty once asked
    ture, as it shows that He has no other how people would like it, if he ordered
    at His side. Again, the word hú is a the words Alláhu Akbar to be cut on
    167

    of salutation, is to remind men to think of the origin of their existence, and


    to keep the Deity in fresh, lively, and grateful remembrance.
    It is also ordered by His Majesty that, instead of the dinner usually
    given in remembrance of a man after his death, each member should pre-
    pare a dinner during his lifetime, and thus gather provisions for his last
    journey.
    Each member is to give a party on the anniversary of his birth-day,
    and arrange a sumptuous feast. He is to bestow alms, and thus prepare
    provisions for the long journey.
    His Majesty has also ordered that members should endeavour to abstain
    from eating flesh. They may allow others to eat flesh, without touching it
    themselves ; but during the month of their birth they are not even to ap-
    proach meat. Nor shall members go near anything that they have them-
    selves slain ; nor eat of it. Neither shall they make use of the same
    vessels with butchers, fishers, and birdcatchers.
    Members should not cohabit with pregnant, old, and barren women ;
    nor with girls under the age of puberty.

    NOTE BY THE TRANSLATOR ON THE RELIGIOUS VIEWS OF THE


    EMPEROR AKBAR.

    In connection with the preceding Kín, it may be of interest for


    the general reader, and of some value for the future historian of Akbar's
    reign, to collect, in form of a note, the information which we possess
    regarding the religious views of the Emperor Akbar. The sources
    from which this information is derived , is, besides Abulfazl's Xín ,
    the Muntakhab ut Tawarikh by ' Abdul Qádir ibn i Mulúk Sháh of Badáon
    -regarding whom I would refer the reader to p. 104, and to a longer
    article in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for 1869 —and
    the Dabistán ul Mazahib ' , a work written about sixty years after Akbar's
    death by an unknown Muhammadan writer of strong Pársí tendencies.
    Nor must we forget the valuable testimony of some of the Portuguese
    Missionaries whom Akbar called from Goa, as Rodolpho Aquaviva,

    the Imperial seal and the dies of his coins. it was surely sufficient that no man who
    Most said, people would like it very felt his weakness, would claim Divini-
    much. But Hájí Ibráhím objected, and ty ; he merely looked to the sound of
    said, the phrase had an ambiguous mean- the words, and he had never thought
    ing, and the emperor might substitute that a thing could be carried to such an
    the Qorán verse Lazikru Alláhi akbaru extreme." Badáoní, p. 210.
    (To think of God is the greatest thing), 1 Printed at Calcutta in 1809 with a
    because it involved no ambiguity. But short dictionary, and reprinted at Bombay,
    His Majesty got displeased, and said, A. H. 1272, [A. D. 1856]. This work
    168

    Antonio de Monserrato, Francisco Enriques, & c. , of whom the first


    is mentioned by Abulfazl under the name of Pádri Radalf. There exist
    also two articles on Akbar's religious views, one by Captain Vans
    Kennedy, published in the second volume of the Transactions of the
    Bombay Literary Society, and another by the late Horace Hayman
    Wilson, which had originally appeared in the Calcutta Quarterly Oriental
    Magazine, Vol. I. , 1824 , and has been reprinted in the second volume of
    Wilson's works , London , 1862. Besides, a few extracts from Badáoní,
    bearing on this subject, will be found in Sir H. Elliott's Bibliographical
    Index to the Historians of Muhammadan India, p. 243 ff. The Proceed-
    ings of the Portuguese Missionaries at Akbar's Court are described in
    Murray's Historical Account of Discoveries and Travels in Asia, Edin-
    burgh, 1820 , Vol. II .
    I shall commence with extracts from Badáoní. The translation is
    literal, which is of great importance in a difficult writer like Badáoní.
    Abulfazl's second introduction to Akbar. His pride.
    [ Badáoní, edited by Maulawi Aghá Ahmad ' Alí, in the Bibliotheca
    Indica, Vol. II, p . 198. ]
    " It was during these days [ end of 982 A. H. ] that Abulfazl, son of
    Shaikh Mubárik of Nágor, came the second time to court. He is now styled
    ' Allámi. He is the man that set the world in flames. He lighted up the
    lamp of the Çabáhis, illustrating thereby the story of the man who, because
    he did not know what to do, took up a lamp in broad daylight, and repre-
    senting himself as opposed to all sects, tied the girdle of infallibility round
    his waist, according to the saying, ' He who forms an opposition, gains
    power.' He laid before the Emperor a commentary on the Ayat ul-kursi,”

    has also been translated into English at 988 - 17 February, 1580.


    the cost of the Oriental Translation 989 5 February, 1581 .
    Fund. 990 26 January, 1582 .
    : Not Padre Radif ‫ پادری ردیف‬, as in 991 - 15 January, 1583.
    Elphinstone's history, but , the letter 992 4 January, 1584.
    993 24 December, 1584.
    (lám) having been mistaken for a 2 (yá) . 994 13 December, 1585 .
    2 As in the following extracts the years 995 2 December, 1586.
    of the Hijrah are given, the reader may
    ·- 996 ― 22 November, 1587.
    convert them according to this table :- 997 --- 10 November, 1588.
    The year 980 A. H. commenced 14 May 998 31 October, 1589.
    1572 [ Old Style. 999 20 October, 1590 .
    981 3 May, 1573. 1000
    982 9 October, 1591 .
    23 April, 1574. 1001 28 September, 1592 .
    983 12 April, 1575. 1002
    984 31 March, 1576. 17 September, 1593 .
    1003 6 September, 1594 .
    985 21 March, 1577. 1004
    986 - 10 March, 1578. 27 August, 1595.
    987 - 28 February, 1579.
    3 Qor. Sur. II , 256.
    169

    which contained all subtleties of the Qorán ; and though people said that
    it had been written by his father, Abulfazl was much praised . The
    numerical value of the letters in the words Tafsir i Akbarí ( Akbar's com-
    mentary) gives the date of composition [ 983 ]. But the emperor praised it,
    chiefly because he expected to find in Abulfazl a man capable of teaching
    the Mullás a lesson, whose pride certainly resembles that of Pharaoh, though
    this expectation was opposed to the confidence which His Majesty had
    placed in me.
    The reason of Abulfazl's opinionativeness and pretensions to infallibi-
    lity was this. At the time when it was customary to get hold of, and kill,
    such as tried to introduce innovations in religious matters ( as had been the
    case with Mir Habshi and others ), Shaikh ' Abdunnabí and Makhdúm ul mulk,
    and other learned men at court, unanimously represented to the emperor
    that Shaikh Mubarik also, in as far as he pretended to be Mahdí¹, belonged
    to the class of innovators, and was not only himself damned, but led others
    into damnation. Having obtained a sort of permission to remove him, they
    despatched police officers, to bring him before the emperor. But when they
    found that the Shaikh, with his two sons, had concealed himself, they
    demolished the pulpit in his prayer-room . The Shaikh, at first, took
    refuge with Salim i Chishtí at Fathpúr, who then was in the height of his
    glory, and requested him to intercede for him. Shaikh Salim, however,
    sent him money by some of his disciples, and told him, it would be better
    for him to go away to Gujrát. Seeing that Salím took no interest in him,
    Shaikh Mubárik applied to Mírzá 'Aziz Kokah [ Akbar's foster-brother ] ,
    who took occasion to praise to the emperor the Shaikh's learning and volun-
    tary poverty, and the superior talents of his two sons, adding that Mubárik
    was a most trustworthy man, that he had never received lands as a present,
    and that he ['Aziz ] could really not see whythe Shaikh was so much
    persecuted. The emperor at last gave up all thoughts of killing the Shaikh.
    In a short time matters took a more favourable turn ; and Abulfazl, when
    once in favor with the emperor, (officious as he was, and time-serving,
    openly faithless, continually studying His Majesty's whims, a flatterer
    beyond all bounds ) took every opportunity of reviling in the most shame-
    ful way that sect whose labours and motives have been so little appreciated,"
    and became the cause not only of the extirpation of these experienced.
    people, but also of the ruin of all servants of God, especially of Shaikhs,
    pious men, of the helpless, and the orphans, whose livings and grants he
    cut down .
    2
    ¹ Vide p. 106, Note 5 . years later, Akbar used Mahdawí ru-
    Badáoní belonged to the believers in mours for his own purposes ; vide below.
    the approach of the Millennium. A few The extract shows that there existed before
    22
    170

    He used to say, openly and implicitly, --


    O Lord, send down a proof¹ for the people of the world !
    Send these Nimrods a gnat as big as an elephant !
    These Pharaoh-like fellows have lifted up their heads ;
    Send them a Moses with a staff, and a Nile !
    And when in consequence of his harsh proceedings , miseries and mis-
    fortunes broke in upon the ' Ulamás (who had persecuted him and his
    father), he applied the following Rubá'í to them :—
    I have set fire to my barn with my own hands,
    As I am the incendiary, how can I complain of my enemy?
    No one is my enemy but myself,
    Woe is me ! I have torn my garment with my own hands .
    And when during disputations people quoted against him the edict of
    any Mujtahid , he used to say, " Oh don't bring me the arguments of this
    sweetmeat-seller, and that cobbler, or that tanner !" He thought himself
    capable of giving the lie to all Shaikhs and ' Ulamás."

    Commencement of the Disputations . [ Badáoní II, p . 200. ]


    'During the year 983 A. H. , many places of worship were built at the
    command of His Majesty. The cause was this. For many years previous
    to 983 , the emperor had gained in succession remarkable and decisive
    victories . The empire had grown in extent from day to day ; everything
    turned out well, and no opponent was left in the whole world. His Majesty
    had thus leisure to come into nearer contact with ascetics and the disciples
    of the Mu'íniyyah sect, and passed much of his time in discussing the word
    of God ( Qorán) , and the word of the prophet (the Hadis, or Tradition).
    Questions of Çúfism, scientific discussions, enquiries into Philosophy and
    Law, were the order of the day. His Majesty passed whole nights in
    thoughts of God ; he continually occupied himself with pronouncing the
    4
    names Yá hú and Yá hádi, which had been mentioned to him, and his

    982 , heretical innovators, whom the em- explanations of the Muhammadan law.
    peror allowed to be persecuted . Matters There are few Mujtahids . Among the
    soon took a different turn. oldest there were several who plied a
    That is, a man, capable of teaching trade at the same time. The preceding
    the 'Ulamás a lesson. Abulfazl means Rubá'í is translated by Sir H. Elliott in
    the Muhammadan Historians of India,
    himself.
    2 Nimrod, or Namrúd , and Pharaoh , are p. 244.
    proverbial in the East for their pride . By some asceti . Yá hú means
    c
    Nimrod was killed by a gnat which had O He (God ) , and Ya hádí, O Guid . The
    e
    crept through the nose to his brain . He frequ r o
    ent epetition f such names is a
    could only relieve his pains by striking mean of know . Some faqirs repeat
    the crown of head ; but at last he died thems sever ltehdogue
    al sand times during a
    from the effects of his own blows. night .
    A man of infallible authority in his
    171

    heart was full of reverence for Him who is the true Giver. From a feeling
    of thankfulness for his past successes, he would sit many a morning alone
    in prayer and melancholy, on a large flat stone of an old building which
    lay near the palace in a lonely spot, with his head bent over his chest, and
    gathering the bliss of early hours."

    In his religious habits the emperor was confirmed by a story which


    he had heard of Sulaimán, ' ruler of Bengal, who, in company with 150
    Shaikhs and ' Ulamás, held every morning a devotional meeting, after
    which he used to transact state business ; as also by the news that
    Mírzá Sulaimán , a prince of Cúfi tendencies, and a Çáhib i hal' was
    coming to him from Badakhshán .
    Among the religious buildings was a meeting place near a tank
    called Anúptaláo, where Akbar, accompanied by a few courtiers, met
    the ' Ulamás and lawyers of the realm . The pride of the 'Ulamás, and
    the heretical (Shi'itic) subjects discussed in this building, caused Mullá
    Sherí, a poet of Akbar's reign, to compose a poem in which the place
    was called a temple of Pharaoh and a building of Shaddád (ride Qor.
    Sur. 89). The result to which the discussions led, will be seen from the
    following extract . [Bad. II, p. 202. ]
    "For these discussions, which were held every Thursday night, His
    Majesty invited the Sayyids, Shaikhs, ' Ulamás, and grandees, by turn . But
    as the guests generally commenced to quarrel about their places, and the
    order of precedence, His Majesty ordered that the grandees should sit on
    the east side ; the Sayyids on the west side ; the 'Ulamás, to the south ;
    and the Shaikhs, to the north. The emperor then used to go from one side
    to the other, and make his enquiries ......, when all at once, one night,
    'the vein of the neck of the ' Ulamás of the age swelled up,' and a horrid
    noise and confusion ensued . His Majesty got very angry at their rude
    behaviour, and said to me [ Badáoní ], " In future report any of the
    'Ulamás that cannot behave and talks nonsense, and I shall make him
    leave the hall." I gently said to Açaf Khán, " If I were to carry out this
    order, most of the ' Ulamás would have to leave," when His Majesty
    suddenly asked what I had said. On hearing my answer, he was highly
    pleased, and mentioned my remark to those sitting near him. "

    1 The edition of Badáoní calls him themselves by silent thought , or by pro-


    Kararání. He is sometimes call- nouncing the name of God.
    ed Karání ; sometimes , Karzání. He The text has Shab i Jum'ah, the
    reigned in Bengal from 971 to 981 , or night of Friday ; but as Muhammadans
    A. D. 1563 to 1573. commence the day at sunset, it is our
    Hál is the state of ecstasy and close Thursday night.
    union with God, into which Cúfis bring
    172

    Soon after, another row occurred in the presence of the Emperor.

    [Bad. II, p. 210. ]


    " Some people mentioned that Hájí Ibráhím of Sarhind had given a
    decree, by which he made it legal to wear red and yellow clothes, ' quoting
    at the same time a Tradition as his proof. On hearing this, the Chief
    Justice, in the meeting hall, called him an accursed wretch, abused him, and
    lifted up his stick, in order to strike him, when the Hájí by some subter-
    fuges managed to get rid of him.”
    Akbar was now fairly disgusted with the ' Ulamás and lawyers ;
    he never pardoned pride and conceit in a man, and of all kinds of
    conceit, the conceit of learning was most hateful to him. From now
    he resolved to vex the principal ' Ulamás ; and no sooner had his
    courtiers discovered this, than they brought all sorts of charges against
    them .
    [ Bad. II, p. 203. ]
    "His Majesty therefore ordered Mauláná ' Abdullah of Sultánpúr, who
    had received the title of Makhdum ul mulk, to come to a meeting, as he
    wished to annoy him, and appointed Hájí Ibráhím, Shaikh Abulfazl (who
    had lately come to court, and is at present the infallible authority in
    all religious matters, and also for the New Religion of His Majesty,
    and the guide of men to truth, and their leader in general), and several
    other newcomers, to oppose him. During the discussion, His Majesty
    took every occasion to interrupt the Mauláná, when he explained any-
    thing. When the quibbling and wrangling had reached the highest point,
    some courtiers, according to an order previously given by His Majesty,
    commenced to tell rather queer stories of the Mauláná, to whose position
    one might apply the verse of the Qorán ( Sur. XVI, 72 ), ' And some one
    of you shall have his life prolonged to a miserable age, &c.' Among other
    stories, Khán Jahán said that he had heard that Makhdúm ul mulk had
    given a fatwa, that the ordinance of pilgrimage was no longer binding ,
    but even hurtful. When people had asked him the reason of his ex-
    traordinary fatwa, he had said, that the two roads to Makkah, through
    Persia and over Gujrát, were impracticable, because people, in going by
    land (Persia) , had to suffer injuries at the hand of the Qizilbáshes (i. e., the
    Shi'ah inhabitants of Persia) , and in going by sea, they had to put up with
    indignities from the Portuguese, whose ship -tickets had pictures of Mary
    and Jesus stamped on them. To make use, therefore, of the latter alternative
    would mean to countenance idolatry ; hence both roads were closed up.
    As women may use. Akbar did not prohibit pilgrimages before
    2 This extract as given by Sir H. Elliott 990 A. H.
    on p. 244 conveys a wrong impression.
    173

    Khán Jahán also related that the Mauláná had invented a clever
    trick by which he escaped paying the legal alms upon the wealth which
    he amassed every year. Towards the end of each year, he used to make
    over all his stores to his wife, but he took them back before the year
    had actually run out.'
    Other tricks also, in comparison with which the tricks of the children
    of Moses are nothing, and rumours of his meanness and shabbiness, his
    open cheating and worldliness, and his cruelties said to have been practised
    on the Shaikhs and the poor of the whole country, but especially on
    the Aimadárs and other deserving people of the Panjáb, -all came up,
    "
    one story after the other. His motives, which shall be revealed on the
    day of resurrection ' (Qor. LXXXVI, 9), were disclosed ; all sorts of
    stories, calculated to ruin his character and to vilify him, were got up,
    till it was resolved to force him to go to Makkah .
    But when people asked him whether pilgrimage was a duty for a
    man in his circumstances, he said No ; for Shaikh ' Abdunnabí had risen
    to power, whilst the star of the Mauláná was fast sinking."
    But a heavier blow was to fall on the ' Ulamás. [Bad. II, p. 207. ]
    "At one of the above-mentioned meetings, His Majesty asked how
    many freeborn women a man was legally allowed to marry (by nikáh).
    The lawyers answered that four was the limit fixed by the prophet. The
    emperor thereupon remarked that from the time he had come of age,
    he had not restricted himself to that number, and in justice to his wives,
    of whom he had a large number, both freeborn and slaves, he now wanted
    to know what remedy the law provided for his case. Most expressed
    their opinions, when the emperor remarked that Shaikh ' Abdunnabí had
    once told him that one of the Mujtahids had had as many as nine wives . Some
    of the 'Ulamás present replied that the Mujtahid alluded to was Ibn Abi
    Laila ; and that some had even allowed eighteen from a too literal trans-
    lation of the Qorán verse ( Qor. Sur. IV, 3) , " Marry whatever women ye
    like, two and two, and three and three, and four and four ;" but this
    was improper. His Majesty then sent a message to Shaikh ' Abdunnabí,

    ¹ Alms aredue on every surplus of stock Thus they got 2 +2, 3 + 3, 4 +4= 18 .
    or stores which a Sunní possesses at the translated,
    6But the passage is usually
    end of a year, provided that surplus have Marry whatever women ye like, two , or
    been in his possession for a whole year. three, or four.' The Mujtahid who took
    If the wife, therefore, had the surplus for nine unto himself, translated two +
    a part of the year, and the husband took three + four,' 9. The question of the
    it afterwards back, he escaped the paying emperor was most ticklish, because, if the
    of alms. lawyers adhered to the number four,
    2 I. e., he meant to say he was poor, which they could not well avoid, the
    and thus refuted the charges brought harámzádagi of Akbar's freeborn prin-
    against him. cesses was acknowledged .
    174

    who replied that he had merely wished to point out to Akbar that a
    difference of opinion existed on this point among lawyers, but that he
    had not given a fatwa, in order to legalize irregular marriage proceedings.
    This annoyed His Majesty very much. " The Shaikh," he said, " told
    me at that time a very different thing from what he now tells me. ” He
    never forgot this.
    After much discussion on this point, the 'Ulamás, having collected every
    Tradition on the subject, decreed, first, that by Mut'ah [ not by nikáh] a
    man might marry any number of wives he pleased ; and secondly, that
    Mut'ah marriages were allowed by Imám Málik. The Shi'ahs, as was
    well known, loved children born in Mut'ah wedlock more than those born
    by nikáh wives, contrary to the Sunnís and the Ahl i Jama'at.
    On the latter point also the discussion got rather lively, and I would
    refer the reader to my work entitled Najáturrashid [ Vide note 2 , p. 104] ,
    in which the subject is briefly discussed . But to make things worse,
    Naqib Khán fetched a copy of the Muwatta of Imám Málik, and pointed
    to a Tradition in the book, which the Imám had cited as a proof against
    the legality of Mut'ah marriages.
    Another night, Qází Ya'qúb, Shaikh Abulfazl, Hájí Ibráhím, and
    a few others were invited to meet His Majesty in the house near the
    Anuptalão tank. Shaikh Abulfazl had been selected as the opponent,
    and laid before the emperor several traditions regarding Mut'ah marriages,
    which his father ( Shaikh Mubárik) had collected, and the discussion
    commenced. His Majesty then asked me, what my opinion was on this
    subject. I said, " The conclusion which must be drawn from so many
    contradictory traditions and sectarian customs, is this :-Imám Málik and
    the Shi'ahs are unanimous in looking upon Mut'ah marriages as legal ;
    Imam Shafi'í and the Great Imám (Hanifahı) look upon Mut'ah marriages
    as illegal. But, should at any time a Qází of the Málikí sect decide that
    Mut'ah is legal, it is legal, according to the common belief, even for Shafi'is
    and Hanafis. Every other opinion on this subject is idle talk." This
    pleased His Majesty very much."

    The unfortunate Shaikh Ya'qúb, however, went on talking about


    the extent of the authority of a Qází. He tried to shift the ground ;
    but when he saw that he was discomfited , he said, " Very well, I have
    ""
    nothing else to say, -just as His Majesty pleases.'

    " The emperor then said, " I herewith appoint the Málikí Qází Husain
    ' Arab as the Qází before whom I lay this case concerning my wives, and
    you, Ya'qúb, are from to-day suspended." This was immediately obeyed, and
    Qází Hasan, on the spot, gave a decree which made Mut'ah marriages legal.
    175

    The veteran lawyers, as Makhdúm ulmulk, Qází Ya'qúb, and others,


    made very long faces at these proceedings .
    6
    This was the commencement of their sere and yellow leaf. ’
    The result was that, a few days later, Mauláná Jaláluddín of Multán
    a profound and learned man, whose grant had been transferred, was
    ordered from Agrah (to Fathpúr Sikri, ) and appointed Qází of the realm .
    Qází Ya'qúb was sent to Gaur as District Qází.
    6
    From this day henceforth, the road of opposition and difference in
    opinion' lay open, and remained so till His Majesty was appointed Mujtahid
    of the empire." [Here follows the extract regarding the formula 'Alláhu
    Akbar, given on p. 166, note 3. ]
    [Badáoní II, p . 211. ]
    " During this year [ 983 ], there arrived Hakim Abulfath, Hakim
    Humáyún (who subsequently changed his name to Humáyún Qulí, and
    lastly to Hakim Humám, ) and Núruddín , who as poet is known under
    the name of Qarári. They were brothers, and came from Gílán, near the
    Caspian Sea. The eldest brother, whose manners and address were exceed-
    ingly winning, obtained in a short time great ascendancy over the Emperor ;
    he flattered him openly, adapted himself to every change in the religious
    ideas of His Majesty, or even went in advance of them, and thus became
    in a short time, a most intimate friend of Akbar.
    Soon after there came from Persia Mullá Muhammad of Yazd, who
    got the nickname of Yazídí, and attaching himself to the emperor, com-
    menced openly to revile the Çahábah (persons who knew Muhammad, except
    the twelve Imáms), told queer stories about them, and tried hard to make
    the emperor a Shi'ah . But he was soon left behind by Bír Bar- that
    bastard —and by Shaikh Abulfazl, and Hakim Abulfath, who success-
    fully turned the emperor from the Islám, and led him to reject inspiration,
    prophetship, the miracles of the prophet and of the saints, and even the
    whole law, so that I could no longer bear their company.
    At the same time, His Majesty ordered Qází Jalaluddin and several
    'Ulamás to write a commentary on the Qorán ; but this led to great rows
    among them.
    Deb Chand Rajah Manjholah- that fool-once set the whole court in
    laughter by saying that Allah after all had great respect for cows, else
    the cow would not have been mentioned in the first chapter ( Súrat ul baqarah)
    of the Qorán .
    His Majesty had also the early history of the Islám read out to him,
    and soon commenced to think less of the Çahábah. Soon after, the ob-
    servance of the five prayers and the fasts, and the belief in every thing
    connected with the prophet, were put down as taqlidi, or religious blindness,
    176

    and man's reason was acknowledged to be the basis of all religion. Portu-
    guese priests also came frequently ; and His Majesty enquired into the
    articles of their belief which are based upon reason."
    [ Badáoní II, p. 245. ]
    " In the beginning of the next year [ 984 ] , when His Majesty was at
    Dípálpúr in Málwah, Sharif of Amul arrived . This apostate had run
    from country to country, like a dog that has burnt its foot, and turning
    from one sect to the other, he went on wrangling till he became a perfect
    heretic. For some time he had studied Cúfic nonsense in the school of
    Maulana Muhammad Zahid of Balkh, nephew of the great Shaikh Husain
    of Khwárizm , and had lived with derwishes. But as he had little of a derwish
    in himself, he talked slander, and was so full of conceit, that they hunted
    him away. The Mauláná also wrote a poem against him, in which the
    following verse occurs :
    There was a heretic, Sharíf by name,
    Who talked very big, though of doubtful fame.
    In his wanderings he had come to the Dak'hin, where he made him-
    self so notorious, that the king of the Dak'hin wanted to kill him. But
    he was only put on a donkey and shewn about in the city. Hindustan,
    however, is a nice large place, where anything is allowed, and no one
    cares for another, and people go on as they may. He therefore made for
    Málwah, and settled at a place five kos distant from the Imperial camp.
    Every frivolous and absurd word he spoke, was full of venom, and became
    the general talk. Many fools, especially Persian heretics, (whom the
    Islám casts out as people cast out hairs which they find in dough- such
    heretics are called Nabatis, and are destined to be the foremost worshippers
    of Antichrist) gathered round him, and spread, at his order, the rumour
    that he was the restorer of the Millenium. The sensation was immense.
    As soon as His Majesty heard of him, he invited him one night to a private
    audience in a long prayer room, which had been made of cloth, and in
    which the emperor with his suite used to say the five daily prayers . Ridicu-
    lous in his exterior, ugly in shape, with his neck stooping forward, he
    performed his obeisance, and stood still with his arms crossed, and you could
    scarcely see how his blue eye (which colour' is a sign of hostility to our
    prophet) shed lies, falsehood, and hypocrisy. There he stood for a long time,
    and when he got the order to sit down, he prostrated himself in worship,
    and sat down duzánú (vide p. 160, note 2 ), like an Indian camel. He talked
    privately to His Majesty ; no one dared to draw near them , but I some-

    ¹ Chashmi i azraq. Europeans have Harírí and the Crusades.


    blue eyes. The expression is as old as
    177

    times heard from a distance the word ' ilm (knowledge) because he spoke
    "
    pretty loud. He called his silly views the truth of truths,' or the ground-
    work of things .'
    A fellow ignorant of things external and internal,
    From silliness indulging idle talk.
    He is immersed in heresies infernal,
    And prattles- God forbid !-of truth eternal.

    The whole talk of the man was a mere repetition of the ideas of
    Mahmud of Basakhwán (a village in Gílán), who lived at the time of Tímúr.
    Mahmud had written thirteen treatises of dirty filth, full of such hypocrisy,
    as no religion or sect would suffer, and containing nothing but titál, which
    name he had given to the science of expressed and implied language.'
    The chief work of this miserable wretch is entitled Bahr o Kúzah (the Ocean
    and the Jug), and contains such loathsome nonsense, that on listening to
    it one's ear vomits. How the devil would have laughed into his face, if
    he had heard it, and how he would have jumped for joy ! And this Sharif-
    that dirty thief-had also written a collection of nonsense, which he styled
    Tarashshukh i Zuhur, in which he blindly follows Mír ' Abdulawwal. This
    book is written in loose, deceptive aphorisms, each commencing with the
    words mifarmúdand (the master said), a queer thing to look at, and a mass
    of ridiculous, silly nonsense. But notwithstanding his ignorance, according
    to the proverb, Worthies will meet,' he has exerted such an influence.
    on the spirit of the age, and on the people, that he is now [ in 1004] a
    commander of One Thousand, and His Majesty's apostle for Bengal, posses-
    sing the four degrees of faith, and calling, as the Lieutenant of the emperor,
    the faithful to these degrees."
    The discussions on Thursday evenings were continued for the next
    year. In 986, they became more violent, in as far as the elementary
    principles of the Islám were chosen as subject, whilst formerly the
    disputations had turned on single points. The ' Ulamás even in the
    presence of the emperor, often lost their temper, and called each other
    Kafirs or accursed.

    [ Bad. II . p . 255. ]
    "Makhdúm also wrote a pamphlet against Shaikh ' Abdunnabí, in
    which he accused him of the murder of Khizr Khán of Shirwán, who was
    suspected to have reviled the prophet, and of Mir Habshi, whom he had
    ordered to be killed for heresy. But he also said in the pamphlet that it was
    wrong to say prayers with ' Abdunnabí, because he had been undutiful
    towards his father, and was, besides, afflicted with piles. Upon this , Shaikh
    'Abdunnabí called Makhdúm a fool, and cursed him . The ' Ulamás now
    23
    178

    broke up into two parties, like the Sibtis and Qibtis, gathering either
    round the Shaikh, or round Makhdúm ulmulk ; and the heretic innovators
    used this opportunity, to mislead the emperor by their wicked opinions and
    aspersions, and turned truth into falsehood, and represented lies as truth.
    His Majesty till now [ 986 ] had shewn every sincerity, and was diligently
    searching for truth. But his education had been much neglected ; and surrounded
    as he was by men of low and heretic principles, he had been forced to doubt the
    truth of the Islám. Falling from one perplexity into the other, he lost sight of
    his real object, the search of truth ; and when the strong embankment of our clear
    law and our excellent faith had once been broken through, His Majesty grew colder
    and colder, till after the short space offive or six years not a trace of Muhammadan
    feeling was left in his heart. Matters then became very different."

    [ Bad. II, p. 239. ]


    " In 984, the news arrived that Sháh Tahmásp of Persia had died, and
    Shah Ismá'íl II. had succeeded him. The Táríkh of his accession is given
    in the first letters of the three words ,, and ‫ د [] ظفر‬+5 ‫ف‬+b =
    984 ] . Sháh Ismá'íl gave the order that any one who wished to go to
    Makkah could have his travelling expenses paid from the royal exchequer.
    Thus thousands of people partook of the spiritual blessing of pilgrimage,
    whilst here you dare not now [ 1004 ] mention that word, and you would
    expose yourself to capital punishment, if you were to ask leave from court
    for this purpose . "

    [ Bad. II, p. 241. ]


    In 985 , the news arrived that Sháh Ismá'íl, son of Sháh Tahmásp had
    been murdered, with the consent of the grandees, by his sister Pari Ján
    Khánum. Mir Haidar, the riddle writer, found the Táríkh of his accession
    in the words Shahinsháhi rúi zamin [ 984 , ] ' a king of the face of the earth,'
    and the Táríkh of his death in Shahinsháhi zer i zamín [ 985 , ] ' a king below
    the face of the earth. " At that time also there appeared in Persia the
    great comet which had been visible in India (p . 240 ) , and the consternation
    was awful, especially as at the same time the Turks conquered Tabriz,
    Shirwán, and Mazandarán . Sultán Muhammad Khudábandah, son of Sháh
    Tahmásp, but by another mother, succeeded ; and with him ended the time
    of reviling and cursing the Çahábah.
    But the heretical ideas had certainly entered Hindustan from Persia."

    1
    As Tahmásp in his short Memoirs Ismá'íl II. 984 to 985.
    (Pers. Ms. 782, As . Soc. Bengal) gives the Prinsep's Tables (IInd edition, p. 308)
    wordzil [930 ] as the Táríkh of his give ,
    accession, we have Tahmasp. 932 to 983 ,
    Tahmasp from 930 to 984. Ismá'il II., from 983 to 985.
    179

    BADA'ONI''S SUMMARY OF THE REASONS WHICH LED AKBAR TO


    RENOUNCE THE ISLÁM.
    [ Bad. II, p. 256.]
    The following are the principal reasons which led His Majesty from
    the right path . I shall not give all, but only some, according to the
    proverb, " That which is small, guides to that which is great, and a sign
    of fear in a man points him out as the culprit. "
    The principal reason is the large number of learned men of all deno-
    minations and sects that came from various countries to court, and
    received personal interviews. Night and day people did nothing but
    enquire and investigate ; profound points of science, the subtleties of
    revelation, the curiosities of history, the wonders of nature, of which
    large volumes could only give a summary abstract, were ever spoken of.
    His Majesty collected the opinions of every one, especially of such as were
    not Muhammadans, retaining whatever he approved of, and rejecting every-
    thing which was against his disposition, and ran counter to his wishes.
    From his earliest childhood to his manhood, and from his manhood to old
    age, His Majesty has passed through the most various phases, and through
    all sorts of religious practices and sectarian beliefs, and has collected every
    thing which people can find in books, with a talent of selection peculiar
    to him, and a spirit of enquiry opposed to every [ Islámitic ] principle. Thus
    a faith based on some elementary principles traced itself on the mirror of
    his heart, and as the result of all the influences which were brought to bear
    on His Majesty, there grew, gradually as the outline on a stone, the con-
    viction in his heart that there were sensible men in all religions, and
    abstemious thinkers, and men endowed with miraculous powers, among all
    nations. If some true knowledge was thus everywhere to be found, why
    should truth be confined to one religion, or to a creed like the Islám, which
    was comparatively new, and scarcely a thousand years old ; why should
    one sect assert what another denies, and why should one claim a preference
    without having superiority conferred on itself.
    Moreover Sumanís' and Brahmins managed to get frequent private
    interviews with His Majesty. As they surpass other learned men in their
    treatises on morals, and on physical and religious sciences, and reach a high
    degree in their knowledge of the future, in spiritual power and human
    perfection, they brought proofs, based on reason and testimony, for the
    truth of their own, and the fallacies of other religions, and inculcated their

    Explained in Arab. Dictionaries as convinced of the transmigration of souls,


    a sect in Sind who believe in the trans- and therefore rejected the doctrine of
    migration of souls (tanásukh. ) Akbar, resurrection.
    as will be seen from the following, was
    180

    doctrines so firmly, and so skilfully represented things as quite self- evident


    which require consideration, that no man, by expressing his doubts, could
    now raise a doubt in His Majesty, even if mountains were to crumble to
    dust, or the heavens were to tear asunder.
    Hence His Majesty cast aside the Islámitic revelations regarding
    resurrection, the day of judgment, and the details connected with it, as also
    all ordinances based on the tradition of our prophet. He listened to every
    abuse which the courtiers heaped on our glorious and pure faith, which
    can be so easily followed ; and eagerly seizing such opportunities, he shewed
    in words and gestures, his satisfaction at the treatment which his original
    religion received at their hands.
    How wise was the advice which the guardian gave a lovely being,
    " Do not smile at every face, as the rose does at every zephyr."
    When it was too late to profit by the lesson,
    She could but frown, and hang down the head.

    For some time His Majesty called a Brahmin , whose name was Puzukho-
    2
    tam, author of a commentary on the .., " whom he asked to invent particular
    Sanscrit names for all things in existence. At other times, a Brahmin of
    the name of Debí was pulled up the wall of the castle, " sitting on a chárpái,
    till he arrived near a balcony where the emperor used to sleep . Whilst
    thus suspended, he instructed His Majesty in the secrets and legends of
    Hinduism, in the manner of worshipping idols, the fire, the sun and stars,
    and of revering the chief gods of these unbelievers, as Brahma, Mahadev,
    Bishn, Kishn, Rám, and Mahámá' , who are supposed to have been men,
    but very likely never existed, though some, in their idle belief, look upon
    them as gods, and others as angels . His Majesty, on hearing further
    how much the people of the country prized their institutions, commenced
    to look upon them with affection. The doctrine of the transmigration of
    souls especially took a deep root in his heart, and he approved of the saying,
    " There is no religion in which the doctrine of transmigration has not
    taken firm root." Insincere flatterers composed treatises, in order to fix
    the evidence for this doctrine ; and as His Majesty relished enquiries into
    the sects of these infidels (who cannot be counted, so numerous they are,
    and who have no end of revealed books, but nevertheless, do not belong to
    the Ahl i Kitáb (Jews, Christians, and Muhammadans), not a day passed,
    but a new fruit of this loathsome tree ripened into existence.

    1 Just as Akbar liked the zephyr of


    2 Thetexthas a few unintelligible words.
    3
    enquiry into other religious systems. Perhaps in order not to get polluted,
    But zephyrs are also destructive : they or because the balcony belonged to the
    scatter the petals of the rose. Harem.
    181

    .
    Sometimes again, it was Shaikh Tajuddin of Dihlí, who had to attend
    the emperor. This Shaikh is the son of Shaikh Zakariyá of Ajodhan .
    The principal ' Ulamás of the age call him Tájul'árifin, or crown of the
    Çufis. He had learned under Shaikh Zamán of Pánipat, author of a
    commentary on the Lawáih, and of other very excellent works, was in Çúfism
    and pantheism second only to Shaikh Ibn ' Arabí, and had written a
    comprehensive commentary on the Nuzhat ularwáh. Like the preceding
    he was drawn up the wall of the castle. His Majesty listened whole nights
    to his Çúfic trifles. As the Shaikh was not overstrict' in acting ac-
    cording to our religious law, he spoke a great deal of the pantheistic
    presence, which idle Çúfís will talk about, and which generally leads them
    to denial of the law and open heresy. He also introduced polemic matters,
    as the ultimate salvation by faith of Pharaoh- God's curse be upon him !-
    2
    which is mentioned in the Fuçuç ulhikam, or the excellence of hope over
    3
    fear, and many other things to which men incline from weakness of dis-
    position, unmindful of cogent reasons, or distinct religious commands, to
    the contrary. The Shaikh is therefore one of the principal culprits, who
    weakened His Majesty's faith in the orders of our religion . He also said
    that infidels would, of course, be kept for ever in hell, but it was not likely,
    nor could it be proved, that the punishment in hell was eternal. His
    explanations of some verses of the Qorán, or of the Tradition of our prophet,
    were often far-fetched. Besides, he mentioned that the phrase ' Insán i
    kámil (perfect man) referred to the ruler of the age, from which he inferred
    that the nature of a king was holy. In this way, he said many agreeable
    things to the emperor, rarely expressing the proper meaning, but rather
    the opposite of what he knew to be correct. Even the sijdah ( prostration),
    which people mildly call zaminbos (kissing the ground, ) he allowed to be
    due to the Insán i Kámil ; he looked upon the respect due to the king as
    a religious command, and called the face of the king Ka'bah i Murádát,
    the sanctum of desires, and Qiblah i Háját, the cynosure of necessities.
    Such blasphemies ' other people supported by quoting stories of no credit,
    and by referring to the practice followed by disciples of some heads of Indian

    As long as a Cúfi conforms to the a true prophet .


    Qorán, he is shar'í ; but when he feels The Islám says, Alímán baina-l
    that he has drawn nearer to God, and does khaufi warrijá, Faith stands between
    no longer require the ordinances of the fear and hope.' Hence it is sin to fear
    profanum vulgus, he is ázád, free, and God's wrath more than to hope for God's
    becomes a heretic. mercy ; and so reversely.
    2 Pharaohclaimed divinity, and is there- As the zamínbos, or the use of holy
    fore mal'ún, accursed by God. But ac- names as Ka'bah (the temple at Makkah)
    cording to some books, and among them or qiblah (Makkah, in as far as people
    the Fuçuç , Pharaoh repented in the mo- turn to it their face when praying).
    ment of death, and acknowledged Moses
    182

    sects. And after this, when .... ¹


    Other great philosophical writers of the age also expressed opinions ,
    for which there is no authority. Thus Shaikh Ya'qúb of Kashmir, a well
    known writer, and at present the greatest authority in religious matters,
    mentioned some opinions held by ' Ain ulquzát of Hamadán, that our
    prophet Muhammad was a personification of the divine name of Alhádi
    (the guide), and the devil was the personification of God's name of Almuzill
    2
    (the tempter), that both names, thus personified, had appeared in this world,
    and that both personifications were therefore necessary .
    Mullá Muhammad of Yazd, too, was drawn up the wall of the castle, and
    uttered unworthy, loathsome abuse against the first three Khalifahs, called
    the whole Çahábah, their followers and next followers, and the saints of past
    ages, infidels and adulterers, slandered the Sunnís and the Ahl i Jama'at, ³
    and represented every sect, except the Shi'ah, as damned and leading men
    into damnation .
    The differences among the ' Ulamás, of whom one called lawful what
    the other called unlawful, furnished His Majesty with another reason for
    apostacy. The emperor also believed that the ' Ulamás of his time were
    superior in dignity and rank to Imám i Ghazzálí and Imám i Rází, and
    knowing from experience the flimsiness of his ' Ulamás, he judged those
    great men of the past by his contemporaries, and threw them aside.
    Learned monks also came from Europe, who go by the name of Pádre.
    They have an infallible head, called Pápá. He can change any religious
    ordinances as he may think advisable, and kings have to submit to his
    authority. These monks brought the gospel, and mentioned to the emperor
    their proofs for the Trinity. His Majesty firmly believed in the truth of
    the Christian religion , and wishing to spread the doctrines of Jesus, ordered
    Prince Murád to take a few lessons in Christianity by way of auspicious-

    The text has an unintelligible sen- matters. The most popular books of Imám
    tence. Ghazzáli are the Thyá ul'ulúm, and the
    2 According to the Islám, God leads Kimiyá i Sa'ádat, which, according to
    (hádí) men to salvation , but also to sin p. 103, was one of the few books which
    and damnation . God created also wicked- Abkar liked .
    ness. 5 The text has ‫پادهری‬
    Ahli jama'at is a term which is Prince Murád was then about eight
    often joined with the word Sunnis. All years old. Jahángír (Salím) was born
    religious ordinances are either based upon on Wednesday, the 17 Rabí'ulawwal 977.
    the Qorán ; or upon the Tradition ; or Three months after him, his sister Shahzá-
    upon the opinion (qiás) of famous Ça- dah Khánum was born ; and after her (per-
    habis ; or lastly, upon ijmá', agreement, haps in year the 978) Sháh Murád, who
    or the custom generally followed during got the nickname of Pahárí, as he was
    the first century of the Hijrah. Hence born in the hills of Fathpúr Síkṛí. Dán-
    Ahli jama'at comprises all such as be- yál was born in Ajmír during the night
    lieve jma' binding. between Tuesday and Wednesday, the
    Two famous authorities in religious 10th the Jumadalawwal 979,
    183

    ness, and charged Abulfazl to translate the Gospel . Instead of the usual
    Bismilláh-irrahmán-irrahim, ' the following lines were used—
    Ai nám i tu Jesus o Kiristo
    (0 thou whose names are Jesus and Christ)
    which means, ' O thou whose name is gracious and blessed ;' and Shaikh
    Faizí added another half, in order to complete the verse
    Subhánaka lá siwáka Yá hú.
    (We praise Thee, there is no one besides Thee, O God ! )
    These accursed monks applied the description of cursed Satan, and
    of his qualities, to Muhammad, the best of all prophets-God's blessings
    rest on him and his whole house ! —a thing which even devils would not do.
    Bir Bar also impressed upon the emperor that the sun was the
    primary origin of every thing . The ripening of the grain on the fields,
    of fruits and vegetables, the illumination of the universe, and the lives
    of men, depended upon the Sun. Hence it was but proper to worship
    and reverence this luminary ; and people in praying should face towards
    the place where he rises, instead of turning to the quarter where he sets .
    For similar reasons, said Bír Bar, should men pay regard to fire and
    water, stones, trees, and other forms of existence, even to cows and their
    dung, to the mark on the forehead and the Brahminical thread.
    Philosophers and learned men who had been at Court, but were in
    disgrace, made themselves busy in bringing proofs. They said, the sun
    was ' the greatest light,' the source of benefit for the whole world, the
    nourisher of kings, and the origin of royal power.
    This was also the cause why the Naurúz i Jalálí' was observed, on
    which day, since His Majesty's accession, a great feast was given. His Majesty
    also adopted different suits of clothes of seven different colours, each of
    which was worn on a particular day of the week in honor of the seven
    colours of the seven planets.
    The emperor also learned from some Hindus formulæ, to reduce
    the influence of the sun to his subjection , and commenced to read them
    mornings and evenings as a religious exercise . He also believed that
    it was wrong to kill cows, which the Hindus worship ; he looked upon cow-
    dung as pure, interdicted the use of beef, and killed beautiful men (?)

    The formula Bismilláh, &c.' is said 33, No. 32 ,) is improbable. The formula
    by every schoolboy before he commences as given in the Dabistán has a common
    to read from his text book. Masnawi metre, (vide my • Prosody,' p.
    The words Ai nám i tu Jesus o Kiristo 33 , No. 31) , and spells Jesus is dezuz.
    are taken from the Dabistán ; the edition The verse as given by H. Wilson (Works
    of Badáoní has Ai námi wai zhazho II, p . 387 ) has no metre.
    Kiristo, which, though correct in metre 2 Vide the Tárikh i Mulki, in the
    (vide my Prosody of the Persians, p . beginning of Book III.
    184

    instead of cows. The doctors confirmed the emperor in his opinion , and
    told him, it was written in their books that beef was productive of all sorts
    of diseases, and was very indigestible.
    Fire-worshippers also had come from Nausárí in Gujrát, and proved
    to His Majesty the truth of Zoroaster's doctrines. They called fire-worship
    ' the great worship, ' and impressed the emperor so favorably, that he
    learned from them the religious terms and rites of the old Pársís, and
    ordered Abulfazl to make arrangements, that sacred fire should be kept
    burning at court by day and by night, according to the custom of the
    ancient Persian kings, in whose fire-temples it had been continually burning ;
    6
    for fire was one of the manifestations of God, and a ray of His rays.'
    His Majesty, from his youth, had also been accustomed to celebrate
    the Hom (a kind of fire-worship), from his affection towards the Hindu
    princesses of his Harem .
    From the New Year's day of the twenty-fifth year of his reign [ 988 ],
    His Majesty openly worshipped the sun and the fire by prostrations ; and
    the courtiers were ordered to rise, when the candles and lamps were lighted
    in the palace . On the festival of the eighth day of Virgo, he put on the
    mark on the forehead, like a Hindu, and appeared in the Audience Hall,
    when several Brahmins tied, by way of auspiciousness, a string with jewels.
    on it round his hands, whilst the grandees countenanced these proceedings
    by bringing, according to their circumstances, pearls and jewels as presents.
    The custom of Rák'hí (or tying pieces of clothes round the wrists as amulets)
    became quite common.
    When orders, in opposition to the Islám, were quoted by people of
    other religions, they were looked upon by His Majesty as convincing, whilst
    Hinduism is in reality a religion, in which every order is nonsense. The
    Originator of our belief, the Arabian Saints, all were said to be adulterers,
    and highway robbers, and all the Muhammadans were declared worthy
    of reproof, till at length His Majesty belonged to those of whom the Qorán
    says (Sur. 61 , 8 :) " They seek to extinguish God's light with their mouths :
    but God will perfect his light, though the infidels be averse thereto . " In
    fact matters went so far, that proofs were no longer required when any-
    thing connected with the Islám was to be abolished ."
    Akbar publicly assumes the spiritual leadership of the nation.
    [ Bad. II, p . 268. ]
    In this year [ 987 ], His Majesty was anxious to unite in his person
    the powers of the state and those of the Church ; for he could not bear
    to be subordinate to any one. As he had heard that the prophet, his
    lawful successors, and some of the most powerful kings, as Amir Timúr
    Çáhibqirán, and Mírzá Ulugh Beg i Gurgán, and several others, had
    185

    themselves read the Khutbah (the Friday prayer), he resolved to do the


    same, apparently in order to imitate their example, but in reality to appear
    in public as the Mujtahid of the age. Accordingly, on Friday, the first
    Jumáda-lawwal 987 , in the Jámi' Masjid of Fathpúr, which he had built
    near the palace, His Majesty commenced to read the Khutbah . But all at
    once he stammered and trembled, and though assisted by others, he could
    scarcely read three verses of a poem, which Shaikh Faizí had composed,
    came quickly down from the pulpit, and handed over the duties of the
    Imám (leader of the prayer) to Háfiz Muhammad Amin, the Court Khatib.
    These are the verses-

    The Lord has given me the empire,


    And a wise heart, and a strong arm,
    He has guided me in righteousness and justice,
    And has removed from my thoughts everything but justice.
    His praise surpasses man's understanding,
    Great is His power, Alláhu Akbar !"
    [p. 269. ]
    "As it was quite customary in those days to speak ill of the doctrine
    and orders of the Qorán, and as Hindu wretches and Hinduizing Muham-
    madans openly reviled our prophet, irreligious writers left out in the
    prefaces to their books the customary praise of the prophet, and after say-
    ing something to the praise of God, wrote eulogies of the emperor instead.'
    It was impossible even to mention the name of the prophet, because these
    liars ( as Abulfazl, Faizí, &c. ) did not like it. This wicked innovation gave
    general offence, and sowed the seed of evil throughout the country ; but
    notwithstanding this, a lot of low and mean fellows put piously on their
    necks the collar of the Divine Faith, and called themselves disciples, either
    from fear, or hope of promotion, though they thought it impossible to say
    our creed. "

    [p. 270 to 272. ]


    " In the same year [ 987 ] , a document made its appearance, which bore
    the signatures and seals of Makhdúm ulmulk, of Shaikh ' Abdunnabí,
    çadruççudúr, of Qází Jalaluddin of Multán, Qázílquzát, of Çadr Jahán , the
    mufti of the empire, of Shaikh Mubárik, the deepest writer of the age, and
    of Ghází Khán of Badakhshan, who stood unrivalled in the various sciences.

    As Abulfazl has done in the Aín . hence many would see the innovation
    But Faizí added the usual praise of the and imitate it. As the formula Bismil-
    prophet (na't) to his Nal Daman, a short láh, &c.' had been changed to Alláhu
    time before his death, at the pressing Akbar, we also find Alláhu Akbar in
    request of some friends.' Baddoni. the heading of books, as in the Xín .
    Because books were sure to be copied ;
    24
    186

    The object of the document was to settle the superiority of the Imám i ' ádil
    (just leader) over the Mujtahid, which was proved by a reference to an ill-
    supported authority. The whole matter is a question, regarding which
    people differ in opinion ; but the document was to do away with the
    possibility of disagreeing about laws, whether political or religious, and
    was to bind the lawyers in spite of themselves. But before the instrument
    was signed, a long discussion took place as to the meaning of ijtihad, and
    as to whom the term Mujtahid was applicable, and whether it really was the
    duty of a just Imám who, from his acquaintance with politics, holds a higher
    rank than the Mujtahid, to decide , according to the requirements of the
    times, and the wants of the age, all such legal questions on which there
    existed a difference of opinion . At last, however, all signed the document,
    some willingly, others against their convictions .
    I shall copy the document verbatim.

    The Document .

    ' Whereas Hindústán has now become the centre of security and peace,
    and the land of justice and beneficence, a large number of people, especi-
    ally learned men and lawyers, have immigrated and chosen this country
    for their home. Now we, the principal ' Ulamás, who are not only well
    versed in the several departments of the law and in the principles of
    jurisprudence, and well-acquainted with the edicts which rest on reason or
    testimony, but are also known for our piety and honest intentions, have
    duly considered the deep meaning, first, of the verse of the Qorán ( Sur. IV,
    62,) " Obey God, and obey the prophet, and those who have authority among you,"
    and secondly, of the genuine tradition, " Surely, the man who is dearest to
    God on the day of judgment, is the Imám i ' Adil : whosoever obeys the Amir,
    obeys Me ; and whosoever rebels against him, rebels against Me," and thirdly,
    of several other proofs based on reasoning or testimony ; and we have
    agreed that the rank of a Sultán i ' Adil ( a just ruler) is higher in the
    eyes of God than the rank of a Mujtahid. Further we declare that the
    king of the Islám, Amír of the Faithful, shadow of God in the world,
    Abul Fath Jalaluddin Muhammad Akbar Pádisháh i gházi, whose kingdom
    God perpetuate, is a most just, a most wise, and a most God-fearing king.
    Should therefore, in future, a religious question come up, regarding which
    the opinions of the Mujtahids are at variance, and His Majesty, in his
    penetrating understanding and clear wisdom, be inclined to adopt, for the
    benefit of the nation and as a political expedient, any of the conflicting
    opinions which exist on that point, and issue a decree to that effect, we
    do hereby agree that such a decree shall be binding on us and on the whole
    nation.
    187

    Further, we declare that, should His Majesty think fit to issue a new
    order, we and the nation shall likewise be bound by it, provided always
    that such an order be not only in accordance with some verse of the Qorán,
    but also of real benefit for the nation ; and further, that any opposition
    on the part of the subjects to such an order as passed by His Majesty, shall
    involve damnation in the world to come, and loss of religion and property
    in this life.
    This document has been written with honest intentions, for the glory
    of God, and the propagation of the Islám, and is signed by us, the principal
    'Ulamás and lawyers, in the month of Rajab of the year 987 of the Hijrah.'
    The draft of this document when presented to the emperor, was in the
    handwriting of Shaikh Mubárik. The others had signed it against their
    will, but the Shaikh had added at the bottom that he had most willingly
    signed his name ; for this was a matter, which, for several years, he had
    been anxiously looking forward to.
    No sooner had His Majesty obtained this legal instrument, than the
    road of deciding any religious question was open ; the superiority of intellect
    of the Imám was established, and opposition was rendered impossible.
    All orders regarding things which our law allows or disallows, were abolish-
    ed, and the superiority of intellect of the Imám became law.
    But the state of Shaikh Abulfazl resembled that of the poet Hairatí
    of Samarqand, ' who after having been annoyed by the cool and sober
    people of Máwaral-nahr ( Turkistán), joined the old foxes of Shi'itic Persia,
    and chose the roadless road .' You might apply the proverb to him, ' He
    prefers hell to shame on earth.'
    On the 16th Rajab of this year, His Majesty made a pilgrimage to
    Ajmír. It is now fourteen years that His Majesty has not returned to that
    place . On the 5th Sha'bán, at the distance of five kos from the town,
    the emperor alighted, and went on foot to the tomb of the saint (Mu'ín-
    uddín) . But sensible people smiled, and said, it was strange that His
    Majesty should have such a faith in the Khwajah of Ajmír, whilst he
    rejected the foundation of everything, our prophet, from whose ' skirt'
    hundreds of thousands of saints of the highest degree had sprung."

    [p. 273. ]
    " After Makhdúm ulmulk and Shaikh ' Abdunnabí had left for Makkah
    ( 987 ), the emperor examined people about the creation of the Qorán , elicited

    The birthplace of the poet Hairatí is of places where wine-drinking was con-
    not exactly known, though he belongs to nived at. At last he settled at Káshán,
    Turkistán. It is said that he was a great and became a Shi'ah. He was murdered
    wine-bibber, and travelled about in search there by a robber in 961 .
    188

    their belief, or otherwise, in revelation, and raised doubts in them regard-


    ing all things connected with the prophet and the imáms. He distinctly
    denied the existence of Jins, of angels, and of all other beings of the invisible
    world, as well as the miracles of the prophet and the saints ; he rejected the
    successive testimony of the witnesses of our faith, the proofs for the truths
    of the Qorán as far as they agree with man's reason, the existence of the soul
    after the dissolution of the body, and future rewards and punishments in
    as far as they differed from metempsychosis.

    Some copies of the Qorán, and a few old graves


    Are left as witnesses for these blind men.
    The graves, unfortunately, are all silent,
    And no one searches for truth in the Qorán.

    An 'I'd has come again, and bright days will come-like the face
    of the bride.
    And the cupbearer will again put wine into the jar-red like blood.
    The reins of prayer and the muzzle of fasting-once more
    Will fall from these asses- alas, alas !¹

    His Majesty had now determined publicly to use the formula, ' There
    is no God but God, and Akbar is God's representative.' But as this led
    to commotions, he thought better of it, and restricted the use of the for-
    mula to a few people in the Harem. People expressed the date ofthis
    event by the words fitnahái ummat, the ruin of the Church ( 987 ) . The
    emperor tried hard to convert Qutbuddin Muhammad Khán and Shahbáz
    Khán (vide List of grandees, IId book, Nos. 28 and 80) , and several
    others. But they staunchly objected . Qutbuddín said, "What would
    the kings of the West, as the Sultán of Constantinople, say, if he heard all
    this . Our faith is the same, whether a man hold high or broad views ."
    His Majesty then asked him, if he was in India on a secret mission from
    Constantinople, as he shewed so much opposition ; or if he wished to keep
    a small place warm for himself, should he once go away from India, and be a
    respectable man there he might go at once. Shahbaz got excited, and
    took a part in the conversation ; and when Bir Bar-that hellish dog-
    made a sneering remark at our religion, Shahbáz abused him roundly, and
    said, " You cursed infidel, do you talk in this manner ? It would not take me
    long to settle you . " It got quite uncomfortable, when His Majesty said
    to Shahbáz in particular, and to the others in general, " Would that a shoe-
    full of excrements were thrown into your faces."

    1 Badáoní bewails the blindness of the means of grace of the Islám (prayers,
    Akbar, Abulfazl, &c ., who threw away fasts).
    189

    [ p. 276. ]
    " In this year the Tamghá (inland tolls ) and the Jazyah (tax on infidels) ,
    which brought in several krors of dáms, were abolished, and edicts to this
    effect were sent over the whole empire."
    In the same year a rebellion broke out at Jaunpúr, headed by
    Muhammad Macúm of Kábul , Muhammad Macúm Khán , Muizzul
    Mulk, ' Arab Bahádur, and other grandees. They objected to Akbar's
    innovations in religious matters, in as far as these innovations led to a
    withdrawal of grants of rent-free land. The rebels had consulted Mullá
    Muhammad of Yazd (vide above, pp. 175, 182) , who was Qází-lquzát
    at Jaunpúr ; and on obtaining his opinion that, under the circumstances,
    rebellion against the king of the land was lawful, they seized some
    tracts of land, and collected a large army. The course which this
    rebellion took, is known from general histories ; vide Elphinstone, p. 511 .
    Mullá Muhammad of Yazd , and Mu'izzulmulk, in the beginning of the
    rebellion, were called by the emperor to Agrah, and drowned, on the
    road, at the command of the emperor, in the Jamnah.
    In the same year the principal ' Ulamás, as Makhdúm ul mulk,
    Shaikh Munawwar, Mullá ' Abdushshukúr, &c. , were sent as exiles to
    distant provinces .

    [ p. 278. ]
    66
    Hájí Ibráhím of Sarhind (vide above, p . 105 ) brought to court an old,
    worm-eaten MS. in queer characters, which, as he pretended, was written
    by Shaikh Ibn ' Arabí. In this book, it was said that the Çahib i Zamán¹
    was to have many wives, and that he would shave his beard . Some of
    the characteristics mentioned in the book as belonging to him, were found
    to agree with the usages of His Majesty. He also brought a fabricated
    tradition that the son of a Çahábí (one who knew Muhammad ) had once
    come before the prophet with his beard cut off, when the prophet had said
    that the inhabitants of Paradise looked like that young man. But as the
    Hájí during discussions, behaved impudently towards Abulfazl, Hakim
    Abulfath, and Sháh Fathullah, he was sent to Rantanbhúr, where he
    died in 994 .
    Farmáns were also sent to the leading Shaikhs and ' Ulamás of the
    various districts to come to Court, as His Majesty wished personally to
    enquire into their grants ( vide IId book, Aín 19 ) and their manner of
    living. When they came, the emperor examined them singly, giving

    ¹ Çáhib i Zamán, or ' Man of the Period,' is a title frequently given to Imám Mahdí .
    190

    them private interviews, and assigned to them some lands, as he thought


    fit. But when he got hold of one who had disciples, or held spiritual
    soirées, or practised similar tricks, he confined them in forts, or exiled them
    to Bengal or Bhakkar. This practice become quite common. *** The poor
    Shaikhs who were, moreover, left to the mercies of Hindu Financial Secre-
    taries, forgot in exile their spiritual soirées, and had no other place where
    to live, except mouseholes. "

    [ p. 288. ]
    " In this year ( 988 ) low and mean fellows, who pretended to be learned,
    but were in reality fools, collected evidences that His Majesty was the
    Çáhib i Zamán, who would remove all differences of opinion among the
    seventy-two sects of the Islám. Sharif of Amul brought proofs from the
    writings of Mahmud of Basakhwán (vide above, p. 177 ) , who had said that,
    in 990, a man would rise up who would do away with all that was wrong** .!
    And Khwajah Mauláná of Shíráz, the heretic of Jafrdán, came with a
    pamphlet by some of the Sharifs of Makkah, in which a tradition was
    quoted that the earth would exist for 7,000 years, and as that time was
    now over, the promised appearance of Imám Mahdi would immediately
    take place. The Mauláná also brought a pamphlet written by himself on
    the subject. The Shi'ahs mentioned similar nonsense connected with ' Alí,
    and some quoted the following Rubá'í, which is said to have been composed
    2
    by Náçir i Khusrau, or, according to some, by another poet :-

    In 989, according to the decree of fate,


    The stars from all sides shall meet together.
    In the year of Leo, the month of Leo, and on the day of Leo,
    The Lion of God will stand forth from behind the veil.

    All this made His Majesty the more inclined to claim the dignity of
    113
    a prophet, perhaps I should say, the dignity of something else."
    [p. 291. ]
    "At one of the meetings, the emperor asked those who were present, to
    mention each the name of man who could be considered the wisest man
    of the age ; but they should not mention kings, as they formed an exception.
    Each then mentioned that man in whom he had confidence. Thus Hakim
    Humám (vide above, p . 175 ) mentioned himself, and Shaikh Abulfazl his
    own father.

    1 the time of Akbar. The Farhang i


    The text here does not give a clear
    meaning. Jahangiri is full of verses from the works
    2 A Persian poet of the fifth century of of this ancient poet.
    the Hijrah. As he was a free- thinker 3 God.
    and Shi'ah, his poems were much read at
    191

    During this time, the four degrees of faith in His Majesty were defined.
    The four degrees consisted in readiness to sacrifice to the Emperor property,
    life, honor, and religion. Whoever had sacrificed these four things ,
    possessed four degrees ; and whoever had sacrificed one of these four,
    possessed one degree.
    All the courtiers now put their names down as faithful disciples of the
    throne."

    [p. 299. ]
    "At this time (end of 989), His Majesty sent Shaikh Jamál Bakhtyár
    to bring Shaikh Qutbuddín of Jalesar who, though a wicked man, pretended
    to be 6 attracted by God. ' When Qutbuddín came, the emperor brought him
    to a conference with some Christian priests, and rationalists, and some other
    great authorities of the age. After a discussion, the Shaikh exclaimed ,
    ' Let us make a great fire, and in the presence of His Majesty I shall pass
    through it. And if any one else gets safely through, he proves by it the
    truth of his religion. " The fire was made. The Shaikh pulled one of
    the Christian priests by the coat, and said to him, " Come on, in the name
    of God !" But none of the priests had the courage to go.
    Soon after the Shaikh was sent into exile to Bhakkar, together with
    other faqirs, as His Majesty was jealous of his triumph.
    A large number of Shaikhs and Faqirs were also sent to other places,
    mostly to Qandahár, where they were exchanged for horses. About the
    same time, the emperor captured a sect consisting of Shaikhs and disciples,
    and known under the name of Iláhis. They professed all sorts of nonsense,
    and practised deceits. His Majesty asked them whether they repented
    of their vanities. They replied , " Repentance is our Maid." And so they
    had invented similar names for the laws and religious commands of the
    Islám, and for the fast. At the command of His Majesty, they were sent
    to Bhakkar and Qandahár, and were given to merchants in exchange for
    Turkish colts."

    [p . 301. ]
    " His Majesty was now ( 990) convinced that the Millennium of the
    Islámitic dispensation was drawing near. No obstacle, therefore, remained
    to promulgating the designs which he had planned in secret. The Shaikhs
    and ' Ulamás who, on account of their obstinacy and pride, had to be entirely
    discarded, were gone, and His Majesty was free to disprove the orders and
    principles of the Islám, and to ruin the faith of the nation by making
    new and absurd regulations. The first order which was passed was, that
    the coinage should shew the era of the Millennium, and that a history of
    the one thousand years should be written, but commencing from the death
    192

    of the prophet. Other extraordinary innovations were devised as political


    expedients, and such orders were given that one's senses got quite perplexed.
    Thus the sijdah, or prostration, was ordered to be performed as being
    proper for kings ; but instead of sijdah, the word zaminbos was used . Wine also
    was allowed, if used for strengthening the body, as recommended by doc-
    tors ; but no mischief or impropriety was to result from the use of it, and strict
    punishments were laid down for drunkenness, or gatherings, and uproars.
    For the sake of keeping everything within proper limits, His Majesty
    established a wine-shop near the palace, and put the wife of the porter in
    charge of it, as she belonged to the caste of wine-sellers. The price of
    wine was fixed by regulations, and any sick persons could obtain wine on
    sending his own name and the names of his father and grandfather to the
    clerk of the shop . Of course, people sent in fictitious names , and got
    supplies of wine ; for who could strictly enquire into such a matter ? It
    was in fact nothing else but licensing a shop for drunkards. Some people
    even said that pork formed a component part of this wine ! Notwith-
    standing all restrictions, much mischief was done, and though a large
    number of people were daily punished , there was no sufficient check.
    1 6
    Similarly, according to the proverb, Upset, but don't spill, ' the pro-
    stitutes of the realm ( who had collected at the capital, and could scarcely be
    counted, so large was their number), had a separate quarter of the town
    assigned to them, which was called Shaitúnpurah, or Devilsville . A Dárogah
    and a clerk also were appointed for it, who registered the names of such as
    went to prostitutes, or wanted to take some of them to their houses . People
    might indulge in such connexions, provided the toll collectors knew of it.
    But without permission, no one was allowed to take dancing girls to his
    house. If any wellknown courtier wanted to have a virgin, they should
    first apply to His Majesty, and get his permission . In the same way, boys
    prostituted themselves, and drunkenness and ignorance soon led to blood-
    shed. Though in some cases capital punishment was inflicted, certain
    privileged courtiers walked about proudly and insolently doing what they
    liked .
    His Majesty himself called some of the principal prostitutes and asked
    them who had deprived them of their virginity. After hearing their replies,
    some ofthe principal and most renowned grandees were punished or censured,
    or confined for a long time in fortresses. Among them, His Majesty came
    across one whose name was Rájah Bír Bar, a member of the Divine Faith,

    1 markable, as it shews the open profligacy


    Kaj dár o maríz, which is impossible .
    Akbar's order was well meant ; but ac- among the Grandees, which annoyed
    cording to Badáoní, his Act of Segregation Akbar very much. For another instance,
    was unpractical. The passage is re- vide Bad. II, p. 20.
    193

    who had gone beyond the four degrees, and acquired the four cardinal
    virtues . At that time he happened to live in his jágír in the Parganah
    of Karah ; and when he heard of the affair, he applied for permission to
    turn Jógi ; but His Majesty ordered him to come to Court, assuring him
    that he need not be afraid.
    Beef was interdicted, and to touch beef was considered defiling . The rea-
    son of this was that, from his youth, His Majesty had been in company with
    Hindu libertines, and had thus learnt to look upon a cow-which in their
    opinion is one of the reasons why the world still exists- as something holy.
    Besides, the Emperor was subject to the influence of the numerous Hindu
    princesses of the Harem, who had gained so great an ascendancy over him,
    as to make him forswear beef, garlic, onions, and the wearing of a beard,"
    whichthings His Majesty still avoids. He had also introduced, though modified
    by his peculiar views, Hindu customs and heresies into the court assemblies,
    and introduces them still, in order to please and win the Hindus and their
    castes ; he abstained from everything which they think repugnant to their
    nature, and looked upon shaving the beard as the highest sign of friendship
    and affection for him. Hence this custom has become very general. Pan-
    dering pimps also expressed the opinion that the beard takes its nourish-
    ment from the testicles ; for no eunuch had a beard ; and one could not
    exactly see of what merit or importance it was to cultivate a beard. More-
    over, former ascetics had looked upon carelessness in letting the beard
    grow, as one way of mortifying one's flesh, because such carelessness expos-
    ed them to the reproach of the world ; and as, at present, the silly lawyers
    of the Islám looked upon cutting down the beard as reproachful, it was
    clear that shaving was now a way of mortifying the flesh, and therefore
    praiseworthy, but not letting the beard grow. (But if any one considers
    this argument calmly, he will soon detect the fallacy. ) Lying , cheating
    Muftis also quoted an unknown tradition, in which it was stated that ' some
    Qázís' of Persia had shaved their beards. But the words kama yafalu
    ba'zulquzáti (as some Qázis have done) , which occur in this tradition,
    are based upon a corrupt reading, and should be kama yafalu baʼzuľuzát
    (as some wicked men have done) . ****
    The ringing of bells as in use with the Christians, and the showing of
    the figure of the cross, and³ ........, and other childish playthings of theirs,
    were daily in practice. The words Kufr shái shud, or 'heresy became com-

    1 Fazáil i arba'ah, or the four virtues dence, temperance, and fortitude.


    viz., hikmat wisdom ; shuja'at courage ; 2 The last three things are incon-
    iffat chastity ; ' adálat justice. Books venient in kissing.'
    on Akhlaq divide each into several The text has o balbalán (?) kih
    kinds. Compare the above with the car- khushgáh i ishánast, which I do not
    dinal virtues of the ancient justice , pru- understand.
    25
    191

    mon', express the Tarikh ( 985) . Ten or twelve years after the commence-
    ment of these doings, matters had gone so far that wretches like Mírzá Jání,
    chief of Tattah, and other apostates, wrote their confessions on paper as
    follows : I, such a one, son of such a one, have willingly and cheerfully
    renounced and rejected the Islám in all its phases, whether low or high,
    as I have witnessed it in my ancestors, and have joined the Divine Faith of
    Shah Akbar, and declare myself willing to sacrifice to him my property and
    life, my honor and religion . ' And these papers-there could be no more effec-
    tive letters of damnation -were handed over to the Mujtahid (Abulfazl) of
    the new Creed, and were considered a source of confidence or promotion.
    The Heavens might have parted asunder, and earth might have opened her
    abyss , and the mountains have crumbled to dust !
    In opposition to the Islám, pigs and dogs were no longer looked upon
    as unclean. A large number of these animals was kept in the Harem, and
    in the vaults of the castle, and to inspect them daily, was considered a re-
    ligious exercise. The Hindus, who believe in incarnations, said that the
    boar belonged to the ten forms which God Almighty had once assumed.
    ' God is indeed Almighty-but not what they say.'
    The saying of some wise men that a dog had ten virtues, and that a
    man, if he possess one of them, was a saint, was also quoted as a proof.
    Certain courtiers and friends of His Majesty, who were known for their
    excellence in every department, and proverbial as court poets , ' used to
    put dogs on a tablecloth and feed them, whilst other heretical poets , Per-
    sians and Hindustánís, followed this example, even taking the tongues of
    dogs into their own mouths, and then boasting of it.
    Tell the Mír that thou hast, within thy skin, a dog and a carcass .
    A dog runs about in front of the house ; don't make him a messmate.
    The ceremonial ablution after emission of semen was no longer con-
    sidered binding, and people quoted as proof that the essence of man was the
    sperma genitale, which was the origin of good and bad men. It was absurd
    that voiding urine and excrements should not require ceremonial ablutions,
    whilst the emission of so tender a fluid should necessitate ablution ; it
    would be far better, if people would first bathe, and then have connexion .
    Further, it was absurd to prepare a feast in honour of a dead person ;
    for the corpse was mere matter, and could derive no pleasure from the feast.
    People should therefore make a grand feast on their birth-days. Such feasts
    were called Ash i hayát, food of life."
    The flesh of the wild boar and the tiger was also permitted, because the

    1 Faizí. required after jimá,' and ihtilám.


    2 I. e., that you are a dog. For the poor.
    8 According 5 Provisions for the life to come.
    to the law, bathing is
    195

    courage which these two animals possess, would be transferred to any one
    who fed on such meat.
    It was also forbidden to marry one's cousins or near relations, because
    such marriages are destructive of mutual love. Boys were not to marry
    before the age of 16, nor girls before 14, because the offspring of early
    marriages was weakly. The wearing of ornaments and silk dresses at the
    time of prayer was made obligatory.¹ * * * *
    The prayers of the Islám, the fast, nay even the pilgrimage, were
    henceforth forbidden. Some bastards, as the son of Mullá Mubárik, a
    worthy disciple of Shaikh Abulfazl, wrote treatises, in order to revile and
    ridicule our religious practices, of course with proofs. His Majesty liked such
    productions, and promoted the authors.
    The era of the Hijrah was now abolished, and a new era was intro-
    duced, of which the first year was the year of the emperor's accession ( 963).
    The months had the same names as at the time of the old Persian kings,
    and as given in the Niçábuççibyán . Fourteen festivals also were introduced
    corresponding to the feasts of the Zoroastrians ; but the feasts of the Mu-
    salmáns and their glory were trodden down, the Friday prayer alone being
    retained, because some old, decrepit, silly people used to go to it. The
    new era was called Táríkh i Iláhí, or ' Divine Era.' On copper coins and gold
    muhurs, the era of the Millenium* was used, as indicating that the end of the
    religion of Muhammad, which was to last one thousand years, was drawing
    near. Reading and learning Arabic was looked upon as a crime ; and
    Muhammedan law, the exegesis of the Qorán, and the Tradition, as also
    those who studied them, were considered bad and deserving of disapproval.
    Astronomy, philosophy, medicine, mathematics, poetry, history, and novels,
    were cultivated and thought necessary . Even the letters which are peculiar

    to the Arabic language, as the , &, T, S, , and , were avoided.


    Thus for Us ' Abdullah, people wrote a Abdullah ; and for
    Ahadi, Ahadi, &c. All this pleased His Majesty. Two verses from
    the Sháhnámah, which Firdausí gives as part of a story, were fre-
    quently quoted at court-
    From eating the flesh of camels and lizards
    The Arabs have made such progress,

    The Muhammadan law enjoins Mus- 3 The text has an unintelligible


    lims to goto the Mosques simply dressed . sentence .
    Silk is forbidden. Muhammadans dis- That is, the word alf (one thousand )
    "
    approve of our Sunday dresses ' and was put on the coins. From this passage
    pewage. it would appear that coins with alf on it
    Vide p. 41 , note 2 . (videMarsden ,p.599)were struck about991,
    196

    That they now wish to get hold of the kingdom of Persia.


    Fie upon Fate ! Fie upon Fate !

    Similarly other verses were eagerly seized, if they conveyed a calumny,


    as the verses from the ...... in which the falling out of the teeth of our
    prophet is alluded to .
    In the same manner, every doctrine and command of the Islám , whether
    special or general, as the prophetship, the harmony of the Islám with
    reason, the doctrines of Rúyat, Taklif, and Takwin, the details of the day
    of resurrection and judgment, -all were doubted and ridiculed . And if
    any one did object to this mode of arguing, his answer was not accepted.
    But it is well known how little chance a man has who cites proofs against
    one who will reject them , especially when his opponent has the power of life
    and death in his hands ; for equality in condition is a sine quâ non in arguing.
    A man who will not listen, ifyou bring the Qorán and the Tradition,
    Can only be replied to by not replying to him.
    6
    Many a family was ruined by these discussions. But perhaps dis-
    cussions' is not the correct name ; we should call them meetings for arro-
    gance and defamation . People who sold their religion, were busy to collect
    all kinds of exploded errors, and brought them to His Majesty, as if they
    were so many presents. Thus Latif Khwajah, who came from a noble family
    3
    in Turkistán, made a frivolous remark on a passage in Tirmizî's Shamáil, and
    asked how in all the world the neck of the prophet could be compared to the
    neck of an idol. Other remarks were passed on the straying camel. * Some
    again expressed their astonishment, that the prophet, in the beginning of
    his career, plundered the caravans of Quraish ; that he had fourteen wives ;
    that any married woman was no longer to belong to her husband, if the
    prophet thought her agreeable, &c. *** At night, when there were social

    The word in the text is Sajarák (?) . says, is the case with the world, which
    In an engagement Muhammad lost two will come to an end. But Akbar denied it,
    of his teeth. as he did not believe in a day of judg
    2 Rúyat, or dídár i Iláhí dar jannat, ment.
    the actual seeing of God in Paradise, is The book of the famous Muhaddis
    a doctrine in high favour with the Sun- (Collector of Traditions) Tirmizí, which
    nís. The Shi'ahs say, there will be no contains all Traditions regarding the
    actual seeing. figure and looks of the prophet. The
    Taklif. A man is called mukallaf bil- word idol is expressive of great beauty ;
    shar', bound by the law, first, if he be- but the courtiers laughed at the phrase
    long to the Islám ; secondly, if he have as unsuited to Muhammad, who had abo-
    'aql or a sound mind ; thirdly, if he have lished idols.
    reached bulúgh, i. e., if he be of age. This refers to the charge of adultery
    Takwin means existence between two brought against ' Aishah, Muhammad's
    non-existences ('adamain). Thus a pre- favorite wife. The whole story will be
    sent event stands between a past and a found in Sale's Qorán, Sur. 24, p. 288.
    future non-existence. This, the Islám
    197

    "
    assemblies, His Majesty told forty courtiers to sit down as The Forty, ' and
    every one might say or ask what he liked . If then any one brought up a
    question connected with law or religion, they said, " You had better ask the
    Mullás about that, as we only settle things which appeal to man's reason . "
    But it is impossible for me to relate the blasphemous remarks which they
    made about the Çahábah, when historical books happened to be read out,
    especially such as contained the reigns of the first three Khalifahs, and the
    2
    quarrel about Fadak, the war of Çiflin, & c., - would that I were deaf ! The
    Shi'ahs, ofcourse, gained the day, and the Sunnís were defeated ; the good were
    in fear, and the wicked were secure. Every day a new order was given , and
    a new aspersion or a new doubt came up ; and His Majesty saw in the
    discomfiture of one party a proof for his own infallibility, entirely forgetful
    of the proverb, ' Who slanders others, slanders himself."*** The ignorant
    vulgar had nothing on their tongues but Alláhu Akbar' , and they looked
    upon repeating this phrase, which created so much commotion , as a daily
    religious exercise. Mullá Sherí, at this time, composed a qit'ah of ten verses,
    in which the following occur :—

    It is madness to believe with the fool that love towards our prophet
    Will ever vanish from the earth.
    I smile, if I think that the following verse, in all its silliness,
    Will be repeated at the feast of the rich, and as a prayer by the poor :
    This year the emperor has claimed prophetship,
    Next year, if God will, he will be God.'

    At the new year's day feasts, His Majesty forced many of the ' Ulamás
    and the pious, nay even the Qázís and the Mufti of the realm, to drink
    wine.*** And afterwards the Mujtahids ofthe Divine Faith, especially
    Faizí, called out, " Here is a bumper to the confusion of the lawyers !"
    On the last day of this feast, when the sun enters the nineteenth degree of
    Aries (a day called Sharafu-lsharaf, and considered particularly holy by
    His Majesty), the grandees were promoted, or received new jágírs, or horses,

    The Chihil tanán, or 40 Abdáls. Makkah, which Fátimah claimed as her


    After the death of Muhammad, the last own ; but Abú Bakr would not let her
    of the long series of prophets, the earth have it. Çiffin is a place near the Eu-
    complained to God, that henceforth she phrates, where a battle took place between
    would no longer be honored by prophets Alí and Mu'awiyah .
    walking on her surface. God promised Both affairs form, even now-a-days,
    her, that there should always be on earth subjects of quarrel between Sunnís and
    forty (according to some, seventy-two) Shi'ahs. Hence the author of the Dabi-
    holy men, Abdáls, for whose sake He stán has also made use of them in his
    would let the earth remain . The chief of Dialogues. The reader will find more
    the Forty is called Ghaus. particulars in the notes to the English
    2 Fadak is a village not far from translation of the Dabistán.
    198

    or dresses of honor, according to the rules of hospitality, or in proportion of


    the tribute they had brought."
    In this year Gulbadan Begum [Akbar's aunt ] and Salimah
    Sultán Begum returned from a pilgrimage to Makkah. Soon after
    Sháh Abú Turáb also, and I'timád Khán of Gujrát, returned from the
    pilgrimage, and brought an immense stone with them, which had to
    be transported on an elephant. The stone contained , according to Abú
    Turáb, an impression of the foot of the prophet. Akbar-though it is
    difficult to guess the motive- went four kos to meet it, and the grandees
    were ordered to carry the stone themselves by turns, and thus it was
    brought to town.
    [p. 312. ]
    " In this year, Shaikh Mubárik of Nágor said in the presence of the
    emperor to Bir Bar, " Just as there are interpolations in your holy books ,
    so there are many in ours (Qorán ) ; hence it is impossible to trust either."
    Some shameless and ill-starred wretches also asked His Majesty, why
    at the approaching close of the Millennium, he did not make use ofthe sword,
    'the most convincing proof,' as Sháh Ismá'íl of Persia had done. But His
    Majesty, at last, was convinced that confidence in him as a leader was a
    matter of time and good counsel, and did not require the sword. And
    indeed, if His Majesty, in setting up his claims, and making his innovations,
    had spent a little money, he would have easily got most of the courtiers,
    and much more the vulgar, into his devilish nets .
    -
    The following Rubá'í of Náçir i Khusrau was often quoted at court ·
    I see in 992 two conjunctions ,
    I see the sign of Mahdi and that of Antichrist :
    Either politics must change or religion.
    I clearly see the hidden secret .
    At a council meeting for renovating the religion of the empire, Rájah
    Bhagawan said, " I would willingly believe that Hindus and Musalmáns
    have each a bad religion ; but only tell us where the new sect is, and what
    opinion they hold, so that I may believe." His Majesty reflected a little,
    and ceased to urge the Rájah. But the alteration of the orders of our
    glorious faith was continued. The Tárikh was found in the words Ihdás i
    bid'at, the innovation of heresy ( 990 ) .
    During those days also the public prayers and the azún, which was
    chanted five times a day for assembly to prayer in the statehall, were
    abolished . Names like Ahmad, Muhammad, Muçtafa, &c., became offensive
    to His Majesty, who thereby wished to please the infidels outside , and
    the princesses inside, the Harem, till, after some time, those courtiers
    199

    who had such names, changed them ; and names as Yar Muhammad,
    Muhammad Khán, were altered to Rahmat. To call such ill- starred wretches
    by the name of our blessed prophet would indeed be wrong, and there was
    not only room for improvement by altering their names, but it was even
    necessary to change them, according to the proverb, ' It is wrong to put
    fine jewels on the neck of a pig .'
    And this destructive fire broke all out in Agrah, burnt down great and
    small families, and did not even spare their family tombs-May God forsake
    these wretches !"
    [p. 315. ]
    “ In Rabi'ussání 990, Mír Fathullah came from the Dak'hin (vide above
    ****
    p. 33).* As he had been an immediate pupil of Mír Ghiásuddín
    Mançúr of Shíráz, who had not been overstrict in religious matters, His
    Majesty thought that Fathullah would only be too glad to enter into
    his religious scheme. But Fathullah was such a stanch Shí'ah, and at the
    same time such a worldly office-hunter, and such a worshipper of mammon
    and of the nobility, that he would not give up a jot of the tittles of bigoted
    Shi'ism . Even in the statehall he said, with the greatest composure, his
    Shi'ah prayers a thing which no one else would have dared to do. His
    Majesty, therefore, put him among the class of the bigots ; but he connived
    at his practices, because he thought it desirable to encourage a man of such
    attainments and practical knowledge. Once the emperor, in Fathullah's
    presence, ' said to Bír Bar, " I really wonder how any one in his senses can
    believe that a man, whose body has a certain weight, could, in the space of
    a moment, leave his bed, go up to heaven, there have 90,000 conversations
    with God, and yet on his return find his bed still warm ?" So also was the
    splitting of the moon ridiculed. " Why," said His Majesty, lifting up
    one foot, " it is really impossible for me to lift up the other foot !
    What silly stories men will believe." And that wretch (Bír Bar) and some
    other wretches-whose names be forgotten-said, " Yea, we believe ! Yea,
    we trust !" This great foot- experiment was repeated over and over again.
    But Fathullah- His Majesty had been every moment looking at him, because
    he wanted him to say something ; for he was a new-comer-looked straight
    before himself, and did not utter a syllable, though he was all ear."
    Here Badáoní mentions the translations from Sanscrit into Persian
    "
    which have been alluded to above, p. 104. It is not quite certain
    whether the translations were made from Sanscrit, or from Hindí trans-

    As Fathullah was a good mechanic, experiment with his foot, he would induce
    Akbar thought that by referring to the Fathullah, to make a remark on the
    weight of a man, and the following prophet's ascension (mi'ráj).
    h
    200

    lations, or from both. Badáoní clearly states that for some translations, as
    as the At'harban, Hindus were used as interpreters . For other works as
    the Mahabhárat, there may have been Hindí translations or extracts,
    because Akbar himself (vide p. 105, note 1 ) translated passages to Naqib
    Khán. Abulfazl also states that he was assisted by Pandits when writing
    the fourth book of the Aín. Compare Sir H. Elliott's Index to the
    Historians of India, p. 259.
    [p. 321. ]
    " In these days ( 991 ) new orders were given. The killing of animals
    on certain days was forbidden, as on Sundays, because this day is sacred
    to the Sun ; during the first eighteen days of the month of Farwardin ;
    the whole month of Abán (the month in which His Majesty was born) ;
    and on several other days, to please the Hindus . This order was extended
    over the whole realm, and capital punishment was inflicted on every one
    who acted against the command. Many a family was ruined . During the
    time of these fasts, His Majesty abstained altogether from meat, as a
    religious penance, gradually extending the several fasts during a year over
    six months and even more, with the view of eventually discontinuing the use
    of meat altogether.
    A second order was given that the Sun should be worshipped four times
    a day, in the morning and evening, and at noon and midnight. His
    Majesty had also one thousand and one Sanscrit names of the Sun collected,
    and read them daily, devoutly turning towards the sun ; he then used to get
    hold of both ears, and turning himself quickly round about, used to strike
    the lower ends of the ears with his fists. He also adopted several other
    practices connected with sun-worship. He used to wear the Hindu mark on
    his forehead, and ordered the band to play at midnight and at break of day.
    Mosques and prayer-rooms were changed into store rooms, or given to
    Hindu Chaukídárs. For the word jama'at (public prayer), His Majesty
    used the term jima' (copulation ), and for hayya² ala, he said yalalá talalá.
    The cemetry within the town was ordered to be sequestered ."
    [p. 324. ]
    "In the same year ( 991 ) , His Majesty built outside the town two places
    for feeding poor Hindus and Muhammadans, one of them being called
    Khairpurah, and the other Dharmpurah. Some of Abulfazl's people were
    put in charge of them . They spent His Majesty's money in feeding the poor.
    As an immense number of Jogis also flocked to this establishment, a third

    1
    Hayya 'ala, for ' hayya ' ala-ççaláh' in the Azán. Yalalá talalá is a phrase
    [the waqf form of çalát] , Come quick used by drunkards in the height of mirth.
    to the prayer,' is a phrase which occurs
    201

    place was built, which got the name of Jogipurah. His Majesty also called
    some of the Jogís, and gave them at night private interviews, enquiring
    into abstruse truths ; their articles of faith ; their occupations ; the influence
    of pensiveness ; their several practices and usages ; the power of being
    absent from the body ; or into alchemy, physiognomy, and the power
    of omnipresence of the soul. His Majesty even learned alchemy, and
    shewed in public some of the gold made by him. Once a year also during
    a night called Sivrát, a great meeting was held of all Jogís of the empire,
    when the emperor ate and drank with the principal Jogís, who promised
    him that he should live three and four times as long as ordinary men. His
    Majesty fully believed it, and connecting their promises with other inferences
    he had drawn, he got quite convinced of it. Fawning court doctors, wisely
    enough, found proofs for the longevity of the emperor, and said that the
    cycle of the moon, during which the lives of men are short, was drawing
    to its close, and that the cycle of Saturn' was at hand, with which a
    new cycle of ages, and consequently the original longevity of mankind,
    would again commence. Thus they said, it was mentioned in some holy
    books that men used to live up to the age of one thousand years, whilst in
    Sanscrit books the ages of some men were put down as ten thousand years ;
    and in Thibet, there were even now a class of Lámahs, or Mongolian
    devotees, and recluses, and hermits, that live two hundred years, and
    more. For this reason, His Majesty, in imitation of the usages of these
    Lámahs, limited the time he spent in the Harem, curtailed his food and
    drink, but especially abstained from meat. He also shaved the hair of the
    crown of his head, and let the hairs at the sides grow, because he believed
    that the soul of perfect beings, at the time of death, passes out by the crown
    (which is the tenth opening² of the human body) under a noise resembling
    thunder, which the dying man may look upon as a proof of his happiness
    and salvation from sin, and as a sign that his soul, by metempsychosis ,
    will pass into the body of some grand and mighty king.
    His Majesty gave his religious system the name of Tauhid i Iláhí, or
    'Divine Monotheism .'

    Zuhal, in Persian Kaiwán, Saturn. The first cycle was that of Saturn, during
    This planet is looked upon as the fountain which the ages of men were long. The
    of wisdom . Nizámí says sawád é safínah last cycle is that of the moon, during
    bakaiwán supurd, ' He (Muhammad) gave which people do not attain a very old
    Saturn the power of writing .' Anwár age. It existed already at the time of
    Suhaili, in praise of some physician, Háfiz, who says, In chih shorest kih dar
    Zuhal shagird i ú dar nukhtahdání, daur i qamar mibíním, 'What misfortune
    Saturn in wisdom is his pupil.' Hence is this which we witness in the cycle of
    the famous astronomer Abulqásim has the the moon.'
    laqab (title) of Ghulam i Zuhal. Besides, 2 Vide my text edition , Fourth book,
    there are several cycles of years, over p. 8, 1. 9.
    which each of the seven planets reigns.
    26
    202

    He also called, according to the manner of the Jogis, a number of


    special disciples Chelahs (slaves) . A lot of vile, swindling, wicked birds,
    who were not admitted to the palace, stood every morning opposite to the
    window, near which His Majesty used to pray to the sun, and declared, they
    had made vows not to rinse their mouths, nor to eat and drink, before they
    had seen the blessed countenance of the emperor ; and every evening, there
    was a regular court assembly of needy Hindus and Muhammadans, all sorts
    of people, men and women, healthy and sick, a queer gathering, and a most
    terrible crowd . No sooner had His Majesty finished saying the 1001 names
    6
    of the Greater Luminary', and stepped out into the balcony, than the whole
    crowd prostrated themselves . Cheating, thieving Brahmins collected
    "
    another set of 1001 names of His Majesty the Sun, ' and told the emperor that
    he was an incarnation, like Rám, Kishn, and other infidel kings ; and though
    Lord of the world, he had assumed his shape, in order to play with the
    people of our planet. In order to flatter him, they also brought Sanscrit
    verses, said to have been taken from the sayings of ancient sages, in which
    it was predicted that a great conqueror would rise up in India, who would
    honor Brahmins and cows, and govern the earth with justice . They also
    wrote this nonsense on old looking paper, and shewed it to the emperor,
    who believed every word of it.
    In this year also, in the state hall of Fathpúr, the ten cubit square of
    the Hanafis and the Qullatain' of the Sháfi'ís and Shi'ahs were compared.
    The fluid quantum of the Hanafis was greater than that of the others.
    His Majesty once ordered that the Sunnís should stand separately from
    the Shi'ahs, when the Hindustánís, without exception, went to the Sunni
    side, and the Persians to the Shí'ah side ."
    [p. 336. ]
    During this year [ 992 ] , Mullá Iláhdád of Amrohah and Mullá Sheri
    attended at Court, in order to flatter the emperor ; for they had been
    appointed to Çadrships in the Duáb of the Panjáb. Mullá Sherí presented
    to His Majesty a poem made by him, entitled Hazár Shua' , or ' The Thousand
    Rays,' which contained 1,000 qita'hs in praise of the Sun. His Majesty was
    much pleased ."
    At the feast of the emperor's accession in 992, numerous conversions
    took place. [Bad. II . p . 338. ]

    1 Qullatain, two large jars containing weigh not less than 1,200 raṭl, or the cube
    1,200 rațl i ' iráqí (iráqí pounds) of of 3 spans . Hanifah fixed (10 ‫( درا‬
    water. According to the Shi'ahs ‫ع‬
    and the Sháfi'í sect, water does not just deep enough that the hand, in passing
    over it, do not touch the bottom. The
    become najis, or soiled , from its being experiment which Akbar made had for its
    used, provided the quantity of water object to throw blame on the Hanafi Sunnis.
    203

    " They were admitted as disciples in sets of twelve, one set at a time,
    and declared their willingness to adopt the new principles, and to follow the
    new religion. Instead of the usual tree, ' His Majesty gave his likeness,
    upon which the disciples looked as a symbol of faith and the advancement
    of virtue and prosperity. They used to wrap it up in cloth studded with
    jewels, and wore it on the top of their turbans. The phrase ' Alláhu Akbar'
    was ordered to be used as the heading in all writings. Playing with dice,
    and taking interest, were allowed, and so in fact was every thing else
    admitted which is forbidden in the Islám. A play-house was even built at
    Court, and money from the exchequer was lent to the players on interest
    (ride Second book, Aín 15) . Interest and shatal (money given at the end
    of the play to the by-standers) were looked upon as very satisfactory things.
    Girls before the age of fourteen, and boys before sixteen, were not to
    marry, and the story of the marriage night of the Prophet with Çiddiqah
    was totally disapproved of. But why should I mention other blasphemies-
    May the attention which any one pays to them run away like Quicksilver-
    really I do not know what human ears cannot bear to hear !
    The sins which all prophets are known to have committed, were cited
    as a reason, why people should not believe the words of the prophets. So
    especially in the case of David and the story of Uriah . And if any one
    dared to differ from the belief of these men, he was looked upon as fit to be
    killed, or as an apostate and everlastingly damned, or he was called a law-
    6
    yer and enemy of the emperor. But according to the proverb, What people
    sow, that they shall reap, ' they themselves became notorious in the whole
    world as the greatest heretics by their damnable innovations, and the
    infallible authority' got the nick name of Abújahl. Yes , ' If the king is bad,

    ' Heads of sects give their pupils inside, where several women were as-
    trees, not of genealogy, but of disiciple- sembled, who congratulated me, and
    ship, as, Ahmad, disciple of ' Alí, disciple dressed me up. When they had done,
    of Mu'ín, disciple of Bayazíd, &c., ending they handed me over to the prophet.'
    with their own name and the name of As she was so young, she took her toys
    that disciple to whom the tree (shajarah) to the house of the prophet. The pro-
    is given . phet loved her so much, that even in the
    2
    Ciddiqah is the title of ' Aishah, the mosque, at the time of the service, he
    daughter of Abú Bakr. 66 She was six put his head under her veil, and caressed
    years old, when she was engaged to her, and played with her hair (Tha'labí
    Muhammad , who was then fifty years Tafsir 2, 180) ; and he told the faithful that
    old. The actual marriage took place, she would be his wife in Paradise." From
    when she was nine years old. I sat,' she Sprenger's Life of Muhammad III . p. 62.
    6
    relates, with other girls in a swing, when 8 David counts as a prophet. The
    my mother called me. I went to her, book revealed to him is the zabúr, or the
    not knowing what she wanted . She Psalms.
    took my hand, and led me to the door 4
    Properly father of ignorance. Ba-
    of the house. I now guessed what she dáoní means Abulfazl, which name
    wished to do with me : my heart throbbed, signifies father of wisdom. Besides,
    but I soon got again composed. I washed Abulfazl had the title (takhalluç) ' Allamí, '
    my face and my head, and was taken the most learned.
    204

    the Vizier is worse . ' Looking after worldly matters was placed before reli-
    gious concerns ; but of all things, these innovations were the most important,
    and every thing else was accessory.
    In order to direct another blow at the honour of our religion, His
    Majesty ordered that the stalls of the Fancy bázárs, which are held on New
    year's-day, should, for a stated time, be given up for the enjoyment of the
    Begums and the women of the Harem, and also for any other married
    ladies . On such occasions, His Majesty spent much money ; and the
    important affairs of Harem people, marriage-contracts, and betrothals of
    boys and girls, were arranged at such meetings.
    The real object of those who became disciples was to get into office ;
    and though His Majesty did everything to get this out of their heads, he
    acted very differently in the case of Hindus, of whom he could not get
    enough ; for the Hindus, of course, are indispensible ; to them belongs half
    the army and half the land. Neither the Hindústánís nor the Moghuls can
    point to such grand lords as the Hindus have among themselves . But if
    others than Hindus came, and wished to become disciples at any sacrifice,
    His Majesty reproved or punished them. For their honour and zeal he did
    not care, nor did he notice whether they fell in with his views or not."
    [p. 340.]
    " In this year Sultán Khwajah died . He also belonged to the elect
    disciples of His Majesty. After burying him, they laid down a new
    rule. They put a grate over his grave in such a manner that the light of
    the rising sun, which cleanses from all sins, could shine on the face of the
    corpse. People said, they had seen fiery tongues resting over his mouth, but
    God knows best."

    During the month of Cafar (the second month of the year) 994,
    Akbar's troops were defeated by the Yúsufzaís. Badáoní says (p . 350) :
    " Nearly 8,000 men, perhaps even more, were killed . Bír Bar also,
    who had fled from fear of his life, was slain, and entered the row of the
    dogs in hell, and thus got something for the abominable deeds he had done
    during his lifetime. During the last night attack, many grandees and
    persons of renown were killed, as Hasán Khán, ' and Khwajah ' Arab,
    paymaster (colonel) of Khán Jahán, and Mullá Sheri, the poet, and many
    others whose names I cannot specify. The words az Khwajah ' Arab haif

    Vide List of grandees, Text edition edition of Badáoní has wrong . His
    of the Aín, p. 227, No. 220, where for biography is not given in the Maásir
    Husain read Hasan. In the MSS. of ulumará.
    the Aín he is called or ‫ بي‬My MS. 2 The letters give 993 ; hence one
    ‫ني‬ more 994.
    of the Tabaqat reads Patani
    Afghán, and calls him a Hazári. The

    1
    205

    express the Táríkh of the defeat, by one less . Hakim Abulfath and Zain
    Khán, on the 5th Rabí'ulawwal, reached with their defeated troops the fort of
    Aṭak.* * * But His Majesty cared for the death of no grandee more than
    for that of Bir Baṛ. He said, " Alas ! they could not even get his body out
    of the pass, that it might have been burned ;" but at last, he consoled
    himself with the thought, that Bír Bar was now free and independent of all
    earthly fetters, and as the rays of the sun were sufficient for him, there was
    no necessity that he should be cleansed by fire."

    New orders were given in the beginning of 995. [ Page 356. ]


    "No one was to marry more than one wife, except in cases of barren-
    ness ; but in all other cases the rule was, ' One God, and one wife . ' Women,
    on reaching the limit of their period of fertility, when their courses stop,
    should no longer wish for the husband. If widows liked to re- marry, they
    might do so, though this was against the ideas of the Hindus . A Hindu
    girl, whose husband had died before the marriage was consummated , should
    not be burnt. If, however, the Hindus thought this a hardship, they
    should not be prevented (from burning the girl) ; but then a Hindu widow
    should take the girl ......"
    6
    Again, if disciples meet each other, one should say Alláhu Akbar,' and
    6
    the other should respond Jalla Jaláluhu .' These formulas were to take the
    place of our salám, and the answer to the salám. The beginning of counting
    Hindu months should be the 28th day, and not the 16th, because the latter
    was the invention and innovation of Bikramájít. The Hindu feasts,
    likewise, were to take place in accordance with this rule. But the order
    was not obeyed, though farmáns to that effect, as early as 990, had been
    sent to Gujrát and Bengal.
    Common people should no longer learn Arabic, because such people
    were generally the cause of much mischief. Cases between Hindus should
    be decided by learned Brahmins, and not by Musalmán Qázís. If it were
    necessary to have recourse to oaths, they should put heated irons into the
    hands of the accused, who was guilty if his hands were burnt, but innocent
    if not ; or they should put the hands of the accused into hot, liquid butter ;
    or the accused should jump into water, and if he came to the surface before
    an arrow had returned to the ground, which had been shot off when the man
    jumped into the water, he was guilty.

    The text has was not against the doubtful. The readings ofthe three MSS.
    ideas of the Hindus (?) . which Maulawí Aghá Ahmad ' Alí had in
    2 The text of the whole passage is editing Badáoní, give no sense.
    206

    People should be buried with their heads towards the east, and their feet
    towards the west.' His Majesty even commenced to sleep in this position."

    [p . 363. ]
    "In the same year the prohibition of the study of Arabic was extended
    to all . People should learn Astronomy, Mathematics, Medicine, and
    Philosophy. The Táríkh of this order is Fasád i fazl (995) .* *
    On the 10th day of Muharram 996, His Majesty had invited the
    Khán Khánán, and Mán Singh (who had just been appointed gover-
    nor of Bahár, Hájípúr and Patna) ; and whilst they were drinking, His
    Majesty commenced to talk about the Divine Faith, in order to test Mán
    Singh . He said without reserve, " If Your Majesty mean by the term of
    membership, willingness to sacrifice one's life, I have given pretty clear
    proofs, and Your Majesty might dispense with examining me ; but if the
    term has another meaning, and refers to religion, surely I am a Hindu.
    And if I am to become a Muhammadan, Your Majesty ought to say so-
    but besides Hinduism and Islám, I know of no other religion. " The
    emperor then gave up urging him.
    During the month of Cafar 996 , Mírzá Fúlád Beg Barlás managed
    to get one night Mullá Ahmad of T'hat'hah, on some pretext, out of his
    house, and stabbed at him, because the Mullá openly reviled [ as Shi'ahs
    do] the companions of the prophet. The Táríkh of this event is expressed
    6
    by the words Zihe khanjar i Fúlád, Hail, steel of Fúlád, ' or by Khúk i
    saqari, hellish hog ! And really, when this dog of the age was in his agony,
    I saw that his face looked just like the head of a pig,' and others too
    witnessed it-O God ! we take refuge with Thee against the evil which may
    befall us ! His Majesty had Mírzá Fúlád tied to the foot of an elephant
    and dragged through the streets of Láhor ; for when Hakim Abulfath, at
    the request of the emperor, had asked the Mírzá, whether he had stabbed
    at the Mullá from religious hatred, he had said, " If religious hatred had
    been my motive, it would have been better to kill a greater one than the
    Mullá." The Hakim reported these words to His Majesty, who said,
    " This fellow is a scoundrel ; he must not be allowed to remain alive," and
    ordered his execution, though the people of the Harem asked the emperor
    to spare him for his general bravery and courage. The Mullá outlived

    This was an insult, because the dáoní, looked and barked like a dog,
    Muhammadans in India face the west when dying. Another thing which the
    during prayer. Vide Journal Asiatic Sunnís all over India quote as a great
    Society, Bengal for 1868, p. 56. proof of the correctness of their mazhab,
    2 Sunnís assert that this transfigura- is that no Shi'ah can ever become a háfiz,
    tion into an animal (maskh) happens i. e., no Shi'ah can commit the Qorán to
    very often to Shi'ahs, because they revile memory.
    the Cahabah. Faizí, according to Ba- Either Akbar, or Abulfazl.
    207

    the Mírzá three or four days. The Shi'ahs, at the time of washing his
    corpse, say that, in conformity with their religion, they put a long nail into
    the anus, and plunged him several times into the river. ' After his burial,
    Shaikh Faizí and Shaikh Abulfazl put guards over his grave ; but notwith-
    standing all precaution , during the year His Majesty went to Kashmir, the
    people of Láhor, one night, took the hideous corpse of the Mullá from the
    grave, and burned it.”
    [pp. 375, 376, 380. ]
    " In 999, the flesh of oxen, buffaloes, goats, horses, and camels, was
    forbidden . If a Hindu woman wished to be burnt with her husband, they
    should not prevent her ; but she should not be forced . Circumcision was
    forbidden before the age of twelve, and was then to be left to the will of
    the boys . If any one was seen eating together with a butcher, he was to
    lose his hand, or if he belonged to the butcher's relations, the fingers which
    he used in eating.
    In 1000 , the custom of shaving off the beard was introduced ."
    In 1002 , special orders were given to the kotwáls to carry out
    Akbar's commands . They will be found in the Third book of the Kín,
    Aín 5. The following are new :
    If any of the darsaniyyah disciples died, whether man or woman, they
    should hang some uncooked grains and a burnt brick round the neck of the
    corpse, and throw it into the river, and then they should take out the corpse,
    and burn it at a place where no water was. But this order is based upon a
    fundamental rule, which His Majesty indicated, but which I cannot here
    mention.
    If a woman was older than her husband by twelve years, he should
    not lie with her, and if a young girl was found running about town, whether
    veiled or not, or if a woman was bad, or quarrelled with her husband, she
    should be sent to the quarter of the prostitutes, to do there what she liked ."
    [p. 391. ]
    "At the time of famines and distress, parents were allowed to sell their
    children, but they might again buy them, if they acquired means to repay
    their price. Hindus who, when young, had from pressure become Musal-
    máns, were allowed to go back to the faith of their fathers. No man should
    be interfered with on account of his religion, and every one should be
    allowed to change his religion, if he liked . If a Hindu woman fall in love
    with a Muhammadan, and change her religion , she should be taken from him

    This was done to clean the intestines water.


    of faeces, which were thrown into the 2 From darsan, for which vide p.
    river from which the Sunnís got their 157, l. 1.
    208

    by force, and be given back to her family. People should not be molested,
    if they wished to build churches and prayer rooms, or idol temples, or fire
    temples."
    [p. 398. ]
    " In this year A'zam Khán returned from Makkah, where he had suffered
    much harm at the hands of the Sharifs,' and throwing away the blessing
    which he had derived from the pilgrimage, joined, immediately on his
    return, the Divine Faith, performing the sijdah and following all other rules
    of discipleship ; he cut off his beard, and was very forward at social meetings
    and in conversation . He learnt the rules of the new faith from the Reverend
    Master Abulfazl, and got Gházípúr and Hájípúr as júgir."
    [p. 404. ]
    " During the Muharram of 1004, Çadr Jahán, mufti of the empire, who
    had been promoted to a commandership of One Thousand, joined the Divine
    Faith, as also his two over-ambitious sons ; and having taken the Shact of
    the new religion, he ran into the net like a fish, and got his Hazáríship. He
    even asked His Majesty what he was to do with his beard, when he was told
    to let it be. On the same day, Mullá Taqi of Shushtar" joined, who looks
    upon himself as the learned of all learned, and is just now engaged in
    rendering the Sháhnámah into prose, according to the wishes of the emperor,
    using the phrase jallat ' azmatuhu wa ' azza shánuhu, * wherever the word
    Sun occurs. Among others that joined were Shaikhzádah Gosálah Khán
    of Banáras ; Mullá Sháh Muhammad of Sháhábád ; and Çúfi Ahmad, who
    claimed to belong to the progeny of the famous Muhammad Ghaus. They
    all accepted the four degrees of faith, and received appointments as
    Commanders from One Hundred to Five Hundred, gave up their beards
    agreeably to the rules, and thus looked like the youths in Paradise. The
    words mútarásh i chand, or several shavers' , express the táríkh of this event
    ( 1004 ) . The new candidates behaved like Hindus that turn Muhammadan,*
    or like those who are dressed in red clothes, and look in their joy towards
    their relations, who say to them, " My dear little man, these rags will be
    old to-morrow, but the Islám will still remain on your neck. This Ahmad,
    ' the little Çúfi' , is the same who claimed to be the pupil, or rather the perfect
    successor, of Shaikh Ahmad of Egypt. He said that at the express desire of
    that religious leader of the age, he had come to India, and the Shaikh
    had frequently told him, to assist the Sultán of India, should he commit an

    This is the title ofthe rulers ofMakkah. 4 Because Muhammadans use such
    2 Shact, which has been explained on phrases after the name of God.
    p. 166, also means a fish hook. Vide p. 106, note 1.
    a Vide List of Grandees, Second Book, 6 That is, over- zealous.
    No. 352.
    209

    error, and lead him back from everlasting damnation . But the opposite
    was the case. "

    So far Badáoní. We have, therefore, the following list of mem-


    bers of the Divine Faith. With the exception of Bír Bar, they are all
    Muhammadans ; but to judge from Badáoní's remarks, the number of
    those that took the Shagt, must have been much larger.
    1 . Abulfazl.
    2. Faizí, his brother, Akbar's court- poet.
    3. Shaikh Mubárik, of Nágor, their father.
    4. Ja’far Beg Açaf Khán , of Qazwín , a historian and poet .
    5. Qásim i Káhí, a poet.
    6. ' Abduççamad, Akbar's court-painter ; also a poet.
    7. A'zam Khán Kokah, after his return from Makkah.
    8. Mullá Sháh Muhammad of Sháhábád, a historian.
    9. Çúfi Ahmad.
    10 to 12. Çadr Jahán, the crown-lawyer, and his two sons .
    13. Mir Sharif of Amul, Akbar's apostle for Bengal .
    14. Sultán Khwajah, a çadr.
    15. Mírzá Jání, chief of T'hat'hah.
    16. Taqi of Shustar, a poet and commander of two hundred .
    17. Shaikhzádah Gosálah of Banáras.
    18. Bír Bar.

    Nos. 4 to 6 are taken from the Ain ; the others are mentioned in
    the above extracts from Badáoní. The literary element is well
    represented in the list.
    The above extracts from Badáoní possess a peculiar value, because
    they show the rise and progress of Akbar's views, from the first doubt
    of the correctness of the Islám to its total rejection , and the gradual
    establishment of a new Faith combining the principal features of Hindu-
    ism and the Fireworship of the Pársís . This value does not attach to
    the scattered remarks in the Aín, nor to the longer article in the
    Dabistán .

    As the author of the latter work has used Badáoní, it will only
    be necessary to collect the few remarks which are new.
    The following two miracles are connected with Akbar's birth.
    [Dabistán, p. 390. ']

    1
    Vide also Shea and Troyers' English Translation of the Dabistán , III , p . 49 .
    27
    210

    66
    ' Khwajah Mas'úd , son of Khwajah Mahmúd, son of Khwajah Murshid-
    ulhaq, who was a gifted Çáhib i hál,' said to the writer of this book,
    " My father related , he had heard from great saints, that the Lord of the
    faith and the world ' reveals himself.' I did not know, whether that august
    personage had appeared or would appear, till, at last, one night I saw that
    event, and when I awoke, I suddenly arrived at that place, where the blessed'
    Lord was born, namely on a Sunday of the month of Rajab of the year 949,
    the lord Jalaluddin Akbar, the august son of Humáyún Pádisháh and
    Hamidah Bánú Begum."

    The second miracle has been related above, on p. 163 , note 3.


    These two miracles make up the first of the four chapters, into which
    the author of the Dabistán has divided his article on the " Divine Faith."
    The second chapter contains religious dialogues, and extracts from
    Badáoní, which are rather conjecturally rendered in Shea's Translation.
    The third chapter contains remarks on the worship of the sun and stars,
    2
    chiefly with reference to the sun-worship of the Tátárs . The last
    chapter contains extracts from the third and fifth books of the Kín.
    P. 410. " His Majesty also sent money to Irán, to bring to India a
    wise Zoroastrian of the name of Ardsher ."
    P. 412. Abulfazl wrote, as a counterpart to his commentary on the Ayatul-
    kursi (p. 169) , a preface to the translation of the Mahábhárat (vide p. 105 )
    of two juz.
    P. 413 . "When Sultán Khwajah, " who belonged to the members ofthe
    Divine Faith, was near his death, he said that he hoped, His Majesty would not
    have him buried like a mad man. He was therefore buried in a grave with a
    peculiar lamp, and a grate was laid over it, so that the greater luminary,
    whose light cleanses from all sins, might shine upon him. ***
    Should a Hindu woman fall in love with a Muhammadan, and be
    converted to the Islám, she would be taken away by force and handed over
    to her family ; but so should also a Musalmán woman, who had fallen in love
    with a Hindu, be prevented from joining Hinduism."
    P. 414. " I heard from Mullá Tarson of Badakhshan , who was a Hanafi

    ვ Regarding this Ardsher, vide Journal


    ¹ Vide p. 171 , note 2 .
    2 The author of the Dabistán gives Asiatic Society, Bengal for 1868, p. 14.
    much prominence to the idea that the Akbar's fire temple was in the Harem.
    power and success of the Tátárs was in 4 Vide above, p. 204.
    some way mysteriously connected with 5 The words in Italics are not in
    their sun and star worship, and that their Badáoní. The object of the order was
    conversion to the Islám was looked upon evidently to prevent a woman from
    as the beginning of their decline. It doing what she liked ; for, according to
    looks as if the writer wished to connect the Muhammadans, women are looked
    this idea with Akbar's successes and sun- upon as náqiç ul'aql.
    worship.
    211

    by sect, that once during the year 1058 , he had gone on a pilgrimage te
    Sikandrah, the burial place of Akbar. " One of my companions," he said,
    " declined to enter the pure mausoleum, and even abused the Representative
    of God [Akbar]. My other companions said, " If Akbar possesses hidden
    knowledge, that man will certainly come to grief. " Soon after a piece of a
    broken stone fell down, and crushed his toe."
    P. 431. " In Multán, I saw Shah Salámullah, who has renounced the
    world, and is a muahhid (Unitarian ) . He is very rigid in discipline, and avoids
    the society of men. He said, he had often been in company with Jalaluddín
    Akbar, and had heard him frequently say, " Had I formerly possessed
    the knowledge which I now have, I would never have chosen a wife for
    myself ; for upon old women I look as mothers, on women of my age as
    sisters, and on girls as daughters." A friend of mine said, he had heard
    Nawab Abul Hasan, called Lashkar Khán of Mashhad , report the same as
    having been said by Akbar .
    Salámullah also said that God's Representative (Akbar) had often
    wept and said, " O that my body were larger than all bodies together, so that
    the people of the world could feed on it without hurting other living animals. ”
    A sign of the sagacity of this king is this, that he employed in his service
    people ofall classes, ' Jews, Persians, Túránís, &c., because one class of people,
    if employed to the exclusion of others, would cause rebellions, as in the case
    of the Uzbaks and Qizilbáshes (Persians), who used to dethrone their kings.
    Hence Shah ' Abbás, son of Sultán Khudábandah i Çafawi, imitated the
    practice of Akbar, and favoured the Gurjis (Georgians). Akbar paid
    likewise no regard to hereditary power, or genealogy and fame, but favoured
    those whom he thought to excel in knowledge and manners. ”
    The passages in the Aín which refer to Akbar's religious views are
    the following -p. III ; 11 ; 48 ; 49 ; 54 ; 57 ; 58, 1. 4 from below ;
    Aín 26, p. 61 ; p. 90, notes 3 and 4, the Sanscrit names being very
    likely those which were alluded to by Badáoní, ride above p. 180 , 1. 18 ;
    p. 91 , note 3 ; p. 103 , note 3 ; 104, 105, 106 ; p. 108 1. 22 , because the
    66
    making of likenesses" is as much forbidden by the Islám, as it was
    interdicted by the Mosaic law ; Aín 72, p. 153 ; 159 ; Kín 77, p. 162 ;
    Aín 81 , p. 216. In the Second Book, Aíns 18 , 19 , 22 , 23, 24, 25 ; in the
    IIId book, end of Kín 1 (Táríkh Iláhí) ; Kíns 2 , 5 , 9 , 10 ; and lastly,
    the greater part of the fifth book.
    It will be observed that the remarks on Akbar's religious views do
    not extend beyond the year 1596, when the greater part of the Ain had

    1 Vide the notes to Aín 30 of the Second Book.


    212

    been completed . Badáoní's history ends with A. H. 1004 , or A. D.


    1595 ; but his remarks on Akbar's religion become more and more
    sparing towards the end, and as subsequent historians, even Jahángír
    6
    in his Memoirs ,' are almost entirely silent on the religious ideas of the
    emperor, we have no means of following them up after 1596. Akbar, in all
    probability, continued worshipping the sun, and retained all other pecu-
    liarities of his monotheistic Pársí- Hinduism, dying as he had lived. The
    story related in that edition of Jahángír's Memoirs which has been
    translated by Major Price, that Akbar died as a good Musalmán, and
    ' repented' on his death-bed, is most untrustworthy, as every other
    particular of that narrative. '
    2
    With Akbar's death, the Divine Faith died out. Akbar, solely
    relying on his influence and example, had established no priesthood,
    and had appointed no proper person for propagating his faith. If we
    except the influence which his spirit of toleration exerted, the masses
    had remained passive. Most of the members, mentioned on p. 209, had
    died before Akbar ; such as were still alive, as Sharíf of Amul took

    The story of Akbar's conversion' is a loss to the revenue, because for


    also repeated in Elphinstone's History, every 33 lunar years, the state only
    Second edition, p. 531. The Mullá whom received taxes for 32 solar years ; he
    Akbar, according to Price's Memoirs, is allowed some Hindu customs at Court,
    said to have called , is Çadr Jahán who, as the Rák'hi (vide above p. 184) , and
    as remarked above on p. 209 was a mem- passed an order, not to force Hindus to
    ber of the Divine Faith. This in itself is join the Islám (Tuzuk, p. 100).
    improbable. Besides, the Tuzuki Ja 2 Akbar died on the Shab i Chahár-
    hángírí, as published by Sayyid Ahmad, shambih, 12th Jumáda-lukhra 1014
    says nothing about it. Nor does the A. H., which, according to note 3 ofp . 171,
    Iqbálnámah, a poor production (though is our Tuesday night [ not Wednesday,
    written in beautiful Trání Persian), or as in Price, and all European Historians],
    Khái Khán , allude to the conversion , the 15th October, 1605 , old style. Hence
    which,if it had taken place, would certainly Akbar would have died in the night
    have been mentioned . Khái Khán espe- which followed the day on which he cele-
    cially would have mentioned it, because brated his sixty-third birth-day, it we
    he says of Badáoní, that he said and wrote adopt our mode of reckoning ; vide p. 62,
    about the religious views of the Emperor note 1.
    things which he should not have related There is some confusion in the Histories
    (vide Khu Khán , I , p . 196 ). The silence regarding the exact day of Akbar's death.
    of the author of the Dabistán is still The Pádisháhnámah (Vol. I, p. 66) says
    more convincing, whilst the story of Mullá that Akbar died at the age of sixty-three
    Tarson, and the abuse uttered by his (solar) years and one day, in the night of
    companion against Akbar (p• . 210) , the Chahárshambih (the night between
    are proofs that Akbar did not repent.' Tuesday and Wednesday) of the 12th Ju-
    To this we have to add that Jahángír, mádalukhra, corresponding to the 2d
    in his Memoirs, adopts a respectful phrase- Abán of Akbar's Era. The Mir-át and
    ology when mentioning the sun, which Khifi Khán ( I , p . 235 ) give the same ; the
    he calls Hazrat Nayyir i A'zam ; latter adds that Akbar died at midnight.
    he also continued the sijdah, though The Pádisháhnámah (p. 69) and Kháfi
    offensive to pious Muhammadans, and Khán (p. 246) fix the julús, or accession,
    Akbar's Solar Era, though it involved of Jahangir for Thursday the 20th Jumá-
    213

    again to sophistry, and tried to create sensations under Jahángír. ' As


    Jahangir did not trouble himself about any religion, Akbar's spirit
    of toleration soon changed to indifference, and gradually died out, when
    a reaction in favour of bigotry set in under Aurangzeb. But people still
    talked of the Divine Faith in 1643 or 1648, when the author of the
    Dabistán collected his notes on Akbar's religion.²

    AIN 78 .
    THE MUSTER OF ELEPHANTS .

    The beginning of the musters is made with this animal. The Kháçah
    elephants with their furniture and ornaments are the first which are daily
    brought before His Majesty, namely, ten on the first day of every solar
    month. After this, the Halqah elephants are mustered according to their num-
    ber. On Tuesdays fromten to twenty are mustered . The Bitikchí, during the
    muster, must be ready to answer any questions as to the name of each animal
    (there are more than five thousand elephants, each having a different name.
    His Majesty knows to which section most of the elephants belong-ten
    elephants form a section of ten ( dahái), and are in charge of an experienced
    officer) ; as to how each elephant came into the possession of His Majesty ;
    the price ; the quantity of food ; the age of the animal ; where it was born ;
    the period of heat, and the duration of that state each time ; the date when
    an elephant was made kháçah ; its promotion in the halqahs ; the time when

    dalukhra, or the 10th Abán, i. e., 8 days [Jahángír] , it was customary for courtiers
    after Akbar's death. on meeting their Majesties, or on receiving
    Muhammad Hádí, in his preface to the a present, to prostrate themselves, placing
    Tuzuki Jahangiri, says that Akbar died the forehead on the ground.*** This
    on the Shabi Chahárshambih, 13th custom had also obtained in antiquity,
    Jumádalukhra ; and Sayyid Ahmad's but had been abolished by the Islám. * * *
    Edition of the Tuzuk refers the Julús to When His Majesty [ Sháhjahán ] mounted
    Thursday the eighth Jumádalukhra ; but the throne, he directed his imperial care
    the word is often confounded in to the re-introduction of the customs of
    MSS . with ‫بیستم‬ the Islám, the strict observance ofwhich
    Again the Mir-át, and Sharíf i Irání had died away, and turned his august
    in his Iqbálnámah, mention the Julús as zeal to re-building the edifice of the law
    of the prophet, which had all but decayed.
    having taken place on Thursday, the
    eleventh Jumádalukhra . Lastly, the pre- Hence on the very day of accession, His
    faces of the Farhang i Jahangiri refer Majesty ordered that putting the forehead
    on the ground should be restricted to
    the julus to the third Thursday [the God . Mahabat Khán , the Commander-
    twentieth day] of Jumadalawwal [ a mis-
    take for alukhra ] , corresponding to the in-Chief, objected at first, &c. His Majesty
    rozi khur, or the eleventh, of Abán. would not even allow the Zamínbos, or
    12 Tide Tuzuk, p. 22. kissing the ground, and subsequently
    Only one of Akbar's innovations , the introduced a fourth Taslím [ Akbar had
    Sijdah, was formally abolished by Shah- fixed three, vide p. 158 , 1. 5 ] .” Pádisháh-
    námah I, P. 110.
    jahán . 66 During the reigns of 'Arshá-
    shyání [ Akbar], and Jannat Makání
    214

    the tusks are cut ; how many times His Majesty has mounted it ; how many
    times it was brought for riding out ; the time of the last muster ; the
    condition of the keepers ; the name of the Amír in charge. For all other
    elephants eight things are to be reported, viz. , the change of its name (?) ;
    the repetition of it ; its price ; how it came into the possession of His
    Majesty ; whether it is fit for riding, or for carrying burdens ; its rank ;
    whether it has plain furniture or not ; which rank the Faujdár has assigned
    to it. The rule is, that every Faujdár divides his elephants into four classes,
    separating those that are best from those that are worst, whether they are
    to remain with him, or whether he has to give some to other Faujdárs.
    Each day five tahwili (transferable) elephants are inspected by an experien-
    ced man. The following custom is observed : When new elephants arrive for
    the government, they are handed over in fifties or hundreds to experienced
    officers, who fix their ranks. Such elephants are called Tahwili elephants.
    When His Majesty inspects them, their rank is finally settled, and the
    elephants are transferred to the proper sections. Every Sunday one elephant
    is brought before His Majesty, to be given away as a present to some
    deserving servant. Several halqahs are set apart for this purpose . The
    rank of the kháçah elephants formerly depended on the number of times
    they had been inspected by His Majesty ; but now their precedence is fixed
    by the number of times His Majesty has mounted them. In the halqahs,
    the precedence of elephants is determined by the price. When all elephants
    have been mustered, the kháçah elephants are again examined, ten every
    day. Then come the elephants of the princes, who mostly march them past
    themselves . After them come the halqahs . As they are arranged in
    sections according to the price, some elephants have, at every muster, their
    value either enhanced or lowered, and are then put among their equals.
    For this reason, many Faujdárs are anxious to complete their sets, and
    place themselves for this purpose in a row at the time of the musters. His
    Majesty then gives the elephants to whomsoever he likes . Ifthe number
    of the elephants of any Faujdár is found correct, some more are put
    in his charge ; for such officers are thought of first. Faujdárs, whose
    elephants are found to be lean, are preferred, in making up the comple-
    ments, to such as bring less than their original number. Each Faujdár
    receives some, provided he musters all his elephants. The Mushrif
    (accountant) receives orders where to keep the elephants.
    The elephants of the grandees also, though not belonging to the fixed
    establishment, are almost daily brought before His Majesty, who settles
    their rank, and orders them to be branded with a peculiar mark. Elephants
    of dealers also are brought before His Majesty, who fixes their rank and
    value.
    215

    AIN 79.

    THE MUSTER OF HORSES .

    They begin with the stables of forty ; then come the stables of the
    princes ; then the kháçah courier horses ; then the country-bred, and all
    other stables. When the ten muhur horses have been inspected , they
    bring the Guts, Qisráqs, the horses on which the hunting leopards ride, and
    the Bargir horses ( vide p . 133 , 1. 12 ; p . 135 , l . 10 from below, and Aín 54,
    p. 139). The place of the horses at the musters, is determined by their
    value, and in the case of horses of the same value, the precedence is
    determined by the time of service. Before the musters, the horses are
    inspected by clever officers, who again fix their value, and divide them into
    three classes. When the rank of a horse has been put higher or lower, it
    is placed among his proper class-fellows . Those horses which belong to the
    third class, form separate stables, and are given away as presents. If
    horses have their value raised, they are given over to such keepers as
    bring to the musters either the full complement of their horses, or at least
    a complement not more deficient than by two. Incomplete stables are
    daily filled up during the musters ; or if not filled up, they are put in
    charge of separate keepers. Twenty horses are daily mustered. On
    Sundays, horses are the first that are mustered. Double the usual number
    are then inspected . Several horses are also kept in waiting at Court, viz .,
    one from each of the sixty to the forty muhur stables, and one more from
    each of the thirty to the ten muhur stables . They are given away
    as presents or as parts of salaries. The precedence at musters of bázár-
    horses is fixed according to the price. According to the number of horses
    available, from twenty to a hundred are daily mustered. Before the musters,
    experienced officers fix the prices, which are generally enhanced at the
    time of the parades. Horses above thirty muhurs, have their value fixed
    in the presence of His Majesty. A cash-keeper attached to the State-
    hall is entrusted with money, so that horse-dealers have not to wait long
    for payment of their claims. When horses have been bought, they are
    marked with a peculiar brand, so that there may be no fraudulent exchange.
    From foresight, and on account of the large profits of the horse-dealers,
    His Majesty enforces a tax of three Rupees for every 'Iráqi , Mujannas (ride
    p. 140, note 2 ), and Arab, imported from Kábul and Persia ; two and a
    half Rupees for every Turkish and Arabian horse imported from Qandahár ;
    and two for Kábul horses, and Indian Arab breed .
    216

    ΑΪΝ 80 .
    THE MUSTERS OF CAMELS .

    The beginning is made with country-bred camels, of which five gatárs


    are daily inspected . Those pançadis (officers in charge of five hundred
    camels) come first who are oldest . The Head Dárogah has the permission
    to parade before His Majesty a qatár of excellent Bughdís and Jammázahs.
    Then come the Bughdís, and after them the Jammázahs, the G'hurds, the
    Loks, and all other camels. The commencement of the musters takes place
    on Fridays, on which day double the usual number marches past. The
    precedence of camels is determined by their value .

    AIN 81 .

    THE MUSTER OF CATTLE .

    Cattle are mustered according to their value, ten yokes daily. The
    muster commences on Wednesdays, on which day double the usual number
    is inspected.
    On the day of the Diwali-an old festival of this country, on which the
    Hindus pray to the cow, as they look upon reverence shewn to cows
    as worship- several cows are adorned and brought before His Majesty.
    People are very fond of this custom .

    AIN 82.

    THE MUSTERS OF MULES .

    The musters of this beast of burden commence on Thursdays, when


    six qatárs are inspected in order of their value. Mules are mustered once
    a year.
    Formerly all musters took place as above described . But now horses
    are inspected on Sundays ; camels, cows, and mules, on Mondays ; the
    soldiers, on Tuesdays ; on Wednesdays, His Majesty transacts matters of
    Finance ; on Thursdays, all judicial matters are settled ; Fridays His Majesty
    spends in the Harem ; on Saturdays, the elephants are mustered.
    217

    AIN 83.
    THE PAGOSHT REGULATION.¹
    His Majesty has taught men something new and practical, and has
    made an excellent rule, which protects the animal, guards the stores, teaches
    equity, reveals the excellent, and stimulates the lazy man. Experienced
    people saw their wisdom increased, and such as inquired into this secret,
    obtained their desires.
    His Majesty first determined the quantity of daily food for each
    domestic animal, and secondly determined the results, which different quanta
    of food produce in the strength of an animal. In his practical wisdom and
    from his desire of teaching people, His Majesty classifies the dishonest
    practices of men. This is done by the Págosht regulation. From time to
    time an experienced man is sent to the stables of these dumb creatures . He
    inspects them, and measures their fatness and leanness . At the time of the
    musters also the degrees of fatness or leanness are first examined into, and
    reports are made accordingly. His Majesty then inspects the animals himself,
    and decreases or increases the degrees of their fatness or leanness as re-
    ported, fixing at the same time the fine for leanness . If, for some reason, the
    allowance of grain or grass of an animal had been lessened, proper account
    is taken of such a decrease. The leanness of an elephant has been divided
    into thirteen classes . *** 2

    ¹ The object of this curious regulation in the case of elephants, the maximum
    was to determine the amount of the fines fatness (A) was divided into 13 degrees.
    which Akbar could justly inflict on the Pá-gosht means a quarter of flesh,
    officers in charge of the animals belonging and evidently expresses that the food
    to the Court, if the condition of the a only produced A, instead of 4A.
    animals did not correspond to his expect- The name was then transferred to the
    ations. The daily quanta of food sup- regulation.
    plied to the animals had been fixed by We do not know how the mustering
    minute rules (Aíns 43 , 51 , 62 , 67, 70), officers applied Akbar's rule, whether by
    and the several Dároghahs (store-keepers) measuring the circumference of an ani-
    entered into their roznámchahs, or day- mal, or by weighing them. The rule
    books, the quantum daily given to each may appear fanciful and unpractical ;
    animal. These day-books were produced but it shews how determined Akbar
    at the musters, and special officers was to fathom the dishonesty of his
    measured the fatness of each animal, and Dároghahs . Hence the carefulness which
    compared it with the food it had been he shewed in assessing fines (Aíns 48 ,
    receiving since the last muster, as shewn 57), in ordering frequent musters of
    in the day-book. Akbar determined a animals and men , in reviving the re-
    maximum fatness (A), which correspond- gulations of branding animals as given
    ed to a maximum quantity of daily food by 'Alauddin Khilji and Sher Shah , in
    (a). Similarly, he determined a fatness (B), fixing the perquisites, in paying cash
    resulting from a daily quantity offood (b), for all supplies, in allowing veterinary
    though Abulfazl does not specify how surgeons certain powers, &c.
    this was done. The quantities A, B, &c. 2 The text (p. 163 , 1. 19) enumerates
    were then divided into several fractions several fractions, or degrees of leanness,
    8A 7A 6A but they give no sense. The confusion
    or degrees, as- &c. Thus of the MSS . is due to the want of inter-
    8 8' punctuation.
    28
    218

    For all other animals beside the elephant, six degrees have been laid
    down, viz. the second, third, fifth, seventh , ninth, and tenth [ degrees of the
    thirteen for the elephant ]. And as it is the custom of the Faujdárs, to
    mark, at the time of the musters of the halqahs, one halqah which is the
    best in their opinion, and to put separate that which is the worst, the officers
    who inquire into the leanness and fatness, deduct fifty per cent. from the
    degree of the former, and count one half for the latter halqah . If the
    Faujdár works in concert with the Dároghah, and both sign the entries in the
    day-book, the Faujdár is responsible for one-fourth, and the Dároghah for
    the remaining part of the food. The leanness of old elephants is fixed by
    the condition of the whole halqah. In the horse stables the grooms, water-
    carriers, and sweepers are fined one-fourth of the wages. In the case of
    camels, the Dároghah is fined the amount of the grain, and the driver for
    the share of the grass. In the case of oxen used for carriages, the Dároghah
    is fined for the part of the grass and the grain ; but the driver is not liable.
    In case of heavy carriages, half the fine is remitted.

    ΑΙΝ 84.

    ON ANIMAL FIGHTS . REGULATIONS FOR BETTING .

    His Majesty is desirous of establishing harmony among people of


    different classes . He wishes to arrange feasts of friendship and union, so
    that every thing may be done with propriety and order. But as all men
    do not possess a mind capable of selecting that which is true, and as every
    ear is not fit to listen to wisdom, His Majesty holds social meetings for
    amusement, to which he invites a large number of people. Through the
    careful arrangements of His Majesty, the court has been changed from a
    field of ambitious strife to a temple of a higher world, and the egotism and
    conceit of men have been directed to the worship of God . Even superficial,
    worldly people thus learn zeal and attachment, and are induced by these
    gatherings to enquire after the road of salvation."

    Deer -fights.
    The manner of fighting of this animal is very interesting, and its
    method of stooping down and rising up again is a source of great amuse-
    ment. Hence His Majesty pays much attention to this animal, and has
    succeeded in training this stubborn and timid creature. One hundred and
    one deer are kháçah ; each has a name, and some peculiar qualities. A
    keeper is placed over every ten. There are three kinds of fighting deer,
    1
    To join Akbar's Divine Faith.
    219

    first, those which fight with such as are born in captivity and with wild ones ;
    secondly, such as fight best with tame ones ; and thirdly, such as fiercely
    attack wild deer. The fights are conducted in three different ways. First,
    according to number, the first fighting with the second, the third with the
    fourth, and so on, for the whole. At the second go, the first fights with the
    third, the second with the fourth, and so on. If a deer runs away , it is
    placed last ; and if it is known to have run away three times, it ceases to be
    kháçah. Betting on these fights is allowed ; the stake does not exceed 5
    dáms. Secondly, with those belonging to the princes. Five kháçah pair fight
    with each other, and afterwards, two kháçah pair from His Majesty's
    hunting-ground ; then five other kháçah pair. At the same time two pair
    from the deer park of His Majesty's hunting-ground fight, and afterwards
    five kháçah deer engage with five deer of the eldest prince. Then fourteen
    kháçah pair engage with each other, and fight afterwards with the deer ofthe
    prince, till the fight with the deer of the prince is finished . Upon this, the deer
    of princes fight with each other, and then kháçah deer. The betting on such
    fights must not exceed one muhur. Thirdly, with the deer of other people .
    His Majesty selects forty-two from his nearer friends, and appoints
    every two of them as opponents, forming thus one and twenty sets. The
    first winners receive each thirty deer, and all others get one less, so that
    the last get each eleven. To every set a Mal,' a water-buffalo, a cow, a
    quchqár (fighting ram), a goat, and a cock, are given. Fights between cows
    and goats are rarely mentioned to have been held in ancient times. Before the
    fighting commences, two kháçah deer are brought in trimmed up, and are set
    against two deer belonging to people of various sets . First, with a deer
    belonging to a powerful grandee, and then the fight takes place before
    His Majesty. If a general assembly is announced, the fight may also
    take place, if the deer belongs to a commander of One Thousand. The
    betting on kháçah deer is eight muhurs, and on deer belonging to one of a
    set, five muhurs, if it be an Aṭkal ; and four, if an Anin. As deer have not
    equal strength and impetuosity of attack, the rule among deer-keepers is ,
    once to select each of their deer in turn and take it to the arena. Such
    deer are called Anin. Another then estimates its strength, and brings a
    deer as opponent. The latter is called Atkal. In case of Mals, the betting
    is five muhurs ; for water buffaloes and cocks, four ; for cows and fighting
    rams, and goats , two. A commander of One Thousand is allowed to bet
    six muhurs on a kháçah deer ; and with one of his own rank, * 3 muhurs,
    if the bet is on an Atkal ; and three on an Anin ; and so also in the same

    2
    Mal, according to Aín 6 of the Second 2 Or perhaps with his opponent in
    Book, is the name for a Gujrát wrestler. the set (misl).
    220

    proportion on Mals, water-buffaloes, and cocks ; but on cows, fighting rams,


    and goats, two . A commander of Nine Hundred may bet on a kháçah deer
    50 Rupees ; and with one of his own rank, 301 R. on an Aṭkal, and 25 R.
    on an Anin ; on a Mal 3 muhurs ; on a water-buffalo and a cock 31 M.;
    and on all other animals, 14 M. A commander of Eight Hundred is allowed
    to bet 48 R. on a khúçah deer ; with one of his rank, 30 R. on an Aṭkal ; and
    24 R. on an Anin ; on a Mal 3 M.; on a water-buffalo and cock, 24 M.,
    and on other animals, as before. A commander of Seven Hundred is
    allowed to bet 44 R. on a kháçah deer ; with one of his own rank on an Aṭkal
    27 R.; on an Anin 22 R.; on a Mal 3 M; on other animals as before . A
    Commander of Six Hundred may bet 40 R. on a kháçah deer ; with one of
    his own rank, 25 R. on an Aṭkal ; 20 R. on an Anin ; on other animals as
    before . A Commander of Five Hundred may bet 4 M.36 [ R. ] on a
    kháçah deer ; with one of his own rank 21 M. on an Aṭkal, and 2 M. on a
    Anin ; on other animals, as the preceding. A Commander of Four Hundred
    may bet 34 R. on a kháçah deer ; with one of his own rank 21 R. on an
    Aṭkal ; 17 R. on an Anin ; on a Mal 23 M.; on a water-buffalo and cock,
    2 M.; on a cow, a fighting ram, and goat, 1 M. A Commander of Three
    Hundred may bet 30 R. on a kháçah deer ; with one of his own rank, 183 R.
    on an Aṭkal ; 15 R. on an Anin ; 24 M. on a Mal ; on other animals as the
    preceding. A Commander of Two Hundred may bet 24 R. on a kháçah
    deer ; with one of his own rank 15 R. on an Aṭkal, 12 R. on an Anin, and
    on other animals as before. A Commander of One Hundred may bet 2 M.
    on a kháçah deer ; with one of his own rank 14 M. on an Aṭkal ; 1 M. on an
    Anin ; and on other animals as before . A Commander of Eighty may bet
    16 R. on a kháçah deer ; with one of his own rank 10 R. on an Aṭkal ; 8 R.
    on an Anin ; 17 R. on a Mal ; 13 M. on a water-buffalo and a cock ; on
    other animals as before. A Commander of Forty may bet 12 R. on a kháçah
    deer ; with one of his own rank 7 R. on an Aṭkal ; 6 R. on a Anin ; on
    other animals as before. A Commander of Twenty may bet 10 R. on a
    kháçah deer ; 63 R. with one of his own rank on an Aṭkal ; 5 R. on an Anin ;
    on other animals as before, A Commander of Ten may bet 8 R. on a kháçah
    deer, and 5 R. on an Aṭkal, with one of his own rank ; 4 R. on an Anin ; on
    other animals as before. People who hold no mançabs, bet 4 R. on a kháçah
    deer ; with one of their own rank, 23 R. on an Atkal ; 2 R. on an Anín ;
    15 R. on a Mal ; on other animals as before.
    But if the opponent hold a less rank, the amount of the bet is deter-
    mined according to the amount which the opponent is allowed to bet on
    an Anin. When the last pair comes, the betting is everywhere on the deer.
    A fourth part of what people take from each other in Mal fights, is given
    to the victorious wrestler. The presents which His Majesty makes on such
    occasions, have no limits.
    221

    The rule is that every one of such as keep animals brings on the fourteenth
    night of the moon one deer to the fight. The Bitikchi of this department
    appoints half the number of deer as Anins, and the other half as Aṭkals . He
    then writes the names of the Atkals on paper slips, folds them up, and takes
    them to His Majesty, who takes up one. The animal chosen has to fight
    with an Anin . As such nights are clear, fights are generally announced for
    that time.
    Besides, there are two other classes of deer, kotal, and half kotal. The
    number of each is fixed . As often the number of kháçah deer decreases, the
    deficiency is made up from the kotal deer ; and the deficiency in the number
    of kotals is made up from half kotals. One pair of kotals also is brought
    to the fight, so that they may be tried . Hunters supply continually wild
    deer, and bring them to His Majesty, who fixes the price. A fat superior
    deer costs 2 M.; a thin superior one, 1 M. to 15 R.; a fat middling one, 12
    R.; Do. lean, 8 R.; a third class fat one, 7 R.; Do. thin, 5 R.; a fourth
    class fat one, 4 R.; Do. lean, 21 to 2 R.
    Deer are kept and fed as follows : Kháçah deer selected for fighting
    before His Majesty, get 2 s . grain, s. boiled flour, s. butter, and 1 d. for
    grass. Such as are kept on His Majesty's hunting-grounds, kotals, and fight-
    ing deer of the sets , get 1 s. of grain, and flour and butter as before. The
    grass is supplied by each amateur himself. All kháçah, home-bred, kotal deer,
    and those of His Majesty's hunting-ground, have each one keeper. The
    fighting deer of the sets have one keeper for every two ; the single last one
    has a keeper for itself. Nothing is given for grass . Deer which are given
    to people to have them fattened, get 1 s. grain, and d. for grass . They
    have one keeper for every four ; but one for every two, if they are fit to
    become kháçah. Some deer are also sent to other towns ; they get 1 s.
    grain, and have each one keeper. If deer are newly caught, they get no
    regular food for seven days, after which they gets. of grain for a fort-
    night. They then get 1 8., and when one month is over, 1 s.
    In the deer park, Mançabdárs, Ahadís, and other soldiers are on staff-
    employ. The pay of foot-soldiers varies from 80 to 400 d,
    His Majesty has 12,000 deer ; they are divided into different classes,
    and proper regulations are made for each of them. There is also a stud
    for deer, in which new results are obtained . A large female gets 18. grain,
    and d. for grass. A new born deer drinks the milk of the dam for two
    months, which is reckoned as equivalent to s. of grain. Afterwards,
    every second month, the allowance is increased by a quarter ser of grain,
    so that after a period of two years, it gets the same as its dam. For grass,
    d. is given from the seventh to the tenth month. Young male ones also
    get weaned after two months, when they get 3 s. of grain, which is increased
    222

    by that quantity every second month, so that, after two years, they get 24 8.
    From the fifth to the eighth month, they getd. for grass, after which
    period they get d. for grass.
    I have given a short description of animal fights as announced for
    general assemblies. His Majesty announces them also for day time ; but
    as often a more important act of worship is to be performed, he announces
    them for the night. Or else His Majesty thinks of God, and seeks for
    wisdom in self- examination ; he cares neither for cold nor heat ; he spends
    the time which others idle away in sleep, for the welfare of the people, and
    prefers labour to comfort.

    AIN 85.

    ON BUILDINGS.

    Regulations for house-building in general are necessary ; they are


    required for the comfort of the army, and are a source of splendour for
    the government. People that are attached to the world will collect in towns,
    without which there would be no progress . Hence His Majesty plans
    splendid edifices, and dresses the work of his mind and heart in the garment
    of stone and clay. Thus mighty fortresses have been raised, which protect
    the timid, frighten the rebellious, and please the obedient. Delightful
    villas, and imposing towers have also been built. They afford excellent
    protection against cold and rain, provide for the comforts of the princesses
    of the Harem, and are conducive to that dignity which is so necessary for
    worldly power.
    Everywhere also Saráis have been built, which are the comfort of
    travellers and the asylum of poor strangers. Many tanks and wells are being
    dug for the benefit of men and the improvement of the soil. Schools and
    places of worship are being founded, and the triumphal arch of knowledge
    is newly adorned.
    His Majesty has enquired into every detail connected with this depart-
    ment, which is so difficult to be managed, and requires such large sums . He
    has passed new regulations, kindled the lamp of honesty, and put a stock
    of practical knowledge into the hands of simple and inexperienced men.

    AIN 86.

    THE PRICES OF BUILDING MATERIAL, &c.

    Many people are desirous of building houses ; but honesty and


    conscientiousness are rare, especially among traders . His Majesty has
    223

    carefully inquired into their profits and losses, and has fixed the prices of
    articles in such a manner, that both parties are satisfied .
    Red sandstone costs 3 d. per man. It is obtainable in the hills of
    Fathpur Sikri, His Majesty's residence, and may be broken from the rocks
    at any length or breadth. Clever workmen chisel it so skilfully, as no
    turner could do with wood ; and their works vie with the picture book of
    Máni [the great painter of the Sassanides] . Pieces of red standstone
    (sang i gulúlah), broken from the rocks in any shape, are sold by the p’harí,
    which means a heap of such stones, without admixture of earth, 3 gaz long,
    2g. broad, and 1 g. high. Such a heap contains 172 mans, and has a value
    of 250 d., i. e. , at the rate of 1 d. 111 j. per man .
    Bricks are of three kinds : burnt, half burnt, unburnt. Though the
    first kind are generally made very heavy, they weigh in the average three
    sers, and cost 30 d. per mille. The second class cost 24 d., and the third
    10 d. per thousand. '
    Wood . Eight kinds of wood are in general use. 1. Sisaun, unrivalled
    for its beauty and durability. A block 1 Iláhí gaz long, and 8 Tassújes
    broad and high, costs 15 d. 6j. But if the height be only 5 or 6 T. , 11 d.
    103 j . Other sizes according to the same proportion. 2. Nazhú, called in
    Hindi Jidh. A beam, 10 Ț. broad and high, costs per gaz 5 d. 13 j.; and
    a half size beam, from 7 to 9 T. broad and high, costs per gaz 5 d. 33j.
    3. Dasang (?), called in Hindi Karí ; a beam 3 T. broad, and 4 gaz long,
    costs 5 d. 17j. 4. Ber, 1 T. broad and high, 4 gaz long, 5 d. 173 j.; so also
    Tut, or Mulbery. 5. Mughilán (Babúl), of the same cubic content as No. 4. ,
    5 d. 2j. 6. Sirs, size as before, 10 d. 4 j. 7. Dayál, same size, first quality
    8 d. 22j.; second quality, 8 d. 6j. 8. Bakayin, same size, 5 d. 2 j.
    Gaji Shirin, or sweet limestone. There is a quarry near Bahírah.
    When a merchant brings it, it costs 1 R. per three mans ; but if any one
    sends his own carriers, only 1 d. Sangín qal' , per man 5 d. 5 j. Çadafr
    5 d. Chúnah, or quick lime, 2 d. per man ; it is mostly boiled out of kangur,
    kind a solid earth resembling stone in hardness.

    Iron cramps, if tinned, 13 for 18 d. ; plain ones, for 6 d.


    Iron door-knockers, from Persia and Túrán, tinned ; large ones, 8 d.
    per pair ; small ones, 4 d. Indian do . , tinned, 5 d.; plain ones, 4 d. 12j.
    Gul Mekh (large nails with broad heads), 12 d. per ser. Dinárinails,
    5 d. per ser. Gogah, or small nails, tinned, first quality 7 d. for one hundred ;
    second quality, 5 d. ; smallest, 4 d.

    This word is spelt Chidh in Aín little used, except forkingposts and tiebeams,
    90, No. 59. as the direct cohesion of its fibres is equal to
    " The Ber was in great request in Ak- that of Salwood." Balfour's Timber Trees
    bar's time as a building timber,but is now ofIndia.
    224

    Screws and nuts, chiefly used for doors and boxes . Tinned , 12 d.
    per ser ; plain, 4 d.
    Rings, tinned, 6 d. per ser ; plain , 4 d.
    K'haprel, or tiles . They are one hand long and ten fingers broad, are
    burnt, and are used for the roofs of houses, as a protection against heat and
    cold. Plain ones, 86 d. per mille ; enamelled, 30 d. for ten.
    Qulbah, or spouts, to lead off water. Three for 2 d.
    Báns, or bamboo. It is used for spears. First quality, 15 d. for
    twenty pieces ; second quality, 12 d. for do.; third quality, 10 d. for do.
    The price of some kinds of bamboo is much higher. Thus a peculiar kind
    is sold at 8 Ashrafis [ Muhurs ] per piece. They are used for making thrones.
    Bamboo, at a rupee per piece, is common. Patal is made of the reed which is
    used for qalams (pens) . It is used for covering ceilings . First quality, cleaned,
    1 d. per square gaz ; second quality, 1 d. Sometimes they sell patal at 2 d.
    for pieces 2 gaz long, and 14 g. broad. Sirki is made of very fine qalam reeds,
    looks well, and is very smooth ; it is sold at the rate of 1 d. per pair, 14 g.
    long, and 16 girihs broad. The ceilings and walls of houses are adorned
    with it.
    K'has is the sweet- smelling root of a kind of grass, which grows along
    the banks of rivers . During summer, they make screens of it, which are
    placed before the door and sprinkled with water. This renders the air cool
    and perfumed. Price, 14 R. per man..
    Káhi chappar (reeds for thatching) is sold in bundles, which are called
    in Hindí púlah, per ser from 100 to 10 d.
    Bhus, or wheat straw, used for mixing with mortar, 3 d. per man.
    Káhi Dáb'h, straw, &c., which is put on roofs, 4 d. for a load of 2 mans.
    Munj, the bark of qalam reeds , used for making ropes to fasten the
    thatching, 20 d. per man .
    San is a plant. Peasants mix it with quicklime. People also make
    ropes of it for well buckets, &c. , 3 d. per man.
    Gum , of an inferior quantity, is mixed with quicklime, 70 d. per man.
    Sirish i káhí, or reed glue, is mixed with sweet limestone, 4 d. per ser.
    Luk is the flower-bunch of the reed which is used for matting. People
    burn it, and use it as a candle. It is also mixed with quicklime and
    Qal' . Price, 1 R. per man.
    Simgil (silver clay) is a white and greasy clay, 1 d. per man . It is used
    for white-washing houses. It keeps a house cool and looks well . Gil i
    surhh, or red clay, called in Hindi gerú, 40 d. per man . There is a quarry
    of it in the hills of Gwáliár.
    Glass is used for windows ; price, 1 R. for 14 s . , or one pane for 4 d.
    225

    AIN 87.
    ON THE WAGES OF LABOURERS .

    Gilkárs (workers in lime), first class workmen , 7 d.; second class, 6 d. ;


    third class, 5 d.
    Sangtarásh (stone-masons). The tracer gets 6 d. for each gaz ; one
    who does plain work, 5 d. A labourer employed in quarries gets for every
    man he breaks, 22 j.
    Carpenters, first class, 7 d.; second do. , 6 d.; third do. , 4 d . ; fourth
    do., 3 d. ; fifth do. , 2 d. For plain job-work, a first class carpenter gets 1 d.
    17j . for one gaz ; second class do. , 1 d. 6 j.; third class do. , 21 j.
    Pinjarah sáz (Lattice work and wicker work) . First, when the pieces
    are joined (fastened with strings), and the interstices be dodecagonal, 24 d.
    for every square gaz ; when the interstices form twelve circles, 22 d.; when

    hexagonal, 18 d. ; when ja'fari [ or rhombus-like, one diagonal being vertical


    the other horizontal ], 16 d. ; when shatranji [ or square fields, as on a chess
    board], 12 d. for every square gaz.
    Secondly, when the work is ghair waçli (the sticks not being fastened
    with strings, but skilfully and tightly interwoven), for first class work, 48 d.
    per square gaz ; for second class do . , 40 d.
    Arrahkash (one who saws beams) . For job-work, per square gaz 23 d., if
    sisaun wood ; if nazhú wood, 2 d. A labourer employed for the day, 2 d.
    There are three men for every saw, one above, two below.
    Bildars (bricklayers), first class, daily 3 d.; second class do ., 3 d.
    If employed by the job, for building fortress walls with battlements, 4 d. per
    gaz ; for laying foundations, 24 d.; for all other walls, 2 d. For digging
    ditches, d. per gaz.
    The gaz of a labourer contains 32 tassújes.
    Cháh-kan, or well diggers, first class work men, 2 d. per gaz ; second
    class do. , 1d ; third class do ., 14 d .
    Ghautah khur, or well-divers . They clean wells . In the cold season,
    4 d. per diem ; in the hot season, 3 d. By the job, 2 R. for cleaning a depth
    of one gaz.
    Khisht tarásh, or tile makers, for 100 moulds, smoothened, 8 d.
    Surkhikob (pounders of old bricks), 14 d. for a heap of 8 mans.
    Glass-cutters, 100 d. per gaz.
    Bamboo-cutters, 2 d. per diem.
    Chapparband, or thatchers, 3 d. per diem ; if done by the job, 24 d. for
    100 gaz.
    Patalband (vide p. 224), 1 d. for 4 gaz.
    Lak'hirah. They varnish reeds, &c. , with lac. Wages, 2 d. per diem.
    29
    226

    Abkash, or water-carriers. First class, 3 d. per diem ; second class do.,


    2 d. Such water-carriers as are used for furnishing house-builders with
    water for mortar and quicklime, get 2 d. per diem.

    AIN 88.

    ON ESTIMATES OF HOUSE BUILDING.

    Stonebuildings. For 12 gaz, one p'ha (vide above A'in 86 ) is required ;


    also 75 mans chúnah ; but if the walls be covered with red stone, 30 mans
    chúnah are required per gaz.
    Brickbuildings. For every gaz, there are required 250 bricks of three
    ser each, 8 mans chúnah, and 2 m . 27 8. pounded brick (surkhí).
    Claybuildings. 300 bricks are required for the same ; each brick-mould
    contains 18. of earth and s. of water.
    Astarkárí work. For every gaz, 1 man chúnah, 10 s . qal'í, 14 s . surkhi,
    and s. san (vide p . 224) are required.
    Çandalahkari work. For every gaz, 7 s. of qal'í, and 3 s . surkhi are
    required.
    Safidkári work. 10 8. of qal' are required per gaz.
    Gajkári work (white-washing) . For walls and ceilings, 10 8. per gaz ;
    for pantries, 6 s .; chimneys, 10 s.
    Windows require 24 s. of lime, 23 s . of glass, 4 8. of sirish i káhi (putty).
    Plaster for walls , for 14 gaz 1 m. of straw, and 20 m. earth ; for roofs
    and floors, do . for 10 gaz . For ceilings, and the inside of walls, do . for 15 gas.
    Lac (varnish work) used for chighs [sliced bamboo sticks, placed
    horizontally, and joined by strings, with narrow interstices between the
    sticks. They are painted, and are used as screens ] . If red, 4 s. of lac, and
    1 8. of vermilion ; if yellow, 4 8. of lac, 1 s . of zarníkh (auripigment) . If
    green, s. of indigo is mixed with the lac, and zarníkh is added ; if black, 4 8.
    of lac and 8 8. of indigo.

    ΑΊΝ 89 .
    RULES FOR ESTIMATING THE LOSS IN WOOD CHIPS .'

    One gaz 24 ṭass "jes


    1 tassúj 24 taswánsahs
    1 taswánsah = 24 kháms
    1 khám = 24 zarrals.
    Whatever quantity of wood be used, the chippings ( ?) are reckoned at

    I am not sure whether this Kín has been correctly translated.


    227

    one-eighth (?) . In Sisaun wood, per tassúj, 26 sers, 15 tánks ; Babúl wood
    23 8. 5 d.; Sirs wood, 21 s . 15 tánks ; Nazhú wood, 20 s.; Ber wood,
    188.; Dayál wood, 17 s . 20 túnks.

    ΑΪΝ 90.
    THE WEIGHT OF DIFFERENT KINDS OF WOOD.

    His Majesty, from his practical knowledge, has for several reasons
    experimented on the weight of different kinds of wood, and has thus adorned
    the market place of the world. One cubic gaz of dry wood of every kind has
    been weighed, and their differences have thus been established . Khanjak
    wood has been found to be the heaviest, and Safidár the lightest wood .
    I shall mention 72 kinds of wood.
    The weight of one cubic gaz of
    Máns. Sers. Tanks.
    1. Khanjak, .is 27 14
    2. Ambli (Tamarindus Indica) .... 24 83 25
    3. Zaitún ( Gyrocarpus Asiaticus, ¹ ?) ... 21 24
    4. Balút (Oak), ..
    5. K'her (Acacia catechu) . 21 16 -
    6. K'hirní (Mimusops) ,.
    7. Parsiddh, 20 14 17
    8. Abnús (Ebony) , 20 9 20
    9. Sain (Acacia Suma), 19 32 10
    10. Baqqam ( Caesalpina sappan), 19 221 10
    11. K'harhar, 19 11 5
    12. Mahwá (Bassia latifolia), 18 32 2
    13. Chandaní, ...
    18 20 10
    14. P'huláhí, ....
    15. Red Sandal, in Hindi Rakt Chandan, (Pterocarpus
    Santalinus), 18 43 10
    2

    16. Chamrí, .. 18 2 71
    17. Chamar Mamrí ..... 17 16
    18. 'Unnáb (Zizyphus sativus) , 17 5 4
    19. Sisaun Patang (vide No. 40), 17 132 7
    20. Sándan , 17 1 28
    21. Shamshád ( Buxus Sempervirens, ) . 16 18 25

    So according to Watson's Index. But very light, and is used for boats. Abulfazl
    Voigt, in his Hortus Bengalensis says, puts Zaitún among the heaviest woods.
    the wood of Zaitún, or Gyrocarpus, is
    228

    Mans. Sers. Tánks.

    22. D'hau ( Grislea tomentosa ), 16 1 10


    23. Amlah, Hind. Anwlah, (Emblica officinalis), 16 11 1
    24. Karíl ( Sterculia fetida), 16 1 10
    25. Sandal wood , 15 17 20
    26. Sál ( Shorea robusta) , .. 15 42 7
    27. Banaus. His Majesty calls this tree Shah Alú ; but in
    Kábul and Persian it is called Alú Bálú (Cherry), 14 36 10
    28. Kailás (Cherry tree) .... 14 35 -
    29. Nínb (Azadirakhta Indica), 14 324 31
    30. Dárhard ( Berberis aristata), 14 32 19
    31. Main ,.
    14 22
    32. Babúl (Acacia Arabica),
    33. Ságaun, 14 10 20
    34. Bijaisár,. 13 34 -
    35. Pílú,
    36. Mulberry, 13 28 15
    37. D'háman, 13 25 20
    38. Bán Barás , 13 10 29
    39. Sirs ( Acacia odoratissima), 12 38 21
    12 34 5
    40. Sísaun ( Dalbergia sissoo ; vide No. 19 , )
    41. Finduq, 12 26 4
    42. Chhaukar, . 12 17 22
    43 . Dudd’hí ,
    44. Haldí ... 12 13 32
    45. Kaim (Nauclea parviflora) , 12 121 30
    46. Jáman (Jambosa), .... 12 8 20
    47. Farás,
    48. Bar (Ficus Indica) , 12 3 5
    ་

    49. K'handú, ....


    T

    11 29
    50. Chanár, ....
    51. Chármaghz (Walnut tree) , 11 91 17
    52. Champá (Michelia champaca), }
    53. Ber (Zizyphusjujuba) , 11 4 -
    1

    54. Amb (Mango, Mangifera Indica,) 11 2 20


    55. Páparí (Ulmus),
    56. Diyár ( Cedrus deodar), .... 10 20 -
    1

    57. Bed (Willow), ...


    58. Kunbhir ( Gunbhir (?), Gmelina arborea), 10 19 22
    59. Chidh (Pinus longifolia),
    60. Pipal. The Brahmins worship this tree (Ficus religiosa). 10 10 21
    229

    Mans. Sers. Tanks.


    61. Kat'hal (Jacktree, Artocarpus integrifolia), 10 7 34
    62. Gurdain,
    63. Ruherá (Terminalia belerica), ... 10 7 30
    64. Palás ( Butea frondosa), .. 9 34 -
    65. Surkh Bed , 8 25 20
    66. Ak ( Calotropis gigantea), 8 19 25

    ∞
    67. Senbal ( Cotton tree), ... 8 13 34

    ∞
    68. Bakayin ( Melea composita), 8 9 30
    69. Lhasorá ( Cordia mixa),..
    8 9 20
    70. Padmák'h ( Cerasus caproniana),

    76
    71. And, 7 31

    ་
    72. Safidár, ... 7 221

    In the above weights, the ser has been taken at 28 dáms.

    END OF THE FIRST BOOK.


    BOOK SECOND .

    THE ARMY.

    ΑΙΝ 1 .

    THE DIVISIONS OF THE ARMY.

    His Majesty guides the Imperial Army by his excellent advice and
    counsel, and checks in various ways attempts at insubordination . He has
    divided the army, on account of the multitude of the men, into several
    classes, and has thereby secured the peace of the country.
    With some tribes, His Majesty is content, if they submit ; he does not
    exact much service from them, and thus leads many wild races towards
    civilization .
    The Zamindars of the country furnish more than four millions, four
    hundred thousand men, as shall be detailed below (Third Book) .
    Some troopers are compelled by His Majesty to mark their horses with
    the Imperial brand. They are subject to divisions into ranks, and to musters .
    Some soldiers are placed under the care and guidance of one commander.
    They are called Ahadis, because they are fit for a harmonious unity. His
    Majesty believes some capable of commanding, and appoints them as com-
    manders .
    A large number are worthy but poor ; they receive the means of
    keeping a horse, and have lands assigned to themselves, without being
    obliged to mark their horses with the Imperial brand. Túránís and
    Persians get 25 Rupees ; and Hindústánís, 20 R. If employed to collect the
    revenue, they get 15 R. Such troopers are called Baráwardí.
    Some Commanders who find it troublesome to furnish men, get a
    number of such soldiers as accept the Imperial brand. Such troops are
    called Dákhilis.
    In the contingent of a Commander (mançabdár) of Ten Thousand, other
    mançabdúrs as high as Hazáris (Commanders of One Thousand) serve ; in the
    contingent of a Commander of Eight Thousand, Mançabdárs up to Hashtçadis
    (Commanders of Eight Hundred) serve ; in the contingent of a Commander
    of Seven Thousand, Mançabdárs up to Haftçadís (Commanders of Seven
    232

    Hundred) serve ; in the contingent of a Commander of Five Thousand,


    other Mançabdárs as high Pancadís (commanders of Five Hundred ) serve ;
    and in the contingent of a Pançadí, Mançabdárs as high as Çadís (Commanders
    of One Hundred) serve. Mançabdárs of lower ranks do not serve in the
    contingents of high Mançabdárs .
    Some Commanders also receive auxiliaries. Such reserves are called
    Kumakis.
    At the present time, those troopers are preferred whose horses are
    marked with the Imperial brand . This class of soldiers is superior to others.
    His Majesty's chief object is to prevent the soldiers from borrowing horses
    (for the time of musters), or exchanging them for worse ones, and to make
    them take care of the Imperial horses ; for he knows that avarice makes
    men so short-sighted, that they look upon a loss as a gain. In the beginning
    of the present reign, when His Majesty was still behind the veil,' many
    of his servants were given to dishonest practices, lived without check, and
    indulged, from want of honour, in the comforts of married life. Low, avari-
    cious men sold their horses, and were content to serve as foot-soldiers, or
    brought instead of a superior horse, a tatoo that looked more like an ass.
    They were magniloquent in their dishonesty and greediness of pay, and even
    expressed dissatisfaction, or rebelled . Hence His Majesty had to introduce
    the Descriptive Roll System, and to make the issue of pay dependent upon
    the inspection of these rolls (vide below Aín 7 ) . This stopped, in a short
    time, much lawlessness, and regenerated the whole military system. But at
    that time the regulations regarding the Imperial brand were not issued, as His
    Majesty had adopted the advice of some inexperienced men, who look upon
    branding an animal as an act of cruelty ; hence avaricious men (who cannot
    distinguish that which is good from that which is bad, having neither
    respect for themselves nor their master, and who think to promote a cause
    by ruining it, thus acting against their own interest) adopted other vicious
    practices, which led to a considerable want of efficiency in the army. Horse
    borrowing was then the order of the day. His Majesty, therefore, made
    the branding of the horses compulsory, in addition to the Descriptive Roll
    System. Easy-minded idlers thus passed through a school of discipline
    and became worthy men, whilst importunate, lowmen were taught honorable-
    ness and manliness. The unfeeling and avaricious learned the luxury of
    magnanimity. The army resembled a newly irrigated garden. Even for the
    Treasury the new regulations proved beneficial. Such are the results which
    wisdom and practical knowledge can produce ! Branding a horse may
    indeed inflict pain ; but when viewed from a higher point, it is the cause of
    much satisfaction to the thinking man .
    233

    AIN 2.

    ON THE ANIMALS OF THE ARMY .

    In the 18th year of his reign, His Majesty introduced the branding
    system [ vide p. 140, note 1 ] . The ranks of the men were also laid down in
    the best manner, and the classification of the animals belonging to the army
    was attended to. The requirements for each were noted down, and excellent
    regulations were issued . The maximum and minimum prices were enquired
    into by His Majesty, and average prices were fixed. A proper check by
    accounts was enforced , and regulations on this subject were laid down . The
    Bakhshis were also freed from the heavy responsibility of bringing new
    men, and every thing went on smoothly.
    1. Horses. They have been divided into seven classes . The rate of
    their daily food has also been fixed . These seven classes are Arabs, Persian
    horses, Mujannas, Turki horses, Yábús, Tázis , and Janglah horses.
    The first class are either Arab bred, or resemble them in gracefulness
    and prowess. They cost 720 dáms per mensem ; and get daily 6 s . of grain (the
    price of which, in the estimates for each animal, is put down at 12 d. per
    man), 24 d. of g'hí, 2 d. for sugar, and 3 d. for grass . Also, for a jul, artak,
    yálposh, girth ( His Majesty does not call it tang, but farákhi), gaddi,
    nakhtahband, qaizah (which the vulgar pronounces qáizah) , magasrán, curry ›
    comb, hatt'hi (a bag made of horse hair for washing the horse), towel,
    páiband, nails, &c. , [ ride p . 136 ] , 70 d. per mensem, which outlay is called
    kharj i yaráq i asp (outlay for the harness of the horse). Besides, 60 d. for
    the saddle, and an apchí (?) every second month ; 7 d. per mensem for shoes ;
    and 63 d. for a groom, who gets double this allowance, if he takes charge
    of two horses. Total, 479 d. But as His Majesty cares for the comfort of
    the army, and enquires into the satisfactory condition of the soldiers, he
    increased, in the very beginning, this allowance of 479 d. by 81 d.; and
    when the value of the Rupee was increased from 35 to 40 dáms, His Majesty
    granted a second additional allowance of 80 d. This coin [ the Rupee ] is
    always counted at 40 d. in salaries. Afterwards, a third additional allowance
    of 2 R. (80 d. ) was ordered to be given for each class of horses, except
    Janglahs, which horses are now-a-days entirely left out in the accounts.
    The second class are horses bred in Persia, or such as resemble Persian
    horses in shape and bearing . Monthly allowance, 680 d. Of this, 458 d. are
    necessary expenses, being 21 d. less than the former, viz . 10 d. for the yaráq,
    10 d. for saddle and bridle, and 1 d . for shoes . The first increase which was
    given, amounted to 67 d .; the second, to 75 d. ; the third to 80 d. Total 680 d.
    The third class, or Mujannas horses, resemble Persian horses [ vide
    p. 140, note 2 ] , and are mostly Turki, or Persian geldings. Monthly cost
    30
    231

    560 d. Of this, 358 d. are for necessaries. The allowance for these horses is
    100 d. less than the preceding, viz . , 30 d. less for sugar ; 30 d. less for
    saddle, bridle, &c. ; 15 d. less in g'hí ; 3 d. less for the groom ; 2 d. less for
    shoeing. First increase sanctioned by His Majesty, 72 d.; second, 50 d.;
    third, 80 d.
    The fourth class are horses imported from Túrán ; though strong and
    well-formed, they do not come up to the preceding . Monthly allowance,
    480 d. Of this, 298 d. are for necessaries. The allowance is 60 d. less than for
    Mujannas horses, viz . , 30 d . less for sugar, 30d. less for grass ; 10 d. less for
    the yarúq ; 4 d. less for the saddle, bridle, &c. ; 2 d. less for shoeing ; 2 d. less
    for g'hi. But the daily allowance of grain was increased by 2 sers (which
    amounts to 18 d. per mensem) , as the sugar had been left out. First increase
    52 d.; second, 50 d.; third 80 d.
    The fifth class (yábú horses) are bred in this country, but fall short in
    strength and size. Their performances also are mostly bad. They are the
    offspring of Turki horses with an inferior breed . Monthly cost 400 d. Of
    this, 239 d. are for necessaries. The allowance is 59 d. less than the
    preceding ; viz. , 28 d. for g'hi ; 15 d. less for the groom ; 10 d. less for the
    yaráq ; and 6 d. less for the saddle, bridle, &c. First increase, 41 d.;
    second increase, 40 d. ; third, 80 d.
    The last two classes also are mostly Indian breed. The best kind is
    called Tázis ; middling ones, Janglahs ; inferior ones, Tátús.
    Good mares are reckoned as Tázís ; if not, they are counted as Janglahs.
    1. Tázis . Monthly cost, 320 d. , of which 188 d. are for necessaries.
    The allowance is 51 d. less than for the Yábú, viz. , 18 d. less for grain , as they
    only get 6 sers per diem ; 15 d. less for grass ; 10 d. less for g'hí and sugar ;
    8 d. less for yaráq. First increase, 22 d.; second , 30 d.; third, 80 d.
    2. Janglahs. Monthly cost, 240 d., of which 145 d. are for necessaries.
    The allowance is 421 d. less than for Tázis . The daily allowance of grain
    has been fixed at 5 sers . Hence there are 15 d. less for grass ; 9 d. less
    for grain ; 6 d. less for g'hi and molasses ; 4 d. less for the yaráq ; 2 d.
    less for shoeing . First increase, 29 d.; second 25 d.; third, 40 d.
    Formerly, mules were reckoned as Tází horses ; but now-a-days, as
    Janglahs.
    For Tátús the monthly expenditure is 160 d.; but this animal is now
    altogether thrown out.
    Note by the Translator. We may arrange Abulfazl's items in a tabular form. From
    several remarks in Badáoní, we may conclude that the horses of the Imperial army were
    mostly fourth and sixth class horses . The exportation of horses from Hindustan was strictly
    prohibited by Akbar, who made the kotwáls responsible for it ; vide Bad, II, p. 390, l. 5
    from below. Many recruits on joining the contingent of a Mançabdár. brought horses
    235

    with them, for which the Mançabdár received from the Treasury an allowance according
    to the following table.

    I. II. III. IV. V. VI . VII. VIII.

    Janglahs

    Tátús
    .

    .
    Gram, 54 d. 54 d. 54 d. 72 d. 72 d. 54 d. 45 d.
    G'li, ***............... 75 d. 75 d. 60 d. 10 d. 4 d.
    58 30 d.
    Sugar, ... 60 d. 60 d. 30 d 10 d. 4 d.
    Grass, ****....... 90 d. 90 d. 90 d. 60 d. 60 d. 45 d. 30 d. Not
    Yaraq, 70 d. 60 d. 40 d. 30 d. 20 d. 12 d. 7 d. specified.
    Saddle, & c., 60 d. 50 d. 20 d. 16 d. 10 d. 10 d. 10 d.
    Shoes, ...... 7 d. 6 d. 4 d. 2 d. 2 d. 2 d.
    Groom , 63 d. 63 d. 60 d. 60 d. 45 d. 45 d. 45 d.

    Original Allowance, ...... 479 d. 458 d. 358 d. 298 d. 239 d. 188 d. 145 d.

    1st Increase,. 81 d. 67 d. 72 d. 52 d 41 d. 22 d 29 d
    2nd Ditto, 80 d. 75 d. 30 d. 50 d. 40 d. 30 d. 25 d Not
    3rd Ditto, 80 d. 80 d. 80 d. 80 d. 80 d. 80 d. 40 d. specified.

    Total monthly cost in dáms , 720 d. 680 d. 560 d. 480 d. 400 d. 320 d. 240 d. 160 d.

    The allowance of sugar, or molasses, according to Abulfazl ceases from Class IV.;
    but as he goes on mentioning it in the inferior classes, I have made brackets. G'hi and
    molasses were generally given together ; vide p. 135 .

    2. Elephants. The branded elephants of the army are divided into


    seven classes : Masti, Shergir, Sádah, Manjholah, Karha, P'handurkiya, and
    Mokal, elephants ; but there are no subdivisions, as in His Majesty's
    elephant stables [ vide p. 124 , 1. 17 ] .
    The monthly allowance for Mast elephants is 1320 dáms [ 33 Rupees ].
    Daily allowance of grain, 21 mans. No elephant has more than three
    servants, a Maháwat, a Bhor , and a Meth, of whom the first gets 120 d. , and
    the two last 90 d. An increase of 120 d. was given. From the beginning
    elephants were branded ; but now certain differences are made.
    Shergir Elephants. Monthly cost, 1100 d. , which is 220 d. less than
    the former. Grain, 2 m. per diem, which makes 180 d. less per mensem ; also
    15 d. less for the Maháwat and the Bhoí. His Majesty increased the
    allowance by 110 d.
    Sadah Elephants. Monthly cost, 800 d. , which is 300 d. less than the
    preceding . Grain 14 m. per diem, which gives 180 d. less per month . Besides
    236

    30 d. less for the Meth, and 15 d. less for the Maháwat and the Bhoí. An
    increase of 50 d. was sanctioned.
    Manjholah Elephants. Monthly cost, 600 d. Grain 1 m. The decrease
    is the same as in the preceding ; but an additional allowance of 90 d. was
    sanctioned.
    Karha Elephants. Monthly cost, 420 d. Grain, 30 8. Hence there is a
    decrease of 30 d. on this account, and of 15 d. for the Maháwat. No Bhoí
    is allowed. The additional grant is 60 d.
    P'handurkiya Elephants . Monthly cost, 300 d. Grain, 15 8. per diem,
    which gives a decrease of 135 d. per mensem. Only one servant is allowed,
    1
    at 60 d. per month. An additional grant of 105 d. was sanctioned.
    Mokal elephants were formerly not counted. Now they are considered
    worthy of entering the classes. Monthly allowance, 280 d.
    In all payments on account of elephants, dáms are taken, not rupees, so
    that there is no possibility of fluctuation.
    3. Camels. Monthly cost, 240 d. Grain, 6 s .; grass, 1 d.; furniture,
    20 d.; the driver, 60 d. An addition of 58 d. was sanctioned ; and when
    the value of the Rupee was fixed at 40 dáms, 20 d. more were allowed.
    4. Oren. Monthly allowance, 120 d. Grain, 48.; grass 1 d.; furniture,
    6 d. Additional grant, 38 d. At the time when the value of the rupee was
    raised, 10 d. more were given.
    5. Oxen for the waggons . For each waggon, the monthly expenditure
    is 600 d., viz. , 480 d. for four oxen ; 120 d. for grease, repairs, and additional
    comforts.
    Elephants and waggons are only allowed to Mançabdárs, and to those
    who bring good horses and camels, and middling oxen to be branded.

    AIN 3.

    THE MANÇABDARS . '

    Wise inquirers follow out the same principles, and the people of the
    present age do not differ in opinion from those of ancient times. They all
    agree that if that which is numerous be not pervaded by a principle of
    harmony, the dust of disturbances will not settle down, and the troubles of
    lawlessness will not cease to rise. It is so with the elements : as long as the
    uniting principle is absent, they are dead, and incapable of exhibiting the
    wonders of the kingdoms of nature . Even animals form unions among

    The Arabians say mançib ; in Persia dár, an officer ; but the word is generally
    and India, the word is pronounced mançaḥ. restricted to high officials.
    It means a post, an office, hence mançab-
    237

    themselves, and avoid wilful violence ; hence they live comfortably, and
    watch over their advantages and disadvantages. But men, from the
    wickedness of their passions, stand much more in need of a just leader,
    round whom they may rally ; in fact their social existence depends upon their
    being ruled by a monarch ; for the extraordinary wickedness of men , and
    their inclination to that which is evil, teach their passions and lusts new
    ways of perversity, and even cause them to look upon committing bloodshed
    and doing harm as a religious command . ' To disperse this cloud of ignorance,
    God chooses one, whom he guides with perfect help and daily increasing
    favor. That man will quell the strife among men by his experience,
    intrepidity, and magnanimity, and thus infuse into them new vigour.
    But as the strength of one man is scarcely adequate to such an arduous
    undertaking, he selects, guided by the light of his knowledge, some excellent
    men to help him, appointing at the same time servants for them. For this
    cause did His Majesty establish the ranks of the Mançabdárs, from the
    Dahbáshi (Commander often ) to the Dah Hazári (Commander of Ten Thousand) ,
    limiting, however, all commands above Five Thousand, to his august sons .
    The deep-sighted saw a sign, and enquirers got a hint from above,
    when they found the value of the letters of God's holy name ; they read in
    it glad tidings for the present illustrious reign, and considered it a most
    auspicious omen. The number of Mançabs is sixty-six, the same as the
    value of the letters in the name of Allah, which is an announcement of
    eternal bliss.

    1.66 When the collector of the Díwán with the exception of the Imám i A'zam
    asks them (the Hindus) to pay the tax, (Abú Hanifah), to whose sect we all
    they should pay it with all humility and belong, there is no other authority for
    submission. And if the Collector wishes taking the Jazyáh from Hindus ; but all
    to spit into their mouths, they should other lawyers say, Either death or the
    open their mouths without the slightest Islám.' Tarikh i Firuz Shahí, p. 290.
    fear of contamination (taqazzuz) , so that Akbar often reproached the Muhammadans
    the Collector may do so. In this state for converting with the sword . This, he
    [with their mouths open ], they should said, was inhuman. And yet, he allow-
    stand before the Collector. The object ed the suttee.
    of such humiliations and spitting into 2 Jalálah. This curious word is, ac-
    their mouths is to prove the obedience of cording to Bahár i ' Ajám, an abbrevia-
    "
    Infidel subjects under protection, and to tion of the phrase Jalla jalálahu, May
    promote the glory of the Islám, the true His glory shine forth . ' It is then used in
    religion, and to show contempt to false re- the sense of God ; thus the dual jalála-
    ligions . God himself orders us to despise tain, saying Allah ! Allah ! ; and
    them ; for He says (Sur. 9, 29), ' Out of khatm ijalalah saying the word Allah
    hand,whilst they are reduced low.' To treat 125,000 times . Similarly here ; the 66
    the Hindus contemptuously is a religious mançabs correspond to the value of the
    duty, because they are the greatest enemies letters of Jalálah, i. e. *V ) = 1 + 30 +
    ofMustafa ( Muhammad),because Mustafa, 30+ 5 = 66. Abulfazl makes much of
    regarding the killing, and plundering of the coincidence ; for Akbar's name was
    Hindus, and making slaves of them, has Jalál uddin, and Akbar was a divinity.
    ordered, They must either accept the Perhaps I should not say coincidence,
    Islám, or be killed or be made slaves, and because of the sixty-six mançabs only
    their property must be plundered ;' and one half existed.
    238

    In selecting his officers, His Majesty is assisted by his knowledge of


    the spirit of the age, a knowledge which sheds a peculiar light on the jewel
    of his wisdom. His Majesty sees through some men at the first glance, ' and
    confers upon them high rank. Sometimes he increases the mançab of a
    servant, but decreases his contingent. He also fixes the number of the
    beasts ofburden . The monthly grants made to the Mançabdárs vary according
    to the condition of their contingents. An officer whose contingent comes up
    to his mançab, is put into the first class of his rank ; if his contingent is one
    half and upwards of the fixed number, he is put into the second class ; the
    third class contains those contingents which are still less, as is shewn in the
    table below.
    Yúzbáshis (Commanders of One Hundred ) are of eleven classes. The
    first class contains such as furnish one hundred troopers. Their monthly
    salary is 700 Rupees. The eleventh class contains such as have no
    troops of their own in accordance with the statement made above, that
    Dakhili troops are now-a-days preferred . This class gets 500 Rupees.
    The nine intermediate classes have monthly allowances decreasing from
    700 Rupees by 20 Rupees for every ten troopers which they furnish less.
    In the live stock accounts of the Dúbistis, the fixed number of Turki
    and Janglah horses, and of elephants, is not enforced. For Commanders of
    Thirty and Twenty, four horses are reckoned, generally Mujannas, rarely
    Yábús ; and Dahbáshús are excused the Turkí horse, though their salaries
    remain as before.

    NOTE BY THE TRANSLATOR ON THE MANCABS.

    The sixty-six Mançabs, detailed by Abulfazl in the following table


    appear to be the result of a minute classification rather than a repre-
    sentation of the Mançabs which actually existed at the time of Akbar.
    The table may represent Akbar's plan ; but the list of grandees, as given
    by Abulfazl himself in the 30th Aín of this Book, only mentions thirty-
    three-the three commands of the three Princes from 10000 to
    7000 ; and thirty commands of the Mançabdárs, namely commands
    of 5000 , 4500 , 4000, 3500, 3000 , 2500, 2000 , 1500, 1250 , 1000, 900 ?,
    800, 700 , 600 , 500 , 400 , 350 , 300 ? , 250, 200 , 150 , 120 , 100, 80, 60,
    50, 40 , 30 , 20, 10. Of the last thirty commands, two are somewhat
    doubtful (the commands of 900 and 300) , as not given in all MSS. of the
    Kín, though the List of Grandees of Shah Jahan's time (Pádisháhnámah,
    II. p. 717 ) mentions a command of 900. It does not specify a command
    of 300 , because no Mançabs under 500 are enumerated in that list.

    ¹ Abulfazl often praises Akbar as a Akbar learnt the art from the Jogís.
    good physiognomist. Badáoní says ,
    239

    Abulfazl specifies below the names of all of Akbar's Commanders


    up to the Mançabdárs of 500 ; he then gives the names of the Com-
    manders of 500 to 200, who were living, when he made the list. Of the
    Commands below 200 , he merely gives the numbers of those that were
    alive, viz.,
    of Commanders of 150 ... .... 53
    120 .. 1

    100 ( Yúzbáshis) 250


    80 91
    60 ..204
    50 . 16
    40 .260
    30 39
    20 ... .250
    10 .. .224
    in all, 1388 Commanders from 150 to 10. The number of the higher
    Mançabdars from 5000 to 200 is 412 , of which about 150 may have
    been dead, when Abulfazl made his list.
    As Abulfazl's List (Kín 30) , according to the testimony of Nizám
    i Harawi is a complete list,' it is certain that of the 66 Mançabs of the
    following table, only 33 existed in reality. The first eighteen of these
    33 are commands down to 500, which corresponds to the List of Sháh-
    jahán's grandees in the Pádishahnámah, which likewise gives 18 com-
    mands to 500.
    The commands as detailed in the Pádisháhnámah are :-Four com-
    mands of the princes (Dárá Shikoh, 20,000 ; Sháh Shujá, 15,000 ;
    Aurangzeb, 15,000 ; Murad Bakhsh, 12,000) and commands of 9000,
    7000, 6000, 5000 , 4000 , 3000 , 2500 , 2000 , 1500 , 1000 , 900 , 800 , 700 ,
    600, 500.
    From the fact that Abulfazl only gives names up to commanders
    of 200, and the Pádisháhnámah up to 500, we may conclude that, at
    Akbar's time, Mançabs under 200, and at Sháhjahán's time, Mançabs
    under 500, did not entitle the holder to the title of Amir. To judge
    from Nizam's Tabaqát and the Maásir i Rahimi, Mançabdárs from the
    Hazárí (Commander of 1000 ) were, at Akbar's time, styled umará-i-

    Nizám says in the introduction to asámí i har yak rá afázilpanáh Shaikh


    his List of the principal grandees of Abulfazl dar kitáb i Akbarnámah mar-
    Akbar's Court, that it was unnecessary qúmi qalam i badai'raqam gardanidah.
    for him to specify all, because tafçil i
    240

    kibár, or umará- i-' izám, great Amírs ; and I am not quite sure whether
    the title of Amír is not restricted to Mançabdárs from the Hazáris
    upwards. Nizám does restrict his phrases ba martabah i imárat rasid, or
    dar jargah (or silk, or zumrah) i umará muntazim gasht, to commanders
    from Hazárís.
    The title Amir ul Umará (the Amír of the Amírs, principal
    Amír) , which from its meaning would seem to be applicable to one at
    the time, seems to have been held by several simultaneously. Nizám
    gives this title to Adham Khán, Khizr Khwajah Khán , Mír Muhammad
    Khán Atkah , Muzaffar Khán , Qutbuddin Muhammad Khán , and to
    the three commanders -in -chief , Bairám Khán , Mun'im Khán , and
    Mírzá 'Abdurrahim, the three latter being styled Khán Khánán, ' or
    Khin Khánán o Sipalsalir .
    In the Pádisháhnamáh, however, the title of Amirul Umará is
    restricted to the first living grandee ('Alí Mardán Khán) .
    It is noticeable that Nizám only mentions commanders of 5000 ,
    4000, 3000, 2500 , 2000, 1500, and 1000 - for lower Mançabs he does.
    not specify names. Abulfazl gives three intermediate Mançabs of
    4500 , 3500, and 1250 ; but as he only gives five names for these three
    ranks, we may conclude that these Mançabs were unusual. This agrees
    also with the salaries of the commanders ; for if we leave out the
    commands of 4500 , 3500, and 1250 , we have, according to Aín 30,
    twelve steps from 5000 to 500 , and the monthly salary of a commander
    of 500 (Rs. 2500 ) is the twelfth part of the salary of a commander of
    5000 (Rs. 30,000) . The Pádisháhnámah gives fourteen steps between the
    commanders of 7000 and 500 , and fixes the salary of a Commander
    of 7000 at one kror of dáms per annum, or 250000 Rs., stating at the
    same time that the salaries decrease in proportion . The Persian
    Dictionary, entitled Ghiás ullughát, states that the salary of a commander
    of 5000 is 1 kror, or 250,000 Rs. , and that the salary of a Pançadi, or
    commander of 500, is 20,000 Rs. per annum, the 124th part of the former.
    It would thus appear that the salaries of the Mançabdárs, as given
    by Abulfazl in the following table, are somewhat higher than those
    given in the Pádisháhnámah and the Ghids, whatever may have been
    the source of the latter.
    The salaries appear to be unusually high ; but they would be

    * For Kháni Khánủn , the Khán of Izáfat is left out.


    the Kháns. In such titles the Persian
    241

    considerably reduced, if each Mançabdár had to keep up the establish-


    ment of horses, elephants, camels, carts, &c. , which Abulfazl specifies
    for each rank. Taking the preceding Aín and the table in the note as
    a guide, the establishment of horses, &c., mentioned in the following
    table, would amount
    for a Commander of 5000 (monthly salary 30,000 R. ) to 10637 R.
    1000 ( ditto 8200 R.) to 3015½ R.
    100 ( ditto 700 R.) to 313 R.
    The three classes which Abulfazl mentions for each Mançab differ
    very slightly, and cannot refer to p. 238, 1. 7 .
    A commander of 5000 was not necessarily at the head of a
    In fact, the numbers rarely even approach
    contingent of 5000 men.
    the number expressed by the title of a Mançabdár. Thus Nizám says
    of Todar Mall and Qutbuddin Muhammad Khán, as if it was something
    worth mentioning, that the former had 4000 cavalry, and the latter
    5000 naukars, or servants, i. e., soldiers, though Todar Mall was a
    commander of 4000 (Nizám says 5000) , and Qutbuddín a commander
    of 5000. Of ' Abdul Majid Açaf Khán, a commander of 3000 (vide
    Aín 30 , No. 49 ) , Nizám says, he reached a point when he had 20,000 .'
    In the Pádisháhnámah, where more details are given regarding the
    numberofmen under each commander, we find that of the 115 Commanders
    of 500 under Sháhjahán only six had contingents of 500, whilst the last
    had only 50 troopers. This also explains the use of the word is zát
    after the titles of Mançabdárs ; as panj házárí i zát sihhazár suwár, 66 a
    Commander of 5000 , personally (zát, or by rank), and in actual command
    of 3000 cavalry." Sometimes we meet with another phrase, the meaning
    of which will be explained below, as Shaistah Khan panjhazári, panj
    hazar sucir i duaspal silaspah , “ Sháistah Khán , a Commander of 5000 ,
    contingent 5000 cavalry, with two horses, with three horses." A trooper
    is called duaspah, if he has two horses, and sihaspah, if three, in order to
    change horses during elghárs or forced marches. But keeping duashpah
    sihaspah troopers was a distinction, as in the Pádisháhnámah only the
    senior Mançabdárs of some ranks are so designated, viz . , 8 (out of 20)
    Panjhazárís ; 1 Chahárhazárí ; 2 Sihhazárí ; 2 Duhazárí ; 2 Hazár o
    pançadí ; 1 Hazárí ; and 1 Haftçadí .
    The higher Mançabdárs were mostly governors of Cúbahs. The
    governors were at first called sipahsálars ; towards the end of Akbar's
    reign we find them called Hakims, and afterwards, Gáhib Gubah or
    31
    242

    Çúbahdárs, and still later merely Çúbahs . The other Mançabdárs held
    Jágirs, which after the times of Akbar were frequently changed. The
    Mançabdárs are also called ta'inátiyán (appointed), whilst the troops of
    their contingents are called tábinát (followers) ; hence tábinbashi, the
    Mançabdár himself, or his Bakhshi (pay-master, colonel) .
    The contingents of the Mançabdárs, which formed the greater part
    of the army, were mustered at stated times, and paid from the general,
    or the local treasuries ; ride Aíns 6, 7, 8. Akbar had much trouble with
    these musters, as fraudulent practices were quite common. The reform

    of the army dates from the time when Shahbáz Khán (vide pp. 140 , 188)
    was appointed Mir Bakhshi. The following passage from Badáoní (II,
    p. 190) is interesting :

    " The whole country, with the exception of the Kháliçah lands ( domains),
    was held by the Amírs as jágír ; and as they were wicked and rebellious,
    and spent large sums on their stores and workshops, and amassed wealth,
    they had no leisure to look after the troops or take an interest in the
    people. In cases of emergency, they came themselves with some of their
    slaves and Moghul attendants to the scene of the war ; but really useful
    soldiers there were none. Shahbaz Khán, 2 the Mír Bakhshí, introduced
    the custom and rule of the dágh o mahalli, which had been the rule of
    A'láuddin Khiljí, and afterwards the law under Sher Sháh. It was settled
    that every Amír should commence as a commander of twenty ( bísti), and be
    ready with his followers to mount guard and ....,* as had been ordered ; and
    when, according to the rule, he had brought the horses of his twenty troopers
    to be branded, he was then to be made a Çadi, or Commander of 100 or more.
    They were likewise to keep elephants, horses, and camels, in proportion
    to their Mançabs, according to the same rule. When they had brought to
    the musters their new contingent complete, they were to be promoted
    according to their merits and circumstances to the post of Hazári, Duhazári,
    and even Panjhazári, which is the highest Mançab ; but if they did not do
    well at the musters, they were to be put down. But notwithstanding this
    new regulation, the condition of the soldiers got worse, because the Amirs
    did what they liked ; for they put most of their own servants and mounted

    : ‫تعيناتيان‬, pl . of ‫ تعيني‬, from ‫ تعين‬ta'in, haps to read yád dahánídah, having


    the Indian pronunciation of ta'yin, brought to the memory of (Akbar) ; for
    tábtán, read tábínán ; for panáh Khudá,
    to appoint. tábín,, tofollow ; then read panah ba Khudá; for án ham, read
    as an adj., one who follows. This cor- án hamah.
    rects the erroneous meanings of tábín on
    p. 62 of the Journal A. S. of Bengal for The Táríkh i Fírúz Sháhí says but
    1868. little regarding it . The words dágh o
    2 The passage in the printed edition mahalli
    4 occur very often together.
    is frightfully unintelligible. For kih read Ojár o maljár (?). For jár, a
    Kambú ; for baú dahanídah, we have per- Turkish word, vide Vullers.
    243

    attendants into soldiers' clothes (libás i sipáhi), brought them to the musters,
    and performed everything according to their duties. But when they got
    their jágírs, they gave leave to their mounted attendants, and when a new
    emergency arose, they mustered as many ' borrowed' soldiers as were required,
    and sent them again away, when they had served their purpose. Hence
    while the income and expenditure of the Mançabdár remained in statu quo,
    ' dust fell into the platter of the helpless soldier, ' so much so, that he was
    no longer fit for anything. But from all sides there came a lot of low
    tradespeople, weavers, and cotton-cleaners (naddáf), carpenters, and green-
    grocers, Hindu and Musalmán, and brought borrowed horses, got them
    branded, and were appointed to a Mançab, or were made Kroris (vide p . 13,
    1. 5 from below) , or Ahadís, or Dákhilís to some one (vide p . 231 ) ; and when
    a few days afterwards no trace was to be found of the imaginary horse and
    the visionary saddle, they had to perform their duties on foot . Many
    times it happened at the musters, before the emperor himself in the Díwán-
    khánah i khác , that they were weighed in their clothes, with their hands and
    feet tied, when they were found to weigh from 2 to 3 man, more or less (?)
    and after inquiry, it was found that all were hired, and that their very
    clothes and saddles were borrowed articles. His Majesty then used to
    say, " With my eyes thus open, I must give these men pay, that they
    may have something to live on." After some time had passed away, His
    Majesty divided the Ahadís into duaspah, yakaspah (having one horse), and
    nimaspah (having half a share in a horse), in which latter case two troopers
    kept one horse together, and shared the stipulated salary, which amounted
    to six rupees.¹
    Weigh well these facts, but put no question !
    These were things of daily occurrence ,. ; but notwithstanding
    all this, His Majesty's good luck overcame all enemies, so that large
    numbers of soldiers were not so very necessary, and the Amirs had no
    longer to suffer from the inconvenient reluctance of their servants ."

    Hence the repeated musters which Akbar held, both of men, and
    of animals, carts, &c.; the minuteness of some of the regulations recorded
    in the Aín ; and the heavy fines imposed on neglectful servants (p . 217,
    note) . The carefulness with which Akbar entered into details (kasrat),
    in order to understand the whole (cahdat) -an unusual thing for rulers
    of former times-is the secret of his success . 3
    We have not sufficient data to form an exact estimate of the
    strength of Akbar's army. We may, however, quote a statement in
    1
    So according to one MS. The passage 2 Here follows a sentence which I do not
    is not quite clear. know how to translate.
    3 Vide p. 11 , note.
    244

    the Pádishálnámah regarding the strength of Shahjahan's


    Pádisháhn. II, p. 715.

    " The paid army of the present reign consists of 200,000 cavalry,
    according to the rule of branding the fourth part, as has been mentioned
    above. This is exclusive of the soldiers that are allowed to the Faujdárs,
    Krorís, and tax-collectors, for the administration of the Parganahs . These
    200,000 cavalry are made up as follows-
    8000 Mançabdárs .
    7000 mounted Ahadís and mounted Barqandázes.
    185,000 Cavalry, consisting of the contingents (tábínán) of the
    Princes, the Chief grandees, and the other Mançabdárs.
    " Besides these 200,000 cavalry, there are 40,000 foot, musketeers,
    artillery, and rocket-bearers. Ofthese 40,000, 10,000 accompany the emperor,
    and the remaining 30,000¹ are in the Çúbahs and the forts. "
    The Rule of branding the fourth part' is described among the
    -
    events of the year 1056, as follows (II, p. 506) :-

    " The following law was made during the present reign ( Sháhjahán).
    If a Mançabdár holds a jágír in the same çúbah, in which he holds his
    mançab, he has to muster one-third of the force indicated by his rank."
    Accordingly a Sih Hazárí i zát sihhazár suwár ( a Commander of 3000 , personal
    rank ; contingent, 3000 cavalry) has to muster (bring to the brand) 1000
    cavalry. But if he holds an appointment in another çúbah, he has only to
    muster a fourth part. Accordingly, a Chahárhazári chahárhazár suwár (a
    Commander of 4000 ; contingent, 4000) has only to muster 1000 cavalry.
    At the time when the Imperial army was ordered to take Balkh and
    Samarqand [ 1055 ] , His Majesty, on account of the distance of those
    countries, gave the order that as long as the expedition should last, each
    Mançabdár should only muster one-fifth . Accordingly a Panjhazári panj-
    hazár suwár (a commander of 5000 ; contingent, 5000 ) mustered only 1000,
    viz., 300 Sihaspah troopers, 600 Duaspah troopers, 100 yakaspah troopers
    [ i. e., 1000 men with 2200 horses ], provided the income (háçil ) of his jágír
    was fixed at 12 months ; or 250 Sihaspah troopers, 500 duaspah troopers,
    and 250 yakaspah troopers [ i. e. , 1000 men with 2000 horses ], provided the
    income of his jágir was fixed at 11 months ; or 800 duaspah troopers, and
    200 yakaspah troopers [ i . e., 1000 men and 1800 horses ] , if the income of
    his jágir was fixed at 10 months ; or 600 duaspah troopers and 400 yakaspah,
    if at 9 months ; or 450 duaspah and 550 yakaspah troopers, if at 8 months ;

    1 The edition of the Pádisháhnámah ers (troopers) to the brand (dágh) ac-
    has wrongly 3000 . cording to the third part.
    2 Literally, he has to bring his follow-
    245

    or 250 duaspah and 750 yakaspah troopers, if at 7 months ; or 100 duaspah


    and 900 yakaspah troopers, if at 6 months ; or 1000 yakaspah, if at 5 months.
    But if the troopers to a mançab had all been fixed as sihaspah duaspah
    [in other words, if the Commander was not a Panj hazári, panj hazár suwár,
    but a Panj hazári panj hazár suwár i duaspah siaspah] he musters , as his
    proportion of duaspah and sihaspah troopers, double the number which he
    would have to muster, if his mançab had been as in the preceding.
    Accordingly, a Panj hazári panj hazár tamám duaspah sihaspah (a Commander
    of 5000 ; contingent, only duaspah and sihaspah), would muster 600 troopers
    with three horses, 1200 troopers with two horses, and 200 troopers with
    one horse each [ i. e. , 2000 men with 4400 horses ], provided the income
    of his jágír be fixed at 12 months, and so on . "

    From this important passage, it is clear that one-fourth of that


    number of troopers, which is indicated by the title of a Mançabdár,
    was the average strength of the contingents at the time of Shahjahán.
    Thus if a Commander of 1000 troopers had the title of Hazári hazár
    surar, the strength of his contingent was 1000
    4 250 men with 650
    horses, riz. 75 sihaspah, 150 duaspah, and 25 yakaspah ; and if his title
    was Hazári hazár suwár i duaspah siaspah, the strength of his contingent
    was 500 men with 1300 horses, viz. 150 sihaspah, 300 duaspah, and 50
    yakaspah, if the income of his jágír was drawn by him for every month
    of the year. The above passage also indicates that the proportions of
    sihaspah, and duaspah, and yakaspah troopers was for all mançabs as
    300 : 600 : 100 , or as 3 : 6 : 1 .
    As the author of the Padisháhnamáh does not mention the restriction
    as to the number of months for which the Mançabdárs drew the income,
    we may assume that the difference in strength of the contingents
    mentioned after the name of each grandee depended on the value of their
    jágírs.
    From an incidental remark (Pádisháhnámah, I. p. 113) , we see
    that the pay of a Commander of sihashpah duaspah troopers was double
    the pay allowed to a Commander of yakaspahs. This agrees withthe
    fact that the former had double the number of men and horses of the
    latter.

    The strength also of Aurangzeb's army, on a statement by Bernier,


    was conjectured to have been 200,000 cavalry, vide Elphinstone's History,
    Second Edition , p. 546 , last line.
    Akbar's army must have been smaller. It is impossible to compute
    the strength of the contingents, which was continually fluctuating,
    and depended rather on emergencies. We can, however, guess at the
    246

    strength of Akbar's standing army. At the end of Kín 30, Abulfazl


    states that there were alive at the time he wrote the Aín
    250 Commanders of 100 (Yúzbáshís)
    204 60
    260 40
    250 20
    224 10
    As these numbers are very uniform, the regular army could
    not have been larger than 250 X 100, or 25,000 men (troopers,
    musketeers, and artillery) . The Imperial stables contained 12,000
    horses (vide p. 132, 1. 6 from below), which were under the immediate
    charge of Mírzá Abdurrahím Khán Khánán, Akbar's Commander-in-
    Chief. Hence there may have been about 12,000 standing cavalry.
    The rest were matchlock-bearers and artillery. In Kín 6, Abulfazl states
    that there were 12,000 matchlock-bearers. The number of Ahadis, of
    which Shahjahan had 7000 , cannot have been very large. Many of
    them were on staff employ in the various offices, store-houses, Imperial
    workshops ; others were employed as adjutants and carriers of important
    orders. They were, at Akbar's time, gentlemen rather than common
    soldiers, as they had to buy their own horse on joining. Badáoní
    mentions an Ahadí of the name of Khwajah Ibráhím Husain as one of
    his friends (II, p. 394) . The number of Mançabdárs, which under
    Shahjahan amounted to 8000 , was also much less. Of the 415 Man-
    çabdárs, whose names are given in Aín 30, about 150 were dead,
    when Abulfazl wrote it,' so that there would be about 250 higher
    Mançabdárs, to which we have to add 1388 lower Mançabdárs, from
    the Commanders of 150 downwards ; hence altogether about 1600
    Mançabdárs.
    But Akbar's Mançabdárs, on the whole, had larger contingents,
    especially more horses, than the Mançabdárs of the following reigns,
    during which the brevet ranks (zát) were multiplied.
    In the beginning of Akbar's reign, Mançabdárs had even to
    furnish men with four horses (chaháraspah). ▲ Dahbáshi, or Commander

    The list of grandees in Aín 30 is three princes (Bad. II , p. 342) were ap


    quoted in Nizám's Tabaqát which do not pointed Commanders of 12000, 9000, and
    go beyond A. H. 1002, as the author died 7000 respectively, whilst in Abulfazl's
    in October 1594 ; but it may be still older, List, Prince Salím (Jahángír) is still put
    as Nizám assigns to several Mançabdárs down as a Commander of 10000, Murád
    a higher rank than the one mentioned as Commander of 8000, and Dányál as
    by Abulfazl. In fact, the list refers to of 7000.
    a time prior to the year 993, when the
    247

    of Ten, had to furnish 10 men with 25 horses ; but in later times


    (ride Aín 5 ) the Chaháraspahs were discontinued , and a Dahbáshi fur-
    nished 10 men with 18 horses. As the other ranks had to furnish
    horses in proportion, one of Akbar's Hazárís would have had to bring
    1800 horses, whilst a Hazárí at the time of Shahjahán only furnished
    650.
    Of Non-Commissioned officers a Mirdahah is mentioned ; vide note
    1, p. 116. The pay of a Mírdahah of matchlock-bearers varied from
    7 to 61 R. per mensem. Common matchlock-bearers received from 6 to
    2 R. As they were standing (household) troops, Abulfazl has put them
    into the first Book of this work (Aíns 36 to 40) ; and generally, the reader
    will have to bear in mind that the second book, relating to the army,
    treats chiefly of the contingents of the Mançabdárs.
    Badáoní, in the above extract, p. 243, speaks of a libás i sipáhí, or
    soldier's uniform ( armour ?) .
    The distinctions conferred by the emperor on the Mançabdárs con-
    sisted in certain flags (vide p . 50, 1. 6, from below) , and the gharyál
    or gong (vide in the beginning of the Fourth Book, A'in i Gharyá!).
    248

    Table shewing the Establishments and Salaries of the Mançabdárs.

    P'handurkiya
    HORSES. ELEPHANTS. BEASTS OF BUR- MONTHLY SALARIES.
    DEN AND CARTS.

    Manjolah
    COM-

    Qatárs

    Qatárs
    Camels
    Janglah
    Shergir

    Karhah
    .|Number

    Classes.

    .
    MANDERS

    Mules
    Sádah
    Turki

    of

    of
    OF

    . rts
    Yábú
    Iráqi

    Tází

    .
    Se-

    .
    .

    .
    First.

    .
    cond. Third.
    .

    Ca
    .

    .
    .
    .

    Rs. Rs. Rs.


    1234567

    10,000 68 68 136 136 136 136 40 60 40 40 20 160 40 320 60,000 ...


    8,000 5154 108 108 108 108 35 50 36 34 15130 34 260 50,000
    7,000 49 49 98 98 98 98 30 42 29 27 12110 27 220 45,000 ...
    5,000 3134 68 68 68 68 2039 2020 10 80 20 160 30,000 29,000 28,000
    4,900 33 33 67 67 67 67 20 30 19 19 10 77 19 157 27,600 27,400 27,300
    4,800 32 32 66 66 65 65 20 29 19 19 9 77 19 152 27,600 27,400 27,300
    4,700 3131 65 65 63 63 19 29 19 18 9 75 19 15126,800 26,600 26,500
    8 4,600 3131 63 63 62 62 1828 19 18 9 74 18148 26,400 26,200 26,100
    9 4,500 3130 61 61 61 61 1828 19 17 8 723 182 145 26,000 25,800 25,700
    10 4,400 30 29 60 60 59 59 18 28 19 16 7 71 18142 25,200 25,000 | 24,800
    11 4,300 29 28 59 59 58 58 17 27 19 16 7 693 18 139 24,400 24,200 24,000
    58 57 56 16 26 19 16 7 68 17 136 23,600 23,400 23,200
    སླ་

    12 4,200 28 27 58
    56 56 55 16 26 1816 6 68 17 133 22,800 22,400 22,400
    ༄

    13 4,100 27 27 56
    ༤

    14 4,000 27 27 54 54 54 54 16 25 18 15 6 65 17 130 22,000 21,800 21,600


    15 3,900 26 26 53 53 52 52 16 24 18 15 6 633 164 127 21,400 21,200 21,100
    16 3,800 2626 51 51 51 51 1623 1815 6 62 16 124 20,800 20,600 20,500
    17 3,700 25 25 50 50 50 49 16 23 17 15 6 603 16 121 20,200 20,000 19,900
    18 3,600 25 25 49 48 48 47 16 23 17 14 6 59 154 118 19,600 19,400 19,300
    19 3,500 24 24 47 47 47 46 16 23 17 14 5 57 15 115 19,000 18,800 18,700
    20 3,400 23 23 46 46 46 44 16 22 17 14 5 56 1511218,300 18,014 18,300
    21 3,300 22 22 45 45 44 43 15 14 5 543 15 109 18,200 18,000 17,900
    22 3,209 21 21 44 44 42 42 15 21 17 14 5 53 143 106 17,800 17,600 | 17,500
    23 3,100 20 20 43 43 41 40 15 20 17 14 5 51 14 103 17,400 17,200 | 17,100
    24 3,000 20 20 40 40 40 40 15 20 16 14 5 50 14 100 17,000 16,800 16,700
    25 2,900 19 19 39 39 39 39 15 19 16 13 4 48 1396 16,400 16,200 16,100
    26 2,800 18 18 38 38 38 38 15 18 14 12 3 46 122 92 15,800 15,600 15,500
    27 2,700 17 17 37 37 37 37 14 17 1311 3 44 113 88 15,200 15,000 14,900
    28 2,600 17 17 36 36 35 35 13 15 12 11 3 42 103 84 14,600 14,400 14,300
    29 2,500 17 17 34 34 35 34 12 14 12 10 2 40 10 80 14,000 13,800 || 13,700
    30 2,400 17 17 33 33 33 33 12 13 11 10 2 38 9 76 13,600 13,400 13,300
    31 2,300 16 16 33 33 32 32 12 12 10 10 2 36 8 72 13,200 13,000 12,900
    32 2,200 16 16 32 32 31 31 1112 10 2 34 8 68 12,800 12,600 12,500
    33 2,100 15 15 31 31 31 31 10 12 9 9 2 32 7 64 12,400 12,200 12,100
    34 2,000 15 15 30 30 30 30 10 12 9 7 2 30 60 12,000 11,900 11,800
    35 1,900 14 14 29 29 29 30 10 12 9 7 2 284 6 58 11,950 11,350 11,450
    36 1,800 14 13 28 28 28 29 10 11 9 7 2 273 6 56 11,400 11,650 11,300
    37 1,700 14 13 27 27 27 27 911 9 7 2 263 54 11,220 11,000 10,800
    38 1,600 13 13 26 26 25 25 10 7 25 52 10,600 10,400 10,200
    39 1,500 12 12 24 24 24 24 810 8 50 10,000 9,800 9,700
    40 1,400 12 12 24 24 23 23 8 10 44 49 9,600 9,400 9,300
    41 1,300 12 12 23 23 23 22 8 10 7 7 23 43 48 9,200 9,100 9,050
    42 1,200 1111 22 22 22 22 7977 22 43 46 9,000 8,900 8,800
    43 1,100 1111 22 22 21 21 7 9 7 7 2 22 43 44 8,700 8,500 8,400
    44 1,000 10 10 21 21 21 21 7 7 7 2 21 442 8,200 8,100 8,000
    45 900 10 10 20 20 20 20 7867 2 20 40 7,700 7,400 7,100
    46 800 1014 17 17 9 3 78 5 5 2 17 32 34 5,000 4,700 4,400
    322

    47 700 613 9 13 14 7 5 6 4 4 1 153 27 4,400 4,000 3,800


    48 5 7 11 4 4 4 3 5 2 1 13 23 21 3,500 3,200 3,000
    600 8 15 2,800 2,750 2,700
    49 47 8 4 3 4 2 1 14

    ¹ For differences in reading I must refer the reader to my Text edition, p. 185 .
    249

    BEASTS OF BUR-

    Phandurkia
    HORSES. ELEPHANTS
    DEN AND CARTS. MONTHLY SALARIES.
    . annas
    |. umbers

    Manjhola
    COM-

    Qatárs
    Class.

    Qatárs
    Camels
    Janglah
    .Shergir

    Karhah
    MANDERS

    Mules
    Muj

    .
    OF
    i

    Sádah

    of
    of
    Turk

    Se-
    Yábú

    Carts
    Iráqí
    N

    .
    Tází

    First. cond. Third.

    .
    .
    .

    .
    .

    .
    .

    Rs. Rs. Rs.


    843∞∞∞∞ N22222112

    50
    1222T1 : 2221 ,
    7694BB22221212

    4211T211

    223222 : 22
    500
    3211LLL

    22222LLLLLLLL

    46 4 1 10 15 2,500 2,300 2,100

    :
    2
    51 400 34 1 12 2,000 1,751 1,500
    52 350 3 1 4 11 1,450 1,305 1,350
    53 300 1 10 1,400 1,250 1,200
    54 250 33 1,000
    6322222L - LAT

    3 8 1,150 1,100
    55 200 23 3 7 975 950 900
    56 150 2 3 3 6 875 850 800
    57 125 22 2 3 11 5 780 760 750
    58 120 22 11 2 5 745 740 730
    100 22 1 1 1 5 700 600 500
    80 21 1 2 410 380 350
    61 60 1 1 1 2 301 285 270
    62 50 11 1 2 250 240 230
    63 40 1 2 1 223 200 185
    64 30 185 165 155
    65 20 135 125 115
    T
    2

    66 10 100 82 75
    :

    AIN 4.

    THE AHADI'S.

    There are many brave and worthy persons whom His Majesty does not
    appoint to a Mançab, but whom he frees from being under the orders of any
    one. Such persons belong to the immediate servants of His Majesty, and

    are dignified by their independence. They go through the school of learning


    their duties, and have their knowledge tested . As it is the aim of His
    Majesty to confer a spiritual meaning on that which is external, he calls
    such persons Ahadis (from ahad, one) . They are thus reminded of the
    unity of God.
    A new regulation regarding rank was given.
    For the sake of the convenience of the Ahadis, a separate Díwán and a
    paymaster were appointed, and one of the great Amirs is their chief. A fit
    person has also been selected to introduce to His Majesty such as are
    candidates for Ahadíships. Without partiality or accepting bribes, he takes
    daily several before His Majesty, who examines them. When they have
    been approved of, they pass through the Yaddasht, the Ta'liqah, the descrip-
    tive roll, and accounts [ vide Kín 10 ] . The paymaster then takes security, and
    introduces the candidate a second time to His Majesty, who generally
    32
    250

    increases his pay from an eighth to three-fourths, or even to more than


    six-sevenths . Many Ahadis have indeed more than 500 Rupees per mensem."
    He then gets the number nine as his brand [ vide Kín 7 ]. In the beginning,
    when their rank was first established, some Ahadis mustered eight horses ;
    but now, the limit is five. On his sarkhat [ vide Kín 11 ] each receives a
    farmánchah (rank and pay certificate), on which year after year the treasurer
    makes payments.
    Ahadis are mustered every four months, when on a certificate signed
    by the Diwán and the Bakhshi, which is called now-a-days Tachihah, " the
    clerk of the treasury writes out a receipt, to be countersigned by the
    principal grandees. This the treasurer keeps, and pays the claim. Before
    the period ( of four months) is over, he gets one month's salary in advance.
    In the course of the year, he receives cash for ten months, after deducting
    from it one-twentieth of the sum, the total stoppage being made on
    account of his horses and other expenses . On joining the service, an
    Ahadi generally finds his own horse ; but afterwards he gets it from the
    Government ; and if the certificate of the inspectors, which is called
    Saqatnámah, explains the reason why the horse is not forthcoming, he is
    held indemnified for his dead horse, but does not receive the money for
    keeping a horse until he gets a new one. But if he has no Saqatnámah to
    shew, he is not allowed anything from the time of the last muster. Those
    who are in want of horses, are continually taken before His Majesty, who
    gives away many horses as presents or as part of the pay, one- half being
    reckoned as irmás money,' and the other half being deducted in four
    instalments at the subsequent four musters ; or if the Ahadí be in debt, in
    eight instalments .

    AIN 5.

    OTHER KINDS OF TROOPERS.

    As I have said something about the Mançabdárs and the Ahadis, I


    shall give a few details regarding the third class of troopers .

    Or as we would say, by 75 or even fifah [vide p. 95, note, 1 ] , &c.


    85 per cent. Vide note 4 p. 88. From saqata he fell.
    2 This agrees with a statement which Or armás money. The word wil
    I have seen in some historian of Akbar's may be Inf. IV. , or plural of rams, a grave.
    reign that a senior Ahadi was promoted Badáoní evidently reads irmás, because
    to a Yúzbáshiship, as the next step. in II, p. 202 , he explains irmás by zawál i
    Vide p. 20, note 1. dushman the burying, or destruction, of
    The Tachihah corresponds therefore the foes, which word the grandees used
    to a life certificate.' Arabic infinitives instead of talab i ajnás, requesting stores,
    II. take in modern Persian a final 8 ; &c.' Hence irmás, a request made for
    thus ta'liqah [vide below Aín 10] , takh- military supplies or for salary.
    251

    The horse-dealer fixes the quality of the horses, which are carefully
    inspected by the Bakhshis. The description of the man is then taken down
    in writing. If a trooper has more than one horse, they add to his establish-
    ment a camel or an ox, for which he gets half the allowance usually given
    to troopers of a superior class ; or if this be not given, he gets an addition
    of two-fifths.
    A Yakaspah trooper is paid according to the following rates. If his
    horse be an ' Iráqí, he gets 30 R. per mensem ; if mujannas, 25 R.; if Turki,
    20 R.; if a Yábú, 18 R.; if a Tází, 15 R.; if a Janglah, 12 R.
    The Revenue collectors of domain lands got formerly 25 R., but now
    only 15 R.
    Troopers of this kind mustered formerly up to four horses, but now the
    order is not to exceed three.
    Every Dahbáshi had to muster 2 chaháraspah, 3 sihaspah, 3 duaspah, and
    2 yakaspah troopers [ i . e. , 10 troopers with 25 horses ] , and the other
    Mançabdárs in the same proportion. But now a Dahbáshí's contingent
    consists of 3 siháspah, 4 duaspah, and 3 yakaspah troopers [ i . e., 10 troopers
    with 18 horses ].

    AIN 6.
    THE INFANTRY.

    As I have said something about the Cavalry, I shall make a few


    1. remarks on foot soldiers. They are of various kinds, and perform remarkable
    duties. His Majesty has made suitable regulations for their several ranks,
    and guides great and small in the most satisfactory manner.
    The writer of these ....' is the Awárahnawis. Inasmuch as they are of
    importance, they are counted as belonging to the infantry. There are
    several classes of them. The first class gets 500 dáms ; the second 400 d. ;
    the third, 300 d.; the fourth, 240 d.
    The Banduqchis or Matchlock-bearers.
    There are 12,000 Imperial Matchlock-bearers. Attached to this service
    is an experienced Bitikchi, an honest treasurer, and an active Dárogah.
    A few Bandúqchis are selected for these offices ; the others hold the following
    ranks. Some are distinguished by their experience and zeal, and are
    therefore appointed over a certain number of others, so that uniformity
    may pervade the whole, and the duties be performed with propriety and
    understanding. The pay of these [ non-commissioned ] officers is of four
    grades, first, 300 d.; second, 280 d.; third, 270 d. ; fourth, 260 d.

    The text has a word which does not suit.


    252

    Common Banduqchis are divided into fire classes, and each class into
    three subdivisions . First class, 250, 240, and 230 d. Second class, 220,
    210, 200 d. Third class, 190, 180, and 170 d. Fourth class , 160, 150, and
    140 d. Fifth class, 130, 120, and 110 d.

    The Darbáns, or Porters.


    A thousand of these active men are employed to guard the palace.
    The pay of the Mirdahahs is fivefold, 200, 160 , 140 , 130 , and 120 d.
    Common Darbúns have from 100 to 120 d.
    The Khidmatiyyahs.
    The Khidmatiyyahs also belong to the infantry. They guard the environs
    of the palace, and see that certain orders are carried out. Panjáls to
    Bistis have 200 d.; and a Dahbáshi gets 180 and 140 d. The others
    get 120, 110 , and 100 d.
    The caste to which they belong was notorious for highway robbery and
    theft ; former rulers were not able to keep them in check. The effective
    orders of His Majesty have led them to honesty : they are now famous for
    their trustworthiness . They were formerly called Máwis . Their chief has
    received the title of Khidmat Rai. Being near the person of His Majesty,
    he lives in affluence. His men are called Khidmatiyyahs.

    The Mewrahs.
    They are natives of Mewát, and are famous as runners. They bring
    from great distances with zeal anything that may be required . They are
    excellent spies, and will perform the most intricate duties. There are
    likewise one thousand of them, ready to carry out orders. Their wages are
    the same as the preceding.
    The Shamsherbáz, or gladiators.
    There are several kinds of them, each performing astonishing feats.
    In fighting they show much swiftness and agility, and join courage to
    skill in stooping down and rising up again . Some of them use shields
    in fighting, others use cudgels. The latter are called Lakráit. Others
    again use no means of defence, and fight with one hand only ; these are
    called yak-háth. The former class come chiefly from the Eastern districts,
    and use a somewhat smaller shield, which they call chirwah. Those who
    come from the southern districts, make their shields large enough to conceal
    a horseman. This kind of shield they call tilwah.

    They are called in the Tuzuk i Ja- i Jahángírí, p. 303 .


    2 (
    hángírí Piyadahá i Khidmatiyyah. The Among the innovations made by
    name of their chief under Jahangir was Akbar are the Dák-Mewṛahs, of whom
    Rái Mán. He once picked up the young some were stationed at every place."
    Shah Shuja', who had fallen from an Khúft Khán I, p . 243. Hence the
    upper window to the ground . Tuzuk Mewrahs were chiefly postmen.
    253

    Another class goes by the name of P'haraits. They use a shield not
    quite so large as to conceal a man, but a gaz broad.
    Some again are called Bandits . They use a long sword, the handle of
    which is more than a gaz long, and seizing it with both hands, they perform
    extraordinary feats of skill.
    The class which goes by the name of Bankúlís are likewise famous.
    They use a peculiar sword which, though bent towards the point, is straight
    near the handle. But they do not make use of a shield. The skill which
    they exhibit passes all description . Others make various kinds of daggers
    and knives, and perform with them the most extraordinary feats .
    class of these men has a different name ; they also differ in their perform-
    ances . But it is really impossible to give a mere description of them ; nor
    would mere listening to my descriptions be sufficient.
    There are more than a hundred thousand of them. At Court one
    thousand of them are always in readiness. Their Çadí (commander of one
    hundred) holds the rank of an Ahadí, and even a higher one. Their salaries
    vary from 80 to 600 d.
    The Pahluwáns, or Wrestlers.
    There are many Persian and Túrání wrestlers and boxers at Court, as
    also stone-throwers, athletes of Hindústán, clever Mals from Gujrát, and
    many other kinds of fighting men. Their pay varies from 70 to 450 d.
    Every day two well-matched men fight with each other. Many presents are
    made to them on such occasions. The following belong to the best wrestlers
    of the age-Mirzá Khán of Gílán ; Muhammad Quli of Tabriz, to whom His
    Majesty has given the name of Sher hamlah, or Lion-attacker ; Çádiq of
    Bukhárá ; 'Alí of Tabriz ; Murád of Turkistán ; Muhammad ' Alí of Túrán ;
    Fúlád of Tabriz ; Qásim of Tabriz ; Mírzá Kuhnahsuwár of Tabriz ; Sháh
    Quli of Kurdistán ; Hilál of Abyssinia ; Sadhú Dayál ; ' Alí ; Srí Rám ;
    Kanhyá ; Mangol ; Ganesh ; Anbá ; Nánká ; Balbhadr ; Bajrnát'h .
    The Chelahs, or Slaves.
    His Majesty, from religious motives, dislikes the name bandah, or slave ;
    for he believes that mastership belongs to no one but God. He therefore
    calls this class of men Chelahs, which Hindi term signifies a faithful
    disciple. Through His Majesty's kindness, many of them have chosen the
    road to happiness.2

    1 The word Chelah is the same as


    The author of the pretty Tazkirah,
    the Arab. murid, a disciple who places entitled Kalimátushshu'ará, which con-
    implicit belief in his murshid or pír, tains biographies of the poets of the
    the head of the sect. " And many of eleventh century, was called Chelah.
    His Majesty's special disciples, in 991 , His real name is Mírzá Muhammad
    called themselves chelahs in imitation of Afzal ; as a poet he is known as Sarkhush.
    the use of this term among Jogís ." Ba-
    dávní II, p. 325. 2
    By joining the Divine Faith.
    254

    Various meanings attach to the term slave. First, that which people
    in general mean by a slave. Some men obtain power over such as do not
    belong to their sect, and sell and buy them . The wise look upon this
    as abominable. Secondly, he is called a slave, who leaves the path of
    1
    selfishness, and chooses the road of spiritual obedience. Thirdly, one's child.
    Fourthly, one who kills a man, in order to inherit his property. Fifthly, a
    robber who repents and attaches himself to the man whom he had robbed.
    Sixthly, a murderer whose guilt has been atoned by payment of money,
    in which case the murderer becomes the slave of the man who releases
    him. Seventhly, he who cheerfully and freely prefers to live as a slave.
    The pay of Chelahs varies from 1 R. to 1 d. per diem. His Majesty
    has divided them into several sections, and has handed them over to active
    and experienced people, who give them instruction in several things. Thus
    they acquire knowledge, elevate their position, and learn to perform their
    duties with propriety.
    His Majesty who encourages everything which is excellent, and knows
    the value of talent, honors people of various classes with appointments in the
    ranks of the army ; and raises them from the position of a common soldier
    to the dignity of a grandee.

    The Kuhárs, or Pálkí bearers.


    They form a class of foot-servants peculiar to India. They carry heavy
    loads on their shoulders, and travel through mountains and valleys. With
    their pálkis, singhásans, chauḍols, and dulis, they walk so evenly, that the
    man inside is not inconvenienced by any jolting. There are many in this
    country ; but the best came from the Dak'hin and Bengal. At Court, several
    thousands of them are kept. The pay of a head bearer varies from 192 to
    384 d. Common bearers get from 120 to 160 d.
    Dakhili troops .
    A fixed number of these troops are handed over to the Mançabdárs ;
    but they are paid by the State. His Majesty has ordered to designate these
    infantry soldiers in the descriptive rolls as nímah suwárán, or half troopers.
    The fourth part of Dákhilí troops are matchlock-bearers ; the others
    carry bows.
    Carpenters, workers in iron, water-carriers, pioneers, belong to this
    class.
    A non-commissioned officer of the matchlock-bearers receives 160 d. , or
    4 R.; common matchlock-bearers get 140 d. The Mirdahahs of the archers
    get from 120 to 180 d.; common archers from 100 to 120 d.

    ¹ Inasmuch as such a man blindly follows his pír.


    255

    I could say much more on this subject, but I must content myself with
    having described the principal classes. I have also given some details in
    speaking of the several workshops and offices of the Household.

    AIN 7.

    REGULATIONS REGARDING THE BRANDING OF ANIMALS .

    When His Majesty had fixed the ranks of the army, and enquired into
    the quality of the horses, he ordered that upright Bitikchis should make out
    descriptive rolls of the soldiers and write down their peculiar marks. Their
    ages, the names of their fathers, dwelling-places, and race, were to be
    registered. A Dárogah also was appointed, whose duty it is to see that the
    men are not unnecessarily detained . They were to perform their duties
    without taking bribes or asking for remunerations .
    Every one who wishes to join the army, is taken before His Majesty,
    in whose presence his rank is fixed, after which the clerks make out the
    Ta'liqah [vide Ain 10] .
    Dákhili troops are admitted on the signature of the Mançabdárs .
    His Majesty has also appointed five experienced officers who have to
    look after the condition of the men, their horses, and the stipulated amount
    ofpay. His Majesty has the men assembled in an open place, and receives
    the several descriptive rolls, when the men with their horses are handed
    over to the above five officers . The amount of their pay is then entered at
    the bottom of the descriptive rolls, and is countersigned by those officers,
    which serves as a proof, and prevents fraudulent alterations . Each roll is
    then handed over to the inspecting Dárogah. He takes them in the manner
    described above [ vide Aín 4. ] to His Majesty, who orders the pay to be
    increased or decreased . His Majesty discerns the value of a man by the
    lineaments of his forehead, and can therefore increase or decrease his pay.
    He also distinguishes a tradesman by the look of his face from a soldier,
    so much so that experienced people are astonished, and refer His Majesty's
    power of discernment to hidden knowledge.' When the roll is thus
    certified, it is also signed by the Waqi'ah Nawis (Ain 10), the Mir ' Arz, and
    the officer commanding the guards . On the strength of this certificate, the
    Dárogah of the dúgh (brand) marks the horses.
    When the brand was first introduced, it was made in the shape of the
    head of the letter sín [ i. e. like this, ] , and was put on the right side of
    the neck of the horse. For some time, it was made in shape of two alifs
    intersecting at right angles, the heads of the alifbeing made heavy, as in this
    256

    figure and put on the right thigh. For some time again, it was
    made like a bow with the string taken off. At last, numerals were
    introduced, which plan best frustrates fraudulent practices. They make
    iron numerals, by which all indistinctness is avoided . These new signs are
    likewise put on the right thigh. Formerly, each horse on being mustered
    for the first time, was marked with a 1 ; the second time with a 2 , and
    so on ; but now His Majesty has ordered that separate numerals should be
    used for the horses of the princes, the Mançabdárs, the governors of the
    provinces, and all other dignitaries attached to the Court.
    The carefulness with which the system of marking horses was attended
    to, resulted at once in truthful reports regarding dead horses ; for when a
    soldier, after the introduction of the system of repeated marks (ride next
    Kín), brought a horse which had been exchanged, he would demand his pay
    from the time he had last received his pay, whilst the Bakhshi commenced
    to count from the day he brought his (exchanged) horse. But since the
    present mark was introduced , the rule was made that each horse with which,
    instead of with his old one, a trooper came to the muster, should be described,
    and should get the same mark as the dead one ; the Bakhshis, at the
    subsequent musters held for repeating the marks, were to inspect it and
    go by the brand. Horses answering the description in the rolls were even
    hired, and substituted for the old ones ; but as the mark was not forthcoming,
    the deception was detected, and the soldiers thus learnt to be honest.

    AIN 8 .
    ON THE REPETITION OF THE MARK.

    The servants ( Mançabdárs) of His Majesty have their horses every


    year newly marked, and thus maintain the efficiency of the army, as by
    their endeavours, unprincipled people learn to choose the path of honesty.
    If a Mançabdár delays bringing his men to the muster, one-tenth of his
    jágír (aqtá' )' is withheld . Formerly when the mark was repeated, they put
    the number on the muster of the horse, marking, for example, a horse with a
    2, when it was mustered the second time, and so on ; but now, as each class
    of soldiers has a particular mark, the mark is merely repeated at the

    1
    Properly iqta' , Inf. IV. of qata'a ; conferred ; so often in the Tárikh i
    but in India the word is mostly pro- Firúz Shahí. From the times of Akbar
    nounced as agṭá .' The king is there- the words aqta' and jágir are used as
    fore called mugti , one who confers lands synonyms ; before his time we only find
    on the nobles ; abstr. n. muqții the aqta' used ; but jágír, orjáigir, occurs
    giving of lands to nobles, of which the in its etymological sense. In later His-
    Moghul Historians accuse Sher Shah. torians the word aqta' is but rarely met
    Vide end of Ain 10, Third Book. Muqta', with.
    past part., one on whom lands have been
    257

    subsequent musters . In the case of Ahadis, the former custom was retained .
    Some Bitikchis, and near servants of His Majesty who have no leisure to
    look after jágírs, receive their monthly salaries in cash, and muster their
    horses every eighteen months . Grandees whose jágírs are very remote ,
    do not bring their horses to muster before twelve years have elapsed ; but
    when six years have elapsed since the last muster, one-tenth of their income
    is retrenched . And if a Mançabdár has been promoted to a higher Mançab,
    and three years have elapsed since he last presented his horses at muster,
    he receives a personal ( 1 ) increase of salary, but draws the allowance for
    the increased number of his men after the first muster. His old and his
    new men then get their assignments . If at the renewal of the mark at
    subsequent musters, any soldier brings a superior horse in exchange for
    his old one, he is taken before His Majesty, who inspects and accepts it.

    AIN 9 .

    RULES ABOUT MOUNTING GUARD.

    Mounting guard is called in Hindi chauki. There are three kinds of


    guards . The four divisions of the army have been divided into seven parts ,
    each of which is appointed for one day, under the superintendence of a
    trustworthy Mançabdár. Another, fully acquainted with all ceremonies
    at Court, is appointed as Mir ' Arz. All orders of His Majesty are made
    known through these two officers (the Mir ' Arz and the Commander of the
    Palace) . They are day and night in attendance about the palace, ready
    for
    any orders His Majesty may issue. In the evening, the Imperial Qur
    (ride p. 110 ) is taken to the State hall. The mounting guards stand on
    the right ; the ranks of the guards to be relieved are drawn up on the
    other side. His Majesty generally inspects the guards himself, and takes
    notice of the presence or absence of the soldiers. Both ranks salute His
    Majesty. If His Majesty be prevented by more important affairs from attend-
    ing, one of the princes is ordered to inspect the guards. From predilection
    and a desire to teach soldiers their duties, as also from a regard to general
    efficiency, His Majesty pays much attention to the guards. If any one
    is absent without having a proper excuse, or from laziness, he is fined one
    week's pay, or receives a suitable reprimand.
    The Imperial army has been divided into twelve parts, each of
    which mounts guard for the space of one month. This gives all troops,
    whether near or far, an opportunity to come to Court, and to partake of the
    liberality of His Majesty. But those who are stationed at the frontiers, or
    told off for any important duty, merely send in reports of their exact
    33
    258

    condition, and continue to perform His Majesty's special orders . On the first
    of every solar month, the guards are drawn up to salute His Majesty, as is
    usual on weekly parades, and are then distinguished by royal marks of
    favour.
    The Imperial army has also been divided into twelve other divisions,
    each of which is selected in turn, to come to Court for one year and do
    duty near the person of His Majesty.

    AIN 10.

    REGULATIONS REGARDING THE WAQI'AHNAWIS.'

    Keeping records is an excellent thing for a government ; it is even


    necessary for every rank of society. Though a trace of this office may have
    existed in ancient times, its higher objects were but recognized in the
    present reign. His Majesty has appointed fourteen zealous, experienced,
    and impartial clerks, two of whom do daily duty in rotation, so that the
    turn of each comes after a fortnight. Some other suitable men are selected
    as supernumeraries, each of whom is appointed for one day ; and if any
    of the fourteen be detained by an important business, this additional person
    acts for him. Hence they are called kotal (supernumeraries) .
    Their duty is to write down the orders and the doings of His Majesty
    and whatever the heads of the departments report ; what His Majesty
    eats and drinks ; when he sleeps, and when he rises ; the etiquette in the
    State hall ; the time His Majesty spends in the Harem ; when he goes to
    the general and private assemblies ; the nature of hunting-parties ; the
    slaying of animals ; when he marches, and when he halts ; the acts of
    His Majesty as the spiritual guide of the nation ; vows made to him ; his
    remarks ( vide Fifth Book) ; what books he has read out to him ; what alms
    he bestows ; what presents he makes ; the daily and monthly exercises*
    which he imposes on himself ; appointments to mançabs ; contingents of
    troops ; salaries ; jágírs ; Irmás money (vide above, p. 250, note 5) ; sayúrgháls
    (rentfree land) ; the increase or decrease of taxes ; contracts ; sales ; money
    transfers ; peshkash (tribute receipts) ; despatch ; the issue of orders ; the

    From waqia'h an event, and nawis p. 171 , 1. 5.


    a writer. Instead of wáqi'ah nawis we 2 Hence the arrangement must have
    also find majlis nawís. been as follows -first day, first and
    There was a Waqi'ahnawís, or recorder, second writers ; second day, second and
    in each Cúbah. From several places in third writers ; third day, third and fourth
    the Tuzuk i Jahangiri, we see that the writers, and so on.
    Bakhshis of the Cubahs often held the Akbar wished to restrict the slaying
    posts of Waqi'ahnawis at the same time. of animals. Vide above, p. 200, 1. 9.
    Vide Tuzuk, p. 121 , 1. 2 .; p. 137 , l. 1 .; 4
    Especially fasts.
    259

    papers which are signed by His Majesty ; the arrival of reports ; the minutes
    thereon ; the arrivals of courtiers ; their departures ; the fixing ' of periods ;
    the inspection of the guards ; battles, victories, and peace ; obituaries of
    well-known persons ; animal-fights and the bettings on them ; the dying of
    horses ; capital punishments ; pardons granted by His Majesty ; the proceed-
    ings of the general assemblies ; marriages, births ; chaugán games (vide
    Aín 29) ; chaupar, nard , chess, card games, &c.; extraordinary phenomena ;
    the harvests of the year ; the reports on events.
    After the diary has been corrected by one of His Majesty's servants,
    it is laid before the emperor, and approved by him. The clerk then makes
    a copy of each report, signs it, and hands it over to those who require it
    as a voucher, when it is also signed by the Parwánchi, by the Mir ' Arz, and
    by that person who laid it before His Majesty. The report in this state
    is called yáddásht, or memorandum.
    Besides, there are several copyists who write a good hand and a lucid
    style. They receive the yáddasht when completed, keep it with them-
    selves, and make a proper abridgment of it. After signing it, they return
    this instead of the yáddásht, when the abridgment is signed and sealed
    by the Waqi'ahnawis, and the Risálahdár, the Mir ' Arz, and the
    Dárogah. The abridgment, thus completed, is called Ta'liqah, and the writer
    is called Ta'liqahnawis .
    The Ta'liqah is then signed, as stated above, and sealed by the ministers.
    of State .
    His Majesty's object is, that every duty be properly performed ; that
    there be no undue increase, or decrease in any department ; that dishonest
    people be removed, and trustworthy people be held in esteem ; and that
    active servants may work without fear, and negligent and forgetful men be
    held in check .

    ΑΙΝ 11 .
    ON SANADS .

    Every money matter will be satisfactorily settled , when the parties


    express their minds clearly, then take a pen, and write down the statement
    in legible handwriting. Every written statement of accounts is called a
    sanad. All classes of men adopt such a practice.

    ¹ Ta'in i muddat, the fixing of period- for risálahdár , as, in later times, Çúbah
    ical inspections ; opp. beta'íní ámadan for Cubahdár.
    to come at times not appointed before For Mir Arz we find in the early
    hand, unexpectedly. Historians 'áriz.
    The text has risálah, which stands
    260

    The sanad is the voucher which relieves the treasurer of all responsibility,
    and on which people receive payment of their claims. Honest experienced
    officers, upon whose forehead the stamp of correctness shines, write the
    agreement upon loose pages and leaves, so that the transaction cannot be
    forgotten. These loose sheets into which all sanads are entered, are called
    the Daftar.'
    His Majesty has made himself acquainted with this department
    and brought it into proper working order. He has appointed clever,
    honest, incorruptible, experienced writers, and entrusts the daftar to
    impartial officers, who are under his immediate control.
    The Daftar of the empire is divided into three parts :-
    1. The Abwábulmál, or entries referring to the revenue of the country.
    This part of the Daftar explains the revenue of the empire, details any
    increase or decrease, and specifies every other source of income (as presents,
    &c. )
    2. The Arbab uttaháwil.2 This part explains the manner in which the
    sums for the Household have been expended ; it contains the debits and
    credits entered on account of the cashkeepers employed at Court ; and lastly,
    contains the accounts of daily expenditure , &c . , for things bought or sold.
    3. The Taujih. 3 This part contains all entries referring to the pay
    of the army, and shows the manner in which the pay is given out,
    Some sanads are merely sealed with the imperial seal . Other sanads
    are first signed and sealed by the ministers of State, and are afterwards
    laid before His Majesty for signature. Many sanads, however, are only
    signed and sealed by the grandees of the Court. This will be explained
    in the following .
    The Farmán i sabtí.

    Farmán i sabtis are issued for three purposes :—


    1. For appointments to a Mançab ; to the Vakilship ; to the post
    Sipahsúlár (governor of a province and Commander-in-Chief) ; to the tutorship
    of the princes ; to the rank of Amírulumará (vide p. 240 ) ; to a Náhiatí, or

    1 English writers of the last century as Díwán and Vazir. Daftari means
    often refer to this system of keeping all in India a man kept in every office for
    documents in loose sheets , instead of mending pens, ruling paper and forms, &c.
    bound books. The sheets were kept 2 The men who get transfer receipts
    together by a string drawn through on the Treasury. This part of the Daftar
    them. This custom, I am informed , is contained all Household accounts , as
    still in use in Persia ; and suits castern specified above. Though all MSS. read
    countries , the hot and damp climate of Arbál, it is probable that abwáb is the
    which soon destroys the binding of more usual expression.
    books . The word daftar is the Greek 3 Or, the giving of wajh (pay) to the
    Sip0épa, a tanned hide, parchment. Çáhib army ; hence taujih military accounts.
    i daftar, Minister of Finance, the same For taujih, some MSS . read taujihah.
    261

    districtship ; to the post of Fazir, or Finance Minister ; to the Bakhshi-


    ship, (Pay master and Adjutant General) ; to the post of a Çadr, or a judge.
    2. For appointments to jágirs, without military service ; ' for taking
    charge of a newly conquered territory ; sometimes ...."
    3. For conferring Sayúrgháls ( vide Kín 19) ; for grants on account of daily
    subsistence allowance ; and for grants for beneficent purposes.
    When the Ta'liqah has been made out, the Durán i Jágir (who
    keeps the Jágir accounts) pays the stipulated grant. If the jágír is
    given for military services, with the order of bringing horses to the muster,
    the grant is once more sent to the Bakhshis for inspection, when the following
    words are written either on the back or the corner of the paper- khúçah, o
    mardum baráward numáyand ; kárgarán i ín shughl chihrahnawisi kunand (this
    is special ; the estimate for the salary may be made out. The proper
    officers are to prepare the descriptive rolls) . When the horses are then
    branded at the time of the muster, the Bakhshigeneral takes the Ta'liqah,
    keeps it, and hands instead of it a writing specifying the amount of the
    monthly salary, duly signed and sealed .
    This paper, which the Bakhshi grants instead of the Ta'liqah, is called
    Sarkhat .
    The Sarkhats are entered in the daftars of all Sub- Bakhshis, and are
    distinguished by particular marks. The Diwan then keeps the Sarkhat
    with himself, prepares an account of the annual and monthly salary due on
    it, and reports the matter to His Majesty. If His Majesty gives the order
    to confer a jágír on the person specified in the Sarkhat, the following words
    are entered on the top of the report : Ta'liqah i tan qalami numáyand (they
    are to write out a Ta'liqah i tan (certificate of salary). This order suffices
    for the clerks ; they keep the order, and make out a draft to that effect.
    The draft is then inspected by the Diwán, who verifies it by writing on it
    the words sabt numáyand (ordered to be entered) . The mark of the Daftar,
    and the seal of the Díwán, the Bakhshí, and the Accountant the Diwán, are
    put on the draft in order, when the Imperial grant is written on the outside.
    The draft thus completed is sent for signature to the Diwán.
    The Cahibi Tanjih, or Military accountant, keeps the former Ta'liqah
    with himself, writes its details on the Farmán, and seals and signs it. It is

    1
    Jágirs, to which no military service bedágh o mahallí. Badáoní, p. 315.
    attaches, appear to be called bedagh 0 Badáoní also had a jágír of 1000 Big'has,
    mahalli, i. e., the holder had nothing to at which he often grumbles, calling
    do with the army and the musters, at himself by way of joke Hazárí, or
    which the Mangabdárs drew the salaries Commander of One Thousand.
    of their contingents, nor with the collec- 2 The text has jáe (sometimes ?) ba
    tion of the taxes of the several Mahalls 'unwán i mulk (milk ?) dádan- which I
    or Parganahs. Thus Fathullah of Shíráz do not understand.
    (ride p. 199) received Basáwar as his jágír
    262

    then inspected by the Mustaufi, and is signed and sealed by him. After-
    wards the Nazir and the Bakhshis do so likewise, when it is sealed by the
    Diwán, his Accountant, and the Vakil of the State.
    If His Majesty's order specifies a cash payment, the farmán is made
    out in the same manner, but is generally called Barát (cheque) . A statement
    of accounts of the transaction is appended at the bottom of it. After the Názir,
    the Diwán i Buyútát signs it, and when it has passed through the hands of the
    Bakhshis and the Díwán, it is sealed and signed by the Khán Sámán . The
    receipts and expenditure of the Imperial workshops, the deposits and pay-
    ments of salaries to the workmen (of whom some draw their pay on [ military]
    descriptive rolls, and others according to the services performed by them, as
    the men engaged in the Imperial elephant and horse stables, and in the
    waggon department) are all made by baráts. The accountant of each work-
    shop (or stable) writes out annually two baráts, one for the six months from
    Farwardín (February- March) to Shahriwar, and the other from Mihr ( Septem-
    ber) to Isfandiyármuz. He writes down the allowances on account of grain,
    grass, &c. , both in shape of cash and stores, and the salaries of the workmen,
    and signs the statement. The Diwán i Buyútát inspects them, passes the
    order for payment, enquires into the increase or decrease, if any, and
    writes on the margin az tahwil i faláni barát nawisand, Let a barát be made
    out shewing the amount to be deposited with such and such a Mushrif.'
    The Mushrif of the workshop or stable then takes it, writes out an order
    and the receipt, and seals and signs it. In all cash payments, one-fourth is
    deducted, as another sanad is given for this amount . The Diwán i Buyútát
    then gives the order to have it entered . The Mushrif does so, signs and
    seals the barát and the receipt. It then passes through the hands of
    the Military Accountant, the Názir, the Díwán i Buyútát, the Díwán i
    Kul, the Khán Sámán, the Mushrif of the Díwán, and the Vakil, who
    sign and seal it. In every case the estimate is sent along with it, so
    that there may be no mistake. When it has been laid before His Majesty,
    the Mushrif writes out the receipt, which is then in the same manner
    entered into the several daftars. The mode of payment also is detailed
    on the back of it, viz . one-fourth is to be paid in gold ( ashrafis) ; one-half
    in silver (rúpis ) and one part in copper (dáms ), according to the fixed
    values of the coins.
    The Farmáns in favor of Mançabdárs are made out in the same manner ;
    they are, however, never sent to the officers of the workshops and stables.
    In case of Sayúrghals (vide Ain 19), the farmáns, after having been
    signed by the Mustaufí, are entered in the daftars of the Diwán i Sa’ádat
    (vide Ain 19 ) ; they are then signed and scaled by the Çadr, and the Diwan
    i Kul.
    263

    Farmáns are sometimes written in Tughrá character ; but the two first
    lines are not made short. Such a Farmán is called a Parwánchah.
    Parwanchahs are made out for the stipulated salaries of the Begums and the
    princes ; for the stipends of people under the care of the Diwán i Sa'ádat (vide
    Kín 19) ; the salaries of the Ahadis, Chelahs, and of some officers in the work-
    shops ; and for the allowances on account of the food of Bargir horses (vide
    p. 139, Kín 54 ) . The treasurer does not annually demand a new sanad, but
    pays the allowances on the mere receipt, signed and sealed by the ministers
    ofthe State. The Mushrif (accountant) writes out the receipt, which is signed
    by the recipient, and is then sent to the Diwán for orders . It is then signed by
    the Mushrif , the Mustaufi, the Názir i Buyútát , the Diwán i Kul, the Khán-
    Sámán, the Mushrif of the Diwán. In the Parwánchahs given to Ahadis,
    the signature, seal, and orders of the Ahadibáshi, or Commander of the
    Ahadís, are required after those of the Mustaufí, the Diwán, and the
    Bakhshis, because His Majesty, from motives of kindness, and from a desire to
    avoid delay, has ordered that these Parwánchahs need not be laid before him.
    Nor does His Majesty sign sarkhats, sale and purchase receipts, price-
    lists, ' arznámchahs ( statements of sums forwarded to Court by the collectors
    of the Imperial domains ) qarár námahs (which specify the revenue collections
    of the collectors on account of the ryots) , and the mugásá ( statements of
    account which Tahwildúrs take from the Mustaufi, showing that the sums
    which they had received as deposits, have been correctly expended ) .

    AIN 12 .
    THE ORDER OF THE SEALS .

    Farmáns, Parwánchahs, and Baráts, are made into several folds begin-
    ning from the bottom. On the first fold which is less broad, at a place towards
    the edge where the paper is cut off, the Vakil puts his seal ; opposite to it,
    but a little lower, the Mushrif of the Díwán puts his seal, in such a manner
    that half of it goes to the second fold . Then, in like manner but a little lower,
    comes the seal of the Çadr. But when Shaikh ' Abdunnabí and Sultán Khwajah
    were çadrs (vide note to Aín 19) , they used to put their seals opposite to that
    of the Vakil. In the middle of that fold is the place where that person puts
    his seal who comes nearest in rank to the Vakíl, as Atkah Khán did at the
    time of Mun'im Khán, and Adham Khán. The Mír Mál, the Khán Sámán, the
    Parwánchí, &c. , seal on the second fold, but in such a manner that a smaller
    part of their seals goes to the first fold. The seals of the Diwán, and the
    Bakhshi do not go beyond the edge of the second fold, whilst the Diwán i
    juz, the Bakhshí i juz, and the Díwán i Buyútát put their seals on the third
    261

    fold . The Mustaufi puts his seal on the fourth, and the Çálib i Taujíh on
    the fifth fold . The seal of His Majesty is put above the Tughrá lines on
    the top of the Farmán, where the princes also put their seals in Ta'liqahs.

    ΑΙΝ 13 .
    THE FARMAN I BAYAZI.

    Some matters connected with the Government do not admit of delay,


    or must not to be known to every one. Such an order receives only the
    Imperial seal, and is called a Farmán i Bayází. The farmán is folded up,
    and two edges are made to meet, when a knot of paper is put over them,
    which is sealed up, in such manner, that the contents cannot be seen. The
    sealing wax is made of the gum of the Kunár, the Bar, the Pipal, and
    other trees . Like wax, it gets warm when exposed to fire, but gets
    afterwards cool and hard. When thus sealed, the farmán is put into a
    golden cover ; for His Majesty looks upon the use of external signs of
    grandeur as an act of divine worship. Such farmáns are carried by
    Mançabdárs, Ahadis, or common foot-soldiers, to the parties concerned .
    When an officer receives such an order he proceeds a proper distance to
    meet it, performs various acts of obeisance, puts it on the crown of his head,
    makes the sijdah, and rewards the messenger according to the favour conferred
    upon himself, or according to his circumstances. According to His Majesty's
    wishes, the bags in which reports are sent, are secured in the same manner
    as a Farmán i Bayází, so that no alterations are possible. In consequence
    of this, much trouble is avoided , and dishonest practices are put a stop to.

    AIN 14.

    ON THE MANNER IN WHICH SALARIES ARE PAID.

    When any one has the good fortune of joining the army, he receives,
    on bringing his horses to the muster, a proper sanad without delay and
    without costs. All accounts of salaries are made out in dáms ; but at the
    time of making out the estimate, he receives one half in rupees, reckoned at
    thirty-eight dáms² each . Half of the remainder is paid in muhurs at nine
    rupees each, and the last quarter is given in dáms for stores . When the
    value of the rupee was raised to forty dáms, the soldiers, through His
    Majesty's kindness, received dáms at the same rate . Every year one
    month's pay is subtracted on account of the horse, the value of which is

    That is, a blank farmán. 2 The MSS . have forty- eight.


    265

    raised fifty per cent. above prime cost, and for accoutrements ; but as much
    care is shown in buying horses, this increase is not productive of any loss for
    the soldier. Besides, Ahadís are continually employed for affairs of import-
    ance, and are permitted to carry the orders of His Majesty ; and whatever
    is given to them as an acknowledgment for their services by the recipients
    of the orders, is allowed to be kept by the Ahadis as a present, if they bear
    a good character ; but if not, a part of it is reckoned as monthly pay.
    With the view of teaching zeal and removing the stamp of laziness ,
    His Majesty fines soldiers for absence from guard : an Ahadí loses fifteen
    days' pay, and other soldiers one week's.
    The Commander of every contingent ( Tábínbáshi) is allowed to keep
    for himself the twentieth part of the pay of his men, which reimburses him
    for various expenses .

    ΑΙΝ 15 .

    MUSA'ADAT, OR LOANS TO OFFICERS.

    Higher Officers, who receive lands or monthly salaries may occasionally


    come into difficulties when it would be against the rules of the government
    for them to ask for a present. For this reason His Majesty appointed a
    treasurer and a separate Mír ' Arz, and those who wish to borrow money,
    may now do without prejudice to their honour, or annoyance of
    delay. For the first year, nothing is charged ; in the second, the loan
    is increased by a sixteenth part of it ; in the third year, by one- eighth ; in
    the fourth year, by one-fourth ; from the fifth to the seventh, by one-half ;
    from the eighth to the tenth year, by three-fourths ; from the tenth year
    and longer, double the original loan is charged, after which there is no
    further increase.
    His Majesty's only object' is to teach propriety in transactions ; else
    mutual esteem will never increase among men from the nature of..their
    mercantile affairs.
    This regulation brought unprincipled usurers to the proper path, and
    thus prevented much impropriety.

    AIN 16.

    ON DONATIONS .

    His Majesty, from his knowledge of man's nature, gives donations in


    various ways.
    It looks as if he lends, but in his heart, he makes a present ;

    1
    It is needless to remind the reader the Muhammadan law. But Akbar was
    that charging interest on loans is against a Hindu in such matters.
    34
    266

    or he calls the donation a loan, but never asks it back. The far and near, the

    rich and poor, share His Majesty's liberality. He gives away elephants,
    horses, and other valuable articles . The Bakhshis read out daily the names
    of the guards and other soldiers, mentioning such first as have never received
    anything. His Majesty gives them horses. When a soldier has received a
    horse, he is not recommended to His Majesty for the space of a year for
    any other donation .

    AIN 17.
    ON ALMS.

    His Majesty bestows upon the needy money and necessaries, winning
    the hearts of all in public or private. Many enjoy daily, monthly, or yearly
    allowances, which they receive without being kept waiting. It is impossible
    for me to detail the sums which some people receive in consequence of
    representations having been made of their circumstances by such as stand near
    the throne ; and it would take up too much time to describe the presents made
    daily to beggars, or the eating houses which have been established for the
    poor. '
    There is a treasurer always in waiting at Court ; and every beggar
    whom His Majesty sees, is sure to find relief.

    AIN 18.

    THE CEREMONY OF WEIGHING HIS MAJESTY.

    From reasons of auspiciousness, and as an opportunity of bestowing


    presents upon the poor, His Majesty is weighed twice a year. Various
    articles are put into the scales .
    On the first day of the month of Abán [ 15th October], which is the
    solar anniversary of the emperor, His Majesty is weighed twelve times
    against the following articles : gold, quicksilver, silk, perfumes, copper,
    rúh i tútiyá, drugs, g'hí, iron, rice-milk, seven kinds of grain, salt ; the
    order of these articles being determined by their costliness. According to
    the number of years His Majesty has lived, there is given away an equal
    number of sheep, goats, fowls, to people that breed these animals. A great
    number of small animals are also set at liberty.
    3
    His Majesty is weighed a second time on the 5th of Rajab, against
    eight articles, viz ., silver, tin, cloth, lead, fruits, mustard oil, and vegetables.

    Vide p. 200, 1. 5 from below. As this was the Muhammadan birthday,


    2 Vide p. 15, 1. 1 . the articles were of course fewer, and less
    The lunar birthday of the emperor. valuable.
    267

    On both occasions the festival of Salgirih (birthday) is celebrated,


    when donations, or grants of pardon, are bestowed upon people of all ranks.
    The Imperial princes, sons, and grandsons of His Majesty, are weighed
    once in every solar year. They are for the first time weighed, when two
    years old, but only against one thing. Every year, however, a new
    additional thing is put on the scales. When grown up, they are generally
    weighed against seven or eight things, but not against more than twelve.
    Animals are set free as usual.
    A separate treasurer and an accountant are appointed for this purpose,
    so that the expenditure may be made with every propriety.'
    1
    According to the Tuzuk i Jahangiri even placed on Akbar's tomb in Sikandrah,
    (p. 163 ) and Pádisháhnámah (I , p . 243), near Agrah.
    the weighing of the Royal person was Akbar's regulation, as given in the above
    introduced by Akbar. It is an old Hindu Aín, appears to have been continued
    custom. At first, the weighing took under Jahángír. Shahjahán made some
    place once a year, on the birthday of the alterations, in as far as he was weighed on
    emperor ; but with the introduction of each feast first against gold, and silver,
    Akbar's Divine (solar) Era, we find in the and then against other articles. The
    history of every year the record of a wazn articles themselves were given away to
    i shamsi, or solar weighing, and a wazn i the courtiers, or to pious men, and beg
    qamarí, or lunar weighing . There was, gars, as a means of keeping the royal
    of course, a jashn, or feast, on such person from all bodily and mental harm .
    occasions, and courtiers, on the same day, The gold and the silver against which
    were promoted to higher Mançabs, or Jahangir was once weighed, amounted to
    presented their peshkash. The feast was Rs. 33,000 ; but according to the Tuzuk,
    of special importance for the Harem . the money was distributed among the
    It appears (vide Pádisháhnámah, p. 243) women ofthe Harem. On another occa-
    that the articles against which the royal sion (Tuzuk, p . 163) , Jahangir was found
    person was weighed , were sent from the to weigh 6514 tolahs. Taking the tolah
    Harem, or by the mother of the reigning at 186 grains (Prinsep's useful Tables,
    emperor. Jahángír, according to several by E. Thomas, p. 111 ), Jahángír, at the
    remarks in the Tuzuk (pp. 69, 70, 276, age of forty-seven, would have weighed
    &c.) was even weighed in the palace of 210 lbs Troy.
    his august mother, to whom the Tuzuk Akbar, in accordance with his Hindu
    gives the title of Maryam Zamání, the tendencies, used to give the money to
    Mary of the age, as Akbar's mother had Brahmins. " On the fifth of Rajab 973,
    been styled Maryam Makání (vide p. 48, which is the day on which the Emperor
    note 1) . The solar wazn was even was born, the feast of weighing His
    retained by Aurangzeb ; vide ' Alamgir- Majesty was held at Nizámábad, a
    námah, p. 229. town belonging to the Sirkár of Jaunpúr ;
    The birthday of the emperor was of for according to established custom, the
    importance for the Harem, as there the emperor is weighed twice a year, on his
    string was kept, which numbered as solar and lunar birthdays, against gold,
    many knots, as the emperor numbered silver, &c . , which is given as a present
    years ; hence also sálgirih (or salgirah, to the Brahmins of India, and others.
    as the word is pronounced all over India) Poets used, and still use, such opportuni-
    ' the year's knot,' or birthday. ties for presenting nice poems." Badáoní,
    Tying knots, or bits of string or ribbon II, p . 84 .
    to the tombs of saints is considered by Occasionally, courtiers were weighed
    barren women as a means of obtaining forimportant personal services . Thus Ja-
    a son, and the tomb of Salim i Chishti hángír had once his Court doctor Rúhullah
    in Fathpúr Síkrí, in whose house Jahán- weighed in silver (Tuzuk, p. 283 ) , the
    gir was born, is even now-a-days visited sum being given him as a fee in addition
    by Hindu and Musalmán women, who to three villages, which were bestowed
    tie bits of string to the marble trellice upon him asjugir.
    surrounding the tomb. Similar vows are
    268

    AIN 19.

    ON SAYURGHALS . '

    His Majesty, in his care for the nation, confers benefits on people of
    various classes ; and in the higher wisdom which God has conferred upon
    him, he considers doing so an act of divine worship.
    His Majesty, from his desire to promote rank distinctions, confers
    lands and subsistence allowances on the following four classes of men, first,
    on enquirers after wisdom, who have withdrawn from all worldly occupation,
    and make no difference between night and daytime in searching after true
    knowledge ; secondly, on such as toil and practise self-denial, and while
    engaged in the struggle with the selfish passions of human nature, have
    renounced the society of men ; thirdly, on such as are weak and poor, and
    have no strength for enquiry ; fourthly, on honorable men of gentle birth
    who from want of knowledge, are unable to provide for themselves by taking
    up a trade.
    Subsistence allowances, paid in cash, are called Wazifah ; lands
    conferred are called Milk, or Madad i ma'ásh. In this way, krors are given
    away, and yet the grants are daily increasing in number.
    As the circumstances of men have to be enquired into, before grants are
    made, and their petitions must be considered in fairness , an experienced
    man of correct intentions is employed for this office. He ought to be
    at peace with every party, and must be kind towards the people at
    large in word and action. Such an officer is called Çadr. The Qázi and the
    Mir ' Adl are under his orders . He is assisted in his important duties by a
    clerk, who has to look after the financial business, and is now-a-days styled
    Diwán i Sa'ádat.
    His Majesty, in his mercy, orders his servants to introduce to him such
    as are worthy of grants, and a large number receive the assistance they
    desire .
    When His Majesty commenced to enquire into this department, it was
    discovered that the former Çadrs had been guilty of bribery and dishonest
    practices. He therefore appointed , at the recommendation of near friends,
    Shaikh 'Abdunnabí to this important office . The lands which were
    then held by Afgháns and Chaudrís, were taken away, and became
    domain lands (khalsah), whilst all others that held grants were referred to
    the Shaikh who enquired into, and certified, their grants. After some time
    it was reported that those who held grants, had not the lands in one and
    the same place, whereby the weak whose grounds lay near kháliçah lands or

    1 Vide the note at the end of this Ain.


    2 This is the Indian pronunciation for the Arabic and Persian kháliçah.
    269

    near the jágírs of Mançabdárs, were exposed to vexations, and were encroached
    upon by unprincipled men. His Majesty then ordered that they should get
    lands on one spot, which they might choose. This order proved beneficial
    for both parties . The officers of the government, on receiving this order,
    told off certain villages for this purpose : those who were weak were
    protected, and the encroachments of the unprincipled were put a stop to.
    But when Time, according to his custom, commenced to tear the veil of
    secrets, rumours also regarding this Çadr [ 'Abdunnabí ] came to the ears of His
    Majesty. An order was therefore given that all those who held more than
    five hundred big'hahs should lay their farmáns personally before His
    Majesty, and in default, should lose their lands. As, however, the practices
    of these grant-holders did not come up to the wise counsels of His
    Majesty, the order was passed, that the excess of all lands above one
    hundred bíg'hahs, if left unspecified in the farmáns, should be reduced to
    two-fifths of it, three-fifths of the excess being annexed to the domain lands.
    Irání and Túrání women alone were excepted from this rule.
    As it was reported that impudent, avaricious people used to leave
    their old grounds, and take possession of new places, it was ordered that
    every one who should leave his place, should lose one-fourth of his lands
    and receive a new grant.
    Again, when His Majesty discovered that the Qázis were in the habit
    oftaking bribes from the grant-holders, he resolved, with the view of obtaining
    God's favour, to place no further reliance on these men [ the Qázis ] , who wear
    a turban as a sign of respectability, but are bad at heart, and who wear long
    sleeves, but fall short in sense. He examined into the whole matter, and dis-
    missed all Qázís, except those who had been appointed during the Çadrship of
    Sultán Khwajah. The Irání and Túrání women also were convicted of fraud,
    and the order was passed that every excess of land above one hundred bíg'hahs
    held by them, should be enquired into, whether it was correctly held or not.
    During the Çadrship of ' Azaduddaulah [ Mír Fathullah of Shíráz ] the
    following order was given :-If any one held a Sayúrghál together with a
    partner, and the farmán contained no reference to the share possessed by
    each partner, the Çadr should, in the event of one of the partners dying,
    proceed without further enquiry to a division , the share of the deceased
    partner lapsing to the Crown and remaining domain land, till the heirs
    should personally apply to His Majesty. The new Çadr was at the same
    time prevented from granting, without previous reference to His Majesty,
    more than fifteen bíg'hahs.
    On account of the general peace and security in the empire, the
    grant-holders commenced to lay out their lands in gardens, and thereby
    derived so much profit, that it tempted the greediness of the Government
    270

    officers, who had certain notions of how much was sufficient for Sayúrghál-
    holders, to demand revenue taxes ; but this displeased His Majesty, who
    commanded that such profits should not be interfered with .
    Again, when it was found out that holders of one hundred big'hahs
    and even less were guilty of bribery, the order was given that Mir Çadr
    Jahán should bring these people before His Majesty ; and afterwards it
    was determined that the Çadr with the concurrence of the writer of this
    work should either increase or decrease the grants . The rule now followed
    is this, that all Sayúrghál land should consist of one-half of tilled land, and
    of one-half of land capable of cultivation ; if the latter half be not so [i. e.,
    if the whole be tilled land] , one-fourth of the whole should be taken away
    and a new grant be issued for the remainder.
    The revenue derived from each big'hah varies in the several districts,
    but is never less than one rupee.
    His Majesty, with the view of teaching wisdom and promoting true
    piety, pays much attention to this department, and appoints disinterested
    men as Çadrs of districts and Çadr of the realm .

    Note by the Translator on the Çadrs of Akbar's reign.


    In this Ain-one of the most interesting in the whole work-the
    Chagatai word sayúrghál is translated by the Arabic madad ul maʼásh,
    in Persian madad i ma'ásh, for which we often find in MSS . madad o
    ma'ásh. The latter term signifies ' assistance of livelihood , ' and , like its
    equivalent milk, or property, it denotes lands given for benevolent pur-
    poses, as specified by Abulfazl. Such lands were hereditary, and differ
    for this reason from jágir or tuyúl lands, which were conferred, for a
    specified time, on Mançabdárs in lieu of salaries.
    This Ain proves that Akbar considerably interfered with Sayúrghál
    lands, arbitrarily resuming whatever lands he liked , and increasing the
    domain, or kháliçah , ' lands to the ruin of many a Muhammadan (Afghán)
    family. He also completely broke the power of the Çadr, whose dignity,
    especially before the Moghul dynasty, had been very great. It was the
    Çadr, or as he was then generally styled, Çadri Jahan, whose edict.
    legalized the julús , or accession , of a new king. During the reign of Akbar
    also, he ranked as the fourth officer of the empire (ride end of Aín 30).
    Their power was immense. They were the highest law-officers, and had
    the powers which Administrators- General have among us ; they were in

    1 vide Elliot's Glossary, under Altamghá


    Regarding the turning out of Al-
    tamghá and Madad i ma'ásh holders, I p. 18.
    271

    charge of all lands devoted to ecclesiastical and benevolent purposes,


    and possessed an almost unlimited authority of conferring such lands
    independently of the king. They were also the highest ecclesiastical
    law-officers, and might exercise the powers of High Inquisitors. Thus
    'Abdunnabí, during his Çadrship, ordered two men to be killed for
    heresy (vide p. 177, 1. 4 from below) .
    In the times before the Moghuls, the terms idrárát, wazáif, milk,
    in'ám i dehhá, in'ám i zaminhá, &c. , occur for the word sayúrghál (or
    siyúrgál, or sughúrghál, as some dictionaries spell it. )
    Among the former kings, ' Aláuddín i Khiljí is notorious for the
    disregard with which he cancelled the grants of former rulers. He
    resumed the greater part of the madad i ma'ásh tenures, and made them
    domain lands. He also lowered the dignity of the Çadr by appointing
    his keybearer to this high office (Tárikh i Firúzsháhí, p . 353) . Qutb-
    uddín Mubáriksháh, however, during the four years and four months
    of his reign, reinstated many whom ' Aláuddín had deprived ( T. F. ,
    p. 382) . Fírúz Sháh is still more praised for his liberality in conferring
    lands ( T. F. , p . 558) .
    That Sher Shah has often been accused by Moghul Historians for
    his bounty in conferring lands, has been mentioned above (p. 256,
    note) ; and this may have been one of the reasons why Akbar shewed
    such an unexpected severity towards the grant-holders of his time.
    Each Cúbah had a Çadr i juz, or Provincial Çadr, who was under
    the orders of the Chief Çadr (Çadr i Jahán, or Çadr i Kul, or Çadr i
    Çudúr).
    As in every other department, bribery was extensively carried on
    in the offices of the Çadrs. The land specified in the farman of a holder
    rarely corresponded in extent to the land which he actually held ; or the
    language of the farmán was ambiguously worded, to enable the holder
    to take possession of as much as he could, and keep it as long as he
    bribed the Qazis and provincial Çadrs. Hence Akbar had every reason,
    after repeated enquiries, to cancel grants conferred by former rulers .
    The religious views of the emperor (ride p. 167) , and the hatred
    which he shewed to the ' Ulamá, most of whom held lands, furnished
    him with a personal, and therefore stronger, reason to resume their
    grants, and drive them away to Bhakkar in Sind, or to Bengal, the
    climate of which, in those days, was as notorious as, in later days, that
    of Gombroon. After the fall of ' Abdunnabí-a man whom Akbar used

    once to honor by holding the slippers before his feet, -Sultán Khwajah,
    272

    a member of the Divine Faith, (ride p. 204) was appointed as Çadr ; and
    the Çadrs after him were so limited in conferring lands independently
    of Akbar, and had so few grants to look after, as to tempt Badáoní to
    indulge in sarcastical remarks. The following were Akbar's Çadrs :-
    1. Shaikh Gadáí, a Shí'ah, appointed at the recommendation
    of Bairám Khán , till 968 .
    2. Khwajah Muhammad Çálih, till 971 .
    3. Shaikh ' Abdunnabí, till 986 .
    4. Sultán Khwajah, till his death in 993.
    5. Amír Fathullah of Shíráz, till 997 .
    6. Çadr Jahán, whose name coincides with the title of his
    office.

    Abulfazl also mentions a Çadr Mauláná ' Abdul Báqí ; but I do


    not know when he held office.
    I extract a few short passages from Badáoní.
    Page 29. Shaikh Gadáí cancelled the Madad i ma'ásh lands, and took
    away the legacies ' of the Khánzádahs (Afgháns), and gave a Sayúrghál to any
    one that would bear up with humiliating treatment, but not otherwise.
    Nevertheless, in comparison with the present time, when obstacles are
    raised to the possession of every jarib of ground, nay, even less, you may
    call the Shaikh an ' Alambakhsh (one who gives away a world) .
    Page 52. After Shaikh Gadáí, Khájagí Muhammad Çálih was, in 968,
    appointed Çadr ; but he did not possess such extensive powers in conferring
    lands as madad i ma'úsh, because he was dependent on the Díwáns.
    Page 71. In 972, or perhaps more correctly in 971 , Shaikh ' Abdunnabí
    was made Çadr. In giving away lands, he was to consult Muzaffar Khán,
    at that time Vazír and Vakíl. But soon after, the Shaikh acquired such
    absolute powers, that he conferred on deserving people whole worlds of
    subsistence allowances, lands, and pensions, so much so that if you place the
    grants of all former kings of Hindústán in one scale, and those of the
    Shaikh into the other, his scale would weigh more. But several years
    later the scale went up, as it had been under former kings, and matters
    took an adverse turn.
    Page 204. In 983, His Majesty gave the order that the Aimahs of the
    whole empire should not be let off by the kroris of each Perganah, unless
    they brought the farmáns in which their grants, subsistence allowances,
    and pensions were described, to the Çadr for inspection and verification.
    For this reason, a large number of worthy people, from the eastern districts

    1
    Auqúf. The text of Badáoní has wrongly auqát. For bár read bárah.
    273

    up to Bhakkar on the Indus, came to Court. If any of them had a powerful


    protector in one of the grandees or near friends of His Majesty, he could
    manage to have his affair settled ; but those who were destitute of such
    recommendations, had to bribe Sayyid ' Abdurrasúl, the Shaikh's head man,
    or make presents to his farráshes, darbáns (porters), syces (grooms), and
    mehters (sweepers ), in order to get their blanket out of the mire.' Unless ,
    however, they had either strong recommendations, or had recourse to
    bribery, they were utterly ruined. Many of the Aimahs, without obtaining
    their object, died from the heat caused by the crowding of the multitudes.
    Though a report of this came to the ears of His Majesty, no one dared to
    take these unfortunate people before the emperor. And when the Shaikh,
    in all his pride and haughtiness, sat upon his masnad (cushion ) , and
    influential grandees introduced to him, in his office, scientific or pious men,
    the Shaikh received them in his filthy way, paid respect to no one, ¹ and
    after much asking, begging, and exaggerating, he allowed, for example, a
    teacher of the Hidayah (a book on law) and other college books 100 Big'hahs,
    more or less ; and though such a man might have been for a long time in
    possession of more extensive lands, the Shaikh took them away. But to men
    of no renown, to low fellows, even to Hindus, he gave primitive lands as marks²
    of personal favor. Hence science and scientific men fell in estimation. ***
    At no time had a Çadr, for so long a time, exercised more tyranical powers.
    The fate of Abdunnabí has been related above. Akbar gave him
    money for the poor of Makkah, and sent him on a pilgrimage. When he
    came back, he was called to account for the money, was put in prison ,
    and murdered by some scoundrel' in 992 .

    The next Çadr was Sultán Khwajah. Matters relating to Sayúr-


    gháls now took a very different course. Akbar had rejected the Islám, and
    the new Çadr, who had just returned from Makkah, " become a member
    of the Divine Faith. The systematic persecution of the learned and the
    lawyers had commenced , and His Majesty enquired personally into all
    grants (ride p. 189 , last para. ) . The lands were now steadily with-
    drawn, and according to Badáoní, who had managed to get 1000

    1 Badáoní says that even in the State Mírzá 'Aziz Kokah. In fact, several
    hall, when before the time of prayer he examples are on record that devout
    washed his hands and feet, he took care pilgrims returned so disappointed and
    6 fleeced' from Makkah as to assume a
    to spirt water on the grandees standing
    near him. hostile position to the Islám. There is a
    For batafzil in the text (p . 205) , proverb current in the East, Al-shaiṭán
    one MS. of Badáoní reads zamín i ibtidai fi-lharamain, 'The Devil dwells in Mak-
    balafazzul az khúd mídád. kah and Madinah.'
    The same happened afterwards to
    35
    271

    big'hahs, at first to the great disgust of ' Abdunnabí, many a Muham-


    madan family was impoverished or utterly ruined.
    In 993, Fathullah of Shíráz (vide p. 38) was appointed Çadr. As
    the Sayurghál duties, and with them the dignity of the Çadr, had
    dwindled down to nothing, Fathullah, though Çadr, could be spared for
    missions to the Dak'hin , Bad. p. 343.

    " His Shírází servant Kamál officiated for him during his absence, and
    looked after these lacklands of Aimahdárs, ' who had a few spots here and
    there ; for the dignity of the Çadr had approached its kamál (perfection) .
    Fathullah had not even the power of conferring five big'hahs : in fact he
    was an imaginary Çadr, as all lands had been withdrawn. And yet, the
    lands which had been withdrawn became the dwelling-places of wild
    animals, and thus belonged neither to the Aimahdárs, nor to farmers.
    However, of all these oppressions, there is at least a record left in the
    books ofthe Çadr, though of the office of the Çadr the name only is left.
    Page 368. Fathullah [ the Çadr himself] laid before His Majesty a bag
    containing the sum of Rs. 1,000, which his collector by means of oppression,
    or under the pretext that an Aimahdár was not forthcoming or dead, had
    squeezed out of the widows and unfortunate orphans of the Parganah of
    Basáwar [which was his jágír], and said, " My collectors have this much
    collected from the Aimahdárs as a kifáyat ( i. e. because the collectors thought
    the Sáyúrghál holders had more than sufficient to live upon )." But the
    emperor allowed him to keep the sum for himself.
    The next Çadr, Çadr Jahán, was a member of the Divine Faith.
    Though appointed Çadr immediately after the death of Fathullah,
    Badáoní continues calling him Mufti i mamálik i mahrúsah, the Mufti of
    the empire, which had been his title before.Perhaps it was no longer
    necessary to have a separate officer for the Çadrship. Çadr Jahán
    continued to serve under Jahángír.
    A great portion of the Sayúrghál lands is specified by Abulfazl in
    the geographical tables of the Third Book.

    1 who hold a Sayúrghál.


    Maqta'ularází, a pun reminding of
    muqta' (past part. IV) , one on whom Regarding the punishments which
    lands have been conferred, and muqti grasping Cadrs were subject to, vide
    (part. act. IV) one who confers lands . Elliot's Index, p. 253, note, of which,
    Observe that Badáoní uses the word however, the first para. ought to be
    aimah not only in the plural sense of expunged as unhistorical.
    aimahdárs, but as an equivalent of those
    275

    AIN 20.

    ON THE CARRIAGES , & c., INVENTED BY HIS MAJESTY.


    His Majesty has invented an extraordinary carriage, which has proved
    a source of much comfort for various people. When this carriage is used
    for travelling, or for carrying loads, it may be employed for grinding corn. '
    His Majesty also invented a large cart, which is drawn by one elephant.
    It is made sufficiently large so as to hold several bath-rooms, and thus
    serves as a travelling bath . It is also easily drawn by cattle.
    Camels and horses also are used for pulling carriages, and thus
    contribute to the comfort of mankind . Finely built carriages are called
    bahals ; if used on even ground, several may sit together and travel on.
    Water wheels and carts have also been so constructed, that water may
    be fetched from far, low places. Two oxen may pull four such wheels at the
    same time, or one ox two.
    Another machine exists which conveys water from a well, and moves
    at the same time a millstone .

    AIN 21 .

    THE TEN SER TAX ( DAHSERI ) .

    His Majesty takes from each big'hah of tilled land ten sers of grain
    as a royalty. Storehouses have been constructed in every district. They
    supply the animals belonging to the State with food, which is never bought
    in the bázárs. These stores prove at the same time of great use for the
    people ; for poor cultivators may receive grain for sowing purposes, or
    people may buy cheap grain at the time of famines. But the stores are
    only used to supply necessities. They are also used for benevolent purposes ;
    for His Majesty has established in his empire many houses " for the poor,
    where indigent people may get something to eat. He also appoints
    everywhere experienced people to look after these store-houses, and selects
    for this purpose active Dárogahs and clever writers, who watch the receipts
    and charges .

    This was, according to Nizám's Also a wheel, which cleaned at once


    Tabaqát, an invention of Fathullah of twelve barrels ." The last mentioned wheel
    Shiráz (vide p. 38, note) . Nizám says, also is ascribed by Abulfazl to Akbar ;
    " He constructed a millstone which was vide Book I. Aín 38, p. 115 .
    placed on a cart. It turned itself and 2 Regarding English carriages (rath
    ground corn . He also invented a looking- i angrezi) brought to India under Jahán-
    glass which, whether seen near or at a dis- gír,
    3 vide Tuzuk pp. 167 , 168.
    Vide pp. 200 and 201.
    tance, showed all sorts of curious figures.
    276

    ΑΙΝ 22 .
    ON FEASTS .

    His Majesty enquires into the excellent customs of past ages, and
    without looking to the men of the past in particular, he takes up that
    which is proper, though he have to pay a high price for it. He bestows
    his fostering care upen men of various classes, and seeks for occasions to
    make presents . Thus, when His Majesty was informed of the feasts of
    the Jamsheds, and the festivals of the Pársí priests, he adopted them, and
    used them as opportunities of conferring benefits . The following are the
    most important feasts. 1. The New Year's day feast. It commences on
    the day when the Sun in his splendour moves to Aries , and lasts till the
    nineteenth day of the month [ Farwardin ] . Two days of this period are
    considered great festivals, when much money and numerous other things
    are given away as presents : the first day of the month of Farwardín, and
    the nineteenth, which is the time of the Sharaf. Again, His Majesty
    followed the custom of the ancient Pársís, who held banquets on those
    days the names of which coincided with the name of a month . The following
    are the days which have the same name as a month : 19th Farwardín ;
    3rd Urdíbihisht ; 6th Khúrdád ; 13th Tír ; 7th Amurdád ; 4th Shahríwar ;
    16th Mihr ; 10th Abán ; 9th Azar ; 8th, 15th, 23rd, Dai : 2nd Bahman ;
    5th Isfandármuz. Feasts, are actually and ideally, held on each of these days.
    People in their happiness raise the strain of inward joy. In the beginning
    of each pahr the naqqárahs (vide p. 51 , 1. 1. ) are beaten, when the singers
    and musicians fall in. On the first of the above feasts coloured lamps are
    used for three nights : on the second for one night, and the joy is general.
    I have given a few particulars in the first Book (Aín 18 ).

    ΑΙΝ 23.

    THE KHUSHROZ OR DAY OF FANCY BAZARS .

    On the third feast-day of every month, His Majesty holds a large assembly
    for thepurpose of enquiringinto the manywonderful things found in this world.
    The merchants of the age are eager to attend, and lay out articles from all
    countries. The people of His Majesty's Harem come, and the women of
    other men also are invited, and buying and selling is quite general. His
    Majesty uses such days to select any articles which he wishes to buy, or to

    Badáoní generally calls this day eighth month (October-November) : but


    Naurúz i Jalálí ; vide p. 183, note 2 . the tenth day also of every month had
    2 Thus Abán was the name of the the same name.
    277

    fix the price of things, and thus add to his knowledge . The secrets of the
    empire, the character of the people, the good and bad qualities of each
    office and workshop, will then appear. His Majesty gives to such days
    the name of Khushrúz, or the joyful day, as they are a source of much
    enjoyment.
    After the Fancy bázárs for women, bázárs for the men are held . Merchants
    of all countries then sell their wares. His Majesty watches the transactions,
    and such as are admitted to Court indulge in the pleasure of buying. Bázár
    people, on such occasions, may lay their grievances before His Majesty,
    without being prevented by the mace-bearers, and may use the opportunity
    of laying out their stores, in order to explain their circumstances . For those
    who are good, the dawn of success rises, whilst wicked bázár people are called
    to account.
    His Majesty has appointed for this purpose a separate treasurer and an
    accountant, so that the sellers may get paid without delay. The profit
    made by tradesmen on such occasions is very great . '

    AIN 24.

    REGULATIONS REGARDING MARRIAGES.

    Every care bestowed upon this wonderful tie between men is a means
    of preserving the stability of the human race, and ensuring the progress
    of the world ; it is a preventive against the outbreak of evil passions, and
    leads to the establishment of homes. Hence His Majesty, inasmuch as
    he is benign, watches over great and small, and imbues men with his
    notions of the spiritual union and the equality of essence which he sees in
    marriage. He abhors marriages which take place between man and woman
    before the age of puberty. They bring forth no fruit, and His Majesty
    thinks them even hurtful ; for afterwards, when such a couple ripens into
    manhood, they dislike having connexion , and their home is desolate.
    Here in India, where a man cannot see the woman to whom he is
    betrothed, there are peculiar obstacles ; but His Majesty maintains that the
    consent of the bride and bridegroom, and the permission of the parents,
    are absolutely necessary in marriage contracts .
    Marriage between near relations His Majesty thinks highly improper.
    He says, " The fact that, in ancient times (?) even, a girl was not given to her

    twin brother, ought to silence those who are fond of historical proofs .
    Marriage between first cousins, however, does not strike the bigoted

    1
    Regarding these Fancy bázárs, vide above Badáoní's remarks on p. 204, 1. 4.
    278

    followers of Muhammad's religion as wrong ; for the beginning of a religion


    resembles, in this regard, the beginning of the creation of mankind.”
    His Majesty disapproves of high dowries ; for as they are rarely ever paid,
    they are mere sham ; but he admits that the fixing of high dowries is a pre-
    ventive against rash divorces . Nor does His Majesty approve of every one
    marrying more than one wife ; for this ruins a man's health, and disturbs the
    peace of the home. He censures old women that take young husbands, and
    says that doing so is against all modesty.
    He has also appointed two sober and sensible men, one of whom
    enquires into the circumstances of the bridegroom, and the other into those
    of the bride. These two officers have the title of Tuibegi, or masters of
    marriages. In many cases, the duties are performed by one and the same
    officer. His Majesty also takes a tax from both parties, to enable them to
    shew their gratitude. The payment of this tax is looked upon as auspicious.
    Mançabdárs commanding from five to one thousand, pay 10 Muhurs ; do .
    from one thousand to five hundred, 4 M.; do. to Commanders of one
    hundred, 2 M.; do. to Commanders of forty, 1 M.; do. to Commanders of
    ten, 4 R. The latter fee is also paid by rich people. The middle classes
    pay 1 R. , and common people 1 dám .' In demanding this tax, the officers
    have to pay regard to the circumstances of the father of the bride .

    AIN 25.
    REGULATIONS REGARDING EDUCATION .

    In every country, but especially in Hindústán, boys are kept for


    years at school, where they learn the consonants and vowels. A great
    portion of the life of the students is wasted by making them read many
    books. His Majesty orders that every school boy should first learn to write
    the letters of the Alphabet, and also learn to trace their several forms. "
    He ought to learn the shape and name of each letter, which may be done
    in two days, when the boy should proceed to write the joined letters . They
    may be practised for a week, after which the boy should learn some prose
    and poetry by heart, and then commit to memory some verses to the praise
    of God, or moral sentences, each written separately. Care is to be taken.

    1
    " The sons and daughters of common had, especially the people of the kotwál,
    people were not allowed to marry, unless and the khánú i kalál (?) , and their
    they came to the office ofthe kotwál, and other low assistants outside.' Bad. II,
    were stared at by the kotwál's men, who p. 391. Vide also Third Book, Aín 5.
    had to take down their respective ages ; 2 Boys in the East generally learn to
    and you may imagine what advantages write by running their pens over the
    and fine opportunities the officers thus characters of the copyslips (qit'ahs).
    279

    that he learns to understand everything himself ; but the teacher may assist
    him a little. He then ought for some time be daily practised in writing
    a hemistich or a verse, and will soon acquire a current hand. The
    teacher ought especially to look after five things : knowledge of the letters ;
    meanings of words ; the hemistich ; the verse ; the former lesson. If this
    method of teaching be adopted, a boy will learn in a month, or even in a
    day, what it took others years to understand, so much so that people will
    get quite astonished. Every boy ought to read books on morals, arithmetic,
    the notation peculiar to arithmetic, agriculture, mensuration, geometry,
    astronomy, physiognomy, household matters, the rules of government,
    medicine, logic, the tabi'í, riyází, and iláhí, sciences, and history ; all of
    which may be gradually acquired.
    In studying Sanscrit, students ought to learn the Bayákaran, Niyáí,
    Bedanta, and Pátanjal. No one should be allowed to neglect those things
    which the present time requires.
    These regulations shed a new light on schools, and cast a bright
    lustre over Madrasahs.

    AIN 26.
    THE ADMIRALTY.
    This department is of great use for the successful operations of the
    army, and for the benefit of the country in general ; it furnishes means of
    obtaining things of value, provides for agriculture, and His Majesty's
    household. His Majesty, in fostering this source of power, keeps four
    objects in view, and looks upon promoting the efficiency of this department
    as an act of divine worship .
    First. The fitting out of strong boats , capable of carrying elephants.
    Some are made in such a manner as to be of use in sieges and for the conquest
    of strong forts . Experienced officers look upon ships as if they were houses
    and dromedaries, and use them as excellent means of conquest. So especially
    in Turkey, Zanzibar, and Europe. In every part of His Majesty's empire,
    ships are numerous ; but in Bengal, Kashmir, and That'hah (Sind)
    they are the pivot of all commerce. His Majesty had the sterns of
    the boats made in shape of wonderful animals, and thus combines
    terror with amusement. Turrets and pleasing kiosks, markets, and
    beautiful flower-beds, have likewise been constructed on the rivers. Along

    ¹ This is the three-fold division of quantity, and comprise mathematics,


    sciences. Iláhí, or divine, sciences com- astronomy, music, mechanics. Tabi'i
    prise everything connected with theo- sciences comprehend physical sciences.
    logy and the means of acquiring a know- Some dictionaries call the last class of
    ledge of God. Riyazi sciences treat of sciences taba'í, instead of tabi'i.
    280

    the coasts of the ocean, in the west, east, and south of India, large ships are
    built, which are suitable for voyages . The harbours have been put into
    excellent condition, and the experience of seamen has much improved .
    Large ships are also built at Iláhábás and Láhor, and are then sent to the
    coast. In Kashmir, a model of a ship was made which was much admired.
    Secondly. To appoint experienced seamen, acquainted with the tides,
    the depths of the ocean, the time when the several winds blow, and their
    advantages and disadvantages. They must be familiar with shallows and
    banks. Besides, a seaman must be hale and strong, a good swimmer,
    kind hearted, hard working, capable of bearing fatigue, patient ; in fact he
    must possess all good qualities . Men of such character can only be found
    after much trouble. The best seamen come from Malíbár ( Malabar) .
    Boatmen also bring men and their things from one side of the river to
    the other.
    The number of sailors in a ship varies according to the size of the vessel.
    In large ships there are twelve classes . 1. The Nákhudá, or owner of the
    ship. This word is evidently a short form of Návkhudá . He fixes the course
    of the ship . 2. The Mu'allim, or Captain. He must be acquainted with
    the depths and the shallow places of the ocean , and must know astronomy.
    It is he who guides the ship to her destination , and prevents her from falling
    into dangers. 3. The Tandil, or chief of the khaláçís, or sailors . Sailors,
    in seamen's language, are called khaláçís or khúrwahs . 4. The Nakhudá-
    khashab. He supplies the passengers with firewood and straw, and assists
    in shipping and unlading the cargo. 5. The Sarhang, or mate, superintends
    the docking and landing of the ship , and often acts for the Mu'allim.
    6. The Bhandúrí has the charge of the stores. 7. The Karráni¹ is a writer
    who keeps the accounts of the ship , and serves out water to the passengers.
    8. The Sukkángír, or helmsman. He steers the ship according to the orders
    of the Mu'allim. Some ships carry several helmsmen, but never more than
    twenty. 9. The Panjari looks out from the top of the mast, and gives notice.
    when he sees land, or a ship, or a coming storm, & c. 10. The Gunmtí
    belongs to the class of khaláçis . He throws out the water which has leaked
    through the ship. 11. The Topandáz, or gunner, is required in naval fights ;
    their number depends on the size of the ship . 12. The Khárwah, or common
    sailor. They set and furl the sails. Some of them perform the duty of
    divers, and stop leaks, or set the anchor free when it sticks fast. The
    amount of their wages varies, and depends on the voyage, or kúsh, as seamen
    call it . In the harbour of Sátgánu (Highli) a Nákhudá gets 400 R.; besides

    This word is now-a-days pronounced word is often used contemptuously.


    Kirání, and is applied to any clerk. The
    281

    he is allowed four malikh, or cabins, which he fills with wares for his own
    profit. Every ship is divided into several divisions, for the accommodation
    of passengers and the stowage of goods, each of the divisions being called a
    malikh. The Mu'allim gets 200 R. and two malikhs ; the Tandil, 120R.; the
    Karrání, 50 R. and one malikh ; the Nákhudá khashab, 30 R.; the Sarhang,
    25 R.; the Sukkángir, Pánjari and Bhandari, each 15 R.; each Kharwah, or
    common sailor, 40 R., and his daily food in addition ; the Degandáz, or
    gunner, 12 R.
    In Kambhayat (Cambay), a Nákhudá gets 800 R., and the other men in
    the same proportion .
    In Láharí, a nákhudá gets 300 R. , and the rest in proportion.
    In Achin he gets half as much again as in southern harbours ; in
    Portugal, two and a half as much again ; and in Malacca, twice as much
    again. In Pegu, and Dahnasarí, he gets half as much again as in Cambay.
    All these rates vary according to the place and the length of the voyage.
    But it would take me too long to give more details .
    Boatmen on rivers have wages varying from 100 to 500 d. per mensem.
    Thirdly, an experienced man has been appointed to look after the
    rivers. He must be an imposing and fearless man, must have a loud voice,
    must be capable of bearing fatigue, active, zealous, kind, fond of travelling,
    a good swimmer. As he possesses experience, he settles every difficulty
    which arises regarding fords, and takes care that such places are not
    overcrowded, or too narrow, or very uneven, or full of mud. He regulates
    the number of passengers which a ferry may carry ; he must not allow
    travellers to be delayed, and sees that poor people are passed over gratis.
    He ought not to allow people to swim across, or wares to be deposited
    anywhere else but at fording places . He should also prevent people from
    crossing at night, unless in cases of necessity.
    Fourthly, the remission of duties . His Majesty, in his mercy, has
    remitted many tolls, though the income derived from them equalled the
    revenue of a whole country. He only wishes that boatmen should get their
    wages. The state takes certain taxes in harbour places ; but they never
    exceed two and a half per cent. , which is so little compared with the taxes
    formerly levied, that merchants look upon harbour taxes as totally remitted.
    The following sums are levied as river tolls. For every boat, 1 R. per
    kos at the rate of 1000 mans, provided the boat and the men belong to one
    and the same owner . But if the boat belongs to another man and everything

    in the boat to the man who has hired it, the tax is 1 R. for every 2 kos . At
    ferry places, an elephant has to pay 10 d. for crossing ; a laden cart, 4 d.;
    do . empty, 2 d.; a laden camel, 1 d.; empty camels, horses, cattle with
    their things, d.; do . empty, 4 d. Other beasts of burden pay d. , which
    36
    282

    includes the toll due by the driver. Twenty people pay 1 d . for crossing ;
    but they are often taken gratis.
    The rule is that one-half or one-third of the tolls thus collected go to
    the State (the other half goes to the boatmen).
    Merchants are therefore well treated , and the articles of foreign countries
    are imported in large quantities.

    ΑΙΝ 27.
    OF HUNTING.

    Superficial, worldly observers see in killing an animal a sort of


    pleasure, and in their ignorance stride about, as if senseless, on the field of
    *
    their passions. But deep enquirers see in hunting a means of acquisition of
    knowledge, and the temple of their worship derives from it a peculiar lustre.
    This is the case with His Majesty. He always makes hunting a means of
    increasing his knowledge, and besides, uses hunting parties as occasions to
    enquire, without having first given notice of his coming, into the condition
    of the people and the army. He travels incognito, and examines into matters
    referring to taxation, or to Sayúrghál lands, or to affairs connected with the
    household. He lifts up such as are oppressed, and punishes the oppressors.
    On account of these higher reasons His Majesty indulges in the chase, and
    shews himself quite enamoured of it. Short-sighted and shallow observers
    think that His Majesty has no other object in view but hunting ; but the
    wise and experienced know that he pursues higher aims.
    When His Majesty starts on a hunting party, active Qaráwals [men
    employed by the Mir Shikár, or Master of Hunting ] surround the hunting
    ground, the Qur (p. 110) remaining at a distance of about five kos from it.
    Near the Qur, the grandees and other people await the arrival of His Majesty.
    The men who look after the things sit down and watch. About a yard
    behind them the Mir Tozak stands ready for service, and about a kos and
    one-half behind them stand some of the Khidmatiyyah (p . 225 ) and other
    servants of His Majesty. The Khidmatiyyah are told off to watch at that
    place. At about the same distance, there stands a vigilant officer with
    some of His Majesty's servants. He advances very slowly, and guards the
    private hunting ground. Behind them an experienced officer is stationed
    to superintend the whole. Several near servants of His Majesty have
    admission to this place ; but generally only such are allowed to come as are
    required to render services at the chase.
    When a certain distance has been passed over, His Majesty selects a
    few to accompany him, and then moves on ; and after having gone over
    283

    another distance, he generally goes alone, or accompanied by one or two .


    When the hour of rest comes, both parties which had been left behind,
    again join His Majesty.
    As I have stated the views of His Majesty regarding the chase , and
    have written down some remarks on the arrangements which are made during
    hunting parties, I shall give a few particulars as to the several modes of
    chasing, and the wonderful contrivances which people have recourse to.

    1. Tiger hunting.
    They make a large cage, and having fastened it (on the ground ) with
    strong iron ties, they put it in places frequented by tigers . The door is left
    open ; but, it is arranged in such a manner that the slightest shaking will
    cause it to close. Within the cage they put a goat, which is protected by a
    screen so constructed that the tiger can see the goat, but not get hold of it.
    Hunger will lead the tiger to the cage. As soon as he enters, he is caught.
    Another method. They put a poisoned arrow on a bow, painted green,
    in such a manner that a slight movement will cause the arrow to go off.
    The bow is hung upon a tree, and when the tiger passes, and shakes it a
    little, the arrow will hit the animal and kill it .
    Another method. They tie a sheep to a place in a road frequented by tigers ,
    putting round about the sheep on the ground small stalks of hay covered
    with glue . The tiger comes rushing forward, and gets his claws full of the
    glue. The more he tries to get rid of it, the more will the glue stick to his
    feet, and when he is quite senseless and exhausted , the hunters come from
    the ambush and kill him. Or they catch him alive, and tame him.
    His Majesty, from his straightforwardness, dislikes having recourse
    to such tricks, and prefers with bows or matchlocks openly to attack this
    brute, which destroys so many lives.
    Another method. An intrepid experienced hunter gets on the back of a
    male buffalo, and makes it attack the tiger. The buffalo will quickly get
    hold of the tiger with its horns, and fling him violently upwards, so that
    he dies. It is impossible to describe the excitement of this manner of
    hunting the tiger . One does not know what to admire more, the courage of
    the rider, or his skill in standing firm on the slippery back of the buffalo.
    One day, notice was given that a man-eating tiger had made its
    appearance in the district of Bárí. His Majesty got on the elephant Náhir
    Khán, and went into the jungle. The brute was stirred up ; and striking its
    claws into the forehead of the elephant, it pulled the head of the animal
    to the ground, when the tiger was killed by the men. This occurrence
    astonished the most intrepid and experienced hunters.
    On another occasion , His Majesty hunted near Todah . The tiger had
    284

    stretched one of the party to the ground . His Majesty aimed at the brute,
    killed it, and thus saved the life of the man.
    Once during a qamarghah' chase, a large tiger was stirred up . The
    animal attacked His Majesty, when he shot it in time through the head,
    and killed it.
    Once a tiger struck his claws into a man . All who witnessed it, des-
    paired of his life. His Majesty shot the brute right through the body, and
    released the unfortunate man.
    A remarkable scene took place in the forest of Mut'hra . Shujá'at
    Khán (vide Aín 30, No. 51 ), who had advanced very far, got suddenly
    timid . His Majesty remained standing where he was, and looked furiously
    at the tiger. The brute cowered down before that divine glance, and turned
    right about trembling all over. In a short time it was killed .
    The feats of His Majesty are too numerous to be imagined ; much
    less can a Hindustání, as I am, describe them in a dignified style.
    He slays lions, but would not hurt an ant.
    He girds himself for the fray ; but the lion drops his claws from fear.

    Elephant-hunts.
    There are several modes of hunting elephants .
    1. K'hedah. The hunters are both on horseback and on foot. They
    go during summer to the grazing places of this wonderful animal, and
    commence to beat drums and blow the pipes, the noise of which makes
    the elephants quite frightened . They commence to rush about, till from
    their heaviness and exertions no strength is left in them. They are then
    sure to run under a tree for shade, when some experienced hunters throw
    a rope, made of hemp or bark, round their feet or necks, and thus tie them
    to the trees. They are afterwards led off in company with some trained
    elephants, and gradually get tame . One-fourth of the value of an elephant
    thus caught is given to the hunters as wages .
    2. Chor k'hedah. They take a tame female elephant to the grazing place
    of wild elephants, the driver stretching himself on the back of the elephant,
    without moving or giving any other sign of his presence . The elephants
    then commence to fight, when the driver manages to secure one by throwing
    a rope round the foot.
    3. Gád. A deep pit is constructed in a place frequented by elephants,
    which is covered up with grass. As soon as the elephants come near it,

    1 Qamarghah 3 These two verses are taken from


    is a chase for which
    drivers are employed . Faizi's Nal Daman; vide p. 106, note 4.
    2 This is one of Akbar's miracles. Hence our elephant kheddas,
    285

    the hunters from their ambush commence to make a great noise . The
    elephants get confused, and losing their habitual cautiousness, they fall
    rapidly and noisily into the hole. They are then starved and kept without
    water, when they soon get tame.
    4. Bár. They dig a ditch round the resting place of elephants, leaving
    only one road open, before which they put up a door, which is fastened
    with ropes . The door is left open, but closes when the rope is cut . The
    hunters then put both inside and outside the door such food as elephants like.
    The elephants eat it up greedily ; their voraciousness makes them forget
    all cautiousness , and without fear they enter at the door. A fearless hunter,
    who has been lying concealed , then cuts the rope, and the door closes . The
    elephants start up, and in their fury try to break the door. They are all in
    commotion . The hunters then kindle fires and make much noise . The
    elephants run about till they get tired, and no strength is left in them.
    Tame females are then brought to the place, by whose means the wild
    elephants are caught. They soon get tame.
    From times of old, people have enjoyed elephant hunts by any of
    the above modes ; His Majesty has invented a new manner, which
    admits of remarkable finesse. In fact, all excellent modes of hunting are
    inventions of His Majesty. A wild herd of elephants is surrounded on
    three sides by drivers, one side alone being left open. At it several
    female elephants are stationed . From all sides, male elephants will
    approach to cover the females. The latter then go gradually into an
    enclosure, whither the males follow. They are now caught as shewn above.'

    Leopard hunting.
    Leopards, when wild, select three places. In one part of the country
    they hunt ; in another part they rest and sleep ; and in a third district they
    play and amuse themselves. They mostly sleep on the top of a hill. The
    shade of a tree is sufficient for the leopard . He rubs himself against

    "A large number of people had sur- the wild elephants from all parts of the
    rounded the whole jungle, outside of jungle near the place where the emperor
    which, on a small empty space, a throne sat, so that he might enjoy the sight of
    made of wood had been put on a tree, as this exciting scene . When the drivers
    a seat for the emperor [Jahángír] , and on closed up from all sides of the jungle,
    the neighbouring trees beams had been their ring unfortunately broke on account
    put, upon which the courtiers were to sit of the density and impenetrability of the
    and enjoy the sight. About two hundred wood, and the arrangements of the drivers
    male elephants with strong nooses, and partially failed. The wild elephants ran
    many females were in readiness. Upon each about as if mad ; but twelve male and
    elephant there sat two men of the Jhariy- female elephants were caught before the
    yah caste, who chiefly occupy themselves eyes of the emperor." Iqbálnámah,
    in this part of India [ Gujrát ] with ele- p. 113.
    phant hunting. The plan was to drive
    286

    the trunk. Round about the tree, they deposit their excrements, which
    are called in Hindí ák'har.
    Formerly, hunters used to make deep holes and cover them with grass,
    These pits were called odi. The leopards on coming near them, fell down
    to the bottom ; but they often broke their feet in pieces, or managed by
    jumping to get out again. Nor could you catch more than one in each pit.
    His Majesty therefore invented a new method, which has astonished the most
    experienced hunters. He made a pit only two or three gaz deep, and
    constructed a peculiar trapdoor, which closes when the leopard falls into the
    hole. The animal is thus never hurt. Sometimes more than one go into the
    trap. On one occasion no less than seven leopards were caught. At the
    time of their heat, which takes place in winter, a female leopard had been
    walking about on the field, and six male leopards were after her. Accident-
    ally she fell into a pit, and her male companions, unwilling to let her off,
    dropped in one after the other, —a nice scene, indeed.
    His Majesty also catches leopards by tiring them out, which is very
    interesting to look at.
    Another method is to fasten nooses to the foot of the above mentioned
    tree. When the animal comes to scratch itself, it gets entangled.
    His Majesty generally hunts leopards thirty or forty kos from Agrah,
    especially in the districts of Bárí, Símáwalí, Alápúr, Sunnám, Bhaṭindah,
    Bhaṭnír, Paṭan in the Panjab, Fathpúr, Jhinjhanú, Nágor, Mírt'ha, Jodhpúr,
    Jaisalmír, Amrsarnáyin ; but several other more remote spots have been
    selected as hunting grounds. His Majesty used often to go to the first
    mentioned places, take out the leopards that had fallen into a pit, and hand
    them over to the keepers . He would often travel over great distances, and
    was perhaps just on the point of resting a little ; but before he had done so,
    good news were brought from some other hunting ground, when he hastened
    away on a fleet courser.
    In former times, people managed to train a newly caught leopard
    for the chase in the space of three months, or if they exerted themselves,
    in two months. From the attention which His Majesty pays to this animal,
    leopards are now trained, in an excellent manner, in the short space of
    eighteen days. Old and active keepers were surprised at such results,
    and extolled the charm of His Majesty's knowledge. From good motives,
    and from a desire to add splendour to his court, His Majesty used to take
    it upon himself to keep and train leopards, astonishing the most experienced
    by his success.
    A rather remarkable case is the following. Once a leopard had been
    caught, and without previous training, on a mere hint by His Majesty, it
    brought in the prey like trained leopards . Those who were present had
    287

    their eyes opened to truth, and experienced the blessing of prostrating


    themselves in belief on His Majesty.'
    Attracted by the wonderful influence of the loving heart of His
    Majesty, a leopard once followed the imperial suite without collar or chain,
    and like a sensible human being, obeyed every command, and at every
    leopard chase enjoyed it very much to have its skill brought to the test.
    There are two hundred keepers in charge of the kháçah leopards . A
    proper system of training has been laid down.

    AIN 28.

    THE FOOD ALLOWED TO LEOPARDS . THE WAGES OF THE


    KEEPERS.

    First class leopards get 5 s. of meat every day ; second class, 4 8.;
    third class, 4 s.; fourth class, 33 8 .; fifth class, 34 8 .; sixth class , 31 8 .;
    seventh class, 3 8. ; eighth class , 23 8 . The meat is given in a lump ; and as
    2
    on Sundays no animals are killed, double the daily portion is given on
    Saturdays.
    Formerly every six months, but now annually, four sers of butter and
    one-tenth of a ser of brimstone are given as ointment, which prevents itch .
    Four men also were appointed to train and look after each leopard ;
    but now there are three men told off for such leopards as sit on horses
    when taken to the hunting ground, and only two for such as sit on carts
    and on doolies. The wages of the keepers vary from 30 R. to 5 R. per
    mensem ; but they have at the same time to look after the cattle which
    draw the leopard carts. The servants who look after the cattle, are divided
    into seniors and juniors, each class being subdivided into five divisions .
    The seniors get 300 d. , 260 d. , 220 d. , 200 d. , and 180 d. , which is the
    lowest allowance ; the juniors get 160 d., 140 d., 120 d., 110 d., and 100 d.
    For the sake of show, the leopards get brocaded saddle cloths, chains
    studded with jewels, and coarse blankets, and Gushkání³ carpets to sit on.
    Grandees of the court also are appointed to superintend the keepers of
    each leopard ; they are to take care that the animals are nicely dressed,
    and that new ones are added to the establishment. Each leopard has a
    name which indicates some of his qualities . Every ten leopards form a
    Misl or
    Taraf (set) ; they are also divided according to their rank as follows.

    1 Two more miracles of Akbar's.


    3 This should perhaps be ‫ گشکانی‬or ‫گوشکانی‬
    According to the order mentioned on goskháni, Goshkán, (in Arabic Joshqán),
    p. 200, 1. 10.
    being a town in Irán, famous for its
    .In
    my text edition , p 2018 ‫كشكاني‬ carpets .
    288

    One thousand' leopards are kept in His Majesty's park, and an interesting
    encampment they form. The three first sets are kháçah ; they are kept at
    Court together with two other sets . For their conveyance two litters
    (mihaffah) are hung over the back of an elephant, one litter on each side.
    On each litter one leopard sits, looking out for a prey. Litters are also
    put on camels, horses, and mules. Carts even are made for the leopards,
    and are drawn by horses or cattle ; or they are made to sit on horses ;
    and sometimes they are carried by men in doolies. The best leopard
    which His Majesty has, goes by the name of Samand mánik ; he is carried
    on a Chaudol, and proceeds with much pomp . His servants , fully equipped,
    run at his side ; the naqqarah (a large drum) is beaten in front, and
    sometimes he is carried by two men on horseback, the two ends of the
    pole of the Chaudol resting on the necks of their horses. Formerly two
    horses were kept for every leopard ; but now three horses are given to
    two leopards. Others have a dooly, or a cart drawn by four oxen. Many
    travel alone on one and the same dooly. A tame, trained leopard has the
    dooly carried by three men, others by two.

    Skill exhibited by hunting leopards.

    Leopards will go against the wind, and thus they get scent of a prey,
    or come to hear its voice. They then plan an attack, and give the hunters
    notice where the prey is. The hunters keep the animal near themselves,
    and proceed to catch the prey. This is done in three ways.
    1. Uparg'hați. The hunters let off the leopard to the right from the
    place where the deer was seen . The leopard swiftly seizes it with his
    claws. 2. Rig'hni . The leopard lies concealed , and is shewn the deer from
    a distance. The collar is then taken off, when the leopard, with perfect
    skill, will dash off, jumping from ambush to ambush till he catches the
    deer. 3. Muhári. The leopard is put in an ambush, having the wind
    towards himself. The cart is then taken away to the opposite direction.
    This perplexes the deer, when the leopard will suddenly make his way near
    it, and catch it.
    It is impossible to describe the wonderful feats of this animal ; language

    1 Among the curious events which He even


    to get cubs, but in vain.
    happened during the present [ Jahangir's] allowed some leopards to run about
    reign, I must mention that a leopard in the gardens without collars , letting
    in captivity covered a female leopard, them walk about and hunt after their
    which gave birth to three cubs . The fashion : but they would not pair.
    late emperor [ Akbar] , during his youth, During this year a male leopard broke
    was passionately fond of leopards and its collar, and covered a female, which
    hunting with leopards. He had about after a space of two months and a half
    9000 leopards collected during his reign, gave birth to three cubs. They went on
    and tried much to pair them, so as well, and grew big." Iqbálnámah, p. 70.
    289

    fails to express his skill and cunning. Thus he will raise up the dust with
    his forefeet and hind legs, in order to conceal himself ; or he will lie down
    so flat, that you cannot distinguish him from the surface of the ground.
    Formerly a leopard would not kill more than three deer at one and the
    same chase ; but now he will hunt as many as twelve .
    His Majesty has also invented a method called chatrmandal. The hunters
    lie in ambush near a place frequented by deer, and commence the chase from
    this place, as if it was a qamarghah hunt (in which drivers are used ) . The
    leopards are then let off in all directions, and many deer are thus caught.
    The men employed to train and keep the imperial leopards, receive
    presents on all occasions when the animals exhibit skill, as an encouragement
    to further exertions. A special present has been fixed for each animal, but
    I cannot specify this.
    Once, from the kindness shewn by His Majesty, a deer made
    friendship with a leopard . They lived together and enjoyed each other's
    company. The most remarkable thing was this, that the leopard when let
    off against other deer, would pounce upon them as any other leopard .
    In former times leopards were never allowed to remain loose towards
    the close of the day ; for people were afraid of their stubbornness and anxiety
    to run away. But now, in consequence of the practical rules made by His
    Majesty, they are let loose in the evenings, and yet remain obedient.
    Formerly leopards were also kept blind-folded , except at the time of the
    chase ; for the leopards used to get brisk and run about as if mad . But
    now-a-days they are kept without covers for their heads. The Grandees of
    the court are allowed to bet on forty khúçah leopards ; whoever wins takes the
    amount of his bet from the others . If a leopard is first in bringing twenty
    deer, his Doriyah' gets five rupees from his equals. The Grandee in charge
    2
    of the kháçah leopards, Sayyid Ahmad of Bárha, gets one muhur from each
    bet, by which he makes a good deal of money. As often as a Grandee lays
    before His Majesty twenty pair of deer horns, " he takes an Ashrafi from
    each of his equals . So also do the Tarafdárs and Qaráwals bet ; in fact every
    1
    The man who holds the chain to (manárah), and had a well made near it.
    which the leopard is fastened . The towers were studded with several
    He was a Duhazárí ; vide Aín 30, hundred thousand horns of deer which
    No. 91.
    His Majesty had killed during his life-
    Akbar required the horns of deer. time. The words mil i shákh contain
    " In this year (981 ) , His Majesty built the Tarikh (981 ) . I wished His Majesty
    several edifices and castles on the road had made gardens and saráis for tra-
    from Agrah to Ajmír. The reason was vellers instead." Baddoní, II, p. 173 .
    this. He thought it incumbent upon Vide also Elliot's Index, p. 243, note.
    him once a year to make a pilgrimage to Tarafdárs, the men in charge of a
    the tomb (dargah) of Mu'ín i Chishti at taraf, which word Abulfazl above used in
    Ajmir ; he therefore had houses built at the same sense as misl, or set. Tarafdár
    every stage on the road to that town. means also a Zamíndár. A Qaráwal is a
    He also erected at every kos a tower driver.
    37
    290

    one shews his zeal in trying to get as many deer as possible . The skins of
    the deer are often given to poor people as part of money presents .
    It is remarkable that His Majesty can at once tell by seeing a hide to
    what hunting ground the deer belonged .
    His Majesty, in fulfilment of a vow made by him before the birth of
    the eldest prince, never hunts on Fridays.'
    2
    The Siyagosh.
    His Majesty is very fond of using this plucky little animal for hunting
    purposes. In former times it would attack a hare or a fox ; but now it
    kills black deer. It eats daily 1 s . of meat. Each has a separate keeper,
    who gets 100 d. per mensem.
    Dogs.
    His Majesty likes this animal very much for his excellent qualities,
    and imports dogs from all countries. Excellent dogs come from Kábul,
    especially from the Hazárah district [ north of Raúl Pindí]. They even
    ornament dogs, and give them names. Dogs will attack every kind of
    animals, and more remarkable still, they will attack a tiger. Several also will
    join, and hunt down the enemy. Kháçah dogs get daily 2 s. of meat ;
    others get 18. There is one keeper for every two Tází ( hunting) dogs ;
    their wages are 100 d. per mensem.
    2 66 It was
    at this time, [ 1027 A. H. or pened to be Friday. My father then,
    A. D. 1618] that Sháhzádah Shuja', with a view of making God inclined to
    son of Shahjahán, fell ill, and as I am preserve me, made a vow never again,
    so much attached to him, and the doctors to the end ofhis life, to hunt on Fridays.
    could not cure him of the insensibility in I have followed the practice of myfather,
    which he had lain for several days, I and have never hunted with leopards on
    humbly prayed to God, and asked Him a a Friday." Tuzuk i Jahangiri, p. 249.
    favor. During the prayer, it occurred to Jahangir's self-denial was not great ;
    me that I had already made a contract with for when the prince was sick, Jahangir
    my God and had promised Him to give up was fifty years of age!
    hunting after reaching the age of fifty, not 2 Or black ear, the Persian trans-
    to touch after that an arrow or a gun, and lation of the Turkish qara-qolaq, whence
    never again to slay an animal with my own our Felis caracal.
    hands ; and I thought that if I should 3 This would not strike us as some-
    carry into effect my former vow from the thing worth mentioning. But as dogs
    present time, which would prevent so are considered unclean animals by Mu-
    many animals from being killed , God hammadans, they are not looked upon
    might grant my prayer for the prince's as domestic. Now-a-days we hear occa-
    recovery. I then made this contract sionally names , as kallú, bachhú ; or
    with God, and promised, in all singleness English names as fení (Fanny), buldág
    of intention and true belief, never again (bull dog), &c.
    to harm an animal with my own hand. European bloodhounds were early
    Through God's mercy the sufferings of imported by the Portuguese. Jahangir
    the prince were entirely allayed. When once said to Roe I only desire you to
    I was in the womb of my mother, help me to a horse of the greatest size,
    it happened one day that I did not and a male and female of mastiffes , and
    quicken as usual. The servants of the the tall Irish greyhounds , and such other
    Harem grew alarmed, and reported the dogges as hunt in your lands. ' Regard
    fact to my august father [Akbar] . In ing European dogs in India, vide also
    those days my father was continually Tuzuk, p. 138, 1. 3 from below.
    hunting with leopards. That day hap-
    291

    Hunting Deer with Deer.


    This timid animal also may be tamed and trained . They put a net
    over his horns, and let it off against wild deer, which from fear will fight
    with them. During the struggle, the horn, or the foot, or the ears of the
    wild deer will get entangled in the net ; the hunters , who have been lying
    in ambush, will then run up to it, and catch it. The deer thus caught
    passes through a course of instruction, and gets tame . If the net should
    break, or the deer get tired during the struggle, it will return to the keeper,
    who either puts a new net on it, or sends out a fresh deer.
    Sultán Fírúz i Khilji used to indulge in this sport ; but His Majesty
    reduced this manner of hunting to a proper system .
    Sometimes it happens that a wild deer will carry on the struggle from
    morning till evening, defeating as many as four tamed deer ; but at last it
    will succumb to the fifth . Deer are now-a-days rendered so perfectly
    obedient as to hunt at night ; of their own accord they will return to their
    keepers, should the net break, or the wild deer run away ; on hearing the
    call, they will discontinue a fight, come back, and then again engage, if
    ordered to do so.

    In former times deer were never let loose at night time ; for people
    were afraid, lest they should run away. Hence they attached a heavy ball
    to one of their feet, when the deer were let loose .
    Many stories are related of the sagacity and faithfulness of trained deer .
    Only lately a deer created much sensation . It had run away from
    Пláhábád, and after bravely crossing rivers and plains, returned to the Panjab,
    its home, and rejoined its former keeper.
    In former times, two persons at most enjoyed together the pleasures
    of deer hunting . They would even, from fear of the timidity of the deer,
    alter the style of their dress , and lie concealed among shrubs. Nor would
    they employ other than wild deer ; they caught them somehow, and taught
    them to hunt. His Majesty has introduced a new way, according to which
    more than two hundred may at the same time go deer hunting . They
    drive slowly about forty cattle towards a place where deer are ; the hunters
    are thus concealed, and when arrived enjoy the chase .
    There are now-a -days also deer-studs ; the deer born in captivity are.
    employed as hunting deer.
    The keepers will also bend forward, and allow the trained deer to
    jump on them from behind . Wild deer, on seeing this, will think that
    This way
    they are in the act of copulation, and come near to fight.
    of hunting is disapproved of by His Majesty, who uses female deer as a
    means of making wild deer fight.
    292

    Once a deer caught a leopard , whose foot had got entangled in the net.
    Both were brought together from Gujrát, as mentioned above (?) .
    G'hanţaherah is the name given to the following mode of hunting. The
    hunter takes a shield, or a basket, the concave side being turned from him.
    He then lights a lamp, which being put in the concavity of the shield, will
    conceal him, and commences to ring bells. Other hunters lie at the same
    time in wait. The light of the lamp, and the sound of the bells, will
    attract the animals towards the place, when they are shot by the hunters
    in ambush . The sound of musical instruments will so enchant deer,
    that they are easily caught ; or sometimes hunters will charm them
    .
    with a song, and when the deer approach, will rise up, and cruelly slay
    them. From a long time His Majesty has disapproved of these two
    methods .
    Thángi. The hunter manages to get opposite a wild deer ; and
    bareheaded, from a distance, he commences to throw himself into odd
    attitudes . The deer then mistakes him for a mad man, and from curiosity
    will approach him. At this moment the hunters come from the ambush
    and kill it.
    Baukórah. The hunters lie in ambush, against the scent, at a good
    distance from each other. Some others drive the deer towards them, each
    of the drivers swinging a white sheet above his head. The deer naturally
    will take fright, and run towards the hunters in ambush, who kill them.
    Dadawan. Two good shots, dressed in green, place themselves as
    before, and have the deer driven towards themselves. This manner of
    hunting yields much amusement, as the deer get quite perplexed .
    Ajórah. The hunters tie green twigs round their bodies from head to
    foot, and similarly conceal their bows and arrows. They then move boldly
    to a place where deer generally pass, and enjoy the chase . Or they make
    ropes of deer skin, and attach them to trees, or let them hang down from
    poles all round about the place where wild deer sleep. They then lay down
    some nooses at a place situate against the wind. When the hunters shew
    themselves from the side , the deer are compelled to run towards the spot
    where the nooses lie, and thus get caught. Sometimes the hunter will take
    his place behind a tree, and imitate the voice of deer. As soon as deer
    approach him, he kills them. Or, they tie a female deer to a place in a
    plain, or they let a trained deer go to the pasture place of wild deer. The
    latter will soon come near it, and get entangled with their feet.
    Thagi. The hunter ....' walks about bareheaded as if mad ; his
    clothes are stained all over with pán juice, and the man himself acts as if he

    The text has dar khánah i zín, in the hollow of a saddle (?) .
    293

    were wounded . Wild animals and others will soon gather round him,
    Waiting for his death ; but their greediness and desire lead them to
    destruction.

    Buffalo Hunts.

    At a place where buffaloes sleep, a rope is laid in the ground ; but


    the end forming a loop is left outside . Another long rope is attached to it.
    To this they tie a female buffalo that wants the male. A courageous active
    man lies in ambush. As soon as a wild male buffalo comes to the spot,
    and covers the female, the hunter makes use of the opportunity, and fastens
    the foot of the male ; but it frequently happens that the man loses courage,
    and has to pay for the attempt with his life.
    Another mode of catching them is to go near the ponds which they
    frequent. They put snares round the ponds ; and sitting on tame buffaloes,
    the hunters go into the water with spears in their hands. Some buffaloes
    are then killed with spears, others are caught in the snares. A similar
    method may be adopted, when buffaloes are attacked on their pastures.

    On Hunting with Hawks.

    His Majesty is very fond of these remarkable animals, and often uses
    them for hunting purposes. Though he trains the báz, sháhín, shunqár, and
    burkat falcons, and makes them perform wonderful deeds, His Majesty
    prefers the báshah, to which class of hawks he gives various names.
    As I am compelled to hurry on, and must restrict myself to summary
    accounts, it is impossible to say much about this matter, or about the skill
    of the several birds, especially as I know little about it, being by nature
    averse to destroying life. I shall, however, give a few details , and lead
    enquirers to the retired spot of knowledge.
    In the middle of spring the birds are inspected ; after this they are
    allowed to moult, and are sent into the country. As soon as the time of
    moulting is over, they are again inspected . The commencement is made
    with the kháçah falcons ( báz), which are inspected in the order in which
    they have been bought. The precedence of jurrahs is determined by the
    number of game killed by them. Then come the báshahs, the sháhíns, the
    khelahs, the chappak báshahs, the bahris, the young bahrís, the shikarahs, the
    chappak shikarahs, the turmatís, the rekis, the besrahs, the dhotis, the charghs,
    the chargilahs, the lagars, and the jhagars (which His Majesty calls the chappak
    kind of the lagar) . The Molchins also are inspected -the molchin is an
    animal resembling the sparrow, of yellowish plumage, like the shahin ;
    it will kill a kulang crane. People say that, whilst flying , it will break
    the wing of the kulang, and others maintain that it pierces its eyes ;
    294

    but this cannot be proved . Odhpapars' also are brought from Kashmir.
    This bird has a bluish (sabz) colour and is smaller than a parrot ; its beak is
    red, straight, and long ; its tail is rather elongated . It brings down small
    birds, and returns to the hand of the keeper.
    Many other birds can be trained for the chase, though I cannot specify
    all. Thus the crow, the sparrow, the bodnah, and the sárú will learn to
    attack.
    His Majesty, from motives of generosity and from a wish to add splendour
    to his Court, is fond of hunting with falcons, though superficial observers
    think that merely hunting is his object.
    In this department many Mançabdárs, Ahadis, and other soldiers are
    employed. The footmen are mostly Kashmírís or Hindústánís . Their pay
    is as follows. First class of the former, first grade, 7 R.; second, 7 R.;
    third, 6 R. Second class, first grade, 63 R ; second, 61 R.; third, 53 R.
    Third class, first grade, 5 } R.; second, 5 R.; third, 4 R. First class of the
    latter (Hindústání), first grade, 5 R ; second 43 R.; third, 4 R. Second
    class, first grade, 4 R.; second , 4 R.; third 3 R. Third class, first grade,
    3 R.; second, 34 R .; third, 3 R.

    Allowance of Food.
    In Kashmir and in the aviaries of Indian amateurs, the birds are generally
    fed once a day ; but at Court they are fed twice. A báz falcon gets a
    quantity of meat weighing 7 dáms ; the jurrah, 6 d. ; the bahri, láchín, and
    k'helah, 5 d.; the búshah, 3 d. ; the chappak báshah, shikarah, chappak shikarah,
    besrah, dhotis, &c., 2 d. Towards the close of every day, they are fed on
    sparrows, of which the báz, jurrah, and bahri, get each seven ; the láchín,
    five ; the báshah, three ; others, two. Charghs and lagars get at the same time
    meat. Shungárs, shahbázes, burkats, get one ser. On the hunting grounds
    they feed them on the game they take.

    Prices of Falcons.
    From eagerness to purchase, and from inexperience, people pay high
    sums for falcons. His Majesty allows dealers every reasonable profit ; but
    from motives of equity, he has limited the prices. The dealers are to
    get their gain, but buyers ought not to be cheated. In purchasing falcons
    people should see to which of the following three classes birds belong.
    First, khánah kuriz birds ; they have moulted whilst in charge of experienced
    trainers, and have got new feathers . Second, choz birds ; they have not
    yet moulted. Third, Tarínák birds ; they have moulted before they were

    The name of this bird is doubtful. Kashmiri birds given in the Iqbálná-
    It is not to be found among the names of | mah, p. 159.
    295

    captured. First class, a superior báz costs 12 muhurs ; second grade do . ,


    9 M.; third do. , 6 M. Second class, first, 10 M.; second, 7 M.; third, 4 M.
    A third class báz is somewhat cheaper than second class ones.
    Jurrahs. First class, 8 5 , 2 , 1 M. Second class, 6, 4, 1½, 1 M. , 5 R.
    Búshahs. First class, 3, 2, 1 M., 4 R. Second class, 2, 1 M. , 5 R.
    Shahins of both kinds, 3, 2 , 1 M.
    Bahrís, 2, 13, 1 M. Young Bahrís a little less .
    K'helahs, 14, 1 , § M.
    Charghs, 2 R., 2, 14 R.
    Chappak báshahs, 1 R.; †, † R.
    Shikarahs, 1 R. , 1 , ¦ R.
    Besrahs, 2 R., 13, 1 R.
    Chappak shikarahs, lagars, jhagars, turmatís, rekís, 1 R.,, R.
    Their prices are not classified.
    His Majesty rewards the Mir Shikárs ( superintendents of the chase)
    according to their ranks, with suitable presents . There are also fixed
    donations for each game brought in, varying from 1 M. to 1 d. If the
    falcons bring the game alive or dead, attention is paid to the skill which it
    exhibited, and to the size of the prey. The man who keeps the falcon gets
    one-half of the allowance. If His Majesty hunts himself, fifty per cent. of
    the donation is stopped. If birds are received by the Imperial aviary as
    peshkash (tribute), the Qushbegi ( Superintendent of the Aviary) gets for every
    báz 14 R., and the accountant, R. Forjurrahs, the Qushbegi gets 1 R.; the
    accountant, R.; for báshahs, the former receives R.; the latter, R.;
    for every láchín, chargh, chargilah, k'helah, bahri bachchah, the former gets

    R., the latter R.; for every chhappak, báshah, dhoti, &c ., the former
    receives , the other R. (súké) .
    The minimum number of báz and sháhin falcons, kept at Court, is forty ;
    of jurrahs, thirty ; of báshahs, one hundred ; of bahris, charghs, twenty ; of
    lagars, and shikarahs, ten.
    Waterfowls.
    Hunting waterfowls affords much amusement. A rather curious way
    of catching them is the following . They make an artificial bird of the skin
    of a waterfowl with the wings, the beak, and the tail on it. Two holes
    are made in the skin for looking through. The body is hollow. The
    hunter puts his head into it, and stands in the water up to his neck. He
    then gets carefully near the birds, and pulls them one after the other below
    the water. But sometimes they are cunning, and fly away.
    In Kashmir they teach báz falcons to seize the birds whilst swimming
    about, and to return with them to the boat of the hunter. Or the hawk
    will keep a waterfowl down, and sit on it [ till the man in the boat comes].
    296

    Another method is to let water buffaloes go into the water, between


    which the hunter conceals himself, and thus catches the birds.
    Durráj hunting. There are various methods. Some get a young one
    and train it till it obeys every call. It will fight with other birds .
    They
    put it into a cage, and place hair-nets round about it. At the signal of the
    fowler, the bird commences to sing, when wild ones come near it either
    from friendship, or a desire to fight, and get entangled in the snares.
    Bodnahs. The hunter makes a clay pot with a narrow neck and, at
    night time, blows into it, which produces a noise like an owl's cry. The
    bodnahs, frightened by the noise, come together. Another man then lights a
    bundle of straw, and swings it about, so that the eyes of the birds get
    dazzled. The fowlers thereupon seize the birds, and put them into cages.
    Lagars. They resemble charghs : in body they are as large jurrahs.
    They hang nets (about the body of a trained lagar), and put birds ' feathers.
    into its claws. It is then allowed to fly up. The birds think that it has got
    hold of a prey, and when they get entangled in the nets, they commence
    to fight, and fall to the ground.
    Ghanghái. They fasten together on a cross-stick an owl and a ghaughai,
    and hang hair nets round about them. The owl will soon get restless ;
    the birds think that the owl wishes to fight, and commence to cry out.
    Other ghaughs and owls will come to their assistance ; and get entangled
    in the nets.
    Frogs.
    Frogs also may be trained to catch sparrows. This looks very funny.

    His Majesty, from curiosity, likes to see spiders fight, and amuses
    himself in watching the attempts of the flies to escape, their jumps, and
    combats with their foe.
    I am in the power of love ; and if I have thousands of wishes, it is
    no crime ;
    And if my passionate heart has an (unlawful ) desire, it is no crime.
    And in truth, His Majesty's fondness for leopards is an example of
    the power of love, ' and an instance of his wonderful insight.
    It would take me too long to give more details . It is impossible to
    enumerate all particulars ; hence it is better to go to another subject.

    The Historian may thank Abulfazl ' higher motives ' were insufficient to
    for having preserved this little trait of explain the fancy which Akbar took in
    Akbar's character. In several places of frog and spider fights, Abulfazl has
    the Aín , Abulfazl tries hard to ascribe to to recognize the fact that peculiar
    His Majesty higher motives, in order to leanings will lead even a sensible man to
    bring the emperor's passion for hunting oddities and to actions opposed to the
    in harmony with his character as the general tenor of his character.
    spiritual guide of the nation . But as
    297

    AIN 29.

    ON AMUSEMENTS.
    His Majesty devises means of amusement, and makes his pleasures a
    means oftesting the character of men.
    There are several kinds of amusements, of which I shall give a few
    details .

    The game of Chaugán (hockey).'


    Superficial observers look upon this game as a mere amusement, and
    consider it mere play ; but men of more exalted views see in it a
    means of learning promptitude and decision. It tests the value ofa man, and
    strengthens bonds of friendship . Strong men learn in playing this game
    the art of riding ; and the animals learn to perform feats of agility and to
    obey the reins. Hence His Majesty is very fond of this game. Externally,
    the game adds to the splendour of the Court ; but viewed from a higher
    point, it reveals concealed talents.
    When His Majesty goes to the maidán (open field), in order to play
    this game, he selects an opponent and some active and clever players ,
    who are only filled with one thought, namely, to shew their skill against
    the opponent of His Majesty. From motives of kindness, His Majesty
    never orders any one to be a player ; but chooses the pairs by the cast of
    the die. There are not more than ten players ; but many more keep
    themselves in readiness. When one g'hari (20 minutes) has passed, two
    players take rest, and two others supply their place.
    The game itself is played in two ways. The first way is to get hold
    of the ball with the crooked end of the chaugán stick, and to move it slowly
    from the middle to the hál. This manner is called in Hindi rol. The other
    way consists in taking deliberate aim, and forcibly hitting the ball with
    the chaugán stick out of the middle ; the player then gallops after it, quicker
    than the others, and throws the ball back. This mode is called belah, and
    may be performed in various ways. The player may either strike the ball
    with the stick in his right hand, and send it to the right forwards or
    backwards ; or he may do so with his left hand ; or he may send the ball
    in front of the horse to the right or to the left. The ball may be thrown in

    1
    There is scarcely a Muhammadan or Superintendent of the game of chau-
    Historian that does not allude to this gán; vide Bad. II, p. 368. In the
    game. Babar says, it is played all over beginning of Akbar's reign, after 970,
    Thibet. In the East of India, the people G'hariwali, which lies a farsang from
    of Munnipore (Assam) are looked upon as Agrah, was the favorite spot for chaugán
    clever hockey- players . Vide Vigni's playing. Bad. II. p. 70.
    Travels in Cashmir, II, p. 289. 2 The pillars which mark the end of
    Sayyid 'Abdullah Khán, son of Mír the playground.
    Khwándah, was Akbar's chaugánbegi,
    38
    298

    the same direction from behind the feet of the horse or from below its body ;
    or the rider may spit it, when the ball is in front of the horse ; or he may
    lift himself upon the back leather of the horse and propel the ball from
    between the feet of the animal.
    His Majesty is unrivalled for the skill which he shews in the various
    ways of hitting the ball ; he often manages to strike the ball while in the
    air, and astonishes all. When a ball is driven to the hál, they beat the
    naqqarah, so that all that are far and near may hear it. In order to increase
    the excitement, betting is allowed . The players win from each other, and
    he who brought the ball to the hál wins most . If a ball be caught in
    the air, and passes, or is made to pass, beyond the limit (mil), the game is
    looked upon as burd (drawn). At such times, the players will engage in a
    regular fight about the ball, and perform admirable feats of skill.
    His Majesty also plays at chaugán in dark nights, which caused much
    astonishment even among clever players. The balls which are used at night,
    are set on fire. For this purpose, palás wood is used which is very light,
    and burns for a long time. For the sake of adding splendour to the games,
    which is necessary in worldly matters, His Majesty has knobs of gold and
    silver fixed to the tops of the chaugán sticks . If one of them breaks, any
    player that gets hold of the pieces may keep them.
    It is impossible to describe the excellency of this game. Ignorant as
    I am, I can say but little about it.

    'Ishqbází (pigeon -flying) .


    His Majesty calls pigeon flying ' ishqbází (love-play). This occupation
    affords the ordinary run of people a dull kind of amusement ; but His
    Majesty, in his wisdom, makes it a study. He even uses the occupation
    as a way of reducing unsettled, worldly-minded men to obedience, and
    avails himself of it as a means productive of harmony and friendship.
    The amusement which His Majesty derives from the tumbling and flying
    of the pigeons reminds of the ecstacy and transport of enthusiastic dervishes :
    he praises God for the wonders of creation . It is therefore from higher
    motives that he pays so much attention to this amusement.
    The pigeons of the present age have reached a high state of perfection.
    Presents of pigeons are sent by the kings of Irán and Túrán ; but merchants
    also bring very excellent ones in large numbers.

    " In the beginning of 974 (July 1566) , pigeon-flying. He also invented a fire
    the emperor returned (from Jaunpur) to ball with which he could play at chau-
    Agrah, and passed his timein amusements. gán during dark nights." Bad. II, p. 48.
    He went to Nagarchin, a new town which The town of Nagarchin was subse-
    he had built near Agrah, and enjoyed quently deserted.
    the chaugán game, dog-hunting, and
    299

    When His Majesty was very young, he was fond of this amusement ;
    but afterwards, when he grew older and wiser, he discontinued pigeon-
    flying altogether. But since then, on mature consideration, he has again
    taken it up.

    A well trained pigeon of bluish colour, formerly belonging to the Khán


    i A'zam Kokaltásh ('Azíz, Akbar's foster-brother) fell into His Majesty's
    hands. From the care which was bestowed upon it by His Majesty, it has
    since become the chief of the imperial pigeons, and is known under the name
    ofMohanah . From it descended several excellent pigeons as Ashki (the weeper),
    Parizád (the fairy), Almás (the diamond), and Shah ' údí (Aloe Royal).
    Among their progeny again there are the choicest pigeons in the whole
    world, which have brought the trained pigeons of ' Umar Shaikh Mírzá
    (father of Bábar), Sultán Husain Mírzá (vide p. 101 , note 4) into oblivion .
    Such improvement, in fact, has been made in the art of training, as to
    astonish the amateurs of Irán and Túrán, who had to learn the art from the
    beginning.
    In former times pigeons of all kinds were allowed to couple ; but His
    Majesty thinks equality in gracefulness and performance a necessary condition
    in coupling, and has thus bred choice pigeons. The custom is to keep a
    male and a female pigeon, if not acquainted with each other, for five or
    six days together, when they become so familiar, that even after a long
    separation, they will again recognize each other. The hen generally lays
    her eggs from eight to twelve days after coupling, or more if she be small
    or sickly. Pigeons couple in Mihrmáh ( September- October), and separate in
    Farwardín (February-March) . A hen lays two eggs, but sometimes only
    one. The cock will sit upon the eggs by daytime, and the hen during the
    night, and thus they keep them warm and soft. In winter they hatch for
    twenty-one days ; but if the air be warm, they only take seventeen or
    eighteen . For about six days, the pigeons feed their young ones with
    falak, which means grain reduced to pap in the crops of the old ones.
    Afterwards they feed them from the grain in their crops, which they bring
    up before it is fully digested . This they continue for about a month, and
    as soon as they see that the young ones can pick up their own grain, the
    old ones will go away. Eggs, or even young ones, are sometimes given to
    other pigeons to take care of. Home bred young ones are trained. Some
    are kept in a tor (?) till they get stronger, and get acquainted with the
    place. As soon as these two things have been attained, the pigeons only
    get one-third or one-fourth of their daily allowance of food. When they
    have got a little accustomed to hunger, they are gradually allowed to take
    flights . They take daily about forty hawás (air), i . e. forty flights. At,
    this period, the trainers pay no regard to what is called charkh and bázi
    300

    (vide below). Of feathers, they count ten, and if eight of them have fallen
    out, the keepers no longer allow the pigeons to fly, but keep them at rest
    (khábánidan). After two months, the pigeons get new feathers, and become
    very strong. They are then again let off. This is the best time for shewing
    their skill . As soon as the pigeons learn to perform the bází and the charkh,
    they are sent to His Majesty for inspection, and are kept for four months in
    readiness, to exhibit their skill . Charkh is a lusty movement ending with
    the pigeon throwing itself over in a full circle. If this circular turn be not
    completely carried out, the movement is called katif (shoulder), and is held
    in no esteem. Bází is the same as mu'allaq zadan (lying on the back
    with the feet upwards, and quickly turning round, in Hind. Kałá).
    Some thought that the two wings (katif) meet, which appears to the
    observer as if it were a mu'allaq ; but His Majesty had one wing of a
    pigeon blackened, when the erroneousness of that opinion became evident.
    Some pigeons get confused during the bázi and charkh, and come stupified
    to the ground. This is called gulúlah, and is disliked . Sometimes pigeons
    hurt themselves and fall down ; but often they get all right again when
    they come near the ground ; and taking courage and collecting their strength,
    they fly up again . A pigeon of the kháçah pigeon cots will perform fifteen
    charkhs and seventy bázis, a feat which will certainly astonish the spectators.
    In former times, they let eleven or twenty-one pigeons fly at a time ; but
    now-a-days they let off as many as one hundred and one. From the
    attention which His Majesty has bestowed upon pigeons, they are now so
    carefully trained as to be let fly at night, even to great heights.
    At the time of departure and the breaking up of the camp, the pigeons
    will follow, the cots being carried by bearers (kuhár). Sometimes they will
    alight and take rest for a while, and then rise again.
    It would be difficult to count the pigeons at Court ; but there are more
    than twenty thousand . Five hundred of them are kháçah. They have a
    great reputation, and remarkable stories are told of their skill.
    Pigeon trainers of former times, in order to determine the value of a
    pigeon, used to twist the foot, or looked to the slit of the eyes, or the openings
    on the top of the bill ; but they failed to discover more signs of the value of
    a breed. His Majesty has discovered many more ; and fixing the value of a
    pigeon, in former times a matter of great difficulty, has now become very
    First. His Majesty subdivided the three signs of former trainers as
    follows the two eyes, and their upper and lower signs ; the eight claws ;
    the two sides of the beak, above and below. The mutual comparison of
    these signs has led to many additional means of fixing the value of a pigeon.
    Secondly. His Majesty looks to the variety and the colour of the annular
    protuberances on the feet of pigeons. A book has been made, in which
    301

    the systematic order of these signs has been laid down. According to them,
    His Majesty distinguishes ten classes, for each of which separate aviaries
    have been constructed . The price of pigeons in the first house has not
    been limited. Many a poor man anxious to make his way, has found in
    the training of superior pigeons a means of getting rich. A pair of second
    class pigeons has a value of 3 R.; third class, 24 R.; fourth class, 2 R.;
    fifth class, 14 R.; sixth class, 1 R.; seventh class , R.; eighth class, R..;
    ninth and tenth classes , R.
    When inspections are held, the stock of Mohanah first pass in review ;
    then the young ones of Ashki. Though the latter belong to the former,
    they are now separately counted. Then come the four zirihi pigeons ; they
    are the stock of a pigeon which belonged to Hájí ' Alí, of Samarqand, which
    coupled with an ' Udi hen, of which I do not know the owner ; their stock
    has become famous. The precedence of all other pigeons is determined by
    their age or the time they were bought.

    The Colours of Kháçah Pigeons.

    Magasí (fly-bitten) ; zirihi (steelblue) ; amiri (?) ; zamiri (a colour


    between zirihi and amiri ; His Majesty invented this name) ; chíní (porce-
    lain blue) ; naftí (grey like naphta) ; shafaqi (violet) ; ' udi (aloewood coloured);
    surmai (dark grey, like powder of antimony) ; kishmishi (dark brown, like
    currants) ; halwai (light-brown like Halwa sweetmeat ) ; çandalí (light- brown,
    like sandelwood) ; jigari (brown) ; nabátí (greyish white) ; dúghi (bluish-
    white, like sour milk) ; wushki (of the same colour as the gum called wushk ;)
    jilání (chílání ?) ; kúraí (brown, like a new earthen pot ? ); nilufarí (bluish-
    white) ; azraq (a colour between yellow and brown ; His Majesty applies
    this name in this sense) ; átashi (black brown) ; shaftálú (peach coloured) ;
    guli gaz coloured (?) ; yellow ; kághizí (yellowish, like native paper) ; zágh
    (grey like a crow) ; agri (a colour between white and brown) ; muharraqi (a
    dirty black) ; khizri (a colour between greenish and ' údí) ; ábí (water
    coloured) ; surmag (a name invented by His Majesty to express a colour
    between surmai and magasi).
    Pigeons of these colours have often different names, as gulsar (whose
    head resembles a flower) ; dumgházah (stumptail) ; yakrang (of one colour) ;
    halqumsafid (white throat) ; parsafid (white wing ) ; kallah (big head) ;
    ghazghazh (wild chick) ; mágh (name of an aquatic bird) ; bábarí (?) ; álpar
    (red wing ?) ; kaltah par (short wing) ; máhdum (moontail) ; ṭauqdár (ring-
    bearer) ; marwárídsar (pearl head) ; mash'alahdum (torchtail) ; &c.
    Some trainers of the present age gave pigeons such names as indicate
    their colours. His Majesty rather calls them according to their qualities, as
    bughur (?), qarapilk (with black eyelids) ; abyárí ; palangnígárí ; rekhtah pilk.
    302

    There are also many pigeons which do not perform charkhs and bázis,
    but are distinguished by their colours, or by peculiar tricks. Thus the
    Kokah pigeon, the voice of which sounds like the call to prayer. 2. The
    Baghah, which utters a peculiar voice in the morning, to wake up people.
    3. The Luqqan, which struts about proudly, wagging its head, neck, and
    tail. 4. The Lotan. They turn it about, and let it off on the ground, when
    it will go through all the motions which a half killed fowl goes through.
    Some pigeons will do so when the keeper strikes his hand against the
    ground, and others will shew the same restlessness, when on leaving the
    cage their beak is made to touch the ground . 5. The K'herni. The cock
    shews a remarkable attachment to the hen. Though he fly up so high as
    to be no longer visible, if the hen be exposed in a cage, he will get restless
    and drop himself instantly down to join her. This is very remarkable. Some
    of them come down with both wings spread, others close one ; some close
    both ; or they change alternately the wing which they close in flying.
    6. The Rat'h pigeon is chiefly used for carrying letters, though any other
    kind may be trained to bring letters even from great distances. 7. The
    Nishawari pigeon will fly up, and follow its cage to whatever place it be
    taken. It will fly out of sight, and stay away for a day or two, when it
    comes down, and remains in its cage. 8. The Parpá (having feet covered
    with feathers) will inhale air ( ? ) and act as if it sighed .
    Some pigeons are merely kept for the beauty of their plumage, the
    colours of which receive peculiar names. Thus some are called shírází,
    shústari, kúshání, jogiyah, rezahdahan, magasi, and qumri. Wild pigeons are
    called golah. If some of them are caught, they will be joined by a thousand
    others ; they soon get domesticated. They return daily to the fields, and get
    on their return salt water to drink. This makes them vomit the grain which
    they had eaten on the fields . The grain is collected and given as food to
    other pigeons .
    People say that pigeons will but rarely live above thirty years.
    Four sers of grain will be sufficient for one hundred of such pigeons as
    are made to fly ; but for other pigeons, five sers are required ; or seven and a
    half, if they pair. But flying pigeons get millet, not mixed with other
    grain ; the others get a mixture of the seven kinds of grain, viz. , rice, dál i
    nukhúd (gram) , múng dál, millet, karar, lahdarah, juwár, (vide p. 63). Though
    most servants of His Majesty keep pigeons and shew much skill in training
    them, there are a few that have risen to eminence, as Qul ' Ali of Bukhárá,
    Masti of Samarqand, Mullázádah, Púr i Mullá Ahmad Chand, Muqbil
    Khán Chelah, Khwajah Çandal Chelah, Múmín of Harát, ' Abdullatif of
    Bukhárá, Hájí Qásim of Balkh, Habib of Shahrsabz, Sikandar Chelah,
    Máltú, Maqçúd of Samarqand, Khwajah P’húl, Chelah Hírúnand .
    303

    The servants attached to the pigeon houses draw their pay on the list
    of the army. The pay of a foot soldier varies from 2 R. to 48 R. per
    mensem.
    The game of Chaupar.
    From times of old, the people of Hindústán have been fond of this game.
    It is played with sixteen pieces of the same shape ; but every four of them
    must have the same colour. The pieces all move in the same direction .
    The players use three dice. Four of the six sides of each dice are greater
    than the remaining two, the four long sides being marked with one, two,
    five, and six dots respectively. The players draw two sets of two parallel
    lines, of which one set bisects the other at right angles. These parallel lines
    are of equal length. The small square which is formed by the intersection
    of the two sets in the centre of the figure is left as it is ; but the four
    rectangles adjoining the sides ofthe square are each divided into twenty-four
    equal spaces in three rows, each of eight equal spaces, as shewn in figure
    (XVII). The game is generally played by four players, of whom two play
    against the other two. Each player has four pieces, of which he puts two
    in the sixth and seventh spaces of the middle row of the parallellogram
    before him, and the other two in the seventh and eighth spaces of the right
    row. The left row remains empty. Each player moves his pieces, accord-
    ing to his throw, in the outer row, always keeping to the right, till he
    arrives at the outer left row of the parallelogram from which he started ;
    and from there he moves to the middle row. When arrived at the latter
    place, he is pukhtah (ripe), and from here, he must throw for each of his
    pieces the exact number which will carry them to the empty square in the
    centre of the figure. He is now rasidah, or arrived.
    When a player is pukhtah or rasidah, he may commence to play from
    the beginning, which leads to amusing combinations. As long as a player
    keeps two of his pieces together, the adversary cannot throw them out.
    If a player throws a double six, he can move two pieces over twelve spaces ,
    provided the two pieces stand together on one field ; but he is allowed to
    move them only six fields onwards, should he prefer doing so. A similar
    rule holds for double fives, &c. A throw consisting of a six, a five, and
    a one, is called khám (raw) ; and in this case, two pieces, provided they are
    together on the same field, may each be moved six fields forwards, and
    every single piece twelve fields. If a player throws three sixes, and three
    of his four pieces happen to stand on one field, he may move each of them
    over twelve fields. A similar rule holds, if a player throw three twos, or
    three ones .
    There are many other rules for particular cases. If a player
    has brought his four pieces into the central square, he throws, when his
    turn comes, for his companion, to get him out too. Formerly the custom
    304

    was that when a piece had come to the last row, and .... '. His Majesty
    thinks it proper to do so from the very eighth field . If the throws of two
    players are the same as the throw of the preceding players, His Majesty
    counts them as qáim , or standing. Formerly he did not allow such equal
    throws. If the four pieces of an opponent are pukhtah, and he yet lose his
    bet, the other players are entitled to double the amount of the bet. Should
    any of the players leave the game for some reason, he may appoint any-
    one to play for him ; but he will have to be responsible for the betting of
    his substitute. Of all winnings, the substitute is entitled to two per cent ;
    if a player loses a bet, his substitute has to pay one per cent. If a player
    drops one of his pieces, or any of the players be late or inattentive, he is
    fined one rupee . But a fine of a muhur is exacted if any one prompts the
    other, or moves his pieces over too many fields, or tries to get two throws.
    Formerly many grandees took part in this game ; there were often as
    many as two hundred players, and no one was allowed to go home before he
    had finished sixteen games, which in some cases lasted three months. If any
    of them lost his patience and got restless, he had to drink a cup of wine.
    Superficially considered, all this is mere play ; but His Majesty has
    higher aims he weighs the talents of a man, and teaches kindness.

    The game of Chandal Mandal.

    This game was invented by His Majesty. The figure, or board, which
    is required, consists of sixteen parallelograms , arranged in a circular form
    round a centre. Each parallelogram is divided into twenty-four fields,
    every eight of which form a row ; vide Figure XVIII . The number of pieces
    is sixty-four, and four dice are used, of which the four longer sides are
    marked with one, two, ten, and twelve points respectively. The number
    of players is sixteen. Each gets four pieces, which are placed in the middle.
    As in Chaupar, the pieces are moved to the right, and pass through the whole
    circle. The player who is out first, is entitled to receive the stipulated
    amount from the other fifteen players ; the second that is out, from fourteen
    players, and so on. The first player, therefore, wins most, and the last loses
    most ; the other players both lose and win. His Majesty plays this game
    in several ways ; one way in which the pieces are moved as if the fields
    were squares of a chess board, is very often played . I shall give a few
    particulars and directions how to play the different kinds of this game.
    First kind, no piece can throw out another piece, but moves on by itself.
    Second way, single pieces may be thrown out. Each player whose piece has

    1 The MSS. have az khánah i hashtum ámádah gardad, which words are not
    puyên shawad , hangúm i khám shudun clear to me.
    305

    thus been thrown out, commences again from his starting point. Third
    way, at each throw two pieces are moved at a time, either with or without
    the permission of throwing out pieces. Fourth way, the preceding rule is
    applied to three or four pieces at a time. Fifth way, the dice are thrown
    four times, and four pieces are moved at each throw. These different ways
    may, moreover, be varied by some players playing to the right, others to
    the left, or all in the same direction. Sixth way, a player is out when he
    comes to the place from which the player opposite to him commenced to
    play, moving from the middle row of his opponent into the empty space in
    the centre of the board. Or the game ends when each player arrives at the
    place from which his left hand neighbour commenced to play. Seventh
    way, each player puts his pieces before himself, and has three throws . At
    the first throw, he moves two of his pieces ; at the second, one of his own
    pieces and one belonging to his right hand neighbour ; at the third throw,
    he moves any piece of his own, and allows his left hand neighbour to move
    one of his pieces. In this way of playing, no player throws out the pieces
    of his neighbours ; and when the game is in full swing, he allows each piece
    which happens to come into the row in which he is, to move according to his
    own throw, as a sort of compliment to a guest. Eighth way, two pieces when
    together may throw out another set of two pieces ; but single pieces do not
    throw out each other. Ninth way, four pieces together may throw out three
    together; three together, sets of two ; and two together, single ones ; but single
    pieces do not throw out each other. Tenth way, each player moves his pieces
    according to the number of points which he throws ; but at the same time,
    the player who sits opposite to him moves his pieces according to the
    number of points on the reverse sides of the dice, whilst the two players to
    the right and left of the player who threw the dice, movetheir pieces
    according to the number of points on the right and left sides of the dice.
    Eleventh way, the players use five dice and four pieces. Each player, in his
    turn, throws the five dice, and moves his pieces according to the sum of the
    two highest points of his throw. The next highest point is taken by his
    vis-d-vis, and the two lowest points by his right and left hand neighbours.
    Twelfth way, the players have each five dice and five pieces. At every
    throw, he gives the points of one die to his right hand neighbour, and uses
    the others for himself. Sometimes the thrower mentions beforehand the
    names of four players to whom he wishes to give the points of four dice, he
    himself taking the points of the fifth die. And when a player requires only
    a few points, to get pukhtah, he must give the remaining points to those
    near whom the dice fall.
    The game may also be played by fifteen or less players, the figure
    being lessened accordingly. So also may the number of the dice be increased
    or decreased.
    306

    Cards.
    This is a well known game. His Majesty has made some alterations in
    the cards . Ancient sages took the number twelve as the basis, and made the
    suit to consist of twelve cards ; but they forgot that the twelve kings should
    be of twelve different kinds. His Majesty plays with the following suits of
    cards. 1st, Ashwapati, the lord of horses. The highest card represents a
    king on horseback, resembling the king of Dihlí, with the umbrella (chatr ), the
    standard (' alam), and other imperial ensigns. The second highest card ofthe
    same suit represents a vazir on horseback ; and after this card come ten
    others ofthe same suit with pictures of horses, from one to ten. 2nd, Gajpati,
    the king whose power lies in the number of his elephants, as the ruler of
    Orísah. The other eleven cards represent, as before, the vazír, and elephants
    from ten to one. 3rd, Narpati, a king whose power lies in his infantry, as
    is the case with the rulers of Bíjápúr. The card represents a king sitting on
    his throne in imperial splendour ; the vazír sits on a foot stool (çandali) ,
    and the ten cards completing this suit have foot soldiers , from one to ten.
    4th, Gaḍhpati. The card shews a man sitting on a throne over a fort ; the
    vazír sits on a çandali over a fort ; and the remaining ten cards have forts
    from one to ten, as before. 5th, Dhanpati, the lord of treasures . The first card
    of this suit shews a man, sitting on a throne, and gold and silver heaps ; the
    vazír sits upon a çandali, as if he took account of the Treasury, and the
    remaining cards shewjars full of gold and silver, from one to ten. 6th, Dalpati,
    the hero of battle. The first card of this suit shews a king in armour, sitting
    on his throne and surrounded by warriors in coats of mail. The vazir sits on
    a çandali, and wears a jaibah (breast armour) ; the ten other cards shew
    individuals clad in armour. 7th, Nawapati, the lord of the fleet. The
    card shews a man sitting on a throne in a ship ; the vazír sits, as usual,
    on a çandali, and the other ten cards have boats from one to ten. 8th, Tipati,
    a queen sitting on the throne, surrounded by her maids. The second card
    shews a woman as vazir on a çandali, and the other ten cards have pictures of
    women, from one to ten. 9th, Surapati, the king of the divinities (deotah), also
    called Indar, on a throne. The vazír sits on a çandali, and the ten other
    cards have pictures of divinities from one to ten. 10th, Asrpati, the lord
    of genii (deo). The card represents Sulaimán, son of Dáúd, on the throne.
    The vazír sits on a çandali, and the other ten cards have genii. 11th, Banpati,
    the king of wild beasts. The card represents a tiger (sher) with some
    other animals. The vazír is drawn in the shape of a leopard (palang) and
    the other ten cards are pictures of wild beasts, as usual from one to ten.
    12th, Ahipati, the king of snakes. The first card shews a serpent mounted
    on a dragon, whilst the vazír is a serpent riding on another serpent of the
    same kind. The remaining ten cards shew serpents, from one to ten.
    307

    The first six of these twelve suits are called bishbar (powerful), and the
    six last, kambar (weak).
    His Majesty has also made some suitable alterations in the cards.
    Thus the Dhanpati, or lord of treasures, is represented as a man distributing
    money. The vazír sits on a çandali, and inspects the Treasury ; but the
    ten other cards of this suit are representations of the ten classes of work-
    men employed in the Treasury, viz., the jeweller, the melter, the piece-cutter
    (mutallas-sáz), the weighman, the coiner, the muhur counter, the bitchi
    (writer) of dhan pieces (vide p. 30, No. 17), the bitikchi of man pieces (vide
    p. 30, No. 20), the dealer, the qurçgar (vide p. 23 , No. 15) . His Majesty
    had also the king of assignments painted on the cards, who inspects farmáns,
    grants, and the leaves of the daftar (vide p. 260) ; the vazír sits on a
    çandali with the daftar before him ; the other cards show officers employed
    in the Financial Department, as the paper maker, the mistar maker (vide
    p. 52, Note 5), the clerk who makes the entries in the Daftar, the illuminator
    (muçawwir) , the naqqásh (who ornaments the pages), the jadwalkash (who
    draws blue and gold lines on the pages) , the farmán writer, the mujallid
    (bookbinder), the rangrez (who stains the paper with different colours).
    The Pádishah i gimásh also, or king of manufactures, is painted in great state,
    looking at different things, as Thibetan yaks, silk, silken stuffs . The vazir
    sits near him on a çandali, enquiring into former proceedings. The other
    ten cards represent beasts of burden. Again, the Pádisháhi Chang, or
    lord of the lyre, is painted sitting on a throne, and listening to music ;
    the vazír sits before him, enquiring into the circumstances of the
    performers, of whom pictures are given on the remaining cards. Next,
    the Pádishah i zar i safid, or king of silver, who is painted distributing
    rupees and other silver coins ; the vazír sits on a çandali, and makes
    enquiries regarding donations. On the other cards, the workmen of the
    silver mint are depicted, as before those of the gold mint. Then comes the
    Pádishah i shamsher, or king of the sword, who is painted trying the steel
    of a sword. The vazír sits upon a çandali, and inspects the arsenal ; the
    other cards contain pictures of armourers, polishers, &c. After him comes
    the Pádishah i Táj, or king of the diadem. He confers royal insignia, and
    the çandali upon which the vazir sits, is the last of the insignia. The ten
    other cards contain pictures of workmen, as tailors, quilters, &c. Lastly,
    the Pádisháh i Ghulámán, or king of the slaves, sits on an elephant, and
    the vazír on a cart. The other cards are representations of servants, some

    This is the Hindústání corruption of instead ofthe crown of occidental kings.


    the Persian rangraz. Hence the word diadem does not express
    2 the meaning of táj either.
    Táj is often translated by a crown ;
    but táj is a cap worn by oriental kings
    308

    of whom sit, some lie on the ground in worship, some are drunk, others
    sober, &c.
    Besides these ordinary games of cards, His Majesty also plays chess,
    four-handed and two-handed. His chief object is to test the value of men,
    and to establish harmony and good fellow-feeling at Court.

    AIN 30.
    THE GRANDEES OF THE EMPIRE. '
    At first I intended, in speaking of the Grandees of the Court, to record
    the deeds which raised them to their exalted positions, to describe their quali-
    ties, and to say something of their experience. But I am unwilling to bestow
    mere praise ; in fact, it does not become the encomiast of His Majesty to
    praise others, and I should act against my sense of truthfulness, were I
    but to mention that which is praiseworthy, and to pass in silence over that
    which cannot be approved of. I shall therefore merely record, in form of a
    table, their names and the titles which have been conferred upon them.

    I. Commanders of Ten Thousand.


    1. Shahʼzaʼdah Sulta'n Sali'm, eldest son of His Majesty.

    II. Commanders of Eight Thousand.


    2. Sha'hz'adah Sultan Mura'd, second son of His Majesty.
    III. Commanders of Seven Thousand.
    3. Shaʼhza'dah Sulta'n Da'nya'l, third son of His Majesty.
    Akbar had five sons-

    1. Hasan } twins, born 3rd Rabí' I, 972. They only lived one month.
    3. Sultán Salím [ Jahangir],
    4. Sultán Murád.
    5. Sultán Dányál.
    Of daughters, I find three mentioned (a.) Sháhzádah Khánum , born three
    months after Salím, in 977. (b .) Shukrunnisa Begum, who in 1001 was married to
    1 From the fact that Abulfazl mentions 1003 respectively, i . e., a short time
    in his list of Grandees Prince Khusrau , before the Aín was completed .
    (vide No. 4) who was born in 995, but The biographical notices which I have
    not Prince Parwíz, who was born in 997, given after the names of the more illus
    we might conclude that the table was com- trious grandees are chiefly taken from a
    piled prior to 997. But from my note to MS.copy of the Maásir ul Umará (No.77
    p. 246, it would appear that the beginning of the MSS. of the As. Soc. Bengal) , the
    of the list refers to a time prior to 993, Tuzuki Jahangiri, the Tabaqat i Akbari,
    and Abulfazl may have afterward added Baddoní, and the Akbarnámah. For the
    Khusrau's name, though it is difficult convenience of the student of Indian
    to say why he did not add the names of History, I have added a genealogical
    Parwíz and Shahjahán, both of whom table of the House of Tímúr, and would
    were born before the Aín was completed. refer the reader to a more detailed article
    Again , Mírzá Shahrukh (No. 7) and on the Chronology of Tímúr and his De-
    Mírzá Muzaffar Husain (No. 8) are men- scendants, published by me in the Pro-
    tioned as a Commanders of Five Thousand, ceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal
    though they were appointed in 1001 and for August, 1869.
    309

    Mírzá Shahrukh (No. 7, below, p. 312) ; and (c. ) Arám Bánú Begum ; both born after
    Sultán Dányál. Regarding the death of the last Begum, vide Tuzuk, p. 386.
    Of Akbar's wives the following are mentioned :-1. Sultán Raqiyah Begum
    (a daughter of Mírzá Hindál), who died 84 years old, 7th Jumáda I, 1035, (Tuzuk,
    p. 401) . She was Akbar's first wife (zan i kalán), but had no child by him. She tended
    Sháhjahán. Núr Jahán (Jahángír's wife) also stayed with her after the murder of
    Sher Afkan . 2. Sultán Salímah Begum. She was a daughter of Gulrukh (?) Begum¹
    (a daughter of Bábar) and Mírzá Núruddín Muhammad . Humáyún had destined
    her for Bairám Khán, who married her in the beginning of Akbar's reign. After the
    death of Bairám, Akbar, in 968, married her. She died 10th Zí Qa’dah, 1021. As a
    poetess, she is known under the name Makhfi (concealed) , and must not be confounded
    with Zebunnisá² (a daughter of Aurangzeb's) , who has the same poetical name. 3. The
    daughter of Rájah Bihárí Mal and sister of Rájah Bhagawán Dás . Akbar married her
    in 968, at Sánbbar. 4. The beautiful wife of ' Abdulwási', married in 970, (vide Bad.
    II, 61) . 5. Jodh Bái, or Princess of Jodhpúr, the mother of Jahángír. Her
    name is not mentioned by any Muhammadan historian. As Akbar's mother had the
    title of Maryam Makání, so was Jodh Bái called Maryam uzzamání. She died in
    •
    the month of Rajab 1032 , A. H. ( Tuzuk, p. 361). The Tuzuk expresses a hope that
    God will receive her in His mercy ; for Jahángír's mother, though a Hindú, could not
    well be sent to hell.' 6. Bíbí Daulat Shád, mother of (b . ) and (c .) ; vide Tuzuk, P. 16.
    7. A daughter of 'Abdullah Khán Mughul (964 ) . 8. A daughter of Mírán Mu-
    barik Shah of Khandes ; vide p . 13, note .
    Sultán Salím . Title as Emperor, Jahángír. Title after death, Jannatmakání.
    Born at Fathpúr Síkrí, on Wednesday, 17th Rabí' I, 977, or 18th Shahríwar of the
    14th year of Akbar's Era. He was called Salim, because he was born in the house of
    Shaikh Salím i Chishtí. Akbar used to call him Shaikhú Bábá (vide Tuzuk, p. 1) . For
    his wives and children, vide below, No. 4. Jahángír died on the 28th Çafar 1037 ( 28th
    October, 1627) near Rájor on the Kashmír frontier. Vide my article on Jahángír in the
    Calcutta Review for October, 1869.
    Sultán Murád, Akbar's fourth son, was born on Thursday, 3rd Muharram, 978,
    and died of delirium tremens in 1006, at Jalnápúr in Barár (Tuzuk , p. 15 ; Akbar-
    námah II , p. 443 ; Kháfi Khán , p. 212) . He was nicknamed Pahćrí ( Bad. II, 378) .
    He was sabzrang (of a livid complexion), thin, and tall (Tuzuk). A daughter of his
    was married to Prince Parwíz, Jahángír's son (Tuzuk), p. 38.)
    Sultán Dányál was born at Ajmír, on the 10th Jumáda I. , 979, and died of delirium
    tremens, A. H. 1013. Kháfí Khán, I. p. 232 , says, the news of his death reached Akbar
    in the beginning of 1014. He was called Dányál in remembrance of Shaikh Dányál, a
    follower of Mu'ín i Chishtí, to whose tomb at Ajmír Akbar, in the beginning of
    his reign, often made pilgrimages. Dányál married, in the beginning of 1002 , the
    daughter of Qulij Khán (No. 42) , and towards the end of 1006, Jánán Begum, a
    daughter of Mírzá 'Abdurrahím Khán Khánán (Kháfí Khán , p. 213) , and was
    betrothed to a daughter of Ibráhím ' Adilsháh of Bíjápúr ; but he died before the

    1
    Regarding her, vide Journal, A. S. graphed at Lucknow, A. H. 1284. She
    of Bengal for 1869, p. 136, note. was the eldest daughter of Aurangzeb
    2 Her charming Díwán was litho- and was born in 1048, A. H.
    310

    marriage was consummated . He had three sons :-1 . Tahmúras, who was married to
    Sultán Bahár Begum, a daughter of Jahángír. 2. Biyasanghar )‫(بایسنغر‬ 3
    Hoshang, who was married to Hoshmand Bánú Begum, a daughter of Khusrau ,
    Besides, he had four daughters whose names are not mentioned . One of them,
    Buláqí Begum, was married to Mírzá Wálí (Tuz. , p. 272) . Tahmúras and Hoshang
    were killed by Açaf Khán after the death of Jahángír (vide Proceedings, As.
    Society of Bengal, for August 1869) . Nothing appears to be known regarding the fate
    of Bayasanghar. Vide Calcutta Review for October, 1869 .
    Dányál is represented as well built, good looking, fond of horses and elephants,
    and clever in composing Hindústaní poems.
    IV. Commanders of Five Thousand.

    4. Sulta'n Khusrau, eldest son of Prince Salím [Jahángír ] .


    Jahangir's wives (Tuzuk, p. 84, and Preface, p. 6) . A daughter of Rájah Bhagawán
    Dás, married in 993, gave birth, in 994, to Sultánunnisa Begum [ Kháfí Khán,
    Sultán Begum] , and in 995 to Prince Khusrau. She poisoned herself with opium in
    a fit of madness apparently brought on by the behaviour of Khusrau and her younger
    brother Madhú Singh , in 1011 (Khái Khán , p. 227 ). 2. A daughter of Bái Bái
    Singh, son of Rái Kalyan Mal of Bíkánír, married 19th Rajab 994. Bad . II, P. 353.
    She is not mentioned in the Tuzuk among Jahángír's wives . 3. A daughter of Odai
    Singh, [ Mot'h Rájah ] , son of Rájah Máldeo , married in 994. The Tuzuk (p. 5 ) calls her
    Jagat Gosáyiní . She is the mother of Sháhjahán, and died in 1028, (Tuzuk, p. 268) .
    4. A daughter of Khwajah Hasan, the uncle of Zain Khán Kokah. She is the mother
    of Prince Parwíz. She died 15th Tír, 1007. 5. A daughter of Rájah Keshú Dás of
    Rát hor. She is the mother of Bahár Bánú Begum (born 23rd Shahríwar 998) . 6. and
    7. The mothers of Jahándár and Shahryár. 8. A daughter of ' Alí Rái, ruler of little
    Thibet (Bad. II, 376) , married in 999. 9. A daughter of Jagat Singh, eldest son of
    Rájah Mán Singh (Tuzuk, p . 68) . 10. Mihrunnisá Khánum, the widow of Sher Afkan.
    On her marriage with Jahángír she received the title of Núr Mahall, and was later
    called Núr Jahán. (Tuz. p. 156) . Jahángír does not appear to have had children by
    Núr Jahán.
    Jahangir's children . 1. Sultán Khusrau . 2. Sultán Parwíz. 3. Sultán
    Khurram (Shahjahán) . 4. Sultán Jahándár. 5. Sultán Shahryár. Two daughters
    are mentioned :-(a .) Sultán Nisár Begum ; (b . ) Sultán Bahár Bánú Begum. There
    were several children' after Parwíz ; but the Tuzuk (p . 8) does not give their names.
    They appear to have died soon after their birth.
    Sultán Khusrau was born on the 24th Amurdád 995 , (Tuzuk, Preface) ; but
    Kháfí Khán says 997. He was married to a daughter of A'zam Khán Kokah. His
    sons -- 1 . Baland Akhtar, who died when young, Tuzuk, p. 73. 2. Dáwar Bakhsh,
    (also called Buláqi)* whose daughter, Hoshmand Bánú Begum, was married to
    Hoshang, son of Dányál. 3. Garshasp .
    Khusrau died on the 18th Isfandiyármuz, 1031. He lies buried in the Khusrau
    Gardens in Allahabad. Dáwar Bakhsh was proclaimed Emperor by Açaf Khán after

    * The MSS . spell this name ‫ بلاقي‬and ‫بولاقي‬


    311

    the death of Jahángír ; but at the order of Sháhjahán, he was killed, together with
    his brother Garshasp, by Açaf Khán.
    Sultán Parviz, born 19th Abán, 997. He was married to a daughter of Mírzá
    Rustam i Çafawi (No. 9) and had a son who died when young (Tuz . p. 282 ) . A daughter
    of Parwíz was married to Dárá Shikoh. Parwíz died of delirium tremens in 1036.
    Sultán Khurram [ Shahjahán ] was born at Láhor on the 30th Rabí' I , 1000
    A. H. Regarding his family, vide Proceedings A. S. of Bengal, for August 1869, p . 219.
    He was Akbar's favorite.
    Sultán Jahándár had no children. He and Sultán Shahryár were born about
    the same time, a few months before Akbar's death (Tuz . Preface, p. 17) . Shahryár
    was married, in the 16th year of Jahángír, to Mihrunnisá , the daughter of Núr Jahán
    by Sher Afkan, and had a daughter by her, Arzání Begum (Tuzuk, p. 370). The Iqbál-
    námah (p. 306) calls her 5. From his want of abilities, he got the nickname
    Náshudaní (fit for nothing). Khusrau, Parwíz , and Jahándár died before their father.
    Shahryár, at the instigation of Núr Jahán, proclaimed himself Emperor at Láhor
    a few days after the death of Jahángír. He was killed either at the order of Dáwar
    Bakhsh or of Açaf Khán ; vide Proceedings A. S. Bengal for August 1869 , p . 218.
    5. Mirza' Sulaima'n, son of Khán Mírzá, son of Sultán Mahmúd , son of
    Abú Sa'id.
    6. Mi'rza' Ibra'him, son of Mírzá Sulaimán (No. 5.)
    Mirzá Sulaimán was born in 920, and died at Láhor in 997. He is generally
    called Wáli i Badakhshán. As grandson of Abú Sa'id Mírzá , he is the sixth descen-
    dant from Tímúr. Abú Sa'íd killed Sultán Muhammad of Badakhshán, the last of a
    series of kings who traced their descent to Alexander the Great, and took possession of
    Badakhshan, which after his death fell to his son, Sultán Mahmúd, who had three
    sons, Báyasanghar Mírzá, ' Alí Mírzá,' Khán Mírzá. When Mahmúd died, Amír
    Khusrau Khán, one of his nobles, blinded Báyasanghar, killed the second prince, and
    ruled as usurper. He submitted to Bábar in 910. When Bábar took Qandahár, in
    912, from Shah Beg Arghún, he sent Khán Mírzá as governor to Badakhshán .
    Mírzá Sulaimán is the son of this Khán Mírzá.2
    After the death of Khán Mírzá, Badakhshan was governed for Bábar by Prince
    Humáyún, Sultán Uwais (Mírzá Sulaimán's father-in-law), Prince Hindál, and lastly,
    by Mírzá Sulaimán, who held Badakhshan till 17 Jumáda II , 948 , when he had to sur-
    render himself and his son, Mírzá Ibráhím, to Prince Kámrán. They were released by
    Humáyún in 952, and took again possession of Badakhshán. When Humáyún had
    taken Kábul, he made war upon and defeated Mírzá Sulaimán who once in possession
    of his country, had refused to submit ; but when the return of Kámrán from Sind
    obliged Humáyún to go to Kábul, he reinstated the Mírzá , who held Badakhshan till
    983. Bent on making conquests, he invaded in 967 Balkh , but had to return. His
    son, Mírzá Ibráhím, was killed in battle.

    The Maásir ul Umará calls the his birth being the word ‫ يخشي‬.
    second son, Mírzá Mas'úd. 3 Hence he never was a grandee
    2 The Maásir says, Khán Mírzá died of Akbar's Court, and has been put on
    in 917 ; but this is impossible, as Mírzá the list according to the rules of eti-
    Sulaimán was born in 920, the Tarikh of
    quette.
    312

    In the eighth year when Mírzá Muhammad Hakím's (Akbar's brother) mother
    had been killed by Sháh Abul Ma'ání, Mírzá S. went to Kábul, and had Abul Ma'álí
    hanged ; he then married his own daughter to M. M. Hakim, and appointed Umed
    'Alí, a Badakhshán noble, M. M. Hakim's Vakíl (970) . But M. M. Hakím did not
    go on well with Mírzá Sulaimán, who returned next year to Kábul with hostile inten-
    tions ; but M. M. Hakím fled and asked Akbar for assistance, so that Mírzá S. , though
    he had taken Jalálábád, had to return to Badakhshán. He returned to Kábul in 973,
    when Akbar's troops had left that country, but retreated on being promised tribute.
    Mírzá Sulaimán's wife was Khurram Begum, of the Qibchák tribe. She was
    clever and had her husband so much in her power, that he did nothing without her
    advice. Her enemy was Muhtarim Khánum, the widow of Prince Kámrán. M. Sulaimán
    wanted to marry her ; but Khurram Begum got her married, against her will, to
    Mírzá Ibráhím, by whom she had a son, Mírzá Sháhrukh (No. 7) . When Mírzá
    Ibráhím fell in the war with Balkh, Khurram Begum wanted to send the Khánum to
    her father, Shah Muhammad of Kashgar ; but she refused to go. As soon as Shahrukh
    had grown up, his mother and some Badakhshí nobles excited him to rebel against his
    grandfather M. Sulaimán. This he did, alternately rebelling and again making peace.
    Khurram Begum then died . Shahrukh took away those parts of Badakhshan which his
    father had held, and found so many adherents, that M. Sulaimán, pretending to go on a
    pilgrimage to Makkah, left Badakhshán for Kábul, and crossing the Níláb went to
    India ( 983). Khán Jahán, governor of the Panjáb, received orders to invade Badakh-
    shán, but was suddenly ordered to go to Bengal, as Mun'ím Khán had died and Mírzá
    Sulaimán did not care for the governorship of Bengal, which Akbar had given him.
    M. Sulaiman then went to Ismá'íl II . of Persia. When the death of that monarch
    deprived him of the assistance which he had just received, he went to Muzaffar Husain
    Mírzá (No. 8) at Qandahár, and then to M. M. Hakím at Kábul. Not succeeding in
    raising disturbances in Kábul, he made for the frontier of Badakhshán, and luckily
    finding some adherents, he managed to get from his grandson the territory between
    Táiqán and the Hindú Kush. Soon after Muhtarim Khánum died . Being again
    pressed by Shahrukh, M. Sulaimán applied for help to 'Abdullah Khán Uzbak, king of
    Túrán, who had long wished to annex Badakhshan . He invaded and took the country
    in 992 ; Shahrukh fled to Hindústán, and M. Sulaimán to Kábul. As he could not
    recover Badakhshán, and rendered destitute by the death of M. M. Hakim , he followed
    the example of his grandson, and repaired to the court of Akbar who made him a
    Commander of six thousand.
    A few years later, he died at Láhor, at the age of seventy-seven.
    7. Mi'rza' Sha‍hrukh, son of Mírzá Ibráhím .
    Vide Nos. 5 and 6. Akbar, in 1001 , gave him his daughter Shukrunnisa Begum,
    and made him governor of Málwah, and he distinguished himself in the conquest of the
    Dak'hin. Towards the end of Akbar's reign, he was made a Commander of seven
    thousand, and was continued in his Mançab by Jahángír.
    He died at Ujain in 1016. His wife, Kábuli Begum, was a daughter of Mírzá
    Muhammad Hakím. She wanted to take his body to Madínah, but was robbed by the
    Badawís ; and after handing over the body to some scoundrels,' she went to Baçrah,
    and then to Shíráz. In 1022, Sháh 'Abbás married her to Mírzá Sultán ' Alí, his uncle,
    whom he had blinded ; but the Begum did not like her new husband.
    313

    Shahrukh's Children. 1. Hasan and Husain, twins. Hasan fled with Khusrau
    and was imprisoned by Jahángír. 2. Badí'uzzamán (or Mírzá Fathpúrí), a bundle
    of wicked bones,' murdered by his brothers in Patan (Gujrát) . 3. Mírzá Shuja' rose
    to honours under Shahjahan, who called him Najábat Khán. 4. Mírzá Muhammad
    Zamán. He held a town in Badakhshan, and fell against the Uzbaks. 5. Mírzá
    Sultán, a favorite of Jahángír. He had many wives, and Jahángír would have given
    him his own daughter in marriage, if he had not perjured himself in tryingto conceal the
    number of his wives. He fell in disgrace, was appointed governor of Gházípúr, where
    he died . 6. Mírzá Mughul, who did not distinguish himself either. The Tuzuk
    (p. 65) says that after the death of Shahrukh, Jahángír took charge of four of his sons,
    and three of his daughters, whom Akbar had not known .' ' Shahrukh, though
    twenty years in India, could not speak a word of Hindi.'
    8. Mirza Muzaffar Husain, son of Bahrám Mírzá, son of Shah Ismá'íl
    i Çafawi.
    In 965, Sháh Tahmásp of Persia (930 to 984) conquered Qandahár, which was
    given, together with Dáwar and Garmsír as far as the river Hírmand, to Sultán Husain
    Mírzá, his nephew. Sultán Husain M. died in 984, when Sháh Ismá'íl II (984 to
    985) was king of Persia, and left five children, Muhammad Husain Mírzá, Muzaffar
    Husain Mírzá, Rustam Mírzá, Abú Sa'íd Mírzá, and Sanjar Mírzá. The first was killed
    by Shah Ismá'íl in Irán. The other four in Qandahár had also been doomed ; but the
    arrival of the news of the sudden death of the Sháh saved their lives. The new Shah ,
    Khudábandah, gave Qandahár to Muzaffar Husain Mírzá, and Dáwar as far as the
    Hirmand to Rustam Mírzá, who was accompanied by his two younger brothers, their
    Vakil being Hamzah Beg Zul Qadr, or Kor Hamzah, an old servant of their father. The
    arbitrary behaviour ofthe Vakil caused Muzaffar Husain Mírzá to take up arms against
    him, and after some alternate fighting and peace-making, Muzaffar had the Vakil mur-
    dered. This led to fights between Muzaffar and Mírzá Rustam who, however, returned
    to Dáwar.
    Not long after, the invasion of Khurásán by the Uzbaks under Dín Muhammad
    Sultán and Báqi Sultán (a sister's son of ' Abdullah Khán of Túrán) took place, and
    the Qandahár territory being continually exposed to incursions, the country was un-
    settled. Most Qizilbásh grandees fell in the everlasting fights, and the Shah of Persia
    promised assistance , but rendered none ; Mírzá Rustam who had gone to Hindústán, was
    appointed by Akbar Governor of Láhor, and kept Qandahár in anxiety ; and Muzaffar
    hesitatingly resolved to hand over Qandahár to Akbar, though ' Abdullah Khán of Túrán
    advised him not to join the Chagatai kings ( the Mughuls of India) . At that time Qará
    Beg ( an old servant of Muzaffar's father, who had fled to India, and was appointed
    Farráshbegi by Akbar) returned to Qandahár, and prevailed upon Muzaffar's mother
    and eldest son to bring about the annexation of Qindahár to India.
    Akbar sent Beg Khán Arghún, Governor of Bangish, to take prompt possession of
    Qandahár, and though, as in all his undertakings, Muzaffar wavered the last moment
    and had recourse to trickery, he was obliged by the firm and prudent behaviour of Beg
    Khán, in 1003, to go to Akbar. He received the title of Farzand (son), was made a
    Commander of five thousand, and received Sambhal as Jágír, " which is more worth
    than all Qandahár."
    314

    But the ryots of his jágír preferred complaints against his grasping collectors, and
    Muzaffar, annoyed at this, applied to go to Makkah. No sooner had Akbar granted
    this request than Muzaffar repented. He was reinstated, but as new complaints were
    preferred, Akbar took away the jágír, and paid him a salary in cash ( 1005) . Muzaffar
    then went to Makkah, but returned after reaching the first stage, which displeased
    Akbar so much, that he refused to have anything to do with him.
    Muzaffar found everything in India bad, and sometimes resolved to go to Persia,
    and sometimes to Makkah. From grief and disappointment, and a bodily hurt, he
    died in 1008.
    His daughter, called Qandahár Mahall, was in 1018 married to Shahjahan, and
    gave birth, in 1020, to Nawáb Parhez Bánú Begum.
    Three sons of his remained in India, Bahrám Mírzá, Haidar Mírzá, (who rose to
    dignity under Shahjahán, and died in 1041 ) , and Ismá'íl Mírzá. The Maásir men-
    tions two other sons , Alqás Mírzá and Tahmás Mírzá.
    Muzaffar's younger brothers, Mírzá Abú Sa'íd, and Mírzá Sanjar, died in 1005.
    They held commands of Three hundred and fifty. (Vide Nos . 271 and 272.)
    9. Mirza Rustam.-He is the younger, but more talented brother of the pre-
    ceding. As the revenue of Dáwar was insufficient for him and his two younger
    brothers, he made war on Malik Mahmud, ruler of Sístán . Muzaffar Husain assisted
    him at first, but having married Malik Mahmúd's daughter, he turned against
    Rustam . This caused a rupture between the brothers. Assisted by Lallah (guardian)
    Hamzah Beg, M. Rustam invaded Qandahár, but without result. During the
    invasion of the Uzbaks into Khurásán, he conquered the town of Faráh, and bravely
    held his own . Some time after, he again attacked Malik Mahmúd , The latter wish-
    ed to settle matters amicably. During an interview, Rustam seized him, and killed
    him, when Jaláluddín , Mahmúd's son, took up arms. Rustam was defeated, and
    hearing that his brother Muzaffar had occupied Dáwar, he quickly took the town of
    Qalát. Being once absent on a hunting expedition, he nearly lost the town , and
    though he took revenge on the conspirators who had also killed his mother, he
    felt himself so insecure, that he resolved to join Akbar. Accompanied by his brother,
    Sanjar Mírzá, and his own four sons Murád, Shahrukh, Hasan, and Ibráhím, he went
    in 1001 to India. Akbar made him a Panjhazárí, and gave him Multán as jágír,
    " which is more than Qandahár." His inferiors being too oppressive, Akbar, in
    1003 , wished to give him Chítor, but recalled him from Sarhind, gave him Pat'hán as
    tuyúl, and sent him, together with Açaf Khán against Rajah Bású. But as both
    did not get on well together, Akbar called M. Rustam to court, appointing Jagat
    Singh, son of Rajah Mán Singh, in his stead . In 1006, M. Rustam got Ráisín as
    jágír. He then served under Prince Dányál in the Dak'hin . In 1021 , Jahángír
    appointed him Governor of That'hah, but recalled him as he ill-treated the Arghúns.
    After the marriage of his daughter with Prince Parwíz, Jahángír made him Shash-
    hazárí, and appointed him Governor of Alláhábád. He held the fort against ' Abdullah
    Khán whom Sháhjahán, after taking possession of Bengal and Bihár, had sent against
    Alláhábád, and forced ' Abdullah to retire to Jhosí. In the 21st year, he was appointed
    Governor of Bihár, but was pensioned off as too old by Shahjahan at 120000 Rs. per
    annum, and retired to Agrah. In the sixth year, M. Rustam married his daughter to
    Prince Dárá Shikoh. He died, in 1051, at Agrah, 72 years old.
    315

    As a poet he is known under the takhalluç of Fidáí. He was a man of the world
    and understood the spirit of the age. All his sons held subsequently posts of distinction.
    His first son Murád got from Jahangir the title of Iltifát Khán. He was mar-
    ried to a daughter of ' Abdurrahím Khán Khánán . Murád's son, Mírzá Mukram
    Khán, also distinguished himself ; he died in 1080 .
    His third son Mírzá Hasan í Çafawi, a Hazár o pancadí under Jahángír, was
    Governor of Kúch ; died 1059. Hasan's son, Mirza Çajshikan, was Faujdár of
    Jessore in Bengal, retired , and died in 1073. Çafshikan's son , Sai fuddín i Çafawi,
    accepted the title of Khán under Aurangzeb.
    10. Bairam Khan, the fifth in descent from Mír 'Ali Shukr Beg Bahárlü.
    Bahárlü is the name of a principal clan of the Qaráqúilü Turks. During the time
    of their ascendancy, under Qará Yúsuf, and his sons Qará Sikandar and Mírzá Jahán
    Sháh, rulers of ' Iráq i ' Arab and Azarbáiján, 'Alí Shukr Beg held Dainúr, Hamadán,
    and Kurdistán, " which tracts are still called the territory of ' Alí Shukr." His son
    Pír 'Alí Beg stayed some time with Sultan Mahmud Mírzá, and attacked afterwards
    the Governor of Shíráz, but was defeated . He was killed by some of the Amírs of
    Sulțán Husain Mírzá. Pír Alí Beg's son , in the reign of Shah Ismá'íl i Çafawi, left
    'Iraq, settled in Badakhshan , and entered the service of Amir Khusrau Sháh (vide
    p. 311 , 1. 26) at Qunduz. He then joined, with his son Saif ' Alí Beg, Bábar's army
    as Amir Khusrau had been deposed . Saif ' Alí Beg is Bairám's father.
    Bairám Khán was born at Badakhshan. After the death of his father he went to
    Balkh to study. When sixteen years old, he entered Humáyún's army, fought in the
    battle of Qanauj ( 10th Muharram, 947) , and fled to the Rajah of Lak'hnor ( Sambhal) .
    Sher Shah met Bairám in Málwah, and tried to win him over. But Bairám fled from
    Barhámpúr with Abul Qásim, governor of Gwáliár, to Gujrát. They were surprised, on
    the road, by an ambassador of Sher Shah who just returned from Gujrát. Abul Qásim,
    a man of imposing stature, being mistaken for Bairám, the latter stepped forward and
    said in a manly voice, " I am Bairám." " No, " said Abul Qasim, "he is my attend-
    ant, and brave and faithful as he is, he wishes to sacrifice himself for me. So let
    him off. " Abul Qasim was then killed , and Bairám escaped to Sultan Mahmud of
    Gujrát. Under the pretext of sailing for Makkah, Bairam embarked at Súrat for
    Sindh . He joined Humáyún on the 7th Muharram, 950, when the Emperor, after
    passing through the territory of Rajah Máldeo, was pressed by the Arghúns at
    Jon. On the march to Persia, he proved the most faithful attendant. The King of
    Persia also liked him, and made him a Khán. On Humayun's return, Bairám was
    sent on a mission to Prince Kámrán. When Humáyún marched to Kábul, he took
    Qandahár by force and treachery from the Qizilbáshes, and making Bairám governor
    of the district, he informed the Sháh that he had done so as Bairam was ' a faithful
    servant of both.' Subsequently rumours regarding Bairam's duplicity reached
    Humáyún ; but when in 961, the Emperor returned to Qandahár, the rumours turned
    out false.
    The conquest of India may justly be ascribed to Bairám. He gained the battle of
    Máchhíwárah, and received Sambhal as jágír. In 963, he was appointed atálíq
    (guardian) of Prince Akbar, with whom he went to the Panjab against Sikandar Khán .
    On Akbar's accession (2nd Rabí 'II, 963 ) at Kalánúr, he was appointed Wakil and
    316

    Khôn Khúnún , and received the title of Khôn Bálá . On the second of Shawwal, 904 ,
    shortly after the surrender of Mánkot, when Akbar returned to Láhor, an imperial
    elephant ran against Bairam's tent, and Bairám blamed Atgah Khán (No. 15 ) ,
    who never had been his friend, for this accident. The Atgah, after arrival at Láhor,
    went with his whole family to Bairám , and attested his innocence by an oath upon the
    Qorán.' In 965, Bairám married Salímah Sultán Begum (p. 309 , note,) and soon
    after, the estrangement commenced between Akbar and him. Badáoní (II, p. 36)
    attributes the fall of Bairám to the illtreatment of Pír Muhammad (No. 20) and the
    influence of Adham Khán, and his mother Máhum Anagah (Akbar's nurse), Çiddiq
    Muhammad Khán, Shihábuddín Ahmad, &c., who effectually complained of the
    wretchedness of their jágírs, and the emptiness of the Treasury, whilst Bairam Khán's
    friends lived in affluence. The Tabaqát i Akbari says that no less than twenty-five
    of Bairam's friends reached the dignity of Panjhazárís-rather a proof of Bairam's
    gift of selecting proper men. Bairam's fall is known from the Histories. " Akbar's
    trick resembles exactly that which Sultán Abú Sa'id i Mughul adopted towards his
    minister Amir Chaubán . (Bad.)
    On hearing the news that Akbar had assumed the reigns of the government,
    Bairám left A'grah, and sent his friends who had advised him to go to Akbar, to Court.
    He himself went under the pretext of going to Makkah to Mewát and Nágor, from
    where he returned his insignia, which reached Akbar at Jhujhar ; for Akbar was on
    his way to the Panjáb, which Bairám, as it was said, wished to invade. The insignia
    were conferred on Pír Muhammad Khán , Bairám's old protégé ; and he was ordered
    to see him embark for Makkah. Bairám felt much irritated at this ; and finding the
    road to Gujrát occupied by Rájah Máldeo, his enemy, he proceeded to Bíkánír to his
    friend Kalyan Mal (No. 93 ) . But unable to restrain himself any longer, he entrusted
    his property, his family, and his young son ' Abdurrahím (No. 29) to Sher Muham-
    mad Díwánah, his adopted son and jágír holder of Tabarhindah, and broke out in

    1 So Bad.
    II, 19. The story in 1868, p. 10) and Abulfazl's letters, of
    Elphinstone (Fifth edition), p. 497 , "does which the compiler had four books.
    not agree with the sources. The Akbar- The sources in italics have never been
    námah says, Bairam was on board a ship used by preceding historians. This work
    on the Jamnah, when one of Akbar's is perhaps the only critical historical
    elephants ran into the water and nearly work written by a native, and con-
    upset the boat. Abulfazl, moreover, refers firms an opinion which I have else-
    it to a later period than 964. The author where expressed, that those portions of
    ofthe Sawánih i Akbari has a fine critical Indian History for which we have several
    note on Abulfazl's account. I would re- sources, are full of the most astounding
    mark here that as long we have no trans- discrepancies as to details.
    lation of all the sources for a history Belgrám was a great seat of Muham-
    of Akbar's reign, European Historians madan learning from the times of Akbar
    should make the Sawánih i Akbari the to the present century. For the literati
    basis of their labours . This work is a of the town ride the Tazkirah by Ghulám
    modern compilation dedicated to William 'Ali Azád, entitled Sarw i Azád.
    Kirkpatrick, and was compiled by The author of the Sawánih i Akbarí
    Amir Haidar of Belgrám from the states that Abulfazl does not shew much
    Akbarnámah, the Tabaqát, Badáoní, Fi- friendliness to Bairám, whilst Erskine
    rishtah, the Akbarnámah by Shaikh (Elphinstone, p. 495, note) represents
    Háhdúd of Sarhind (poetically called Abulfazl as Bairam's warm panegyrist."
    Faizi; vide Journal As. Soc. Bengal for
    317

    open rebellion . At Dípálpúr, on his way to the Panjab, he heard that Díwánah had
    squandered the property left in his charge, had insulted his family, and had sent
    Muzaffar ' Alí (whom Bairám had despatched to Díwánah to settle matters) to Court a
    prisoner. Mortified at this, Bairám resolved to take Jálindhar. Akbar now moved against
    him ; but before he reached him, he heard that Bairúm had been defeated' by Atgah Khán
    (No. 15). Bairám fled to Fort Tilwárah on the banks of the Bayáh, followed by Akbar.
    Fighting ensued. In the very beginning, Sultán Husain Jaláir was killed ; and when
    his head was brought to Bairám, he was so sorry, that he sent to Akbar and asked for-
    giveness. This was granted, and Bairám, accompanied by the principal grandees, went to
    Akbar's tent, and was pardoned . After staying for two days longer with Mun'im
    Khán, he received a sum of money, and was sent to Makkah. The whole camp made
    a collection (chandogh) . Hájí Muhammad of Sístán (No. 55 ) accompanied Bairam over
    Nágor to Patan (Nahrwálah) in Gujrát, where he was hospitably received by Músá
    Khán Fúládí, the governor. On Friday, 14th Jumáda I, 968, while alighting from
    a boat after a trip on the Sahansa Lang Tank, Bairam was stabbed by a Lohání Afghán
    of the name of Mubárik, whose father had been killed in the battle of Máchhiwarah.
    "With an Alláhu Akbar on his lips, he died ." The motive of Mubárik Khán is said
    to have merely been revenge. Another reason is mentioned . The Kashmirí wife of
    Salím Sháh with her daughter had attached herself to Bairám's suite, in order to go
    to Hijáz, and it had been settled that Bairam's son should be betrothed to her, which
    annoyed the Afgháns. Some beggars lifted up Bairam's body, and took it to the tomb of
    Shaikh Husámuddín. Seventeen years later the body was interred in holy ground at
    Mashhad.
    Akbar took charge of ' Abdurrahím, Bairám's son (vide No. 29), and married soon
    after Salimah Sultán Begum, Bairam's widow.
    For
    ‫ بیرام‬Bairám, we often find the spelling Bairam. Firishtah generally
    calls him Bairam Khán Turkmán. Bairám was a Shi'ah, and a poet of no mean pre-
    tensions (ride Badáoní III, p . 190) .
    11. Mun'im Khan, son of Bairam³ Beg.
    Nothing appears to be known of the circumstances of his father. Mun'im Khán was
    a grandee of Humáyún's Court, as also his brother Fazil Beg. When Humáyún , on
    his flight to Persia, was hard pressed by Mírzá Sháh Husain of T'hat'hah, one grandee
    after another went quietly away. M. and Fazil Beg also were on the point of doing so,
    when Humáyún made them prisoners, as he had done from motives of prudence and
    policy with several other nobles. M. did not, however, accompany Humáyún to Persia.
    He rejoined him immediately on his return, and rose at once to high dignity. He reject-
    ed the governorship of Qandahár, which was given to Bairám Khán . In 961 , he was
    appointed atáliq of Prince Akbar ; and when Humáyún invaded India, M. was left as
    governor of Kábul in charge of Mírzá Muhammad Hakim , Akbar's brother, then about

    1 Near ‫ کرناجور‬or( ‫ کونا چور‬-inthe Par fight took place outside of Máchhíwárah.
    ganah ‫] دکهدار‬Bad ; ‫ دیدار‬Maasir ; 2 The Maásir mentions this fact with-
    Sawánih] near Jálindhar. For out giving the source.
    3 Some MSS. read Miram ; but Bai-
    , Bad. ( II, 40) hases. ram is the preferable reading.
    Firishtah says (Lucknow edit., p. 219) the
    318

    a year old. In Kábul M. remained till Bairám fell into disgrace. He joined Akbar,
    in Zí Hajjah, 967 , at Lúdhiánah, where Akbar encamped on his expedition against
    Bairám. M. was then appointed Khán Khánán and Vakil.
    In the seventh year of Akbar's reign, when Adham Khán (No. 19) killed Atgah Khán
    (No. 15) , Mun'im who had been the instigator, fled twice from Court, but was caught the
    second time in Saror ( Sirkár of Qanauj ) by the collector of the district, and was brought
    in by Sayyid Mahmúd Khán of Bárha (No. 75) . Akbar restored M. to his former honors.
    Mun'im Khán's son, Ghaní Khán, whom his father had left in charge of Kábul,
    caused disturbances from want of tact. Máh Jújak Begum, Prince M. Muhammad
    Hakim's mother, advised by Fazíl Beg and his son ' Abdulfath, who hated Ghaní Khán,
    closed the doors of Kábul, when Ghaní Khán was once temporarily absent at Fálíz.
    Ghaní Khán, not finding adherents to oppose her, went to India. Máh Jújak Begum
    then appointed Fazíl Beg as Vakíl and ' Abdul Fath as Náib ; but being dissatisfied
    with them, she killed them both, at the advice of Sháh Walí, one of her nobles. On
    account of these disturbances, Akbar, in the eighth year, sent M. to Kábul. Thinking
    he could rely on the Kábulís, M. left before his contingent was quite ready. He was
    attacked near Jalálábád by Máh Jújak Begum (who in the meantime had killed Sháb
    Walí and had taken up, apparently criminally, with Haidar Qasim Koh -bar, whom
    she had made Vakil) and defeated . M. fled to the Ghak'hars, and ashamed and hesitating
    he joined Akbar, who appointed him Commander of the Fort of A'grah.
    In the 12th year, after the defeat and death of Khán Zamán (No. 13) , M. was ap-
    pointed to his jágírs in Jaunpúr (Bad. II , 101 ) , and then concluded peace with
    Sulaimán Kararání of Bengal, who promised to read the Khutbah and strike coins
    in Akbar's name .
    In 982, Akbar, at M.'s request, went with a flotilla from Agrah to Bihár, and took
    Hájípúr and Patna from Dáúd, Sulaiman's son. M. was then appointed Governor of
    Bihár, and was ordered to follow Dáúd into Bengal. M. moved to Tándah (opposite
    Gaur, on the right side of the Ganges) to settle political matters, and left the pursuit
    to Muhammad Qulí Khán Barlás (No. 31). But as the latter soon after died, M., at
    the advice of Todar Mall, left Tándah, and followed up Dáúd, who after his defeat at
    8 , submitted at Katak. In Çafar 983, M. returned, and though his army had
    terribly suffered from epidemics on the march through Southern Bengal, he quartered
    them against the advice of his friends at Gaur, where M. soon after died of fever.
    The great bridge of Jaunpúr was built by Mun'im Khán in 981. Its táríkh is
    pablo. M.'s son, Ghaní Khán, went to 'Adilsháh of Bíjápúr, where he died.
    12. Tardi Beg Khan, of Turkistán.
    A noble of Humáyún's Court. After the conquest of Gujrát, he was made
    Governor of Champánír (Páwangarh). On Mírzá ' Askari's defeat by Sultán Bahadur,
    Tardí Beg also succumbed to him and retreated to Humáyún. During the emperor's
    flight from India, Tardí Beg distinguished himself as one of the most faithless' com-
    panions. When passing through the territory of Rájah Máldeo, he even refused
    Humáyún a horse, and at Amarkot, he declined to assist the emperor with a portion of

    1
    Elphinstone, p. 452 note, says Tardí ers of Humáyán, a statement which is
    Beg was one of the most faithful follow- contradicted by all native historians.
    319

    the wealth he had collected while at court. Hence Rái Parsád advised H. to imprison
    some of his nobles and take away part of their property by force. H. however returned
    afterwards most of it. In Qandahár, Tardí Beg left the emperor and joined Mírzá
    Askarí. But Mírzá 'Askarí put most of them on the rack, and forced also Tardí
    Beg to give him a large sum as ransom .
    On Humáyún's return from 'Iráq, Tardí Beg asked pardon for his former
    faithlessness, was restored to favour, and was sent, in 955, after the death of Mírzá
    Ulugh Beg, son of Mírzá Sultán, to Dáwar. During the conquest of India, T. dis.
    tinguished himself and received Mewát at Jágír. In 963, when Humáyún died (7th
    Rabí' I), T. read the Khutbah in Akbar's name, and sent the crown-insignia with M.
    Abúl Qasim, son of Prince Kámrán, to Akbar in the Panjab. Akbar made T. a
    Commander of Five Thousand and appointed him governor of Dihlí. T. drove away
    Hájí Khán, an officer of Sher Shah, from Narnaul. On Hemú's approach, after some
    unsuccessful fighting, T. too rashly evacuated Dihlí, and joined Akbar at Sarhind.
    Bairam Khán, who did not like T. from envy and sectarian motives, accused him, and
    66
    obtaining from Akbar a sort of permission " (Bad. II, 14) had him murdered (end of
    963) . Akbar was displeased. Bairam's hasty act was one of the chief causes of the
    distrust with which the Chagatai nobles looked upon him. Tardí Beg was a Sunní.
    13. Kha'n Zama'n i Shaiba'ni'.
    His father Haidar Sultán Uzbak i Shaibání had been made an Amír in the Jám war
    with the Qizilbáshes. When Humáyún returned from Persia, Haidar joined him, to-
    gether with his two sons ’Alí Qulí Khán [Khán Zamán ] and Bahadur Khán ( No. 22 ,
    and distinguished himself in the conquest of Qandahár. On the march to Kábul, an
    epidemic broke out in Humáyún's camp, during which Haidar Sultán died .
    'Ali Qulí Khán distinguished himself in Kábul and in the conquest of Hindústán,
    was made Amir and sent to the Duáb and Sambhal, where he defeated the Afgháns.
    At the time of Akbar's accession 'Alí Qulí Khán fought with Shádí Khán, an Afghán
    noble ; but when he heard that Hemú had gone to Dihlí, he thought fighting with this
    new enemy more important ; but before ' Alí Qulí arrived at Dihlí, Tardí Beg (No. 12)
    had been defeated, and A. returned from Meerut to Akbar at Sarhind. 'Alí Qulí was sent
    in advance with 10,000 troopers, met Hemú near Pánípat and defeated him. Though
    Akbar and Bairam were near, they took no part in this battle. ' Alí Qulí received the
    title of Khán Zamán. Next to Bairám, the restoration of the Mughul Dynasty may be
    justly ascribed to him. Khán Zamán then got Sambhal again as jágír, cleared the whole
    north of India up to Lak'hnau of the Afgháns, and acquired an immense fortune by
    plunder. In 964, he held Jaunpúr as Qáim maqám for Sikandar, after the latter had
    surrendered Mánkot . In the third year of Akbar's reign, Khán Zamán became the talk
    ofthe whole country in consequence of a love scandal with Sháham Beg, a page of
    Humáyún, and as he refused to send the boy back to Court, Akbar took away some of
    Khán Zamán's tuyúls, which led him to rebel. Bairám from generosity did not interfere ;
    but when Pir Muhammad, Khán Zamán's enemy, had been appointed Vakíl, he took
    away, in the 4th year, the whole of his mahalls, and had him appointed commander
    against the Afgháns who threatened the Jaunpúr District. Pír Muhammad had also
    Burj 'Ali thrown from the walls of Fírúzábád, whom Khán Zamán had sent to him to
    settle matters. Khán Zamán now thought, it was high time to send away Sháham
    320

    Beg, went to Jaunpúr, and drove away the Afgháns. Upon the fall of Bairám,
    they appeared again under Sher Sháh, son of 'Adlí, with a large army and 500
    elephants. Khán Zamán, however, defeated them in the streets of Jaunpúr, and carried
    off immense plunder and numerous elephants, which he retained for himself.
    In Zi Qa'dah of the 6th year, Akbar moved personally against him ; but at Kaṛah
    (on the Ganges ,) Khán Zamán and his brother Bahádur submitted and delivered the
    booty and the elephants. They were pardoned and sent again to Jaunpúr. Soon after,
    he defeated the Afgháns, who had attacked him in a fortified position near the Son.
    In the 10th year, Khán Zamán rebelled again in concert with the Uzbaks, and
    attacked the Tuyúldárs of the province . As soon as an imperial army marched against
    him, he went to Gházípúr, and Akbar on arrival at Jaunpúr sent Mun'im Khán against
    him . Being a friend of Khán Zamán , he induced him to submit, which he did. But
    a body of imperial troops under Mu'izzulmulk and Rájah Todar Mall having been de-
    feated by Bahadur and Iskandar Uzbak, (No. 48) the rebellion continued, though repeated
    attempts were made to bring about a conciliation . Having at last sworn to be faithful,
    Khán Zamán was left in possession of his jágírs, and Akbar returned to Agrah. But
    when the emperor, on the 3rd Jumáda I, 974, marched against M. Muhammad Hakim'
    Khán Zamán rebelled again, read the Khutbah at Jaunpúr in M. Muhammad Hakím's
    name, and marched against Shergarh (Qanauj ). Akbar was now resolved no longer
    to pardon ; he left the Panjáb, 12th Ramazán 974, and Agrah on the 26th Shawwál.
    At Sakit, east of Agrah, Akbar heard that Khán Zamán had fled from Shergarh
    to Mánikpúr where Bahádur was , and from there marching along the Ganges,
    had over-bridged the river near the frontier of Singror (Nawabganj , between Mánik-
    púr and Alláhábád). Akbar sent a detachment of 6000 troopers under Muham-
    mad Qulí Khán Barlás and Todar Mall to Audh to oppose Iskandar Khán Uzbak, and
    marched over Rái Barelí to Mánikpúr, crossed the Ganges with about 100 men, and
    slept at night near the banks of the river, at a short distance from Khán Zamán's
    camp, who must have gone from Nawabganj back again on the right side of the river
    to Karah. Next morning, 1st Zí Hajjah, 974, Akbar with some reinforcements
    attached Khán Zamán . Bahadur was captured, and brought to Akbar, and he had
    scarcely been despatched, when Khán Zamán's head was brought in. He had been half
    killed by an elephant whose driver was called Somnát, when a soldier cut off his head ;
    for Akbar had promised a muhur for every Mughul's head. But another soldier
    snatched away the head and took it to Akbar. The fight took place dar'arçah i
    Sakráwal [in Badáoní, Mungarwal] " which place has since been called Fathpur.
    The Trig. S. maps shew a small village Fathpúr about 10 or 12 miles south-east of
    Karah, not far from the river.
    On the same day, though the heat was terrible, Akbar started for and reached
    Alláhábád.
    Khán Zamán as a poet styled himself Sultán (vide Proceedings Asiatic Society, Sep-
    tember 1868.) Zamániyá (now a station on the E. I. Railway) was founded by him.
    Though an Uzbak, Khán Zamán , from his long residence in Persia was a staunch Shi'ah .
    Khán Zamán must not be confounded with No. 124.
    14. ' Abdullah Khan Uzbak.
    A noble of Humáyún's Court. After the defeat of Hemu, he received the title of
    321

    Shujá at Khán , got Kálpí as tuyil, and served under Adham Khán (No. 19) in Gujrát .
    When Báz Bahadur, after the death of Pír Muhammad, had taken possession of
    Málwah, 'Abdullah was made a Panjhazárí, and was sent to Málwah with almost unlimited
    authority. He re-conquered the province, and reigned in Mandú like a king.' Akbar
    found it necessary to move against him. ' Abdullah, after some unsuccessful fighting,
    fled to Gujrát, pursued by Qásim Khán of Níshápúr (No. 40). Leaving his wives in
    the hands of his enemies, he fled with his young son to Changíz Khán, an officer
    of Sultán Mahmúd of Gujrát. Hakim ' Ainulmulk was despatched to Changíz with
    the request to deliver up ' Abdullah, or to dismiss him. Changíz Khán did the latter.
    'Abdullah again appeared in Málwah, and was hotly pursued by Shihábuddín Ahmad
    Khán (No. 26) , who nearly captured him . With great difficulties he eluded his
    pursuers, and managed to reach Jaunpúr, where he died a natural death during the
    rebellion of Khán Zamán (No. 13) .
    15. Shamsuddin Muhammad Atgah Kha'n.
    Son of Mír Yár Muhammad of Ghazní, a simple farmer. Shamsuddín, when about
    twenty years old, once dreamed that he held the moon under his arm, which dream was
    justified by the unparalleled luck which he owed to a little deed of kindness.
    Shamsuddin entered Prince Kámrán's service as a common soldier, and was present
    in the fatal battle of Qanauj (10th Muharram , 947) . Humáyún, after the defeat,
    crossed the river ' on an elephant, ' and dismounted on the other side, where a soldier
    who had escaped death in the current, stretched out his hand to assist the emperor to
    jump on the high bank. This soldier was Shamsuddín. Humáyún attached him to his
    service, and subsequently appointed his wife wet nurse (anagah) to Prince Akbar at
    Amarkot, conferring upon her the title of Jí Jí Anagah. Shamsuddín remained with
    the young prince, whilst Humáyún was in Persia, and received after the emperor's
    restoration the title of Atgah (foster father) Khán. Humáyún sent him to Hiçár,
    which Sirkár had been set aside for Prince Akbar's maintenance.
    After Akbar's accession, Atgah Khán was despatched to Kábul to bring to India
    the Empress mother and the other Begums . Soon after, on the march from Mankot to
    Láhor, the elephant affair took place, which has been related under Bairám Khán,
    p. 316. He held Khusháb in the Panjáb as jágír, and received, after Bairam's fall, the
    insignia of that chief. He was also appointed Governor of the Panjáb. He defeated
    Bairám Khán near Jálindhar, before Akbar could come up, for which victory Akbar
    honored him with the title of A'zam Khán. In the sixth year, he came from Láhor
    to the Court, and acted as Vakíl either in supersession of Mun'im Khán, or by
    ' usurpation,' at which Akbar connived. Munim Khán and Shiháb Khán (No. 26)
    felt much annoyed at this, and instigated Adham (vide No. 19) to kill Atgah Khán,'
    12th Ramazán, 969.
    For Atgah Khan's brothers vide Nos. 16, 28, 63 , and for his sons, Nos. 18 and 21.
    6
    The family is often called in Histories Atgah Khail, the foster father battalion .'

    ' He stabbed at the Atgah, and ordered Baddoni (p. 52) and Elphinstone (p
    one of his own servants, an Uzbak, of the 502, 1. 1 ), say that Adham himself killed
    name of Khusham Beg, to kill him. Atgah.
    41
    322

    16. Kha'n i Kala'n, Mir Muhammad, elder brother of Atgah Khán.


    He served under Kámrán and Humáyún, and rose to high dignity during the reign
    of Akbar. Whilst Governor of the Panjab, where most of the Atgahs (Atgah Khail)
    had jágírs, he distinguished himself in the war with the G'hakkars, the extirpation
    of Sultán Adam, and in keeping down Kamál Khán. In the ninth year he
    assisted Mírzá Muhammad Hakim against Mírzá Sulaimán (No. 5) , restored him to
    the throne of Kábul, settled the country, and sent back the imperial troops under his
    brother Qntbuddín (No. 28), though Akbar had appointed the latter Atáliq of the
    Prince. But Khán i Kalán did not get on well with M. M. Hakím, especially when
    the Prince had given his sister Fakhrunnisa Begum (a daughter of Humáyún by Jújak
    Begum, and widow of Mír Sháh ' Abdul Ma'álí) to Khwajah Hasan Naqshbandí in
    marriage. To avoid quarrels, Khán i Kalán left one night Kábul and returned to
    Láhor.
    In the 13th year (976), the Atgah Khail was removed from the Panjáb, and ordered
    to repair to Agrah. Khán i Kalán received Sambhal as Jágír, whilst Husain Qulí Khán
    (No. 24) was appointed to the Panjáb. In 981 , he was sent by Akbar in advance, for
    the reconquest of Gujrát (Bad . II , 165) . On the march, near Sarohí (Ajmír) , he was
    wounded by a Rájpút, apparently without cause ; but he recovered . After the conquest,
    he was made governor of Patan (Nahrwálah). He died at Patan in 983.
    He was a poet and wrote under the takhalluç of ' Ghaznawí,' in allusion to his birth-
    place. Badáoní (III , 287) praises him for his learning .
    His eldest son, Fázil Khán (No. 156) was a Hazárí, and was killed when Mírzá
    'Aziz Kokah (No. 21 ), was shut up in Ahmadnagar. His second son, Farrukh
    Khán (No. 232) was a Panjçadí. Nothing else is known of him.
    17. Mirza' Sharafuddin Husai'n, son of Khwajah Mu'ín .
    He was a man of noble descent. His father, Khwajah Mu'ín was the son of
    Kháwind Mahmúd, second son of Khwajah Kalán (known as Khwajagán Khwajah),
    eldest son of the renowned saint Khwajah Náçiruddín ' Ubaidullah Ahrár. Hence
    Mírzá Sharafuddín Hnsain is generally called Ahrárí.
    His grandfather, Kháwind Mahmúd went to India, was honorably received by
    Humáyún, and died at Kábul ,
    His father, Khwajah Mu'in, was a rich, but avaricious man ; he held the tract of
    land, called Rúdkhánah i Nasheb,' and served under ' Abdullah Khán, ruler of Káshghar.
    He was married to Kíjak Begum, daughter of Mír ' Aláulmulk of Tirmiz, who is a
    daughter of Fakhr Jahán Begum, daughter of Sultán Abú Sa'íd Mírzá. • Hence the
    blood of Tímúr also flowed in the veins of Mírzá Sharafuddín Husain. ' As the son did
    not get on well with his father, he went to Akbar. Through the powerful influence of
    Máhum, Akbar's nurse, and Adham Khán, her son (No. 19 ), Mírzá Sharaf was
    appointed Panjhazárí. In the 5th year, Akbar gave him his sister Bakhshí Bánú
    Begum in marriage, and made him governor of Ajmír and Nágor. In 969, when
    Akbar went to Ajmír, Mírzá Sharaf joined the emperor, and distinguished himself in
    the siege of Mírt'ha, which was defended by Jagmal and Devídás, the latter of whom
    was killed in an engagement subsequent to their retreat from the fort.
    In 970, Mírzá Sharaf's father came to Agrah and was received with great honors
    by Akbar. In the same year, Mírzá Sharaf, from motives of suspicion, fled from
    323

    Agrah over the frontier, pursued by Husain Qulí Khán (No. 24) and other grandees.
    His father, ashamed of his son's behaviour, left for Hijáz, but died at Cambay. The
    ship on which his body was, foundered . Mírzá Sharaf stayed for some time with Changiz
    Khán, a Gujrát noble, and then joined the rebellion of the Mírzás. When Gujrát was
    conquered, he fled to the Dak'hin, and passing through Baglánah, was captured by
    the Zamíndár of the place, who after the conquest of Súrat handed him over to Akbar.
    To frighten him, Akbar ordered him to be put under the feet of a tame elephant, and
    after having kept him for some time imprisoned, he sent him to Muzaffar Khán,
    Governor of Bengal (No. 37 ), who was to give him a jágír, should he find that the Mírzá
    shewed signs of repentance ; but if not, to send him to Makkah . Muzaffar was waiting
    for the proper season to have him sent off, when Mír Ma'çúm i Kábulí rebelled in
    Bihár. Joined by Bábá Khán Qáqshál, the rebels besieged Muzaffar Khán in Tándah
    and overpowered him. Mírzá Sharaf fled to them, after having taken possession of
    the hidden treasures of Muzaffar. But subsequently he became Ma'çúm's enemy. One
    was waiting for an opportunity to kill the other. Ma'çúm at last bribed a boy of the
    name of Mahmud, whom Mírzá Sharaf liked, and had his enemy poisoned. Mírzá
    Sharaf's death took place in 988. He is wrongly called Siefuddeen in Stewart's History
    of Bengal (p. 108).
    18. Yu'suf Muhammad , Kha'n, eldest son of Atgah Khán (No. 15 ) .
    He was Akbar's foster brother (kokah or kúkaltásh) . When twelve years old, he
    distinguished himself in the fight with Bairám (p. 317, 1. 5, ) and was made Khán.
    When his father had been killed by Adham Khán (No. 19) , Akbar took care of him
    and his younger brother, ' Aziz Kokah (No. 21 ). He distinguished himself during the
    several rebellions of Khán Zamán (No. 13).
    He died from excessive drinking in 973. Bad. II , P. 84.
    19. Adham Kha'n,' son of Máhum Anagah.
    The name of his father is unknown ; he is evidently a royal bastard . His mother
    Máhum was one of Akbar's nurses (anagah ), and attended on Akbar ' from the cradle
    till after his accession .' She appears to have had unbounded influence in the Harem
    and over Akbar himself, and Mun'im Khán (No. 11 ), who after Bairam's fall had been
    appointed Vakil, was subject to her counsel. She also played a considerable part in
    bringing about Bairam's fall ; Bad. II , p. 36 .
    Adham Khán was a Panjhazárí, and distinguished himself in the siege of Mankot.
    Bairám Khán, in the third year, gave him Hatkánt'h, South- East of A'grah, as jágír, to

    1
    Generally called in European histories of this fort, partly taken from the Akbar-
    Adam Khán ; but his name is not námah.
    ‫ادهم‬
    ‫آدم‬ + Hatkánt'h was held by Rájpúts of
    This is the pronunciation given in the Bhadauriyah clan. Vide Beames's
    the Calcutta Chagatai Dictionary. Mis- edition of Elliot's Glossary, II, p. 86,
    led by the printed editions of Badáoní, and I, 27, where the word is doubt-
    Firishtah , Kháñi Khán, &e. , I put on p . ful, though it is certainly not Lahore ; for
    223 of my Text edition of the A'ín, Má- the old spelling Luháwar,' for Láhor,'
    hum Atgah, as if it was the name of a had ceased when the author of the
    man . Vide Khái Khán I, p. 132, 1. 6 Makhzan i Afghání wrote. Besides, a
    from below.
    place in Gwáliár is meant, not far from
    The Maásir gives a short history the Sindh river. For the two edi-
    324

    check the rebels of the Bhadauriyah clan, who even during the preceding reigns had
    given much trouble. Though he accused Bairám of partiality in bestowing bad jágírs
    upon such as he did not like, Adham did his best to keep down the Bhadauriyahs.
    After Bairam's fall, he was sent, in 968, together with Pír Muhammad Khán, to
    Málwah, defeated Báz Bahádur near Sárangpúr, and took possession of Bahádur's
    treasures and dancing girls. His sudden fortune made him refractory ; he did not
    send the booty to Agrah , and Akbar thought it necessary to pay him an unexpected
    visit, when Máhum Anagah found means to bring her son to his senses. Akbar left
    after four days. On his departure, Adham prevailed on his mother to send back two
    beautiful dancing girls ; but when Akbar heard of it, Adham turned them away. They
    were captured, and killed by Máhum's orders. Akbar knew the whole, but said nothing
    about it. On his return to Agrah, however, he recalled Adham, and appointed Pír
    Muhammad governor of Málwah.
    At Court, Adham met again Atgah Khán, whom both he and Mun'im Khán envied
    and hated . On the 12th Ramazán 969, when Mun’ím Khán, Atgah Khán, and several
    other grandees, had a nightly meeting in the state hall at A'grah, Adham Khán with
    some followers, suddenly entered. All rose to greet him, when Adham struck Atgah
    with his dagger, and told one of his companions (vide p. 321 note), to kill him. He
    then went with the dagger in his hand towards the sleeping apartments of Akbar, who
    had been awakened by the noise in the state hall. Looking out from a window,
    he saw what had happened, rushed forward sword in hand, and met Adham on a
    66
    high archway (aiwán) near the harem. 'Why have you killed my foster father, you
    son of a bitch ?" (bachah i ládah), cried Akbar. " Stop a moment, majesty," replied
    Adham, seizing Akbar's arms, " first inquire." Akbar drew away his hands and struck
    Adham a blow in the face, which sent him " spinning" to the ground. " What are
    you standing here gaping," said Akbar to one of his attendants of the name of
    Farhat Khán, “ bind this man ." This was done, and at Akbar's orders Adham Khán
    was twice thrown down from the dais (çuffah) of the Aiwán to the ground, with his
    head foremost. The corpses of Adham and Atgah were then sent to Dihlí.
    Máhum Anagah heard of the matter, and thinking that her son had been merely
    imprisoned, she repaired, though sick, from Dihlí to Agrah. On seeing her, Akbar
    66
    said, " He has killed my foster father, and I have taken his life." "Your Majesty
    has done well," replied Máhum, turning pale, and left the hall. Forty days after, she
    died from grief, and was buried with her son in Dihlí in a tomb which Akbar had
    built for them. For Adham's brother, vide No. 60.
    20. Pi'r Muhammad Kha'n of Shirwán. '
    Nothing is known of his father. Pír Muhammad was a Mullá, and attached
    himself to Bairám in Qandahár. Through Bairam's influence he was raised to the

    tions of Badáoní have ; Dorn has Another nest of robbers was the eight
    Behair ; Briggs has Yehar ; the villages, called A't'hgah, near Sakít, in
    Lucknow edition of Firishtah has le . the Sirkár of Qanauj .
    In my Text edition , p. 223, No. 20,
    There is a town and Parganah of the
    name of led in Sirkár Rantanbhúr. dele Shirwán is also the birth-place
    The passage in the Akbarnámah re- of Kháqání. The spelling Sharwán given
    in the Mu'jam, does not appear to be
    garding Adham Khán quoted by Elliot usual.
    may be found among the events of the
    third year.
    325

    dignity of Amír on Akbar's accession. He distinguished himself in the war with


    Hemú, and received subsequently the title of Náçirulmulk. His pride offended the
    Chagatai nobles and, at last, Bairám himself, to whom he once refused admittance
    when he called on him at a time he was sick.
    Bairám subsequently ordered him to retire, sent him, at the instigation of Shaikh
    Gadáí (vide p. 272) to the Fort of Biyánah, and then forced him to go on a
    pilgrimage. Whilst on his way to Gujrát, Pír Muhammad received letters from
    Adham Khán (No. 19) asking him to delay. He stayed for a short time at Rantanbhúr ;
    but being pursued by Bairám's men, he continued his journey to Gujrát. This harsh
    treatment annoyed Akbar, and accelerated Bairám's fall. Whilst in Gujrát, P. M.
    heard of Bairam's disgrace, and returned at once to Akbar who made him a Khán.
    In 968, he was appointed with Adham Khán to conquer Málwah, of which he was
    made sole governor after Adham's recall. In 969, he defeated Báz Bahadur who had
    invaded the country, drove him away, and took Bíjágarh from I'timád Khán, Báz
    Bahadur's general . He then made a raid into Khandes, which was governed by
    Mírán Muhammad Shah, sacked the capital Burhánpúr, slaughtered most unmercifully
    the inhabitants, and carried off immense booty, when he was attacked by Báz Bahádur
    and defeated. Arriving at night on his flight at the bank of the Narbaddah, he
    insisted on crossing it, and perished in the river.
    21. Kha'n i A'zam Mi'rza' ' Azi'z Kokah, son of Atgah Khán (No. 15) .
    His mother was Jí Jí Anagah (vide p. 321 ). He grew up with Akbar, who
    remained attached to him to the end of his life. Though often offended by his boldness,
    Akbar would but rarely punish him ; he used to say, " Between me and ' Azíz is a river
    of milk which I cannot cross."
    On the removal of the Atgah Khail (p. 321, 1. 1. ) from the Panjáb, he retained
    Dípálpúr, where he was visited by Akbar in the 16th year (978) on his pilgrimage to
    the tomb of Shaikh Faríd i Shakkarganj at Ajhodhan (Pák Patan, or Patan i Panjáb).
    In the 17th year, after the conquest of Ahmadábád, Mírzá ' Azíz was appointed
    governor of Gujrát as far as the Mahindra river, whilst Akbar went to conquer Súrat.
    Muhammad Husain Mírzá and Sháh Mírzá, joined by Sher Khán Fúládí, thereupon
    besieged Patan ; but they were at last defeated by Mírzá ' Azíz and Qutbuddín.
    'Azíz then returned to Ahmadábád. When Akbar, on the 2nd Çafar 981, returned to
    Fathpúr Síkrí, Ikhtiyárulmulk, a Gujrátí noble, occupied Idar, and then moved
    against 'Aziz in Ahmadábád. Muhammad Husain Mírzá also came from the Dak'hin,
    and after attacking Kambháyit (Cambay), they besieged Ahmadábád . ' Azíz held
    himself bravely. The siege was raised by Akbar, who surprised the rebels ' near
    Patan. During the fight Muhammad Husain Mírzá and Ikhtiyár ulmulk were killed .
    The victory was chiefly gained by Akbar himself, who with 100 chosen men fell upon
    the enemy from an ambush. 'Azíz had subsequently to fight with the sons of
    Ikhtiyárulmulk .

    1 between Agrah and Patan being 400 kos,


    Akbar left Agrah on the 4th Rabi'
    I., and attacked the Mírzás on the ninth Akbar's forced march has often been
    day after his departure. The distance admired. Briggs, II, p. 241 .
    326

    In the 20th year Akbar introduced the Dágh (Aín 7) , which proved a source of
    great dissatisfaction among the Amírs. Mírzá ' Aziz especially shewed himself so
    disobedient, that Akbar was compelled to deprive him temporarily of his rank.
    Though restored to his honours in the 23rd year, M. ' Azíz remained unemployed
    till the 25th year (988) , when disturbances had broken out in Bengal and Bihár ( vide Muzaf-
    far Khán, No. 37). ' Aziz was promoted to a command of Five Thousand, got the title of
    A'zam Khán, and was despatched with a large army to quell the rebellion . His time was
    fully occupied in establishing order in Bihár. Towards the end of the 26th year, he
    rejoined the emperor, who had returned from Kábul to Fathpúr Síkrí. During ' Aziz's
    absence from Bihar, the Bengal rebels had occupied Hájípúr, opposite Patna ; and 'Azíz,
    in the 27th year, was again sent to Bihár, with orders to move into Bengal. After
    collecting the Tuyúldárs of Iláhábád, Audh , and Bihár, he occupied Garhí, the ' key' of
    Bengal. After several minor fights with the rebels under Ma'çúm i Kábulí, and Majnún
    Khán Qáqshál, 'Azíz succeeded in gaining over the latter, which forced Ma'çúm to with-
    draw. The imperial troops then commenced to operate against Qatlú, a Lohání
    Afghán, who during these disturbances had occupied Orissa and a portion of Bengal.
    'Azíz, however, took ill, and handing over the command to Shahbáz Khán i Kambú,
    returned to his lands in Bihár. Soon after, he joined Akbar at Iláhábád, and was
    transferred to Gaṛha and Ráisín (993) .
    In the 31st year (994) , M. ' Azíz was appointed to the Dak'hin ; but as the
    operations were frustrated through the envy of Shihábuddín Ahmad (No. 26) and
    other grandees, 'Azíz withdrew, plundered Ilichpúr in Barár, and then retreated to
    Gujrát , where the Khán Khánán was (Briggs, II , 257 ) .
    In the 32nd year, Prince Murád married a daughter of M. 'Azíz. Towards the
    end of the 34th year, ' Azíz was appointed Governor of Gujrát in succession to the Khán
    Khánán. In the 36th year, he moved against Sultán Muzaffar, and defeated him in
    the following year. He then reduced Jám and other zamíndárs of Kachh to obedience,
    and conquered Somnát and sixteen other harbour towns (37th year). Júnágarh also,
    the capital of the ruler of Súrat, submitted to him (5th Zí Qa'dah 999), and Miyán
    Khán and Táj Khán, sons of Daulat Khán ibn i Amín Khán i Ghorí, joined the
    Mughuls. ' Aziz gave both of them jágírs. He had now leisure to hunt down
    Sultán Muzaffar, who had taken refuge with a Zamíndár of Dwárká. In a fight the
    latter lost his life, and Muzaffar fled to Kachh, followed by ' Azíz. There also the
    Zamíndárs submitted, and soon after delivered Sultán Muzaffar into his hands. No
    sooner had he been brought to the Mírzá than he asked for permission to step aside to
    perform a call of nature, and cut his throat with a razor.
    In the 39th year Akbar recalled M. ' Azíz, as he had not been at Court for
    several years ; but the Mírzá dreading the religious innovations at Court,' marched
    against Diu under the pretext of conquering it . He made, however, peace with the
    ' Firingí ' and embarked for Hijáz at Baláwal, a harbour town near Somnát,

    1 M. 'Azíz ridiculed Akbar's tenden- paraging remarks led to his disgrace on


    cies to Hinduism and the orders of the the accession of Jahángír, as related
    'Divine Faith .' He used to call Faizí below.
    and Abulfazl ' Usmán and ' Ali. His dis-
    327

    accompanied by his six younger sons (Khurram, Anwar, ' Abdullah, ' Abdullatif
    Murtaza, ' Abdulghafúr), six daughters, and about one hundred attendants . Akbar
    felt sorry for his sudden departure, and with his usual magnanimity, promoted the
    two eldest sons of the Mírzá (M. Shamsí and M. Shádmán).
    •
    M. 'Aziz spent a great deal of money in Makkah ; in fact he was so fleeced,'
    that his attachment to Islám was much cooled down ; and being assured of Akbar's
    good wishes for his welfare, he embarked for India, landed again at Baláwal, and
    joined Akbar in the beginning of 1003. He now became a member of the Divine
    Faith' (vide p. 208, 1. 4,) was appointed Governor of Bihár, was made Vakil in 1004, and
    received Multán as Jágír.
    In the 45th year (1008) he accompanied Akbar to Asír. His mother died about
    the same time, and Akbar himself assisted in carrying the coffin . Through the
    mediation of the Mírzá, Bahádur Khán, ruler of Khandes, ceded Asír to Akbar
    towards the end of the same year. Soon after, Prince Khusrau married one of 'Azíz's
    daughters .
    At Akbar's death, Mán Singh and M. ' Azíz were anxious to proclaim Khusrau
    successor ; but the attempt failed, as Shaikh Faríd i Bukhárí and others had proclaimed
    Jahangir before Akbar had closed his eyes. Mán Singh left the Fort of Agrah with
    Khusrau, in order to go to Bengal. ' Azíz wished to accompany him, sent his whole
    family to the Rájah, and superintended the burial of the deceased monarch . He
    countenanced Khusrau's rebellion, and escaped capital punishment through the
    intercession of several courtiers, and of Salímah Sultán Begum and other princesses of
    Akbar's Harem. Not long after, Khwajah Abul Hasan laid before Jahángír a
    letter written some years ago by ' Azíz to Rájah ' Alí Khán of Khandes, in which
    'Azíz had ridiculed Akbar in very strong language. Jahángír gave ' Azíz the letter
    and asked him to read it, before the whole Court, which he did without the slightest
    hesitation, thus incurring the blame of all the courtiers present. Jahángír deprived
    him of his honours and lands , and imprisoned him.
    In the 3rd year of Jahángír's reign ( 1017) , M. 'Azíz was restored to his rank, and
    appointed (nominally) to the command of Gujrát, his eldest son , Jahángír Qulí Khán,
    being his náib. In the 5th year, when matters did not go on well in the Dak'hin, he
    was sent there with 10,000 men . In the 8th year (1022), Jahángír went to Ajmír,
    and appointed, at the request of ' Azíz, Sháhjahán to the command of the Dak'hin
    forces, whilst he was to remain as adviser. But Shahjahan did not like M. 'Azíz
    on account of his partiality for Khusrau, and Mahábat Khán was despatched from
    Court to accompany ' Azíz from Udaipur to Agrah. In the 9th year, ' Aziz was again
    imprisoned, and put under the charge of Açaf Khán in the Fort of Gwáliár (Tuzuk,
    p. 127) . He was set free a year later, and soon after restored to his rank. In the
    18th year, he was appointed Atálíq to Prince Dáwar Bakhsh, who had been made
    Governor of Gujrát. M. 'Azíz died in the 19th year (1033) at Ahmadábád.
    'Aziz was remarkable for ease of address, intelligence, and his knowledge of
    history. He also wrote poems. Historians quote the following aphorism from his
    6
    ' pithy sayings. A man should marry four wives - a Persian woman to have some-
    body to talk to ; a Khurásání woman, for his housework ; a Hindu woman, for nursing
    his children ; and a woman from Máwaránnahr, to have some one to whip as a
    warning for the other three'. Vide Iqbálnámah , p. 230,
    328

    Kokah means ' foster brother,' and is the same as the Turkish Kúkaldásh or
    Kúkaltash.
    Mírzá 'Aziz's sons. 1. Mírzá Shamsi (No. 163) . He has been mentioned
    above. During the reign of Jahángír he rose to importance, and received the title
    of Jahángír Qulí Khán
    2. Mírzá Shádmán (No, 233) . He received the title of Shád Khán . Tuzuk,
    p. 99.
    3. Mírzá Khurrum (No. 177) . He was made by Akbar governor of Júnágarh in
    Gujrát, received the title of Kámil Khán under Jahángír , and accompanied Prince
    Khurram (Shahjahán) to the Dak’hin.
    4. Mírzá ' Abdullah (No. 257) received under Jahángír the title of Sardár Khán.
    He accompanied his father to Fort Gwáliár.
    5. Mírzá Anwar (No. 206) was married to a daughter of Zain Khán Kokah
    (No. 34).
    All of them were promoted to commanderships of Five and Two Thousands . Aziz's
    other sons have been mentioned above.
    A sister of M. 'Azíz, Máh Bánú, was married to ' Abdurrahím Khan Khánán.
    (No. 29.)
    22. Baha'dur Kha'n i Shaiba'ni', (younger) brother of Khán Zamán.
    (No. 13.)
    His real name is Muhammad Sa'íd . Humáyún on his return from Persia put
    him in charge of the District of Dáwar. He then planned a rebellion and made
    preparations to take Qandahár, which was commanded by Sháh Muhammad Khán of
    Qalát (No. 95. ) The latter, however, fortified the town and applied to the king of
    Persia for help, as he could not expect Humáyún to send him assistance. A party of
    Qizilbáshes attacked Bahadur, who escaped.
    In the 2nd year, when Akbar besieged Mánkot, Bahádur, at the request of Bairám
    Khán, was pardoned, and received Multán as jágír. In the 3rd year, he assisted in the
    conquest of Málwah. After Bairam's fall, through the influence of Máhum Anagah (vide
    p. 323) , he was made Vakil, and was soon after appointed to Itáwah ( Sirkár of Agrah).
    Subsequently he took an active part in the several rebellions of his elder brother
    (vide p. 320). After his capture, Shahbáz Khán i Kambú ( No. 80) killed him at
    Akbar's order.
    Like his brother he was a man of letters (Bad. III, 239),
    23. Ra'jah Biha'ri' Mall, son of Prit❜hiráj Kachhwáhah .
    In some historical MSS. he is called Bihárá Mall. There were two kinds of
    Kachhwáhas, Rájáwat and Shaikháwat, to the former of which Bihárí Mall belonged.
    Their ancient family seat was Amber in the Çúbah of Ajmír. Though not so extensive
    as Marwar, the revenues of Amber were larger.
    Bihárí Mall was the first Rájpút that joined Akbar's Court. The flight' of Humá-
    yún from India had been the cause of several disturbances. Hájí Khán, a servant of Sher

    The 6 flight' of Humáyún from India able event,' or rihlat (departure) ; or


    was a delicate subject for Mughul Histori- amadan i Sher khán , the coming of
    ans. Abulfazl generally uses euphemisms, Sher Khán (not Sher Shah ), &c.
    as án wáqi'ah i náguzir, that unavoid-
    329

    Khán , had attacked Namaul, the jagir of Majnún Khán Qqshál (No.50 ), who happened
    to be a friend ofthe Rájah's. Through his intercession both cameto an amicable settlement ;
    and Majnún Khán , after the defeat of Hemú, (963) brought Bihárí Mall's services to the
    notice of the emperor. The Rájah was invited to come to court, where he was
    presented before the end of the first year of Akbar's reign. At the interview
    Akbar was seated on a wild (mast) elephant, and as the animal got restive and ran about,
    the people made way ; only Bihárí Mall's Rájpút attendants, to the surprise of Akbar,
    stood firm.
    In the 6th year of his reign (969), Akbar made a pilgrimage to the tomb of
    Mu'in i Chishtí at Ajmír, and at Kalálí, Chaghtá Khán reported to the Emperor, that
    the Rájah had fortified himself in the passes, as Sharafuddín Husain (No. 17 ) , Governor
    of Málwah, had made war upon him, chiefly at the instigation of Sojá, son of Púran
    Mall, elder brother of the Rájah. Sharafuddín had also got hold of Jagnáth (No. 69) ,
    son of the Rájah, Ráj Singh (No. 147), son of Askaran, and Kangár, son of Jagmall
    (No. 134), his chief object being to get possession of Amber itself. At Deosah, 40 miles
    east of Jaipur, Jaimall, son of Rúpsí (No. 118), Bihárí Mall's brother who was the
    chief of the country, joined Akbar, and brought afterwards, at the request of the
    emperor, his father Rúpsí. At Sankánír, at last, Bihárí Mall with his whole family,
    attended, and was most honorably received . His request to enter into Akbar's service
    and to strengthen the ties of friendship by a matrimonial alliance was granted. On
    his return from Ajmír, Akbar received the Rájah's daughter at Sambhar, and was
    joined, at Ratan, by the Rájah himself, and his son Bhagawant Dás, and his grand-
    son Kunwar Mán Singh . They accompanied Akbar to Agrah, where Biharí Mall
    was made a Commander of Five Thousand . Soon after, Bihárí Mall returned to
    Amber. He died at Agrah (Tabaqát).
    Amber is said to have been founded A. D. 967 by Dholá Rái, son of Sorá , of
    whom Bihárí Mall was the 18th descendant.'
    The Akbernámah mentions the names of four brothers of Bihárí Mall. 1. Púran
    Mall ; 2. Rupsí (No. 118) ; 3. Askaran ( vide No. 174) ; 4. Jagmall (No. 134). Bihárí
    Mall is said to have been younger than Púran Mall, but older than the other three .
    Three sons of Bihárí Mall were in Akbar's service -1 . Bhagwán Dás (No. 27) ;
    2. Jagannath (No. 69) ; and 3. Salhadí (No. 267).
    24. Kha'n Jaha'n Husain Quli' Kha'n,2 son of Wali Beg Zulqadr.
    He is the son of Bairám Khán's sister. His father Walí Beg Zulqadr was much
    attached to Bairám, and was captured in the fight in the Parganah of 5 (Jálindhar,
    vide p. 317 , 1. 5 , ) but died immediately afterwards from the wounds received in battle.
    Akbar looked upon him as the chief instigator of Bairám's rebellion, and ordered his
    head to cut off, which was sent all over Hindústán. When it was brought to Itáwah,
    Bahadur Khán (No. 22) killed the foot soldiers (tawáchis) that carried it. Khán
    Jahán had brought Bairam's insignia from Mewát to Akbar, and as he was a near

    The present Mahárájah of Jaipur is Amber was deserted in 1728, when Jai
    the 34th descendant ; vide Selections Singh II. founded the modern Jaipur.
    Government of India, No. LXV, 1868. 2 Husain Qulí Beg. Maásir.
    42
    330

    relation of the rebel, he was detained and left under charge of Açaf Khán ' Abdulmajíd,
    Commander of Dihlí. When Bairám had been pardoned, Khán Jahán was released.
    He attached himself henceforth to Akbar.
    In the 8th year (end of 971), he was made a Khán, and received orders to follow
    up Sharafuddín Husain (No. 17) . Ajmír and Nágor were given him as tuyúl. He
    took the Fort of Jodhpúr from Chandar Sen, son of Rái Máldeo, and distinguished
    himself in the pursuit of Udai Singh during the siege of Chítor.
    In the 13th year (976) , he was transferred to the Panjáb, whither he went after
    assisting in the conquest of Rantanbhúr.
    In the 17th year, he was ordered to take Nagarkot, which had belonged to Rájah
    Jai Chand. Badáoní says (II, p. 161) , that the war was merely undertaken to
    provide Bír Bar with a jágír. Akbar had Jai Chand imprisoned, and Budi Chand, his
    son, thinking that his father was dead, rebelled. Khán Jahán, on his way, conquered
    Fort Kotlah, reached Nagarkot in the beginning of Rajab 980, and took the famous
    Bhawan temple outside of the Fort. The siege was progressing and the town reduced
    to extremities, when it was reported that Ibráhím Husain Mírzá and Mas'úd Mírzá
    had invaded the Panjáb. Khán Jahán therefore accepted a payment of five mans of
    gold and some valuables, and raised the siege. He is also said to have erected a Masjid
    in front of Jai Chand's palace in the Fort, and to have read the Khutbah in Akbar's
    name (Friday, middle of Shawwál 980) .
    Accompanied by Ismá'íl Qulí Khán and Mírzá Yúsuf Khán i Rizawí (No. 35), Khán
    Jahán marched against the Mírzás, surprised them in the Parganah of Talbanah, 40 kos
    from Multán, and defeated them. Ibráhím Husain Mírzá escaped to Multán, but
    Mas'úd Husain and several other Mírzás of note were taken prisoners.
    In the 18th year (981) , when Akbar returned to Agrah after the conquest of
    Gujrát, he invited his Amírs to meet him, and Khán Jahán also came with his
    prisoners, whom he had put into cow skins with horns on, with their eyelashes sewn
    together. Akbar had their eyes immediately opened, and even pardoned some of the
    prisoners. The victorious general received the title of Khán Jahán, a title in
    reputation next to that of Khán Khánán .' About the same time Sulaimán, ruler of
    Badakhshan (p. 312 ) had come to India, driven away by his grandson Shahrukh
    (No. 7), and Khán Jahán was ordered to assist him in recovering his kingdom .
    But as in 983 Mun’im Khán Khánán died, and Bengal was unsettled , Khán Jahán
    was recalled from the Panjáb, before he had moved into Badakhshan, and was appointed
    to Bengal, Rájah Todar Mall being second in command. At Bhágalpúr, Khán Jahán
    was met by the Amírs of Bengal, and as most of them were Chaghtái nobles, he had,
    as Qizilbásh, to contend with the same difficulties as Bairám Khán had had. He
    repulsed the Afgháns who had come up as far as Garhí and Tándah ; but he met
    with more decided opposition at Ak Mahall, where Dáúd Khán had fortified himself.
    The Imperialists suffered much from the constant sallies of the Afgháns . Khán
    Jahán complained of the wilful neglect of his Amírs, and when Akbar heard of the
    death of Khwajah ' Abdullah Naqshbandí, who had been purposely left unsupported
    in a skirmish, he ordered Muzaffar Khán, Governor of Bihár (No. 37 ) to collect his
    Jágírdárs and join Khán Jahán ( 984) . The fights near Ak Mahall were now resumed
    with new vigour. During a skirmish a cannon ball wounded Junaid i Kararání,
    331

    Dáúd's cousin,' which led to a general battle ( 15th Rabí' II, 984). The right wing of
    the Afgháns, commanded by Kálá Pahár, gave way, when the soldiers saw their leader
    wounded, and the centre under Dáúd was defeated by Khán Jahán. Dáúd himself
    was captured and brought to Khán Jahán, who sent his head to Akbar.
    After this great victory, Khán Jahán despatched Todar Mall to court, and
    moved to Sátgánw ( Húglí), where Dáúd's family lived. Here he defeated the
    remnant of Dáúd's adherents under Jamshed and Mittí, and reannexed Sátgánw, which
    since the days of old had been called Bulghákkhánah, to the Mughul empire.
    Daud's mother came to Khán Jahan as a suppliant .
    Soon after Malkú Sáín, Rájah of Kúch Bihár sent tribute and 54 elephants,
    which Khán Jahán despatched to Court.
    With the defeat and death of Dáúd , Bengal was by no means conquered. New
    troubles broke out in Bhátí," where the Afgháns had collected under Karím Dád,
    Ibráhím, and the rich Zamíndár 'Isá ( m ). With great difficulties Khán Jahán
    occupied that district, assisted by a party of Afgháns who had joined him together
    with Dáúd's mother at Goás ; and returned to Çihhatpúr, a town which he had founded
    near Tándah. Soon after, he took ill, and died after a sickness of six weeks in the
    same year ( 19th Shawwal 986( .
    Abulfazl remarks that his death was opportune, inasmuch as the immense plunder
    collected by Khán Jahán in Bengal, had led him to the verge of rebellion.
    Khán Jahan's son, Rizá Qulí (No. 274) is mentioned below among the Com-
    manders of Three Hundred and Fifty. In the 47th year he was made a Commander
    of Five Hundred with a contingent of 300 troopers. Another son, Rahím Qulí, was a
    Commander of Two Hundred and Fifty, (No. 333). For Khán Jahán's brother vide
    No. 46.
    25. Sai'd Kha'n, son of Ya'qúb Beg, son of Ibráhím Jábúq.
    He is also called Sa'id Khán i Chaghtái. His family had long been serving
    under the Tímúrides. His grandfather Ibráhím Beg Jábúq was an Amír of
    Humáyún's and distinguished himself in the Bengal wars. His, son Yusuf Beg,
    was attacked near Jaunpúr by Jalál Khán ( i. e. , Salím Sháh ), and killed. His other
    son also, Ya'qúb, Sa'id's father, distinguished himself under Humáyún. According to
    the Tabaqát, he was the son of the brother of Jahángír Qulí Beg, governor of Bengal
    under Humáyún .
    Sa'id rose to the highest honors under Akbar. He was for some time Governor
    of Multán, and was appointed, in the 22nd year, atálíq of Prince Dányál. Some time
    after, he was made Çúbahdár of the Panjáb, in supercession to Sháh Qulí Muhrim
    (No. 45 ), of whom the inhabitants of the Panjab had successfully complained . Sa'íd
    again was succeeded in the governorship by Rájah Bhagwán Dás ( No. 27), and
    received Sambhal as tuyúl. In the 28th year, he was called to Court, was made a

    The Ed. Bibl. Indica of Badáoní (rebellion), which may be found on almost
    (II, 238) has by mistake cousin. Badáoní every page of the Tárikh i Firúz Sháhí,
    says that the battle took place near is scarcely ever met with in Historical
    Colgong ( K'halgánw). works from the 10th century. It is now
    This nickname of Sátgánw is evi- quite obsolete.
    dently old. Even the word bulghák For Bhátí, vide below under No. 32
    332

    commander of Three Thousand, and was sent to Hájípúr ( Patna) as successor to


    Mírzá 'Azíz Kokah (No. 21 ) . In the 32nd year, when Vazír Khán (No. 41) had
    died in Bengal, Sa'id was made Governor of Bengal, which office he held till the 40th
    year. He was also promoted to the rank of Panjhazárí. In the 40th year, Mán
    Singh (No. 30 ) being appointed to Bengal, he returned to Court, and was, in the
    following year, again made Governor of Bihár. In the 48th year ( 1011 ) , when
    Mírzá Ghází rebelled in That'hah after the death of his father Mírzá Jání Beg
    (No. 47 ), Sa'id was appointed to Multán and Bhakkar, and brought about the
    submission of the rebel.
    After the accession of Jahángír , he was offered the Governorship of the Panjáb
    on the condition that he should prevent his eunuchs from committing oppressions,
    which he promised to do. (Tuzuk, p. 6, 1. 2) . He died, however, before joining his
    post, and was buried in the garden of Sarhind .'
    His affairs during his lifetime were transacted by a Hindú of the name of Chetr
    Bhoj . Sa'íd had a passion for eunuchs, of whom he had 1200¹ . One of these Khwajah-
    sarás, Hilál, joined afterwards Jahángír's service ; he built Hilálábád, six kos N. W.
    from A'grah, near Rankaṭṭah,2 regarding which the Maásir tells an amusing incident.
    Another eunuch, Ikhtiyár Khán was his Vakíl, and another, I'tibár Khán, the
    Faujdár of his jágír. For Sa'id's brother, vide No. 70.
    26. Shiha'b Kha'n, a Sayyid of Nishápúr.
    His full name is Shihabuddin Ahmad Khán . He was a relation and friend of
    Máhum Anagah (p. 323) and was instrumental in bringing about Bairám's fall.
    From the beginning of Akbar's reign, he was Commander of Dilhí. When Akbar,
    at the request of Máhum, turned from Sikandarábád to Dihlí to see his sick mother,
    Shihab Kán told him that his journey, undertaken as it was without the knowledge
    of Bairám Khán, might prove disastrous to such grandees as were not Bairam's
    friends ; and the Chaghtái nobles took this opportunity of reiterating their complaints,
    which led to Bairam's disgrace.
    As remarked on p. 321 , Shiháb served in Málwah against ' Abdullah Khán .
    In the 12th year ( 975 ) , he was appointed Governor of Málwah, and was ordered to
    drive the Mírzás from that province. In the 13th year, he was put in charge ofthe
    Imperial domain lands, as Muzaffar Khán (No. 37) had too much to do with financial
    matters.
    In the 21st year, he was promoted to a command of Five Thousand, and was
    again appointed to Málwah ; but he was transferred, in the following year, to Gujrát,
    as Vazír Khán (No. 41) had given no satisfaction . He was, in the 28th year,
    succeeded by I'timád Khán (No. 119 ) , and intended to go to Court ; but no sooner
    had he left Ahmadábád than he was deserted by his servants, who in a body joined
    Sultan Muzaffar. The events of the Gujrát rebellion are known from the histories.
    When Mírzá Khán Khánán (No. 29) arrived, Shihab was attached to Qulij Khán

    If not acquired in Bengal, this pre- Book, Cubah of Bengal, and Tuzuk i
    dilection could not have been better Jahangirí, pp. 72 , 328 .
    satisfied elsewhere. The eunuchs of 2 Sikandrah (or Bihishtábád), where
    Bengal and Silhat were renowned ; for Akbar's tomb is, lies half way between
    interesting passages vide below, Third Agrah and Rankaṭṭah.
    333

    (Málwah Corps). He distinguished himself in the conquest of Bahronch (992 ), and


    received that district as tuyúl. In the 34th year (997), he was again made Governor
    of Málwah, in succession to M. 'Aziz Kokah (No. 21 ) .
    Shihab died in Málwah (Ujain, Tabaqat) in 999. His wife, Bábú Aghá was
    related to Akbar's mother ; she died in 1005 .
    During the time Shiháb was Governor of Dihlí, he repaired the canal which
    Fírúz Sháh had cut from the Parganah of Khizrábád to Safídún ; and called it
    Nahr i Shiháb. This canal was again repaired, at the order of Shahjahán, by the
    renowned Makramat Khán, and called , Faiz Nahr, (20th year of Sháhjahán) .
    During the reign of Aurangzeb it was again obstructed, but has now again been
    repaired and enlarged by the English. (A'sáruççanádid.)
    27. Ra'jah Bhagwa'n Da's , son of Rájah Bihárí Mall .
    In the Histories we find the spellings Bhagwant, Bhagwánt, and Bhagwán.
    He joined Akbar's service with his father (No. 23 ) . In 980, in the fight with
    Ibráhím Husain Mírzá near Sarnál ( Briggs, Sartál) , he saved Akbar's life . He
    also distinguished himself against the Ráná of Idar, whose son, Amr Singh, he
    brought to Court. When, in the 23rd year, the Kachwáhahs had their tuyúls
    transferred to the Panjáb, Rájah Bh. D. was appointed Governor of the province.
    In the 29th year, Bh.'s daughter was married to Prince Salím, of which marriage
    Prince Khusrau was the offspring. In the 30th year, Bh. D. was made a commander of
    Five Thousand, and Governor of Zábulistán, as Mán Singh was sent against the
    Yusufzaís. But Akbar for some reason detained him, In Khairábád, Bh . D.
    had a fit of madness, and wounded himself with a dagger ; but he recovered, soon
    after, in the hands of the Court Doctors. In the 32nd year, the jágírs of the Rájah
    and his family were transferred to Bihár, Mán Singh taking the command of the
    province.
    Rájah Bh. D. died in the beginning of 998 at Láhor, a short time after Rájah
    Todar Mall (No, 39) . People say that on returning from Todar Mall's funeral, he had an
    attack of stranguary, of which he died. He had the title of Amir ul Umará.
    The Jámi ' Masjid of Láhor was built by him.
    Regarding his sons, vide Nos. 30, 104, 336.
    28. Qutbuddi'n Kha'n, youngest brother of Atgah Khán ( 15) .
    As he belonged to the Atgah Khail ( vide p. 321) , his tuyúl was in the Panjáb.
    He founded several mosques, &c. , at Láhor.
    In the 9th year (972) , Akbar sent him to Kábul. During his stay there, he
    built a villa at Ghaznín, his birth place, On the transfer of the Atgah Khail' from the
    Panjab, Q. was appointed to Málwah. After the conquest of Gujrát, he received as
    jágír the Sirkár of Bahronch (Broach), " which lies south of Ahmadábád, and has a
    fort on the bank of the Narbuddá near its mouth . " Subsequently he returned to Court,
    and was made a commander of Five Thousand.
    In the 24th year (12th Rajab, 987) , he was appointed atáliq to Prince Salím ,
    received a dágú,¹ and the title of Beglar Begí. Akbar also honoured him by placing
    at a feast Prince Salím on his shoulders. Afterwards Q. was again appointed to

    1 A kind of warm mantle--a great distinction under the Tímúrides .


    334

    Bahronchas far as Nazrbár.' In the 28th year (991) , Muzaffar of Gujrát tried to
    make himself independent. Q. did not act in concert with the other officers, and in
    consequence of his delay and timidity, he was attacked and defeated by Muzaffar near
    Barodah. Q.'s servants even joined Muzaffar, whilst he himself retreated to the Fort
    of Barodah. After a short time he capitulated and surrendered to Muzaffar, who had
    promised not to harm him or his family. But at the advice of a Zamíndár, Muzaffar
    went to Bahronch, occupied the Fort in which Q.'s family lived , and confiscated
    his immense property ( 10 krors of rupees), as also 14 lacs of imperial money.
    Immediately after, Muzaffar had Q. murdered.
    His son Naurang Khán served under Mírzá Khán Khánán (No. 29) in Gujrát
    (992) , received a jágír in Málwah and subsequently in Gujrát. He died in 999.
    The MSS. of the Tabaqát, which I consulted, contain the remark that Naurang
    Khán was a Commander of Four Thousand, and was, in 1001 , governor of Júnágarh.
    His second son, Gújar Khán, was a Haftçadí (No. 193) , and served chiefly under
    M. A'zam Khán Kokah (No. 21 ) . He also had a tuyúl in Gujrát.
    29. Kha'n Kha'naʼn Miʼrza' 'Abdurrahi'm, son of Bairám Khán .
    His mother was a daughter of Jamál Khán of Mewát . In 961 , when Humáyún
    returned to India, he enjoined his nobles to enter into matrimonial alliances with the
    Zamíndárs of the country, and after marrying the elder daughter of Jamál Khán,
    he asked Bairám Khán to marry the younger one.
    M. ' Abdurrahim was born at Láhor, 14th Çafar 964. When Bairám Khán was
    murdered at Patan in Gujrát (p. 317 ), his camp was plundered by some Afgháns ;
    but Muhammad Amín Díwánah and Bábá Zambúr managed to remove the child
    and his mother from the scene of plunder, and bring them to Ahmadábád, fighting
    on the road with the Afghán robbers. From Ahmadábád , M. ' Abdurrahim was
    taken to Akbar (969), who notwithstanding the insinuations of malicious courtiers
    took charge of him. He gave him the title of Mírzá Khán, and married him
    subsequently to Mah Bánú, sister of M. ' Aziz Kokah. (No. 21).
    In 981 , M. ' Abdurrahím accompanied Akbar on his forced march to Patan
    (p. 325). In 984, M. 'A. was appointed to Gujrát, Vazír Khán having the manage-
    ment of the province. In the 25th year, he was made Mir ' Arz, and three years
    later, atáliq to Prince Salím. Soon after, he was sent against Sultán Muzaffar of
    Gujrát. Muzaffar, during the first Gujrátí war, had fallen into the hands of Akbar's
    officers. He was committed to the charge of Mun'im Khán (No. 11 ), and after his
    death, to the care of Shah Mançúr the Díwán (No. 122 ) . But Muzaffar managed,
    in the 23rd year, to escape, and took refuge with the Kát hís of Júnágarh, little
    noticed or cared for by Akbar's officers. But when I'timád Khán was sent to Gujrát
    to relieve Shihabuddín ( No. 26 ) , the servants of the latter joined Muzaffar, and the
    Gujrát rebellion commenced. Muzaffar took Ahmadábád, and recruited, with the
    treasures that fell into his hands ( vide Qutbuddín, No. 28) , an army of 40,000
    troopers . Mírzá ' Abdurrahím had only 10,000 troopers to oppose him, and though
    his officers advised him to wait for the arrival of Qulij Khán and the Málwah
    He was the nephew of Hasan Khán that the Khánzádahs of Mewát were
    of Mewát. ( Bad. I, p. 361 ). In the chiefly converted Janúhah Rájpúts.
    fourth Book of the Aín, Abulfazl says
    335

    contingent, Dost Khán Lodí, M. 'A.'s Mir Shamsher, reminded him not to spoil his
    laurels and claims to the Khán Khánánship . M.'A . then attacked Muzaffar and
    defeated him in the remarkable battle of Sarkij , three kos from Ahmadábád. On the
    arrival of the Málwah contingent, M. 'A. defeated Muzaffar a second time near Nádot.
    Muzaffar concealed himself in Rájpíplah.
    For these two victories Akbar made M.'A. a commander of Five Thousand, and
    gave him the coveted title of Khán Khánán. For this reason Historians generally
    call him Mírzá Khán Khánán .
    When Gujrát was finally conquered, M. Khán Khánán gave his whole property
    to his soldiers, even his inkstand, which was given to a soldier who came last and
    said, he had not received anything. The internal affairs of Gujrát being settled,
    Qulij Khán was left in the province, and M.'A. rejoined the Court.
    In the 34th year he presented to Akbar a copy of his Persian translation of
    Bábar's Chaghtái Memoirs (Waqi'át i Bábarí).¹
    Towards the end of the same year he was appointed Vakil, and received Jaunpúr
    as tuyúl ; but in 999 his jágír was transferred to Multán, and he received orders
    2
    to take That'hah (Sind). Passing by the Fort of Sahwán, he took the Fort of Lak'hí,
    " which was considered the key of the country, just as Gadhí is in Bengal and Bárah-
    múlah in Kashmir." After a great deal of fighting, Mírzá Jání Beg (No. 47 ) , ruler
    of That'hah, made peace, which M.'A., being hard pressed for provisions, willingly
    accepted. Sahwán was to be handed over to Akbar, M. Jání Beg was to visit the
    emperor after the rains, and Mírzá Irich, M.'A.'s eldest son, was to marry Jání Beg's
    daughter. But as M. Jání Beg after the rains, delayed to carry out the stipulations.
    M.'A. moved to That'hah , and prepared himself to take it by assault, when M. Jání
    Beg submitted and accompanied M.'A. to Court. Thus Sindh was annexed.
    When Sultán Murád assembled, at Bahronch (Broach) , his troops for the conquest
    of the Dak'hin, Akbar despatched M.'A. to his assistance, giving him Bhílsá as jágír.
    After delaying there for some time, M.'A. went to Ujain, which annoyed the Prince,
    though M.'A. wrote him that Rájah 'Alí Khán* of Khándes was on the point of
    joining the Imperialists , and that he would come with him. When M.'A. , at last,
    joined head quarters at Fort Chándor, 30 kos from Ahmadnagar, he was slighted by the
    Prince ; and, in consequence of it, he hesitated to take an active part in the operations,
    leaving the command of his detachment chiefly in the hands of M. Shahrukh (No. 7) .
    Only on one occasion after Murád's departure from Ahmadnagar, he took a prominent
    part in the war. Mu'tamiduddaulah Suhail Khán (Briggs , II, 274 ; III, 308 ) threatened
    Prince Murád, who had been persuaded by his officers not to engage with him. M.
    'A., Rájah ' Alí Khán, and M. Sháhrukh, therefore took it upon themselves to fight
    the enemy. Moving in Jumáda II , 1005 from Sháhpúr, M.'A. met Suhail near the
    town of Ashtí, 12 kos from Pathrí. The fight was unusually severe. Rájah ' Alí
    Khán with five of his principal officers and five hundred troopers were killed (Briggs

    Fide p. 105, last line. subject of a Masnawí by Mullá Shikebí,


    Also called Siwistán, on the right bank whom Abulfazl mentions below among
    of the Indus. Lak'hí (Lukkee ) lies a the poets of Akbar's age.
    little south of Sahwán. * Khái Khán calls him R
    The conquest of Sindh forms the Khán .
    336

    IV, 324) . The night put an end to the engagement ; but each party believing itself
    victorious, remained under arms. When next morning, M.'A.'s troopers went to the
    river [near Súpá, Firishtah] to get water, they were attacked by 25,000 of the
    enemy's horse. Daulat Khán who commanded M.'A.'s avantguard, said to him," It is
    dying a useless death to fall fighting with but 600 troopers against such odds." " Do
    you forget Dihlí ?" asked M.'A. " If we keep up," replied Daulat Khán, " against
    such odds, we have discovered a hundred Dihlís ; and if we die, matters rest with God."
    Qasim of Bárha' and several other Sayyids were near ; and on hearing M.'A.'s resolution
    to fight, he said , " Well, let us fight as Hindústánís, nothing is left but death ; but ask
    the Khán Khánán what he means to do." Daulat Khán returned , and said to M.'A
    " Their numbers are immense, and victory rests with heaven ; point out a place where
    we can find you, should we be defeated." " Under the corpses," said M. 'A. There
    upon they charged the flank of the enemy and routed them. After this signal victory,
    M.'A. distributed 75 lacs of Rupees among his soldiers. At the request of the Prince,
    M.'A. was soon after recalled ( 1006) .
    In the same year Mah Bánú, M. 'A.'s wife died .
    In the 44th year, Prince Dányál was appointed to the Dak'hin, and M.'A. was
    ordered to join the Prince, and besiege Ahmadnagar. The town, as is known from the
    histories, was taken after a siege of 4 months and 4 days. M.'A. then joined the
    Court, bringing with him Bahadur ibn i Ibráhím, who had been set up as Nizám Sháh.
    Dányál was appointed governor of the newly conquered territory, which was called
    by Akbar Dándes, and married to Jáná Begum, M.'A.'s daughter. The Khán
    Khánán was also ordered to repair to Ahmadnagar, to keep down a party that had
    made the son of Sháh ' Alí, uncle of Murtazá, Nizám Sháh.
    After the death of Akbar, matters in the Dak'hin did not improve. In the
    3rd year of Jahángír ( 1017) , M.'A . promised to bring the war to a close in two years,
    if he received a sufficient number of troops . Sháhzádah Parwíz, under the Atáliq-
    ship of Acaf Khán , Mán Singh , Khán Jahán Lodi, and others , were appointed to
    assist M.'A. He took the Prince in the rains from Burhánpúr to Bálág hát ; but in
    consequence of the usual duplicity and rancour displayed by the Amírs, the imperial
    army suffered from want of provisions and loss of cattle, and M.'A. was compelled
    to conclude a treaty dishonorable for Jahángír, who appointed Khán Jahán Lodí as
    his successor, and sent Mahábat Khán, subsequently M.'A.'s enemy, to bring the
    unsuccessful commander to Court.
    In the 5th year, M. 'A. received Kálpí and Qanauj as tuyúl, with orders to crush
    the rebels in those districts (vide p . 324, note) . Some time afterwards, M.'A. was
    again sent to the Dak'hin, as matters there had not improved ; but he did not gain
    any advantage either.

    The Sayyids of Bárha considered it the Akbarnámah and the Maásir have
    their privilege to fight in the Haráwal, Abhang Khán. The Lucknow Ed. of
    or van. Vide No. 75 , Firishtah has Ahang Khán . The dif
    2 Abulfazl and the Lucknow edition ferences, moreover, between Abulfazl and
    of Firishtah call the eunuch who mur. Firishtah in details are very remarkable.
    dered Chand Bibi ‫ جيته خان‬or ‫چیته‬ a A combination of the words Dányát
    Briges has Hamid Khán . For Nikang and Khandes.
    Khán, which Briggs gives, all copies of
    337

    In the 11th year ( 1025) Jahángír, at last, despatched Prince Khurram, to whom
    he had given the title of Sháh. Jahángír himself fixed his residence at Mándú in
    Málwah, in order to be nearer the scene of war, while Shah Khurram selected Burhánpúr
    as Head Quarters . Here the Prince also married the daughter of Shahnawáz Khán ,
    M. 'A.'s son . 'Adil Shah and Qutbulmulk
    sent tribute and submitted , and Jahángír
    bestowed upon ' Adil Sháh the title of Farzand (son) ; and ' Ambar Malik handed over
    the keys of Ahmadnagar and other Forts, together with the Parganahs of Bálág hát
    which he had conquered . Sháh Khurram then appointed M.'A. Çúbahdár of
    Khándes, Barár, and Ahmadnagar, whilst Shahnawaz Khán was appointed to
    Bálág hát. Leaving 30,000 horse and 7,000 artillery in the Dak'hin, Shah Khurram
    joined his father at Mándú, where new honors awaited him."
    In the 15th year, Malik ' Ambar ' broke' the treaty, and fell upon the T'hánahdárs of
    the Mughuls. Dáráb Khán, M. 'A.'s second son, retreated from Bálá'ghát to Bálápúr ;
    and driven from there, he went to Burhánpúr, where he and his father were besieged.
    On Shahjahan's approach, the besiegers dispersed.
    In the 17th year, (1031) , Sháh 'Abbás of Persia attacked Qandahár, and
    Shahjahan and ' Abdurrahím were called to Court, to take the command against the
    Persians ; but before they joined, Prince Parwíz, through Núr Jahán's influence, had
    been appointed heir-apparent, and Mahábat Khán had been raised to the dignity of
    Khán Khánán. Shahjahan rebelled, returned with M.'A. to Mándú, and then
    moved to Burhanpúr. On the march thither, Shahjahán intercepted a letter which
    M. 'A. had secretly written to Mahábat Khán , whereupon he imprisoned him and his
    son Dáráb Khán, and sent him to Fort Asír, but released them soon after on
    parole. Parwíz and Mahábat Khán had, in the meantime, arrived at the Narbaddah
    to capture Shahjahán . Bairám Beg, an officer of Sháhjahán's, had for this reason
    removed all boats to the left side of the river, and successfully prevented the imperials
    from crossing. At M.'A.'s advice, Sháhjahán proposed, at this time, an armistice.
    He made M. ' A. swear upon the Qorán not to betray him, and sent him as ambassador
    to Parwíz. Mahábat Khán, knowing that the fords would not now be so carefully
    watched as before, effected a crossing, and M.'A., forgetful of his oath, joined Prince
    Parwíz, and did not return to Shahjahán , who now fled from Burhánpúr, marching
    through Talingánah to Orissa and Bengal. Mahábat and M. 'A. followed him up a short
    distance beyond the Taptí. M. 'A. wrote to Rájah Bhím, a principal courtier of the
    Daulatshahí party, to tell Sháhjahán, that he ( M. 'A.) would do every thing in his

    " Since the time of Tímúr no Prince rank, and a contingent of 20,000 (az açl
    had received this title." Maásir. Sháh wa izáfah, i. e. his former contingent
    Khurram received subsequently the title plus an increase in troops) . He was also
    of Shahjahan, which he retained as king, allowed a Çandalí (vide p. 306), likewise
    in conjunction with the titles of Cáhib a custom that had not been observed
    Qirán i Sání and A'lá Hazrat ( a since the age of Tímúr. Jahángír even
    ). The last title had also been came down from the Jharokah (the win-
    used by Sulaimán i Kararání, King of dow in the State hall , familiar to all that
    Bengal. Aurangzeb, in imitation of it, have seen the halls of the palaces of Ag-
    adopted the title of A'lá Khágán. rah and Fathpúr Síkrí), and placed a
    He received the title of Shahjahán dish full of jewels and gold on Shahja-
    and was made a Síházárí, or Commander hán's head, distributing the whole (as
    of Thirty Thousand, personal (brevet) nusár) among the Amírs.
    43
    338

    powerto detain the imperial army, if the prince would allow his sons to join him. Rájah
    Bhím replied that the prince had still from five to six thousand followers, and that he
    would kill M.'A.'s sons, should it come to a fight. Sháhjahán then moved into Bengal and
    Bihar, of which he made Dáráb Khán , who had evidently attached himself to the prince,
    Governor. Mahábat Khán had in the mean time returned to Iláhábád to oppose Sháh-
    jahán, and had placed M.'A., who looked upon him with distrust, under surveillance.
    In the 21st year, Jahángír ordered Mahábat Khán to send M. 'A. to court, where
    he was reinstated in his titles and honours. He afterwards retired to his jágír at
    Láhor, when Mahábat Khán followed him and sent him back to Dihlí. Soon after
    the failure of his scheme of retaining possession of Jahángír's person, and the
    return of the monarch from Kábul, Mahábat Khán had to fly. Núr Jahán now
    appointed M.'A. to follow up Mahábat, and contributed herself twelve lacs of rupees
    to the expedition. But before the necessary preparations had been completed, M.'A.
    took ill at Láhor, and on his arrival in Dihlí, he died at the age of seventy-two, in the
    end of Jahángír's 21st year ( 1036). The words Khán Sipahsálár kú (where is the
    Khán Commander) are the táríkh of his death.
    M. 'A.'s great deeds are the conquests of Gujrát and Sind and the defeat of
    Suhail Khán of Bíjápúr. During Jahángír's reign, he did nothing remarkable ; nor
    was he treated with the respect which he had enjoyed during the lifetime of Akbar,
    though he was allowed to retain his rank. For nearly thirty years, he had been
    serving in the Dak'hin . Every grandee, and even the princes, accused him of secret
    friendship with the rulers of the Dak'hin, and Abulfazl, on one occasion, gave his
    fatwa that M.'A. was a rebel. Under Jahángír, he was the open friend of Malik
    'Ambar ; and Muhammad Ma'çúm, one of his servants, once informed the emperor
    that he would find Malik ' Ambar's correspondence in the possession of ' Abdurrahím
    of Lak'hnau (No. 197) , who was much attached to M.'A. Mahábat Khán was appointed
    to enquire into this ; but 'Abdurrahím of Lak❜hnau would not betray his friend.
    People said, M. 'A.'s motto was, ' people should hurt their enemies under the mask of
    friendship,' and all seem to have been inclined to blame him for maliciousness and
    faithlessness . He used to get daily reports from his newswriters whom he had posted
    at various stations. He read their reports at night, and tore them up. But he was
    also proverbial for his liberality and love of letters. The Maásiri Rahimi is a
    splendid testimony of his generosity ; it shews that he was the Mecenas of Akbar's age.
    People, by a happy comparison, called him Mír 'Ali Sher (vide p. 101, note 4.) M.'A.
    wrote Persian, Turkish, Arabic, and Hindi with great fluency. As poet he wrote under
    the name of Rahim.
    Though his father had been a Shí'ah, M.'A. was a Sunní ; but people said, he
    was a Shi'ah, but practised taqiyyah ."
    M. 'A.'s most faithful servant was Miyán Fahím . People said, he was the son
    of a slave girl ; but he appears to have been a Rájpút. He grew up with M.'A.'s
    sons, and was as pious as he was courageous. He fell with his son Fírúz Khán

    1 Called Maásir i Rahímé in allusion ( ,pr. fear, caution), i. e., they do


    to his name M. ' Abdur-Rahím . Vide as if they were Sunnís. A Shi'ah may
    Elliot's Index ( 1st edition) , p. 377. even vilify his own sect, if his personal
    2 Wherever Shi'ahs are in the minori- safety requires it.
    ty, they practise, if necessary, taqiyyah
    339

    and 40 attendants in the fight with Mahábat Khan, who had imprisoned his master.
    M.'A. built him a tomb in Dihlí, which is now called Nílah Burj, near Humáyúu's
    tomb. (Asáruççanádíd.)
    M. 'A. outlived his four sons.
    1. Mírzá Irich for Irij, Shahnawáz Khán Bahádur (No. 255). When young he
    ased to be called Khán Khánán i jawán. He distinguished himself by his courage. In
    the 40th year of Akbar he was made a Commander of 400. In the 47th year, after
    a fight with Malik 'Ambar who got wounded, he received the title of Bahadur,
    During the reign of Jahángír he was called Shahnawaz Khán (vide Tuzuk, p. 95), and
    was made a Commander of Five Thousand. He died in 1028 from excessive drinking.
    (Vide Tuzuk, p. 270).
    Two of his sons are mentioned in the Pádisháknámah. 1. Mírzá Khán. He
    was Faujdár of Kángrah, and retired foolishly' from public life in Rabí' II, 1046. But
    he was re-employed and was a Commander of Three Thousand in 1055 (Pádisháhnámah
    II, pp. 483, 723) . 2. Lashkarshikan Khán. He got in 1047, a present of 4000 R.,
    and received an appointment in Bengal.
    Historians call Shahnawaz Khán generally Shahnawaz Khán i Jahángírí, to
    distinguish him from Shahnawaz Khán i Çafawí, a grandee of Sháhjahán .
    2. Mírzá Dáráb Dáráb- Khán. He has been mentioned above (p. 337). When
    Shahjahan made him Governor of Bengal, he retained his wife, a son and a daughter,
    and a son of Shahnawáz Khán as hostages (yarghamál) . When the prince after the
    fight near the Tons (Benares) had again to go to the Dak'hin, he wrote to Dáráb
    Khán to move to Gadhí (N. W. entrance of Bengal) and join him. Dáráb wrote him
    that he could not come, being besieged by the zamíndárs of the place . He fell at last
    6
    into the hands of Parwíz and Mahábat Khán, and as Jahángír had no objections',
    Mahábat executed him (1035), wrapped his head in a table cloth, and sent it to his
    father M.'A. as a present of a ' melon.' A short time before, ' Abdullah Khán had
    killed Dáráb's son and a son of Shahnawaz Khán.
    3. Mírzá Rahmán Dád. His mother belonged to the Sandahas of Amarkot.
    Though very dissolute, he was most liked by his father. He died, at Bálápúr, about
    the same time as his eldest brother. Vide Tuzuk, p . 315. No one dared to inform
    his father of the event, till people sent at last the famous saint Hazrat 'Isá of Sindh
    to M. 'A. on a visit of condolence.
    4. Mirzá Amrullah. He grew up without education, and died when young.
    30. Rajah Ma'n Singh, son of Bhagwán Dás
    He was born at Amber, and is the son of Rájah Bhagwán Dás (No. 27) . Euro-
    pean Historians say that he was the adopted son of Rájah Bh. D., but Muhammadan
    Historians do not allude to this circumstance, perhaps because Hindús make absolute-
    ly no difference between a real and an adopted son . He is also known under the title
    of Mírzá Rájah, and Akbar bestowed upon him the title of Farzand (son) .
    He joined Akbar with Bihárí Mall (p. 329) . In 984, he was appointed against
    Ráná Kíká, and gained, in 985 , the great battle near Gogandah. Rájah Rámsáh of

    The best account of this battle is to witness. Bad. II. 230 to 237. The
    be found in Badáoní, who was an eye- whole is left out in Briggs.
    340

    Gwáliár was killed with his sons, whilst the Ráná himself in the melée was wounded
    by Mán Singh. Akbar, however, felt annoyed, because M. S. did not follow up his
    victory, and recalled him.
    When Bhagwan Dás was appointed governor of the Panjáb, M. S. commanded
    the districts along the Indus. In the year 993, Prince M. Muhammad Hakim
    died, and M. S. was sent to Kábul to keep the country in order. He rejoined Akbar
    near the Indus with M. Muhammad Hakím's sons (M. Afrásyáb and M. Kaiqubád) ;
    but was soon after sent back to Kábul, where he chastised the Raushánís who,
    like other Afghán tribes, were given to predatory incursions. After the death of
    Rájah Bír Bar, in the war with the Yúsufzaís, M. S. was appointed to the command
    of the army in Kábul, in supercession of Zain Khán Kokah (No. 34) and Hakím
    Abul Fath. He was also put in charge of Zábulistán, as Bhagwán Dás had a fit of
    madness (p. 333) . In the 32nd year, M. S. was recalled in consequence of loud complaints
    of the people against the Rájpúts and M. S.'s indifference to the Kábulís, and was
    appointed Governor of Bihár, to which province the tuyúls of the Kachhwáhas had
    been transferred.
    After the death of Bhagwán Dás in 998, M. S. , who hitherto had the title of
    Kunwar, received from Akbar the title of Rájah and a Command of Five Thousand.
    In Bihár he punished several refractory Zamindárs, as Púrán Mall and Rájah Sing
    Rám, and received their tribute.
    The principal events of Mán Singh's life from 997 to 1015 are given in Stewart's
    History of Bengal, (pp. 114 to 121). In the 35th year, M. S. invaded Orissa by way
    of Jhárkand (Chuttiá Nágpúr). The result of this expedition was the cession of Púrí.
    In the 37th year, when the Afgháns under Khwajah Sulaimán and Khwajah ' Usmán
    attacked Púrí, M. S. again invaded Orissa, and re-annexed, in 1000, that province to
    the Dihlí empire. In the 39th year, M. S. continued his conquests in Bhátí (the
    eastern portions of the Sundarban), and built, in the following year, Akbarnagar, or
    Rájmahall, at a place which Sher Shah, before him , had selected as a convenient spot,
    as also Salímnagar, the Fort of Sherpúr Murchah ( Mymensing ). The whole of Eastern
    Bengal on the right side ofthe Brahmaputra was likewise annexed . In the 41st year,
    M. S. married the sister of Lachmí Naráin, Rájah of Kúch Bihár, who had declared
    himself a vassal of the Mughul empire. In the same year, M. S. took dangerously
    ill at G'horág hát, when the Afgháns attacked him. They were soon after driven
    back by Himmat Singh, one of M. S.'s sons, into the Sundarban . In the 42nd year,
    M. S. had to send a detachment under Hijáz Khán into Kúch Bihár for the protection
    of Lachmí Naráin . In the 44th year, M. S., at Akbar's request, joined the Dak❜hin
    war. Thinking that the Afgháns, in consequence of the death of their leader, the rich
    'Isá of G'horág hát, would remain quiet, M. S. appointed bis son Jagat Singh (No. 160)
    his deputy, and joined Prince Salím at Ajmír. Jagat Singh died after a short time, and
    was succeeded by Mahá Singh, a younger son , or grandson , of M. S. The Afgháns under

    The name of ' Sayid' Khán ( ☺l Jaw) Such as take an interest in the History of
    which occurs several times in Stewart, Bengal and Orissa should make use of the
    7. c., should be corrected to Sa'id Khán Akbarnámah, which contaius many new
    (ul ), the same grandee whose facts and details not given in Stewart.
    biography was given above (p . 331) . 2 He died in 1005.
    341

    'Usmán used this opportunity, defeated , in the 45th year, the imperials near Bhadrak in
    Orissa, and occupied a great portion of Bengal. M. S. then hastened back over Rahtás ,
    and defeated the Afgháns near Sherpúr ' Ațáí, a town of the Sirkár of Sharífábád, which
    extended from Bardwán to Fath Singh, S. of Murshidábád . After this victory, which
    obliged 'Usmán to retreat to Orissa , M. S. paid a visit to the Emperor who promoted
    him to a (full) command of Seven Thousand. Hitherto Five Thousand had been the
    limit of promotion . It is noticeable that Akbar in raising M. S. to a command of Seven
    Thousand, placed a Hindú above every Muhammadan officer, though, soon after, M.
    Shahrukh (vide p. 312) and M. 'Azíz Kokah (No. 21) were raised to the same dignity.
    M. S. remained in Bengal till 1013, when the sickness of the emperor induced
    him to resign his appointment, in order to be in the capital. The part which he played at
    the time of Akbar's death is known from the Histories. Jahángír thought it prudent
    to overlook the conspiracy which the Rájah had made, and sent him to Bengal. But
    soon after ( 1015 ) , he was recalled and ordered to quell disturbances in Rahtás (Bihár),
    after which he joined the emperor. In the 3rd year of Jahángír's reign , he was
    permitted to go to his home, where he raised levies, in order to serve with M.
    'Abdurrahím (No. 29) in the Dak'hin war.
    M. S. died a natural death in the 9th year of J.'s reign whilst in the Dak'hin
    Sixty of his fifteen hundred wives burned themselves on the funeral pile. At the time
    of his death, only one of his numerous sons was alive, Bháo Singh, regarding whose
    succession to the title vide Tuzuk i Jahángírí, p. 130.
    The ground on which the Táj at A'grah stands, belonged to Mán Singh.
    31. Muhammad Quli' Kha'n Barla's, a descendant of the Barmaqs (?).'
    He served under Humáyún, and held Multán as jágír. In the beginning of
    Akbar's reign, he conveyed, together with Shamsuddín Atgah (No. 15) the princesses
    from Kábul to India. His tuyúl was subsequently transferred to Nágor. For a
    short time he was also Governor of Málwah.
    In the 12th year, he was sent against Iskandar Khán Uzbak (vide No. 48)
    in Audh. After the death of Khán Zamán, Iskandar fled to Bengal, and Audh was
    given to Muhammad Qulí Khán as jagir .
    He subsequently served under Mun'im Khán in Bihár and Bengal. In the 19th
    year, when Dáúd had withdrawn to Sátgánw (Húglí ), Munim Khán despatched
    M. Q. Kh. to follow up the Afgháns, whilst he remained with Rájah Todar Mall in
    Tándah to settle financial matters. When M. Q. Khán arrived at Sátgánw, Dáúd
    withdrew to Orissa, to which country neither M. Q. Khán nor his officers had much
    inclination to go. From Sátgánw, M. Q. Khán invaded the district of Jesar (Jessore),

    So in the MSS .; but the name Bar- altogether impossible . The MSS . of the
    mag is very doubtful. Being a Barlás,' Maásir have Barantaq . In the
    he belonged to that Chaghtái tribe which beginning of the Akbarnámah, Abulfazl
    traced its descent to says that this 8th ancestor of Tímúr was
    ‫ برد‬or ‫ايرد مجي‬ the first that held the title of barlás,
    -the MSS. have various forms for this
    name , who is the 8th ancestor of Tímúr. which means the same as ‫ شجاع‬shuja ,
    If be the correct form, the brave. Another Barlás had been men-
    tioned above on p. 206. An Amír
    substitution of , a renowned name in Chákú Barlás served with distinction
    Muhammadan History, would not appear under Tímúr.
    342

    where Sarmadí, a friend of Dáúd's, had rebelled ; but the imperialists met with no
    success, and returned to Sátgánw. Mun'im Khán at last ordered Todar Mall to join
    M. Q. Khán, and subsequently, both moved into Orissa. Soon after passing the
    frontier, M. Q. Khán died at Mednípúr ( Midnapore), Ramazán, 982. He seems
    to have died a natural death, though some accused one of his enunchs of foul play.
    His son, Mírzá Farídún Barlás (No. 227). He served under M. 'Abdurrahím
    (No. 29) in Sind, and accompanied, in 1001 , Jání Beg (No. 47) to Court. He was a
    commander of Five Hundred. Under Jahangir, he was rapidly promoted, and held, in
    the 8th year, a command of Two Thousand, when he served under Prince Khurram.
    against Ráná Amr Singh. He died during the expedition.
    His son Mihr ' Alí Barlás was made by Jahángír a commander of One Thousand.
    32. Tarson Kha'n, sister's son of Sháh Muhammad Saiful Mulk.
    In Histories he is called Tarson Muhammad Khán. Saiful Mulk had been an
    independent ruler in Gharjistán (a part of Khurásán) ; but he had to submit to
    Tahmasp (A. H. 940.)
    Tarson Khán was in the service of Bairám Khán ( No. 10) , and joined Akbar,
    when Bairam fell into disgrace. Akbar sent him together with Hájí Muhammad
    Sístání (No. 55) to see Bairám, on his way to Makkah, as far as Nágor, then the
    frontier of the empire. T. Kh . was subsequently promoted, to the post of a Com-
    mander of Five Thousand, and was for some time Governor of Bhakkar and then of
    Patan in Gujrát. In the 21st year, he served in Rájpútáná, vide No. 44. In the
    23rd year, he was made Faujdár of Jaunpúr, at the same time that Mullá Muhammad
    Yazdí (vide p. 189) was appointed Qázílquzát and Çadr of that Sirkár. When the
    Jaunpúr Rebellion broke out, T. Kh. with other faithful Amírs moved to Bihár
    against Bahádur Khán and ’Arab Khán, who were joined by Macúm Khán
    Farankhúdí (No. 157) . In the 27th year, he served under M. ' Aziz Kokah in Bihár.
    When the Qaqsháls (No. 50 ) left Ma'çúm Khán and joined the Imperialists, M. 'Aziz
    sent T. Kh. to G'horág'hát, where most of the Qáqsháls had jágírs . T. Kh. stayed at
    Tájpúr (Dinagepore), settling matters, when Ma'çúm Khán came with a large army
    from Bhátí ( ), and plundered Western Bengal, approaching even the environs
    of Tándah ; he also sent a detachment against T. Kh., who was besieged in the Fort
    of Tájpúr. The siege was raised by a corps sent by Shahbáz Khán i Kambú (No. 80)
    from Patna, and T. Kh. was thus enabled to join Shahbáz, and drive away the rebels

    Abulfazl gives this spelling in the correctly my MSS. He came in contact


    Akbarnámah, and says it means lowland, with Salim Khán and Táj Khán of
    (from the Hindústání le down the Bengal, was killed, and his two sons, 'Isá
    and Ismá'íl were sold as slaves. They
    river), and extends nearly 400 kos from
    East to West, and 300 kos from N. S., were subsequently traced by Qutbuddin
    from Thibet to the Ocean. It would thus Khán, 'Isá's uncle,to Túrán, and brought
    include the Sundarban and the tracts back. 'Isá soon became the chief of Bhátí,
    along the Megna. Grant, in the Vth and had twelve great zamindárs depen
    Report, p. 260, note, defines Bhátí as dent on him. Hence he is generally called
    comprising the Sunderban and all the by Abulfazl Marzbán i Bháṭí, ruler of
    neighbouring low lands, even Hijlí , over- Bhátí. He gave the Imperialists no end
    of trouble. He must not be confounded
    flowed by the tide.
    'Isa's father, according to Abulfazl, was with 'Isá, the Vakíl of Qutlú Khán of
    a Rájpút of the Bais clan, if I read Orísá, who ceded Púrí to Mán Singh.
    343

    from Upper Bengal. Ma'çúm fled again to Bháțí, and Shahbáz and T. Kh . planned
    an expedition against 'Isá, who had afforded Ma'çúm shelter. They crossed the
    Ganges at Khizrpúr, which stands on the frontier of Bhátí, took Sunnárgánw,
    plundered Baktarápúr (?) , where ' Isá used to live, and nearly caught Ma'çúm . At
    this juncture, 'Isá returned from an expedition to Kúch Bihár, and attacked the
    Imperialists near Bhowál (N. of Dacca). The Imperialists had entrenched themselves
    near the Brahmaputra, and the fighting was continued for a long time both by land
    and on the river. At one time, T. Kh. with a small detachment came too near a
    position held by the enemy, and was attacked by Ma'çúm Khán and wounded.
    Immediately afterwards he was caught, and killed by Ma'çúm (992 ) . For a relation
    of his, vide No. 400 .
    33. Qiya' Kha'n Gung.
    Qiyá is a Turkish word and means zeb, ornament. Gung, if it is the Persian word,
    means ' dumb.' He served under Humáyún, and held Kol Jalálí . On the approach of
    Hemú, he joined Tardí Beg (No. 12) in Dihlí, and retreated with him. After Hemú's
    defeat, Qiyá was sent to Agrah, and was raised to the dignity of a commander of Five
    Thousand. Several parganahs in Gwáliár having been given to him as tuyúl, Qiyá
    Khán, in the 2nd year of Akbar's reign, besieged Gwáliár, which was held by Bhíl
    Khán, a general of Salím Sháh, during whose reign Gwáliár had been the capital of
    the empire. Bhí Khán, thinking it impossible to hold the Fort for a long time,
    wished to hand it over for a consideration to Rájah Rámsáh, whose ancestors had held
    Gwáliár, when Qiyá Khán arrived , and after defeating the Rájah, prepared himself to
    besiege Bhí Khán. When Akbar, in 966, came to Agrah, he sent a detachment to
    assist Qiyá, and Bhíl Khán submitted.
    He was a friend of Bairam, but was the first that left him and joined Akbar.
    A few years later, Qiyá Khán joined Khán Zamán's rebellion, but repented and
    was pardoned, at the request of Mun'im Khán.
    After the first conquest of Bengal, Q. Kh. was sent to Orissa, to settle matters.
    He remained in Orissa and Bengal during the Bengal rebellion , and when, in the 25th
    year, the Imperialists withdrew from that country, Qutlú Khán seized upon Orissa,
    and besieged Qiyá Khán in some fort. Deserted by his soldiers, Q. Kh. was
    killed (989).

    So the Maásir. The Sawánih says I, p. 237), where the native editors have
    that Rájah Rámsáh with a large force of given three wrong names among twelve,
    Rájpúts had come to besiege Gwáliár. viz. ,
    Firishtah instead of Bhíl Khán (Akbar- P. 237 , last line, for Amin Khán
    námah, Sawánih, Badáoní) has Suhail Koká, read Zain Khán Kokah (No. 34),
    Khán (P ), and Iqbál Khán ( ) for Quả P. 238, 1. 1 , for Shujá Khủn , read
    Khán, vide Briggs, II, p. 194. The Shujat Khán ( No. 14 ).
    change from Je to is not remark- P. 238, 1. 2, for Rasul Khán , read
    Tarson Khán ( No. 32) .
    able ; but the alteration of to Ju Moreover Kháfi Khán’s list is most
    is more violent, as we have an additional incomplete , and does not coincide,
    alif and lám. although he says so, with the number of
    How untrustworthy our printed edi- Panjhazárís given in the Tabaqát.
    tions are, may be seen from Kháfí 2 Several copies of the Tabaqát which
    Khan's List of Commanders of Five I have consulted, say that Qiyá Khán died
    Thousand under Akbar (Ed. Bibl . Indica in 984 (?).
    344

    Tardí Khán (No. 101 ) , his son, was a Commander of Fifteen Hundred . He
    accompanied Prince Dányál to the Dak'hin , but fell later in disgrace. In the 49th
    year, he was restored and promoted to a command of Two Thousand Five Hundred,
    and got a present of 5 lacs of Rupees,

    V. Commanders of Four Thousand Five Hundred .


    34. Zain Kha'n,' son of Khwajah Maqçúd of Harát .
    His father, Khwajah Maqçúd 'Alí, was a servant of Akbar's mother. The name of
    his mother was Píchah Ján Anagah ; she was one of Akbar's nurses. On Humáyún's
    flight to Persia, Maqçúd was always near the howdah of Akbar's mother, and remained
    attached to her in all her misfortunes . His brother was Khwajah Hasan (Zain Khán's
    uncle), whose daughter married Prince Salím. She is the mother of Prince Parwíz,
    In 993, Mírzá Muhammad Hakím, Akbar's brother, had died , and Akbar
    crossed the Indus for Zábulistán . Zain Khán was at that time a commander of Two
    Thousand and Five Hundred, and was sent against the Yúsufzaís. This tribe, says
    Abulfazl, had formerly been in Qarábágh and Qandahár, and had invaded Kábul,
    where a great number of them were killed by M. Ulugh Beg. The remainder settled
    at Lamghánát, and subsequently at Ishtaghar. For the last one hundred years, they
    had held the territory of Waijúr, and were notorious robbers. In Waijúr, there was
    also a tribe of the name of Sultání, who traced their descent to a daughter of Sultán
    Sikandar. The Yusufzaís deprived them treacherously of their district ; a few
    ofthe Sultánídes, however, remained in Waijúr from attachment to their old country.
    On a former occasion, when Akbar had moved against M. Muhammad Hakím, the
    chiefs of the Yusufzaís submitted, and one of them, Kálú, went with Akbar to Agrah
    and was hospitably treated. He fled, however, but was caught by Shamsuddin Kháfĩ
    (No. 159) near Aṭak, and was sent back ; and although Akbar continued to treat him
    kindly, he fled again and stirred up his countrymen.
    Zain Khán moved into the District of Waijúr (north of Pasháwar), and punished
    the Yusufzaís. Several chiefs asked for pardon . After this he erected a fort in
    Jakdarah, in the middle of the country, and defeated the enemies in twenty-three fights.
    He had at last to ask for reinforcements, and Akbar sent to him Rájah Bír Bar and
    Hakim Abul Faith with some troops. Zain Khán asked them to attack the Afgháns,
    whilst he would occupy the conquered districts, or he would attack the enemies, and they
    should hold the district. But Bír Bar and Hakim Abul Fath, who were no friends of
    Zain Khán, proposed that they should attack the Yúsufzaís together, and then go
    back. Z. Kh. said, it would not do to return without better results from a country
    which had cost so many sacrifices ; else, the best thing they could do, was to return
    the same way they had come. But to this they would not listen, and returned by
    another road (over S1 ) . Z. Kh . paid no attention to their insubordination and joined
    them, chiefly because he was afraid they would denounce him at Court. As soon as the
    Afgháns saw the Imperialists returning, they attacked them in every narrow valley.
    On passing the Girewah Balandrí ( 83) , Z. Kh. who commanded the rear

    1 As he was Akbar's foster brother, he Kokah .


    is generally called in histories, Zain Khán 2 Girewah means a hill.
    345

    chandawal), was so severely attacked, that he had to face them. Arrows and stones
    were showered from all sides on the Imperialists, the soldiers got bewildered, and the
    horses ran into the train of elephants. Many lives were lost. Z. Kh., unable to prevent
    a rout, rushed among the Afgháns seeking death, when Jánish Bahadur (No. 235) got
    hold of the reins of his horse, and led him by force out of the melée. In the greatest
    disorder the Imperialists reached the next station, when the mere rumour of an
    approach of the Afgháns dispersed the soldiers. In the darkness of night most of
    them lost their way, and several detachments entered the valleys occupied by the
    Afgháns. The enemies being engaged in plundering, they were at first safe ; but
    next day they were all cut off. This was the occasion when Bír Bar with 500 officers
    fell (vide p. 204).
    In the 31st year (994) , Z. Kh. operated successfully against the Mahmands and
    Ghorís near Pashawar, who under their chief Jalaluddín Raushání had committed
    numerous predations. In the next year, Z. Kh. was made governor of Zábulistán vice
    Mán Singh, and moved, in the 33rd year, against the Yusufzaís. After eight months'
    fighting, they submitted, but Z. Kh . insisted on occupying their territory. He followed
    the same policy as before, and erected a large Fort on the banks of the river Bajgorah
    ( !), where their district commences . During the festival of the ' Id i Qurbání
    (Baqr 'Id, in Zí Hajjah), he surprised the Afgháns, and took possession of the whole
    district, erecting a fort wherever he thought necessary, and leaving in each a sufficient
    number of soldiers. ' (Vide No. 46.)
    In the 35th year, he was sent to punish several rebellious zamíndárs in the
    Himalayas. Most of them, as Rájah Budí (Badhí) Chand of Nagarkot ( vide p. 330),
    Rái Pertáb of Mánkot, Rájah Parisrám of Mount Jamú, Rájah Bású of Mau, Rái
    Balbhadr of Lak'hinpúr, &c., submitted and accompanied Z. Kh. to Court, though they
    had an army of 10000 horse and a lac of foot soldiers.
    After having been made, in the 36th year, a Commander of Four Thousand, Z. Kh .
    was allowed an ' alam and a naqqárah ( vide p. 50), and was appointed, in the following
    year, governor of the districts beyond the Indus up to the Hindúkush, when new
    opportunities offered for punishing the mountaineers .
    In the 41st year, he was made a Commander of Five Thousand, and governor of
    Kábul, vice Qulij Khán. In the same year, Prince Salím fell in love with Z. Kh.'s
    daughter, and married her soon after, though Akbar was displeased (vide p. 277, l. 4,
    from below). With the death of Jalál Khán Raushání the disturbances in Zábulistán
    came to an end, and Z. Kh . was ordered to Láhor, from where Akbar, on his return
    from Burhanpúr, called him to Agrah .
    Z. Kh. died in 1010, partly from excessive drinking. He played on severa!
    instruments, and composed poems. As Sa'id Khán (No. 25) for his eunuchs, and
    Qulij Khán (No. 42) for his horses, so was Z. Kh . famous for his elephants.
    1
    Such forts were called T'hánahs, now provisions (rasad) to the next Thánah.”
    the66 common word for a police station. Pádisháknámah , I. p. 167.
    T'hánah means a corps of cavalry, How old the use of the word T'hánah
    matchlockmen, and archers, stationed is, may be seen from the fact that it
    within an enclosure. Their duty is to occurs frequently on Tribení a Sátgánw
    guard the roads, to hold the places inscriptions of the eighth and ninth cen-
    surrounding the T'hánah, and to despatch turies of the Hijrah.
    44
    346

    A son of his, Shukrullah (No. 373) , vide below, was a Commander of Two Hundred.
    The Maásir mentions another son, Mughul Khán, who served under Jahángír and
    Shahjahan (vide Pádisháhn. II , p. 641) , and died 19th Ramazán 1067. He commanded
    for some time Fort Odgír in the Dak'hin, where the author of the Maásir later found
    an inscription referring to his appointment. For a second daughter, vide p. 328.
    For Zain Khán's brother, vide No. 38.
    35. Mi'rza ' Yu'suf Kha'n, son of Mír Ahmad i Razawí.
    He was a real Sayyid of Mashhad, and was much liked by Akbar. In the 30th
    year he was a Commander of Two Thousand and Five Hundred. When Shahbáz Khán
    left Bihár for Bengal, M. Yusuf Khán was sent from Audh to keep Bihár. In the 32nd
    year (995 ), when Qasim Khán (No. 59) resigned, M. Y. was sent to Kashmír as
    ruler. He was much liked by the people of that country, conciliated Shams Chak,
    the claimant of the throne, and sent him to Court. In the 34th year (997), Akbar
    visited Kashmir, and issued several orders regarding the taxation of the country. In
    the districts of Mararáj and Kamráj , i . e., the upper and lower districts on both sides
    of the Bahat river, he fixed the taxes at one-fourth.
    In Kashmir every piece of ground is called pattah, though a pattah originally is
    equal to 1 Bíg'hah, 1 Biswah (Iláhí) of Akbar. Two and a half pattahs and a little
    more are equal to 1 Kashmirí Bíg'hah. Three kinds of grain pay taxes in Kashmir,
    and each village is assessed at some kharwárs of shálí. A kharwár is equal to 3
    mans, 8 sers of Akbar. The principal weight used in Kashmír is the tark, which is
    equal to 8 sers of Akbar ( vide p . 84, note 3). At the time of the Rabi' crop, they take
    2 tarks from each pattah of wheat and vetches (másh). The country having been
    recently annexed, was assessed very lightly, at 22 lacs kharwárs, which was 2 lacs more
    than before, the kharwár being reckoned at 16 dáms. For this sum, Akbar handed
    over Kashmir to M. Y. Kh.
    In the 36th year, one of M. Y. Kh.'s Mutaçaddís (revenue clerks) fled to court, and
    stated that the revenue should be 50 per cent. (dah-pánzdah) higher, and the kharwár
    should be valued at 28 dáms. M. Y. Kh . informed Akbar that so high an assessment
    was an impossibility ; but Akbar sent Qází Núrullah and Qází 'Alí to Kashmir, to
    report on the revenue. As M. Y. Khán's people assumed a threatening attitude,
    Núrullah returned, and Akbar sent Hasan Beg Shaikh ' Umarí ( No. 167) to Kashmir.
    On his arrival, some of M. Y. Kh's people made a conspiracy, and stirred
    up the malcontents of the country, who collected under Yádgár, the son of
    M. Y. Kh's uncle. The disturbances became so serious, that Qází 'Alí and Hasan Beg
    returned to Hindústán ; but the rebels blockaded the roads, and killed Qází 'Alí.
    Hasan Beg escaped , not without wounds . Yádgár then read the khutbah in his
    name, and had dies prepared for striking coins . Several bad omens foreshadowed
    his speedy ruin. Without having any knowledge of this rebellion, Akbar revisited
    Kashmir ; but when he was informed of the state of the country, he put M. Y. Kh.
    under the charge of Abulfazl. Yádgár in vain tried to oppose Akbar at the frontier
    passes, and fled from Srinagar to Hírápúr, where some of M. Y. Kh.'s men spread at
    night the rumour that Akbar had suddenly arrived. In the confusion which ensued,
    Yádgár fled outside of the camp, accompanied by a servant of the name of Yusuf.
    His camp was plundered, and M. Y. Kh.'s men got hold of Yusuf, who had returned
    347

    to get a horse for his master. They tortured him, till he confessed where Yádgár was.
    Soon after, they caught him and cut off his head.
    As M. Y. Kh. refused to remain in charge of Kashmír under the increased revenue,
    the country was made kháliçah, and Shamsuddín Kháfi ( No. 159) was appointed
    Governor with 3,000 troops. Some time after, at Prince Salím's request, M. Y. Kh .
    was re-instated.
    In the 38th year, M. Y. Kh. was appointed Dárogah of the Topkhánah , and
    received Jaunpúr as tuyúl, vice Qulij Khán ( 1002) ; but in the 41st year his jágir was
    transferred to Gujrát, to enable him to serve in the Dak'hin. In the following year,
    when Çádiq of Harát (No. 43) died, M. Y. Kh. was appointed atálíy to Prince Murád,
    whom he joined in Bálápúr (Barár) . After the death of Prince Murád (p . 309),
    M. Y. Kh . distinguished himself together with Abulfazl in the Dak'hin wars, and later,
    under Prince Dányál, in the conquest of Ahmadábád, on which occasion M. Y. Kh .
    is said to have been more energetic than other grandees.
    After joining Akbar's Court at Burhánpúr, in the 46th year, M. Y. Kh. went
    again to Prince Dányál, who, in 1010, sent him to assist Abulfazl and the Khán-
    Khánán at Bálág hát. But soon after, he died of abscess at Jalnápúr' , in Jumáda II , of
    the same year. His body was taken to Mashhad.
    M. Y. Kh . generally stayed at Sultánpúr, which he looked upon as his Indian
    home. His contingent consisted exclusively of Rohílahs, whose wages he paid monthly.
    His sons. 1. Mírzá Lashkari Çafshikan Khán (No. 375 ) . He was under
    Akbar Thánahdár of Bír (East of Ahmadnagar), and got from Jahángír the title of
    Çafdar Khán, and a tuyúl in Bihár. In the 5th year ( of Jahángír), he was promoted to
    the post of a Commander of 1500, with 700 horse, and was made in the following year
    Çúbahdár of Kashmír. In the 8th year, he was removed from his office. In the 21st
    year, when Mahábat Khán had fled, he was sent towards Dihlí, to intercept Mahábat's
    treasures which were known to have arrived from Bengal. This he did. In the
    beginning of Shah Jahan's reign, he was made a Commander of 2500, and 2000 horse,
    received the title of Cafshikan Khán, and was again sent to Bír, where he remained
    for a long time. He withdrew at last from public life, got a pension of Rs. 12,000
    per annum, and lived at Láhor. He died in 1055 .
    He was frank to a fault. Once he invited the Mançabdárs of Kábul, and feasted
    them on pork ; and when called to Court, to answer for his conduct, he gave Jahángír
    a lesson by saying that not only pork, but also wine was forbidden in the law. For
    this answer he fell into disgrace.
    2. Mírzá Ivaz ( ). He was a good Prose writer, and wrote a History of
    the World, entitled Chaman.
    3. Mírzá Aflátún. He lived with his brother.' He was subsequently made
    Mutawallí of Sikandrah (Akbar's tomb), where he died.

    1
    My copy of the Tabaqá , as also Jalnápúr. It is difficult to say how
    another MS. which I have seen,t contains these words have found their way into
    the following entry- At the time he some MS. of the Tabaqát, which was
    was finished in 1001 A. H., or nine years
    appointed to operate against
    Rájú , he died at Jannatábád in the before M. Y. Khán’s death .
    Dakhin, which is generally called
    348

    A relation of M. Y. Kh ., Mír ' Abdullah, was under Sháhjahán a Commander of


    1500 and 600 horse . He was for some time Governor of Fort Dharúr, E. of Bír,
    mentioned above. He died in the 8th year of Sháhjahán .

    VI. Commanders of Four Thousand.


    36. Mahdi ' Qa sim Kha'n.
    The Tabaqat mentions him among the Commanders of Five Thousand . He
    served first under M. ' Askarí, Bábar's third son, whose foster brother he was. His
    brother was Ghazanfar Kokah¹ ( ) . Humáyún, after the conquest of Gujrát,
    had appointed ' Askarí to Ahmadábád . One night, when half drunk, M. 'Askarí said,
    " I am king and the shadow of God ;" when Ghazanfar gently replied , " Thou art
    drunk, and hast lost thy senses," at which all who were present laughed. 'Askarí got
    enraged, and imprisoned Ghazanfar ; but he escaped, went to Sultán Bahadur, king
    of Gujrát, who had retreated to Fort Diu, and betrayed the plans of 'Askarí. Bahádur
    thereupon collected an army, marched to Ahmadábád, and drove the Prince away ( vide
    No. 12 ).
    Mahdí Qásim Khán joined Humáyún on his return from Persia, and was made
    in the beginning of Akbar's reign , a Commander of Four Thousand. In the 10th year,
    Abdul Majíd Açaf Khán (No, 49 ) had been ordered to pursue Khán Zamán (No. 13 ;
    but entertaining doubts regarding his own safety, he fled to Gaṛha (Jabalpúr).
    M. Q. Kh. was, therefore, sent to Gaṛha, after Akbar had, in 973, returned
    from Jaunpur to Agrah, and was ordered to capture ' Abdul Majid. When M. Q. Kh.
    arrived at Gaṛha, ' Abdul Majid fled to Khán Zamán ; but the wretched state of
    the country displeased M. Q. Kh. so much, that without asking Akbar's permission,
    he left Garha and went to Makkah. From there he returned over Persia and
    Qandahár, and arrived, towards the end of the 13th year, at Rantanbhúr, which Akbar
    besieged, and asked to be forgiven , sending at the same time a fine batch of Persian
    horses as a present. Akbar pardoned him , restored him to his old rank, and gave him
    Lak'hnau as tuyúl.
    'Nothing else is known of him' ( Maásir). He had been dead for some time in
    1001 , when the Tabaqát was completed. Husain Khán Tukriya ( No. 53) was the son
    of his sister and his son-in-law.
    He had a villa at Láhor, which was called Bágh i Mahdí Qásim Khán, vide
    Badáoní II, 90, 292, and Calcutta Review for October, 1869 (Jahángír's Death).
    37. Muzaffar Kha'n i Turbati'.
    Turbat is the name of a tribe (ulús) in Khurásán. His full name is Khwajah
    Muzaffar ' Alí Khán i Turbatí. He was Bairám's Díwán. Bairám delegated him
    from Dípálpúr to Sher Muhammad Díwánah (p. 317), who sent him in chains to
    Akbar. Though several courtiers advised the Emperor to kill Muzaffar, he pardoned him,
    and made him 'Amil (Collector) of the Parganah of Parsaror. Subsequently Akbar
    made him Díván i Buyútát ( Collector of the Imperial Stores, &c .) , and at last Díván
    of the Empire, with the title of Muzaffar Khán ( 971 ) . Rájah Todarmall was then

    ¹ Ghazanfar means a lion. Badάoní Beg . The Ed. Bibl . Indica Edition has,
    (II . p. 125, 1. 8) calls him Glasanjar by mistake, Ghanazfar.
    349

    under him. According to Badáoní, the two quarrelled incessantly, though people said
    that the Rájah was a better financier than Muzaffar, whose accession to office was honor-
    ed by the short táríkh pű, zálim (= 971 ), or ‘ Tyrant.’
    In the 11th year, he abolished the Jam' i Raqmí. This is the name of the
    assessment of the Dihlí empire, which had existed since the time of Bairam ; but the
    rent roll shewed an assessment very different from the actual state of things ; for, on
    account ofthe number of men (kasrat i mardum, i . e. Jágír holders ) and the unsettled
    state (qalb i wilayat) of the country, the revenue was increased in name (banám
    afzúdah) for the sake of mere shew (barái mazíd i i'tibár)'. This Jam'i Raqmí
    was now abolished (vide Third Book, A'ín i Dahsálah) , and Muzaffar prepared a
    rent roll according to his experience and the returns of Qánúngos. The new rent roll
    was called Jam'i Háçil i Hál, or the Roll of the present actual income ( vide p . 352).
    As the Dágh law (pp . 255, 256, and p. 242) did not then exist, Muzaffar Khán fixed
    the number of soldiers which the contingents of the Amirs and the Mulázims (friends
    of the king) should contain, and the soldiers were divided into three classes.¹
    In the 12th year, it was reported that Muzaffar loved a boy of the name of Qutb .
    Akbar had the boy forcibly removed, whereupon Muzaffar assumed the garb of a
    Faqir, and went into the forest. Akbar was thus obliged to recall him, and restored
    the beloved.
    In the 17th year, a mania for Chaupar (p. 303) had seized Akbar's Court.
    Muzaffar lost not only his goldmuhurs, but also his temper, and annoyed the Emperor
    so much, that he was told to go to Makkah. But he was re-called, and joined the
    Court at Súrat, which Akbar then besieged. In the 18th year (981 ) , after having been
    for some time in Sárangpúr in Málwah, he was appointed Vakil of the Empire, with the
    title of Jumlatul Mulk. But he did several things which Akbar did not approve of,
    and when the Emperor returned from Patna, from where he had despatched a corps
    to take Rahtás in South Bihár, he ordered Muzaffar to join the expedition, without
    allowing him first to pay his respects ( vide Briggs II, 249) . Like his companion,
    Khwajah Shamsuddín Kháfí (No. 159) , M. distinguished himself in the campaign , punish-
    ed the rebels on several occasions, and took Hájípúr, of which the Afgháns had again
    taken possession. For these services, M. was appointed, in the 20th year, Governor
    of Bihár, from Chausá to Garhí. Soon after the taking of Hájípúr, M. was nearly
    caught by a party of Afgháns, who saw him reconnoitering the banks of the
    G'handak.
    In the 22nd year, M. returned to Court, where Sháh Mançúr (No. 122) and
    Rájah Todar Mall continued, under his superintendence, their financial reforms.
    On the death of Khán Jahán (No. 24) in 986, he was made Governor of Bengal.

    ¹ The Maásir says, he allowed the first Sihaspahs, 1000 d. per mensem .
    class 48,000 dáms, the second 32000 d., Duaspahs, 800 d.
    and the third 24000 d. per annum . Yakaspahs, 600 d.
    These numbers appear to be very large, 1st Class Rájpúts, 800 d.
    when compared with p. 231. But what 2nd ditto ditto, 600 d.
    was the value of a dám in those days ? In (Akbarnámah). But at that time 40 dáms
    the 40th year of Akbar's reign,the follow- were equal to 1 Akbarsháhí Rupee,
    ing pay regulation was introduced — - which differed very little from our rupee.
    Mughul, Afghán, or Hindí
    350

    In the 25th year (988 ) , Sháh Mançúr subjected the Amírs of Bihár and Bengal to
    strict enquiries, and called on them to refund sums which they had spent without
    permission. When he insisted on his demands, Ma'çúm i Kábulí and several
    other grandees that held jágírs in Bihár, rebelled. Muzaffar imitated Sháh Mançúr's
    policy in Bengal, and when he commenced vigorously to collect outstandings , Bábá
    Khán Qáqshál and other Jágírdárs of Bengal rebelled likewise. M. defeated them on
    several occasions, but would not listen to proposals of peace. At last the Bihár rebels
    joined those of Bengal, and mustered a sufficient force to take the field against Muzaffar.
    Notwithstanding this , the rebels would have gladly come to terms and gone to Orísá,
    had not Muzaffar betrayed his weakness by moving to the Fort of Tándah, which,
    according to Badáoní, consisted of nothing but four old walls . The rebels thus
    emboldened demanded full pardon , permission to go to Makkah, and restoration of one-
    third of their property. At this juncture, Sharafuddín Husain ( No. 17) escap-
    ed from Muzaffar's custody, joined the rebels, and informed them of M.'s miserable
    condition. They moved therefore against Tándah, took it, captured M., and
    killed him (Rabí' I, 988') .
    The Jámi' Masjid in Agrah was built by Muzaffar. I am told the Masjid
    is now in ruins which still go by the name of Nawab Muzaffar Khán kí Masjid
    or Kálí Masjid. The Maásir says, it stood in the Kaṭrah Miyán Raqiq, but
    this name does not appear to be now-a-days in use. The Masjid now called the Jámi'
    Masjid of Agrah was built, in 1058, by Jahán Ará Begum, Shahjahán's daughter,
    at a cost of five lacs of Rupees.
    According to the Mir- át ul ' A'lam, his youngest daughter was married to Sháh
    Fathullah of Shíráz.
    38. Saif Kha'n Kokah, elder brother of Zain Khán Kokah ( No. 34) .
    His mother had only daughters, and when she was pregnant with Saif Khán, her
    husband threatened to divorce her, should it again turn out to be a daughter. She
    complained of this to Akbar's mother, and Akbar, though then a child, told her
    husband that he would incur his displeasure if he should do so ; ' besides,' said he,
    ' it shall be this time a fine boy.' The mother looked upon Prince Akbar's words as a
    prophecy from heaven, and in course of time Saif Khán was born.
    Akbar was very fond of Saif Khán, and made him, though quite young, a
    Commander of Four Thousand. He distinguished himself by his bravery, especially
    in the 17th year, at the taking of Súrat, where he was wounded by a bullet. In the
    beginning of the next year (981 ), he accompanied Akbar on his forced march from
    Agrah to Ahmadábád (p. 325) , and was killed bravely fighting with Muhammad
    Husain Mírzá.
    How Akbar appreciated his services may be seen from the fact, that having heard
    that Saif Khán was heavily involved, he paid, on his return to Agrah, every debt due
    by him.
    His two sons, Sher Afkan (355 ), and Amánullah (356) are mentioned below as
    Commanders of Two Hundred and Fifty.

    1
    According to Badáoní (II, p. 282), was then captured and slain.
    Muzaffar capitulated, left the Fort, and |
    351

    39. Rajah Todar Mall, a Khetrí.


    He was born at Láhor. The Maásirul Umará does not record his services
    before the 18th year of Akbar's reign ; but T. M. appears to have entered Akbar's
    service at a very early period. In 971 , he was employed under Muzaffar (Bad. II,
    65), and in 972 , he served under Akbar against Khán Zamán (ride No. 61). He held
    the first important post in the 18th year, when after the conquest of Gujrát he was left
    there to assess that province. In the 19th year, after the conquest of Patna, he got an
    'alam and a naqqárah (p. 55 ), and was ordered to accompany Mun'im Khán to Bengal.
    He was the soul of the expedition. In the battle with Dáúd Khán i Kararání,
    when Khán ' Alam (ride No. 58) had been killed, and Mun'im Khán's horse had run
    away, the Rajah held his ground bravely, and ' not only was there no defeat, but
    an actual victory.' " What harm ," said Todar Mall, " if Khán 'Alam is dead ; what fear, if
    the Khán Khánán has run away, the empire is ours !" After settling severally financial
    matters in Bengal and Orísá, Todar Mall went to Court, and was employed in revenue
    matters. When Khán Jahán (No. 24 ) went to Bengal, Todar Mall was ordered to
    accompany him. He distinguished himself, as before, in the defeat and capture of
    Dáúd. In the 21st year, he took the spoils of Bengal to Court, among them 3 to 400
    elephants. In the following year, he was again sent to Gujrát, vice Vazír Khán
    (No. 41 ), who had given no satisfaction. Whilst arranging at Ahmadábád matters
    with Vazír Khán , Muzaffar Husain , at the instigation of Mihr 'Alí Gulábí, rebelled .
    Vazír Khán proposed to retreat to the Fort, but Todar Mall was ready to fight, and
    defeated Muzaffar in the 22nd year, near Dholqah, which lies 12 kos from Ahmadábád,
    Vazír Khán would have been lost in this battle, if Todar Mall had not come to his
    assistance. Muzaffar, after his defeat, fled to Júnágarh .
    In the same year Todar Mall was appointed Vazír. When Akbar left Ajmír
    for the Panjab, the house idols of the Rájah were lost, as mentioned on p. 32 , note.
    When the news of Muzaffar's death (No. 37) and the occupation of the whole of
    Bengal and Bihár by the rebels reached Akbar, he sent Todar Mall, Çádiq Khán,
    Tarson Khán, &c., from Fathpúr Síkrí to Bihár. Muhibb'Alí (No. 107) , Governor of
    Rahtás, and Muhammad Ma'çúm Khán i Farankhúdí (No. 157 ) were appointed
    Kumakis, or auxiliaries . The latter joined the Rájah with 3000 well equipped horse,
    evidently bent on rebellion . Todar Mall managed to keep him quiet ; but he reported
    the matter to Court. The Bengal rebels, under Ma'çúm i Kábulí, the Qáqsháls, and
    Mírzá Sharafuddín Husain, with 30,000 horse, 500 elephants, and many ships and
    artillery, had collected near Mungír, and Todar Mall, from fear of treachery among
    his auxiliaries, shut himself up in the Fort of Mungír, instead of risking a general
    engagement. During the siege, two of his officers, Humáyún Farmilí and Tarkhán
    Díwánah, joined the rebels. Though suffering from want of provisions, Todar Mall
    held himself bravely, especially as he received timely remittances from Court. After
    the siege had lasted for some time, Bábá Khán Qáqshál died, and Jabárí, son of
    Majnún Khán Qáqshál desired to leave. The rebel army dispersed ; Ma'çúm i Kábulí
    went to South Bihár, and ' Arab Bahadur wished to surprise Patna, and take
    possession of the Imperial treasury, which Pahár Khán (perhaps No. 407) had
    safely lodged in the Fort of that town. After sending Ma'çúm i Farankhúdí to Patna,
    to assist Paháp Khán , Todar Mall and Cádíq Khán followed Magúm i Kabuli to
    352

    Bihár. Ma'çúm made a fruitless attempt to defeat Çádíq Khán in a sudden night
    attack, but was obliged to retreat, finding a ready asylum with 'Isá Khán, Zamíndár
    of Orísá. Todar Mall was thus enabled to report to Akbar that South Bihár, as far as
    Garhí, was re-annexed to the Dihlí empire.
    In the 27th year (990), Todar Mall was made Díván, or rather Vakil. During
    this year he introduced his financial reforms which have made him so famous. The
    third book of the Aín contains his new rent-roll, or Açl i Jam' i Túmár, which
    superseded Muzaffar's assessment (p . 349) . His regulations regarding the coinage have
    been alluded to above, and others may be found in the Akbarnámah.
    The most important reform introduced by Todar Mall is the change in the
    language and the character used for the revenue accounts. Formerly they had been
    kept in Hindí by Hindú Muharrirs. Todar Mall ordered that all government accounts
    should henceforth be written in Persian. He thus forced his co-religionists to learn
    the court language of their rulers,-a circumstance which may well be compared
    to the introduction of the English language in the courts of India. The study of
    Persian therefore became necessary for its pecuniary advantages.
    Todar Mall's order, and Akbar's generous policy of allowing Hindús to compete for
    the highest honors-we saw on p. 341 that Mán Singh was the first Commander of
    Seven Thousand, -explain two facts, first, that before the end of the 18th century the
    Hindús had almost become the Persian teachers of the Muhammadans ; secondly, that
    a new dialect could arise in upper India, the Urdú, which without the Hindús as receiv-
    ing medium, never could have been called into existence. Whether we attach more
    influence to Todar Mall's order or to Akbar's policy, which once initiated, his successors,
    willing or not, had to follow, one fact should be borne in mind that before the times of
    Akbar, the Hindús, as a rule, did not study Persian, and stood therefore politically
    below their Muhammadan rulers.
    In the 29th year, Akbar honored him by paying him a visit. In the 32nd year,
    a Khetrí, from private hatred, wounded T. M. on a march at night time. The man
    was at once cut down.
    When Bír Bar (No. 85) had been killed in the war with the Yusufzaís, T. M. was
    ordered to accompany Mán Singh, who had been appointed commander-in-chief. In
    the 34th year, when Akbar went to Kashmír, T. M. was left in charge of Láhor. Soon
    after, he applied for leave to go to the banks of the Ganges, as he was old and
    wished to die. Akbar let him go ; but he recalled him from Hardwár, and told him
    that looking after his duties was more virtuous than sitting on the banks of the Ganges.
    T. M. unwillingly returned, but died soon after, on the 11th day of the year 998 ( vide
    No. 27, p . 333) .
    Though often accused of headstrongness and bigotry by contemporaneous
    historians, Todar Mall's fame, as general and financier, has outlived the deeds of
    most of Akbar's grandees : together with Abulfazl and Mán Singh, he is best known
    to the people of India at the present day.
    His son Dhárú (No. 190) was a Commander of Seven Hundred, and was killed
    during the Sindh expedition, while serving under Khán Khánán (p. 335 ) . People
    say that he used to shoe his horses with golden shoes,
    The name Todar Mall is often spelt in MSS. with the Hindi T, d , and r, which
    353

    explains the spelling Torel Mall, ' which we find in old Histories. Under Sháhjahán
    also there lived a distinguished courtier of the name ' Todar Mall.'
    The Tafríhul ' Imárať¹ says, Todar Mall's father died when T. M. was quite young,
    and that the widow was in great distress . T. M. , at an early age, shewed much clearness
    and common sense, and received an appointment as writer, from which humble position
    he rose to the greatest honors.
    40. Muhammad Qaʼsim Kha'n, of Nishápúr.
    The Maásir calls him Qasim Muhammad Khán, and has put his name under
    the letter Q ; but Abulfazl, Badáoní, and the Tabaqát give his name in the above
    order.
    He was a rich landowner of Níshápúr, and fled after the invasion of the Uzbaks
    to India, where he served under Bairám Khán. He distinguished himself in the war
    with Sikandar Súr, and served as Haráwal, or leader of the van, under Khán Zamán
    (No. 13) in the battle with Hemú. Immediately after, but still in the first year of
    Akbar's reign, he was sent against Hájí Khán, who had defeated Ráná Udai Sing of
    Maiwár, and taken possession of Nágor and Ajmír. Hájí Khán was an old servant of
    Sher Khán, and was distinguished for his wisdom and bravery. On the appearance
    of the Imperialists, however, Hájí Khán's army dispersed, and he himself withdrew to
    Gujrát. M. Q. Kh. thus took possession of Nágor and Ajmír, which for a long time
    remained the South Western frontier of Akbar's empire.
    In the 5th year, he left Bairám's party, and joined the Chaghtái nobles. Ho
    commanded the left wing of Shamsuddín Atgah's corps in the fight in which Bairám
    was defeated (p. 317) . After the victory, he received Multán as jágír.
    He was next sent to Sárangpúr in Málwah, where, in the 9th year, he was visited
    by Akbar on his sudden hunting expedition to that province, the object of which was
    to get hold of ' Abdullah Khán Uzbak (No. 14) . M. Q. Kh . assisted in the pursuit.
    According to the Tabaqát, M. Q. Kh. died soon after at Sárangpúr.
    41. Vazi'r Kha'n, brother of ' Abdul Majidi AçafKhán ( I) , of Harát (No.49).
    When Vazír Khán escaped with his brother (vide below No. 49) from Bahadur
    Khán (No. 21 ), he fled to Kaṛah, and obtained subsequently, through the mediation
    of Muzaffar Khán ( No. 37) , free pardon for himself and Agaf Khán .
    In the 21st year, when 'Aziz Kokah (p . 326) had incurred Akbar's displeasure,
    V. Kh. was sent to Gujrát, to govern in ' Azíz's name, and when that chief had been
    called to Court, he was appointed governor (sipahsálár ) of the province. But he did
    not distinguish himself, and Akbar, in the 22nd year, sent Todar Mall (No. 39) to
    Gujrát, to take the administration out of V. Kh.'s hands. It happened that about the
    same time, Mihr 'Alí Gulábí, a friend of M. Ibráhím Husain , rebelled and set up as king
    Muzaffar Husain, Ibráhím's young son, whom he had brought from the Dak'hin. As

    This is the title of a Persian MS. the preface an English gentleman is


    preserved in the Library of the Asiatic praised, whose Christian names are James
    Society of Bengal. It was composed by Stephen, but the surname is not legible .
    Sil Chand , of the Government College of The name clearly ends in gton , and may
    Agrah, and treats of the antiquities of be Babington, or some similar name.
    that town. The book gives many The style is bombastic, and there is no
    valuable and interesting particulars . In proper arrangement.
    45
    354

    mentioned above, the rebellion was crushed through Todar Mall's bravery. When the
    Rájah left, Mihr ' Alí appeared again, and V. Kh . , most of whose soldiers had joined the
    rebel, shut himself up in the fort of Ahmadábád. In one of the assaults, Mihr 'Alí was
    killed by a bullet, and Muzaffar Husain Mírzá, from timidity, raised the siege. Not-
    withstanding this success, matters in Gujrát did not improve, and oppressions
    became so numerous, that Akbar deposed V. Kh. and called him to Court.
    In the 25th year, Akbar appointed him vazir in the place of Sháh Mançúr of
    Shíráz (No. 122), and soon after governor of Audh.
    In the 27th year, when M. ' Aziz (No. 21 ) had been sent to Bihár, V. Kh. was
    ordered to join him with his contingent, and as after the flight of Ma'çúm Khán
    sickness obliged ' Azíz to return to Bihár, he left V. Kh . in charge of the province,
    till a new Cúbahdár should be appointed. V. Kh . made use of the opportunity, and
    moved against Qutlú Khán, ruler of Orísá, whom he defeated ( vide p . 356). Qutlú, in
    the following (29th) year, sent tribute, and was left in possession of Orísá. V. Kh .
    returned to Tándah, and applied himself, with the assistance of Cádiq Khán (No. 43)
    and Shahbaz Khán i Kambú (No. 80) to financial matters.
    In the 31st year, Akbar ordered that each çúbah should, in future, be ruled by
    two Amírs, and Vazír Khán was appointed Cúbahdár of Bengal, with Muhibb ' Alí
    Khán (No. 107) as assistant . In the following year, 995, V. Kh. died.
    Shahbaz Khán, who was Bakhshí of Bengal, allowed Mírzá Muhammad Çálih,
    V. Kh.'s son, to take command of his father's contingent. But M. M. Çálih shewed
    much inclination to rebel, and Akbar sent Mír Murád (282, or 380) to bring him and
    his contingent to Court. On the route, at Fathpúr Hanswah, he behaved so rebelli-
    ously, that Mír Murád imprisoned him with the assistance of the jágírdárs of the
    district, and took him fettered to Akbar. He was kept imprisoned for some time.
    42. Qulij Kha'n.
    He is called Andajání, from Andaján , a province of Farghánah, south of the
    Saihún. His ancestors had been for many years serving under the Tímúrides. His
    grandfather was a noble at Sultán Husain Mírzá Báiqrá's court.
    The principal facts of his life have been mentioned on p . 34, note 2. In mentioning
    his appointment to Súrat, the ' iron fort,' which Akbar, in the 17th year, conquered
    in one month and seventeen days, Abulfazl says that the Fort had been built in 947
    (1540-41 , A. D. ) by Çafar Aghá, alias Khudáwand Khán, a Turkish slave of Sultán
    Mahmúd of Gujrát. The táríkh of its construction is characteristic (metre long
    Ramal),
    ‫سد بود بر سینه و جان فرنگي اين بناي‬
    ' May this structure prove a barrier for the chest and the life of the Firingí."
    Qulij Khán died at the age of eighty, on the 10th Ramazán 1022 (end of 1613 ,
    A. D.) at Pasháwar. He was at his death a Commander of Six Thousand, Five Thousand
    horse.

    1
    The numbers added give 947. The Misled by bad MSS. , I mentioned on
    last yá, though somewhat irregular, p. 34, note, the year 1035 as the year of
    cannot be left out. his death. The Mir-átul ' Alam and
    2 So according to the Tuzuk i Jahán- the Maásir give as táríkh of his death
    giri (ed, Sayyid Ahmad, p. 123, 1. 1. ) . the Arabic words, Almautu jasrun
    355

    The Maásir and Badáoní ( III , p. 188 ) say that he belonged to the tribe of
    ¿
    ¿↳ Jání Qurbání (?) ; but for the latter word the MSS. have different
    readings, as Qurbání, Farbání, Faryání, &c.
    The Maásir copies from the Zakhirat ulkhawánín the following story which is
    said to have taken place in 1000 A. H., when Jaunpúr was Q.'s jágír. ' Q. was building
    a house, when the working men in digging came to a cupolalike-structure. Q. and
    several other respectable men were called, and they remained on the spot till the
    newly discovered building was fully dug out. It had a door with an immense lock
    attached to it weighing one man. When forced open, an old man made his appearance,
    who asked the bystanders in Sanscrit, whether Rám Chandr's avatár (incarnation) had
    taken place ; whether he had got back his Sítá ; whether Krishna's avatár had taken
    place at Mathurá ; and, lastly, whether Muhammad had appeared in Arabia. On
    receiving affirmative answers to these questions, the old man further wished to know,
    whether the Ganges still flowed . This also being affirmed, he expressed a wish
    to be taken out. Q. then put up seven tents, joined to each other, in each of which the
    sage remained for a day. On the 8th day he came out, and said prayers according to
    the way of Muhammadans. In sleep and eating he differed from other men ; he
    spoke to no one, and died after six months .'
    Qulij Kháns song. 1. Mírzá Saifullah (No. 292 ) . 2. Mírzá Chín Qulij
    (No. 293), regarding whom vide below.
    43. Ça'diq Kha'n, son of Báqir of Harát.
    Other Historians call him Çádiq Muhammad Khán .' His father, Muhammad
    Báqir, had been vazir to Qará Khán Turkmán, ruler of Khurásán, Qará had rebelled
    against Shah Tahmásp, and fled to India. Çádiq entered Bairam's service as Rikáb-
    dár (spur-holder), and got soon after a mançab, and was made, after Bairam's death,
    an Amír. Badάoní (II, 220) alludes to his services under Humáyún in Qandahár, and
    the Tabaqat says that he had been since his youth in Akbar's service.
    After the conquest of Patna, Akbar returned by boat to Jaunpúr. On the road,
    in crossing the river at Chausá, a valuable elephant perished through Ç.'s carelessness .
    Akbar confiscated his jágír, excluded him from Court, and told him to go to Bhat'h
    (Bhat'h G'horá, or Bandah-Rewah), to get another elephant. After passing over C the
    heights and the low places ' of fortune, Çádiq, in the 20th year, returned to Court with

    yúçilu alhabiba ilá alhabibi ; ' Death is Qulij, properly gülüj, means in
    the bridge which joins the beloved to Turkish a sword, and · Qulij Khán' is
    the Beloved ; ' but the letters added the same as Shamsher Khán. The word
    give 1023, not 1022, as in the Tuzuk. is variously spelled in MSS. , sometimes
    For Husain in the last line of the note with long vowels, and a final ch.
    on p. 34, which is given in inferior MSS ., 1 Akbar disliked the names Muham-
    better copies have Chin Qulij, which is mad and Ahmad ; hence we find that
    to be substituted for it. Abulfazl leaves them out in this list.
    •
    His tahhalluç Ulfatí' has been men- Similar omissions occurred above, as
    tioned above. The Tabaqat says that an- Mun'im Khán (No. 11 ) , Mírzá 'Azíz
    other poet of the same takhalluç was in (No. 21 ), for Muhammad Mun'im and M.
    the service of Zain Khán Kokah (No. 34), Muhammad ’Aziz ; or, Shiháb Khán
    and Badáoní (III, 188, 189) mentions (No. 26 ), for Shihabuddin Ahmad Khán .
    two other poets of the same takhalluç . More examples will be found below.
    356

    100 elephants, and was restored to favor. He was made governor of Gaṛha, vice Rái
    Sarjan ( No. 96) . In the 22nd year (985 ), Ç., with several other grandees, was ordered to
    punish Rajah Madhukar, should he not submit peacefully. Passing the confines of
    Narwar, Q. saw that kindness would not do ; he therefore took the fort of Karhará (1,5),
    and cutting down the jungle, advanced to the river Dasthárá, close to which Undchhah
    lay, Madhukar's residence. A fight ensued . Madhukar was wounded and fled with
    his son Rám Sáh. Another son of his, Horal Deo ( Maásir, Horal Ráo) , and about
    200 Rájpúts were killed. G. remained encamped in the Rájah's territory. Driven to
    extremities, Madhukar sent Rám Chand, a relation of his, to Akbar at Bahírah, and
    asked and obtained pardon . On the 3rd Ramazán, 986 , Çádiq with the penitent Rájah
    arrived at Court.
    Soon after, Ç.'s aqta' were transferred to the Eastern Districts of the empire,
    so that he might take part in the suppression of the revolt in Bengal. In the 27th
    year, during the temporary absence of 'Aziz Kokah ( No. 21 ), Çádiq and Muhibb ' Alí
    Khán (No. 107) defeated Khabíṭah , one of Ma'çúm's officers, on the Ghandak near
    Hájípúr, and sent his head to Akbar. In the beginning of the 28th year, he paid his
    respects at Court, but was immediately ordered to rejoin Mírzá Kokah, who had again
    left for Bihár.
    In the beginning of the 29th year, he was ordered to move to Vazír Khán
    (No. 41 ) , who at a place six kos from Bardwán was treating with Qutlú. Through
    Ç's skill, a sort of peace was concluded, which confirmed Qutlú in the possession of
    Orísá. C. then returned to his tuyúl at Patna.
    When Shahbaz Khán (No. 80) returned from his expedition to Bhátí, the tuyúľ
    dárs of Bengal and Bihar were ordered to move to him. Ç., however, was no friend
    of Shahbáz. The mutual dislike rose to the highest pitch, when once Ç.'s elephant
    ran against Shahbáz, who believed the accident premeditated ; and Akbar sent
    Khwajah Sulaimán ( No. 327) to Bengal to settle their differences. One was to remain
    in Bengal, the other to go to Bihár ; but Ç ., in the 30th year, left Bengal without
    permission, and went to Court, where he was not admitted . But when Shahbaz went
    from Bihar to Bengal , Ç. went again to Court, and was appointed governor of Multán .
    When the Raushánís in the District of Mount Teráh ( 8 ) , " which lies west
    of Pashawar, and is 32 kos long, and 12 kos broad," commenced disturbances, C., in the
    33rd year, was ordered to bring them to obedience, which he did with much tact and
    firmness. After the return of Zain Khán (No. 34) from Waijúr, C. was sent there, to
    subjugate the Yúsafzaís.
    In the 36th year, Prince Murád was sent from Málwah to Gujrát, and as Ismá'íl
    Qulí Khán (No. 46 ) had not given satisfaction as Vakil, Ç. was appointed atálíq to

    Khabitah (a ) was a Mughul, where, moreover, the event, according


    and had risen by bravery under Ma'çúm to the erroneous chronology of that his-
    i Kábulí from a humble position to the tory, is put in the 28th year.
    post of a Commander. In Baddoní (Ed.
    Bibl. Indica, p. 310, ) he is called Khabí- 2 The spelling Qutlú if perhaps pre-
    sah Bahadur ( ) and Khastah ferable to Qatlú, if this name is a
    shortened form of Qutlugh.
    (d ) in my MS. of the Tabagát,
    357

    the Prince, whom in the 40th year he accompanied to the Dak'hin. Shahbaz Khán
    being one of the auxiliaries , the old enmity broke out again . After the siege of Ahmad-
    nagar had been raised, C. distinguished himself in protecting the frontiers of Barár.
    In the beginning of the 41st year, he was made a Commander of Five Thousand .
    In the same year he defeated Saráwar Khán, and made much booty. He was then
    made governor of Sháhpúr, which town Prince Murád had founded six kos from
    Bálápúr.
    Cádiq died at Sháhpúr in the beginning of 1005. At Dholpúr, which ' lies 20 kos
    from Agrah, near the left bank on the Chambal river,' Ç. had erected splendid buildings
    and a Mausoleum . He had also done much for the cultivation of the surrounding
    country.
    He was one of the best officers Akbar had.
    His sons. 1. Záhid Khán (No. 286), a Commander of Three Hundred and Fifty .
    In the 47th year, he was made a Khán , and, on the accession of Jahángír , a Commander
    of Two Thousand .
    2. Dost Muhammad (No. 287) . 3. Yár Muhammad (No. 288) . Neither of
    them was alive at the time of Shahjahán.' Maásir .
    44. Ra'i Ra'isingh, son of Rái Kalyán Mall (No. 93).
    Rái Singh belonged to the Ráthors of Bíkánír, and is the fourth descendant from
    Rái Máldeo. His father, Kalyan Mall , was a friend of Bairám (p. 316 ), and paid, in the
    15th year, his respects to Akbar at Ajmír, when he together with his son entered the
    emperor's service. He also sent his brother's daughter to Akbar's Harem. Kalyán
    Mall was in the 40th year a Commander of Two Thousand.
    Rái Singh, in the 17th year, when Akbar made preparations to crush the rebellion
    in Gujrát, occupied Jodhpúr, the old seat of Mál Deo, in order to prevent the rebels
    from invading the Dihlí territory ; but Ibráhím, after his defeat at Sarnál, invaded
    Akbar's territory, and besieged Nágor, which at that time was the tuyúl of Khán
    i Kalán (No. 16), and was defended by his son , Farrukh Khán (p . 322) . R. came to
    his relief, and the Mírzá had not only to raise the siege, but was pursued, and defeated
    by R. In the following year also, R. distinguished himself in the engagement with
    Muhammad Husain Mírzá (p. 325 ).
    Inthe 19th year, R. and Sháh Qulí Mahram ( No. 45) were ordered to punish Chandr
    Sen, son of Rajah Mál Deo ; but as they were unable to take Siwánah, Chandr
    Sen's stronghold, notwithstanding the auxiliaries which Akbar had sent them at R.'s
    request , R., in the 21st year, was called to Court, and Shahbáz Khán (No. 81 ) took the
    command. Before the end of the same year, however, R. and Tarson Muhammad
    Khán (No. 32 ) were sent against the refractory zamíndárs of Jálor and Sarohí ; but as
    they applied to Akbar for pardon, R. and Sayyid Háshim of Bárhah (No. 143)
    garrisoned Nádot to watch the Ráná of Udaipúr, and bring the rebels of those
    districts to obedience . As at this time Saltán Deodah, the zamíndár of Sarohí, from
    distrust again assumed a hostile attitude, R. marched against Sarohí and besieged

    From several passages in the Akbar- their own, and appointed their Vazirs,
    námah it is clear that atáliq (pr. a their Díváns, Bakhshis, &c. The ap-
    tutor) means the same as Vakil or Vazír. pointment of the Vakil, however,
    The imperial princes kept up Courts of appears to have rested with the emperor.
    358

    it. During the siege, R. called his family to his camp ; but Saltán Deodah fell
    upon the caravan, killed several relations of R. , and then withdrew to Abúgarh.'
    R. in the meantime took Sarohí, and hastened to Abúgarh, which Saltán surrendered .
    R. left a garrison there, and took Saltán to Court.
    In the 26th year, when Mírzá Muhammad Hakím, Akbar's brother, threatened
    to invade the Panjáb, R. together with several other grandees was sent in
    advance. They were soon followed by Prince Murád. When the imperial army,
    in the end of the same year, returned to Agrah, R. and several others were sent as
    tuyúldárs to the Panjáb. In the 28th year, he served in Bengal.
    In the 30th year, R. and Ismá'íl Qulí Khán ( vide No. 46) led successfully an
    expedition against the Balúchís. In the following year (19th Rajab, 994) , R.'s
    daughter was married to Prince Salím. In the 35th year, he went for some time
    to Bíkánír, and served, in the end of the 36th year, in Sindh under M. ' Abdurrahím
    (No. 29).
    In the 38th year, Akbar paid R. a visit of condolence . The son of Rajah
    Rámchand Baghelah of Bándhú died suddenly on his way to Bándhú, to which
    he had only lately, after the death of his father, been appointed. The young Rájah
    had married a daughter of R. Akbar interceded for their young children, and
    prevented R.'s daughter from burning herself. Soon after, R. stayed away from Court
    for some reason, during which time one of his servants complained of him to Akbar.
    The emperor called the man to court ; but R. concealed him, and gave out, he had
    run away. Akbar was annoyed and excluded R. for some time from the darbárs ;
    but after some time he restored him and sent him as governor to Súrat, with the
    order to assist in the Dak'hin wars. R., however, delayed in Bíkánír, and when he
    had at last left, delayed on the road to Súrat. Akbar advised him to be obedient ;
    but seeing that he would not go, called him to Court, but without allowing him
    to attend the darbárs. After some time he was pardoned.
    In the 45th year, R. was ordered to accompany Abulfazl to Násik ; but as his
    son Dalpat2 ( No. 252 ) had caused disturbances in Bíkánír (vide p. 359 ), R. got leave
    to go home. In the following year, he went again to court. In the 48th year,
    he served under Prince Salím against the Ráná of Udaipúr.
    At the death ofthe emperor, R. was a Commander of Four Thousand. Jahángír,
    on his accession, made him a Commander of Five Thousand. When the emperor

    Abúgarh is a fort near Sarohí, and Sultán Déorah (8 lble for


    not far from the frontier between Gujrát Saltan Deodah ‫ سلتا)ن (دیوده‬of the
    and Ajmír'. Abulfazl says in the Akbar- Maásir,
    námah (events of the 21st year) that the 2 For Dalpat, the Tuzuk i Jahangiri
    old name of Abúgarh was Arbudá
    ( pp. 36 , 106, and 126) has wrong Dalíp.
    Achal, Arbudá being the name of a The Tuzuk and the second volume
    spirit who, disguised as a female, shews of the Pádisháhnámah Edit. Bibl.
    wanderers the way, and achal meaning Indica, p . 635 ) have Súraj Singh, for
    mountain. The fort on the top of this Súr Singh, and the latter calls him a
    high mountain was difficult of access ; ‫ ( ) بهتوریه‬instead of perhaps
    it could moreover hold out for a long a blunder of the native Editors. But
    time, as there were several springs and the Maásir and the first volume of the
    fields within it . My copies of the Pádisháhnamah have Súr Singh (pp. 297,
    Sawánih and the Akbarnámah have
    302, at the end of the first decade.)
    359

    set out for the Panjáb to pursue Khusrau, R. was put in charge of the travelling
    harem ; but on the road he left without order and went to Bíkánír. In the second
    year, when Jahángír returned from Kábul, R. , at the advice of Sharif Khán,
    presented himself before the emperor with a fautah round his neck, to shew his
    willingness to suffer punishment for his crimes, and was again pardoned . He died
    in 1021.
    His sons. 1. Dalpat (No. 252) . He was a Commander of Five Hundred . In
    the 36th year , he served in the Sind war, but was looked upon as a coward . In the
    45th year, when Akbar was in the Dak'hin , Muzaffar Husain Mírzá , in consequence
    of his differences with Khwajagí Fathullah , had fled ; and Dalpat, under the
    pretext of following him up, had gone to Bíkánír and created disturbances . In the
    46th year, his father brought him to his senses . D. asked to be pardoned , and
    was ordered again to come to Court .
    In the third year of Jahángír's reign ( 1017), he appears to have offended the
    emperor ; but at the request of Khán Jahán Lodí he was pardoned. After the death
    of his father, D. came from the Dak ' hin to Court, was appointed successor, and
    got the title of Rái, although his younger brother (by another mother) , Súr Singh,
    claimed the right of succession, which Rái Singh had promised him from affection
    to his mother. Súr Singh, however, disgusted Jahángír by the bold way in which
    he preferred his claim.
    D. was then ordered to join M. Rustam i Çafawí (No. 8) , the governor of Sind.
    In the 8th year, it was reported to Jahángír that Súr Singh had attacked and
    defeated his brother, who in consequence had created disturbances in Hiçár.
    Háshim, the Faujdár of that Sirkár, caught him and sent him fettered to court, where
    he was executed as a warning to others.
    For Dalpat's son, Mahes Dás, and grandson, Ratan, vide Pádisháhnámah,
    pp. 635, 723 ; 684, 729.
    2. Súr Singh. After the death of his brother he rose to favor. In Histories he
    is generally called Ráo Súr Singh, a title which he received from Sháhjahán .
    He died in 1040. He had two sons, Karan and Satr Sál, the former of whom in-
    herited the title of Ráo (vide Pádisháhnámah II, p. 727) .

    VII. Commanders of Three Thousand Five Hundred.


    45. Sha'h Quli' Mahram i Bahárlü.
    He was in Bairám's service and distinguished himself in the war with Hemú.
    It was Shah Qulí that attacked Hemú's elephant, though he did not know who his
    opponent was. The driver, however, made him a sign, and he led the elephant
    with Hemú, whose eye had been pierced by an arrow, from the battle-field, and
    brought the wounded commander to Akbar. Soon after, before the end of the first

    1 Before the end of the first year, They also caught Hemú's father alive,
    Pir Muhammad was despatched against and brought him to Pír Muhammad,
    Hájí Khán in Alwar, and as he with- who asked him to embrace Islám. As he
    drew, the imperialists took possession would not, he was killed by him. After
    of the Sirkár of Alwar as far as Deolí gathering his spoils, Pír M. returned to
    Sájárí [or Sáchárí ] , the birth-place of Akbar. Sawánih from the Akbarná-
    Hemú, and performed many brave deeds. mah.
    360

    year, Sh. Q. served with Muhammad Qásim Khán (No. 40) against Hájí Khán in
    Nágor and Ajmír.
    In the third year, it was brought to Akbar's notice, that Sh . Q. was passionately
    attached to a dancing boy of the name of Qabúl Khán ; and as the emperor had the
    boy forcibly removed,¹ Sh. Q. dressed as a Jogí, and went into the forests. Bairám
    traced him with much trouble, and brought him back to court, where the boy was
    restored to him.
    Like Bábá Zambúr, he remained faithful to Bairám to the last, and was par-
    doned together with his master in Tilwárah (p. 317) .
    After Bairam's death, he was rapidly promoted and made an Amír. In the 20th
    year, when Khán Jahán (No. 24) was sent from the Panjáb to Bengal, Sh. Q. was
    appointed Governor of the Panjáb, rising higher and higher in Akbar's favour.
    It is said that the Emperor, from goodwill towards him, admitted him to his
    female apartments. After the first time he had been allowed to enter the Harem,
    he went home, and had his testicles removed (majbúb) . From this circumstance, he
    was every where called Mahram, i. e. one who is admitted to the Harem and knows
    its secrets.
    In the 34th year, Akbar, after his return from Zábulistán, crossed the Bahat
    (Jhelum) near Rasúlpúr, and encamped at Hailán . During his stay there, he
    mounted a female elephant, and was immediately attacked by a mast male elephant
    Akbar was thrown down and sustained severe contusions. A rumour of his death
    spread over the whole country ; in some provinces even disturbances broke out. The
    Rájpúts of Shaikháwat, especially, plundered the districts from Mewát to Rewárí ;
    and in the 35th year, Akbar had to send Sh . Q. against them. He soon restored order.
    In the 41st year, he was made a commander of Four Thousand, and soon after
    of Five Thousand. The Tabaqát says that in 1001 he had been a commander of
    Three Thousand for thirty years.
    He died at Agrah in 1010. At Nárnaul, where he chiefly lived, he erected splendid
    buildings, and dug large tanks. When he felt death approaching, he gave the soldiers
    of his contingent two years ' pay in advance, and left, besides, many legacies. As he
    had no heirs, his remaining property lapsed to the state ( Tuzuk, p. 22) .
    46. Isma'i'l Quli Khan, brother of Khán Jahán (No. 24) .
    He must not be confounded with No. 72. He was caught in the battle near
    Jálindhar (p . 317 ). He joined Akbar's service with his brother, under whom he
    mostly served. When his brother had died in Bengal, he came with the immense pro-
    perty he had left behind him to Court, and was favorably received. In the 30th year,
    he was sent against the Balúchís (vide No. 44) . On his arrival in Balúchistán , the
    people soon submitted , and their chiefs , Ghází Khán Wajhiyah and Ibrahim Khán ,
    repaired to Court, and were allowed to retain the country. In the 31st year, when
    Bhagwan Dás (No. 27) , on account of his madness, had not been allowed to go to
    Zábulistán, I. Q. was sent there instead. But he committed certain improprieties and
    fell into disgrace, and was ordered to go from Bhakkar to Makkah. He begged hard

    For similar examples, vide p. 319, and No. 37, p. 349.


    which also happened in the third year, 2 Or Muhrim.
    361

    to be forgiven ; but he was not allowed to see the Emperor, and was sent against the
    Yusufzaís.
    At that time epidemics were raging in Waijúr, and the chiefs of the Yusufzaís
    came forward and submitted to I. Q. , whilst Zain Khán (No. 34), governor of Zúbu-
    listán, pressed hard upon Jalálah Raushání, who had left Teráh and entered Waijúr.
    Zain Khan therefore entered the district, determined to use the opportunity to wipe
    off the disgrace of his former defeat. The arrival of Cádiq Khán (No. 43), however,
    who had been sent from Court, to occupy the district, and capture Jalálah, annoyed
    I. Q. still more, as he thought that that duty might have been left to him as T'hánahdár
    of the district. I. Q. forgot himself so far as to allow Jalálah to escape. He then went
    to Court, where he was severely reprimanded for his conduct.
    In the 33rd year, he was made Governor of Gujrát. In the 36th year, when
    Prince Murád had been made Governor of Málwah, I. Q. was appointed his atálíq
    or Vakíl ; but he gave no satisfaction, and was called to Court, Çádiq Khán having
    been appointed in his stead.
    In the 39th year, he was sent to Kálpí, to look after his jágír. In the 42nd year
    (1005), he was made a Commander of Four Thousand.
    He was given to luxury, and spent large sums on carpets, vessels, dress, &c. He
    kept 1200 women, and was so jealous of them, that whenever he went to Court, he put
    his seal over the strings attached to their night-drawers. The women resented this
    and other annoyances, made a conspiracy, and poisoned him.
    Three sons of his are mentioned below- 1 . Ibráhím Qulí (No. 322 ), a commander
    of Three Hundred ; 2. Salím Qulí (No. 357) , and 3. Khalil Qulí (No. 358 ) , both
    commanders of Two Hundred . They do not appear to have distinguished themselves .

    VII. Commanders of Three Thousand.


    47. Mirza Ja'ni ' Beg, ruler of T'hat'hah.
    He belonged to the Arghún clan, and therefore traced his descent to Chingiz
    Khán. Abulfazl in the Akbarnámah gives his tree as follows :-
    Of his ancestors, Atkú Timur had been
    Chingiz Khán.
    killed in the war with Tuqtamish Khán, and
    Túli Khán . the Emperor Timur took care of Shankal Beg,
    Qáán.) and made him a Tarkhán (vide the note at
    Hulágú Khán (the brother of Mangú the end of this biography ).

    Abagh (or, Abághá ) Khán , d. 663 . Mírzá ' Abdul ' Alí, fourth ancestor of
    M. Jání Beg, had risen to high dignities
    Arghún Khán , d. 690.
    under Sultán Mahmúd, son of M. Abú Sa'íd,
    Four generations intervening. and received the government of Bukhárá. He
    Atkú Timur. was treacherously killed, together with hist
    five eldest sons, by Shaibání Khán Uzbak ;
    Shankal Beg Tarkhán . only his sixth son, M. Muhammad 'Isá, es-
    caped. The Arghún clan in Bukhárá, being
    Several generations not known .
    thus left without a head, emigrated to Khurá-
    'Abdulkháliq Tarkhán. sán, where they attached themselves to Mír
    1 Zul-nún Beg Arghún, who was the Amírul-
    46
    362

    Mírzá ' Abdul ' Alí Tarkhán. Umará and Sipahsálár of Sultan Husain Mírzá
    He also was atálíq and father-in-law to Prince
    M. Muhammad ' Isá Tarkhán, d. 975 .
    Badí'uzzamán Mírzá, and held Qandahár as
    M. Muhammad Báqí Tarkhán, d. 993 .
    jágír. When the prince's career ended , his
    two sons, Badí'uzzamán and Muzaffar Mírzá,
    Mírzá Páyandah Muhammad Tar-
    khán . proclaimed themselves kings of Khurásán.
    Anarchy prevailed ; and matters grew worse,
    Mírzá Jání Beg Tarkhá n.
    when Shaibán Khán invaded the country.
    Mírzá Ghází Beg Tarkhán. Zul-nún Beg fell in battle against him.
    Shuja' Beg, better known as Sháh Beg, Zul-nún's son, held Qandahár during the
    absence of his father, and succeeded him in the government. He was bent on con-
    quest. In 890, he took Fort Sewe from Jám Nizámuddín (generally called in Histories
    Jám Nandá), king of Sindh. He continued to interfere, as related by Abulfazl below
    in the Third Book, (Çúbah of Sindh), and managed at last, in 929, to conquer the
    country, thus compensating himself for the loss of Qandahár, which had been occupied
    by Bábar. A short time before his death, which took place in 930,' he invaded Multán,
    then in the hands of the Langáhs.
    Sháh Beg Arghún was succeeded by his son Mírzá Sháh Husain Arghún, who
    took Multán from Sulțán Husain Langáh (vide Third Book, Çúbah of Multán) . M.
    Shah Husain Arghún was afflicted with a peculiar fever, which only left him when he
    was on the river Indus. He therefore used to travel down the Indus for six months
    of the year, and upwards for the remaining portion. On one occasion , he went towards
    Bhakkar, when some of the nobles deserted him, and elected Mírzá Muhammad ' Isá,
    third ancestor of M. Jání Beg, as their chief. M. Sháh Husain, assisted by his foster
    brother, Sultán Mahmúd, Governor of Bhakkar, opposed him ; but he had at last to
    come to terms, and cede a large part of Sindh to M. 'Isá . On Sháh Husain's death,
    in 963, the whole country fell to ' Isá.
    In this manner the older branch of the Arghúns came to the throne of That'hah.
    'Isá died in 975 , and was succeeded by his son M. Muhammad Báqí, who successfully
    crushed the revolt of his younger brother, M. Ján Bábá . M. Báqí, in 993, committed
    suicide during an attack of insanity ; and as his son , M. Páyandah Muhammad, was also
    subject to fits of madness, the government passed into the hands of M, Jání Beg, the
    son of M. Páyandah.
    Akbar had often felt annoyed that, notwithstanding his frequent stays in the
    Panjáb, M. Jání Beg had shewn no anxiety to pay him a visit. In the 35th
    year therefore (999) , when the Khán Khánán was ordered to invade Qandahár, he
    was told to send some one to M. J. B., and draw his attention to this neglect ; if no
    heed was paid, he was to invade Sindh on his return . Multán and Bhakkar being
    the tuyúl of the Khán Khánán, he did not move into Qandahár by way of Ghaznín
    and Bangash, but chose a round-about way through his jágír. In the meantime the
    conquest of T'hat'hah had been determined upon at Court, and the Khán Khánán set

    Sháh Beg was a learned man, like and commentaries to the Mațáli,
    his renowned opponent Bábar. He
    ) ‫ (شرح مطالع‬and the Aqaid i Nasali
    wrote a Commentary to the well known
    Arabic grammar Hajiyah ) ‫(شرح فيد‬ )‫ ( شرح عقايد سفي‬.
    363

    out at once for Sindh (vide p. 335, and Brigg's Firishtah) . After bravely defending the
    country, M, J. B. had at last to yield. In the 38th year (1001) , accompanied by the Khán
    Khánán, he paid his respects to Akbar at Láhor, was made a Commander of Three
    Thousand, and received the Çúbah of Multán as tuyúl, Sindh itself being assigned to
    M. Shahrukh (No. 7) . But before this arrangement was carried out, a report reached
    Akbar that the Arghún clan, about 10000 men, women, and children, moved up the
    river, to follow M. J. B. to his new tuyúl, and that great distress had thereby been
    cansed both among the emigrants and those who were left behind . Akbar felt that
    under such circumstances policy should yield to mercy, and M. J. B. was appointed to
    Sindh. Láharí Bandar, however, became kháliçah, and the Sirkár of Siwistán which
    had formerly paid peshkash, was parcelled out among several grandees.
    In the 42nd year, M. J. B. was promoted to a command of Three Thousand and
    Five Hundred. He was much liked by Akbar for his character, religious views (vide
    p. 209), pleasing manners, and practical wisdom . It is perhaps for this reason that
    Abulfazl has placed him first among the Commanders of Three Thousand, though
    names much more renowned follow. From his youth, M. J. B. had been fond of
    wine, but had not indulged in excesses ; his habitual drinking, however, undermined
    his health, and brought on delirium (sarsám), of which he died, in 1008, at Burhánpúr
    in the Dak'hin , after the conquest of A'sír.
    A short time before his death , he offended Akbar by declaring that had he had
    an Asír, he would have held it for a hundred years.
    M. J. B. was fond of poetry ; he was himself a poet and wrote under the takhalluç
    of Halimi.
    Mirza Ghází Beg, son of M. Jání Beg . At the death of his father, he was only
    17 years old ; and though not at Court, Akbar conferred Sindh on him. He was
    opposed by Mírzá 'Isá Tarkhán, son of Mírzá Ján Babá ( brother of M. Muhammad
    Báqi, grandfather of M. Jání Beg ) ; but Khusrau Khán Chirgis, an old servant of the
    Arghúns and Vakil of his father, espoused his cause, and M. ' I'sá Tarkhán fled from
    Sindh . The army which M. Ghází Beg and Khusrau Khán had at their disposal,
    seems to have made them inclined to rebel against Akbar ; but the Emperor sent
    promptly Sa'id Khán (No. 25) and his son Sa'dullah' to Bhakkar, and M. Ghází Beg
    came to Court, and was confirined in the government of Sindh.
    After the accession of Jahángír, M. Ghází Beg received Multán in addition to
    Sindh, was made a Commander of Seven Thousand , and was sent to relieve Qandahár
    (Tuzuk p. 33, 72, 109) , which had been besieged by Husain Khán Shámlü, the
    Persian Governor of Harát. He also received the title of Farzand (son) . Sháh
    'Abbás of Persia often tried to win him over, and sent him several khil'ats.

    ' Here follows in the Maásir ul Umará of Siwistán and Bhakkar. Subsequent-
    a description of Sindh taken from the ly when the districts on the other side
    Third Book of the Aín, concluding with of the Indus were ceded to Nádir Sháh,
    the following remark :- Khudá Yát Khán administered them
    At present (when the author of the for Nádir Sháh .'
    Maásir wrote), the whole of Sindh is un- 2 Sa'dullah has been omitted to be men-
    der Khudá Yár Khán Latí ( ). From tioned on p. 332. He received the title of
    a long time he had farmed ( jarah kard) Nawazish Khán in 1020 ; vide Tuzuk,
    the Cúbah of That'hah, and the Sirkárs pp. 34, 96.
    364

    He died suddenly at the age of twenty-five in 1018,' the word Ghází being the
    Tarikh of his death . Suspicion attaches to Lutfullah, his Vakil and son of Khusrau
    Khán Chirgis, who appears to have been treated unkindly. M. Ghází does not appear
    to have had children.
    Like his father, he was a poet. He wrote under the takhalluç of Vaqárí, which
    he had bought of a Qandahár poet. He played nearly every instrument. Poets like
    Tálibí of A'mul, Mullá Murshid i Yazdjirdí, Mír Ni'matullah Váçilí, Mullá Asad Qiççah-
    khwán, and especially Fughfúrí of Gílán enjoyed his liberality. The last left him,
    because his verses were too often used for dakhl (vide p . 102, note 6) . In his private
    life, M. Ghází was dissolute. Not only was he given to wine, but he required
    every night a virgin ; girls from all places were brought to him, and the women of the
    town of T'hat'hah are said to have been so debauched, that every bad woman, even
    long after his death, claimed relationship with the Mírzá.
    Note on the meaning of the title of ' Tarkhán.'
    Abulfazl, in the Akbarnámah (38th year), has a valuable note regarding the
    meaning and the history of this ancient title. The title was hereditary, and but rarely
    given. Chingiz Khán conferred it on Qishliq and Bátá for having given him correct
    information regarding the enemy. The title in this case, as in all others, implied
    that the holder was excused certain feudal services, chiefly attendance at Court
    (taklif i bár). Chingiz Khán, moreover, did not take away from the two nobles the
    royal share of the plunder. Under Timur, a Tarkhán had free access to every place
    of the palace, and could not be stopped by the macebearers ; nor was he or his
    children liable to be punished for any crime, provided the number of his or their
    crimes did not exceed the number nine.2
    Some say, a Tarkhán had seven distinctions and privileges—1. a tabl ; 2. a túmán-
    togh; 3. a naqqárah ; 4. he can confer on two of his men a qushún togh, or chatr togh;³
    5. his Qur (p. 109) was carried (qúr i ú níz bardárand). Among the Mughuls
    no one but the king was allowed to use a quiver. 6. He could enclose (qurq) a
    forest as his private hunting ground, and if any one entered the enclosure, he forfeited
    his personal liberty. 7. He was looked upon as the head of the clan to which he

    ¹ So the Maásir . The Tuzuk (p. 109), 2. Mírzá Muhammad Çálih, who played
    perhaps more correctly, places the death some part during Aurangzeb's war with
    of M. Ghází in the 7th year of Jahangir's Dárá Shikoh ; 3. Fathullah ; 4. M. 'Aqil.
    reign , 1021 . Mírzá Bihrúz , M. Muhammad Çálih's
    After M. Ghází Beg's death, Sindh was son, is mentioned as a Commander of
    taken away from the Tarkháns, and M. Five Hundred under Sháhjahán.
    Rustam was appointed Governor (vide 2 Nine was looked upon as an import-
    p. 314). ant number by the Mughuls. Thus
    Khusrau Chirgis tried to set up some kings received nine presents, or the pre-
    'Abdul ' Alí Tarkhán, whose pedigree is sent consisted of nine pieces of the same
    not known ; but Jahángír bestowed his article. Hence also the Chaghtái tuquz
    favors on Mírzá 'Isá Tarkhán , son of (or túqúz, or tuqúz) , nine, came to mean
    M. Ján Bábá (uncle of M. Jání Beg) , a present, in which sense it occurs in the
    He rose to the highest honors under Pádisháhnámah and the 'A'lamgirnó-
    Shahjahan, and died more than hundred mah, especially in reference to presents
    year old, in 1062, at Sámbhar. He had of stuffs, as haft tuquz párchah, ‘ a
    four sons- 1 . Mírzá 'Inayatullah, who present of seven pieces of cloth.'
    died in the 21st year of Shahjahán ; 3 Vide p. 50.
    365

    belonged. In the statehall the Amírs sat behind him to his right and left arranged in
    form of a bow (kamánwár).
    When Tughluq Timur conferred this title upon an Amír,' he put all financial
    matters (dád o sitad) as far as a Hazárí' (? ) in his charge ; nor were his descendants,
    to the ninth generation, liable to be called to account ; but should their crimes
    exceed the number nine, they were to be called to account. When a Tarkhán had to
    answer for blood shed by him (pádásh i khún) , he was placed on a silver white horse
    two years old, and a white cloth was put below the feet of the animal. His statement
    was made by a chief of the Barlás clan (vide p . 341, note) , and the sentence was
    communicated to him by a chief of the Arkíwat ( 5 ) clan. His neck vein was
    then opened, the two chiefs remaining at his side, and watching over him till he was
    dead. The king was then led forth from the palace, and sat down to mourn over
    him.
    Khizr Khwajah in making Mír Khudádád a Tarkhán, added three new privi-
    leges. 1. At the time of wedding feasts (túí), when all grandees have to walk on
    foot, and only the yasáwal (chief mace bearer) of the king is on horseback to keep
    back the crowds, the Tarkhán also proceeds on horseback. 2. When during the feast
    the cup is handed to the king from the right side, another cup is at the same time
    handed to the Tarkhán from the left. 3. The Tarkhán's seal is put on all orders ;
    but the seal of the king is put to the beginning of the last line and below his.
    Abulfazl, in concluding these remarks, says that these distinctions are extraordi-
    nary enough ; he believes it possible that a king may grant a virtuous man immunity
    for nine crimes ; but he thinks it absurd to extend the immunity to nine generations.

    48. Iskandar Kha'n, a descendant of the Uzbak Kings .


    He distinguished himself under Humáyún who on his return to India made him
    a Khán. After the restoration , he was made Governor of Agrah. On Hemú's approach,
    he left Agrah, and joined Tardí Beg at Dihlí. Both opposed Hemú, Iskandar com-
    manding the left wing (júranghár). His wing defeated the right wing (burunghár)
    and the van (haráwal) of Hemú, and hotly pursued them, killing many fugi-
    tives. The battle was almost decided in favor of the Imperialists , when Hemú with
    his whole force broke upon Tardí Beg, and put him to flight. The victorious Iskandar
    was thus obliged to return. He afterwards joined Akbar at Sarhind, fought under
    Khán Zamán (No. 13) against Hemú, and received after the battle for his bravery the
    title of Khán’Alam .
    2
    As Khizr Khwajah Khán, the Governor of the Panjáb, had retreated before
    Sikandar Khán Súr, and fortified himself in Láhor, leaving the country to the Afgháns ,
    Akbar appointed Iskandar to move to Siyálkot and assist Khizr Khwajah .

    : The MSS.call him ‫ ولاحی‬or ‫ ولاحی‬, yún on his return besieged that town.
    with every variety of diacritical points. Before the town surrendered, Khizr
    2 Khizr had descended from the kings Khwajah threw himself down from the
    of Mughulistán ; but according tothe Ta- wall, managed to reach Humáyún's tent,
    baqát from the kings of Káshghar. and implored forgiveness. He was restored
    He was a grandee of Humáyún, left him to favor, was made Amir ul Umará,
    on his flight to Persia, and was with and married Gulbadan Begum, H.'s
    M. 'Askarí in Qandahár, when Humá- sister. When Akbar marched against
    366

    Afterwards he received Audh as tuyúl. From want of occupation,' he rebelled


    in the tenth year. Akbar ordered Ashraf Khán ( No. 74 ) to bring him to Court
    but Isk. joined Khán Zamán (No, 13 ). Together with Bahadur Khán (No. 22) , he
    occupied Khairábád (Audh), and attacked Mír Mu'izzulmulk (No. 61 ) . Bahádur
    ultimately defeated the Imperialists ; but Isk. had in the first fight been defeated and
    fled to the north of Audh.
    When in the 12th year Khán Zamán and Bahádur again rebelled, Isk . in concert
    with them occupied Audh. He was attacked by Muhammad Qulí Khán Barlás (No.
    31 ), and besieged in Avadh . When Isk . heard that Khán Zamán and Bahádar had
    been defeated and killed, he made proposals of peace, and managed during the nego-
    tiation to escape by boat with his family to Gorák'hpúr, which then belonged to Sulai-
    mán, king of Bengal. He appears to have attached himself to the Bengal Court,
    and accompanied, in 975 , Báyazíd, Sulaimán's son, over Jhárkand to Orísá . After
    Sulaimán's return from the conquest of Orísá, ' Isk.'s presence in Bengal was looked
    upon as dangerous, as Sulaimán wished at all hazards to be at peace with Akbar, and
    the Afgháns waited for a favorable opportunity to kill Iskandar. He escaped in time,
    and applied to Mun'im Khán, who promised to speak for him. At his request, Isk
    was pardoned . He received the Sirkár of Lak'hnau as tuyúl, and died there in the
    following year (980).
    49. A'caf Kha'n ' Abdul Maji'd ( of Harát) , a descendant of Shaikh
    Abú Bakr i Táibádí .
    His brother Vazír Khán has been mentioned above (No. 41) . Shaikh Zain-
    uddín Abú Bakri Táibádí³ was a saint (çáhib kamál) at the time of Timur. When
    Timur, in 782 , set out for the conquest of Harát, which was in the hands of Malik
    Ghiásuddín , he sent, on his arrival at Táibád, a messenger to the Shaikh, to ask him
    why he had not paid his respects to the conqueror of the world. " What have I ,” replied
    the Shaikh, " to do with Timur ?" Timur, struck with this answer, went himself to the

    Hemú. Khizr Khán was made Governor 'Abdurrahman with some elephants as
    of the Panjab and ordered to operate peshkash, and was allowed by Akbar to
    against Sikandar Súr, who during occupy Bihár as tuyúl (vide p. 319,
    Humáyún's lifetime had retreated to 7. 10 from below). Mánkot surrendered
    the Sawáliks. Leaving Hájí Khán on the 27th Ramazán 964. Sikandar
    Sístání in Láhor, Khizr Khán moved died two years later.
    against Sikandar, whom he met near It is difficult to say why Abulfazl has
    a place called in the MSS ‫چمداري‬ not entered Khizr Khán in the List of
    Kh. selected two thousand horsemen to Grandees. His name is given in the
    reconnoitre ; but Sikandar was on the Tabaqát. Similarly Khwajah Mu'az
    alert, fell upon the detachment, and de- zim and Mír Sháh Abulma'álí are left
    feated the Imperialists . Kh. without out. For Kh.'s son vide No. 153.
    further fighting retreated to Láhor. Si- On Sulaimán's return from Orísá,
    kandar used the respite, and collected a he appointed Khán Jahán Lodhí, his
    large army, till Akbar himself had to Amir ul Umará, Governor of Orísá.
    move against him. Finding Akbar's Qutlú Khán, who subsequently made
    army too strong, Sikandar shut himself himself king of Orísá, was then Gover-
    up in Mánkot. After a siege of six nor of Púrí (Jaggarnath. ) Bad. II.,
    months, Sikandar bribed Shamsuddin 174.
    Atgah (No. 15 ) and Pír Muhammad 2 He died A. H. 791. His biography
    (No. 20), who prevailed upon Akbar is given in Jámí's Nafhát ul Uns. Táibád
    to pardon him. Sikandar sent his son belongs to Jám i Khurásán.
    367

    Shaikh, and upbraided him for not having advised Malik Ghiás, " I have indeed done so,'
    said the Shaikh, " but he would not listen, and God has now appointed you over him.
    However, I now advise you, too, to be just, and if you likewise do not listen, God
    will appoint another over you." Timur afterwards said that he had seen many
    dervishes ; every one of them had said something from selfish motives, but not so
    Shaikh Abú Bakr, who had said nothing with reference to himself.
    Khwajah ' Abdul Majid was a Grandee of Humáyún, whom he served as Díwán.
    On Akbar's accession, he also performed military duties . When the Emperor moved
    to the Panjab, to crush Bairám's rebellion , ' Abdul Majíd received the title of Açaf
    Khán, regarding which vide the note after this biographical notice. Subsequently Açaf
    was appointed Governor of Dihlí, received a flag and a drum, and was made a Commander
    of Three Thousand . When Fattú, a servant of ' Adlí, made overtures to surrender
    Fort Chanádh (Chunar), A., in concert with Shaikh Muhammad Ghaus, took posses-
    sion of it, and was appointed Governor of Karah - Mánikpúr on the Ganges. About
    the same time, Ghází Khán Tannúrí, an Afghán noble who had for a time been in
    Akbar's services, fled to Bhat'h G'horá, and stirred up the Zamíndárs against Akbar.
    A., in the 7th year, sent a message to Rájah Rám Chandr, the ruler of Bhat'h, to pay
    tribute to Akbar, and surrender the enemies. But the Rájah prepared for resistance.
    A. marched against the Rájah, defeated him, and executed Ghází Khán. The Rájah,
    after his defeat, shut himself up in Bándhú,' but obtained Akbar's pardon by timely
    submission, chiefly through the influence of several Rájahs at Court. A. then left the
    Rájah in peace ; but the spoils which he had collected and the strong contingent which
    he had at his disposal ( vide p. 241 , 1. 18) made him desirous of further warfare, and
    he planned the famous expedition against Gadha- Katangah, or Gondwánah, south
    of Bhat'h, which was then governed by Durgawatí," the heroine of Central India.
    Her heroic defence and suicide, and the death of her son, Bír Sáh, at the conquest of
    Chaurágadh (about 70 miles west of Jabalpúr) , are wellknown. The immense spoils
    which A. carried off, led him temporarily into rebellion , and of the 1000 elephants which
    he had captured, he only sent 200 to Court. But when Khán Zamán ( No. 13) , in
    the 10th year, rebelled and besieged Majnún Khán Qáqshál ( No. 50) in Mánikpúr,
    A. came with 5,000 troopers to his relief, presented himself before Akbar, who had
    marched against Khán Zamán, and handed over the remainder of the Gadha spoils.

    ¹ Abulfazl, in the events of the 42nd Gadha- Katangah. Abulfazl says, it had
    year of the Akbarnámah, says that ' Alá- an extent of 150 kos by 80 kos, and
    addín-i-Khilji besieged Bándhú in vain. there were in ancient times 80000 flour-
    2 Gadha (Gurh, Gurbah, Gurrah) lies ishing cities. The inhabitants , he says,
    close to Jabalpúr in Central India . Katan- are all Gonds, who are looked upon by
    gah is the name of two small places, one Hindús as very low.
    due south of Jabalpúr below Lat. 22, as on The Rajahs of Gadha- Katangah are
    the Map in Journal A. S. B., Decr. 1837 , generally called the Gadha-Mandlá Rá-
    Pl. LVII ; anotherapparently larger place jahs. Mandlá lies S. E. of Jabalpúr, on
    ofthe same name lies N.W. of, and nearer the8 right side of the Narbaddah.
    to, Jabalpúr and Gadha, about Lat. 23° Capt. Sleeman in his History of the
    30' , as on the Map of Central India in Sir Gurha Mandala Rájas ,' Journal A. S.
    J. Malcolm's Malwa ; but both are called Bengal, Vol. VI., p. 627, spells her name
    on the maps Katangi. In Muhammadan Durghoutee. He calls her son Bir Na-
    Histories, the country is generally called ráin. Vide also Badúoní II, 66.
    368

    He thereby regained Akbar's confidence and was appointed to follow up the rebels.
    At this juncture, the imperial Mutaçaddís, whom A. before had handsomely bribed, re-
    ported from envy his former unwillingness to hand over the spoils, and exaggerated
    his wealth . Hypocritical friends mentioned this to A.; and afraid of his personal safety,
    he fled to Gadha (Çafar, 973).
    Akbar looked upon his flight as very suspicious, and appointed Mahdí Qásim Khán
    6
    (No. 36) to Gadhá . A. then left Central India with a sorrowful heart,' and joined,
    together with his brother (No. 41 ) , Khán Zamán at Jaunpúr, But he soon saw that
    Khán Zamán only wanted his wealth and watched for a favorable moment to kill
    him. A. therefore made use of the first opportunity to escape. Khán Zamán had
    sent his brother Bahádur (No. 22) against the Afgháns, and A. was to accompany him.
    Vazír Khán, whom Khán Zamán had detained, managed likewise to escape, and was
    on the road to Mánikpúr, which A. had appointed as place of rendez-vous. No soon-
    er had A. escaped than Bahadur followed him up, defeated his men, and took A. pri-
    soner. Bahadur's men immediately dispersed in search of plunder, when suddenly
    Vazír Khán fell over Bahádur. Bahadur made some one a sign to kill A., who sat fetter-
    ed on an elephant, and A. had just received a wound in his hand and nose, when Vazír in
    time saved his life, and carried him away. Both reached, in 973, Karah, and asked
    Muzaffar Khán (No. 37) to intercede for them with the emperor. When Muzaffar, in
    974, was called by the emperor to the Panjáb, he took Vazír with him, and obtained
    full pardon for the two brothers. A. was ordered to join Majnún Qáqshál at Kaṛah-
    Mánikpúr. His bravery in the last struggle with Khán Zamán induced Akbar, in
    975, to give him Piyág as tuyúl, vice Hájí Muhammad Sístání (No. 55) , to enable
    him to recruit a contingent for the expedition against Ráná Udai Singh. A. was sent
    in advance (manqalá) . In the middle of Rabí' I , 975 , Akbar left Agrah for Chítor.
    The Ráná had commissioned Jai Mall, who had formerly been in Mírt'ha, to defend
    the fort, whilst he himself had withdrawn to the mountains. During the siege,
    which lasted four months and seven days, A. distinguished himself, and when, on
    the 25th Sha'bán, 975 , the fort fell A. was made Governor of Chítor.
    Neither the Maásir, nor the Tabaqát, mentions the year of his death. He must
    have been dead in 981, because the title of Açaf Khán was bestowed upon another
    noble.'

    Note on the Title of ' Açaf Khán.'


    Açaf was the name of the Vazír of Sulaimán ( Solomon) , who like his master
    is proverbial in the East for his wisdom. During the reign of Akbar three grandees
    received this title. Badáoní, to avoid confusion , numbers them Açaf Khán I., II ., and
    III. They are-
    ’Abdul Majíd , Açaf Khán I. , d. before 981. (No. 49) .
    Khwajah Mirza Ghiásuddín 'Alí, Açaf Khán II. , d. 989. (No. 126) .
    Mírzá Ja'far Beg, Açaf Khán III. , (No. 98).

    Stewart (History of Bengal, p. 120) 112, that Faríduddín i Bukhárí [No. 99]
    says, ' Abdul Majid A'çaf Khán officiated is the author of the History of the Em-
    in 1013 for Mán Singh in Bengal. This peror Jahangir .
    is as impossible as his statement on p.
    369

    The three Açafs were Díwáns or Mír Bakshis. The third was nephew to the
    second, as the following tree will shew :

    Aghá Mullá Dawátdár.

    1. Ghiásuddín ' Alí, 2. Mírzá Badí’uzzamán . 3. Mírzá Ahmad Beg.


    A af khóa II.

    Mírzá Núruddín. A daughter Mírzá Ja'far Beg,


    Aeaf Khán III.
    Mumtaz Mahall,
    (Shahjahan's wife) .
    Jahángír conferred the title of A'çaf Khán' (IV.) on Abul Hasan, elder brother of
    Núr Jahán, and father of Mumtaz Mahall (or Táj Bíbí, Shahjahan's wife), whose
    mother was a daughter of Açaf Khán II. During the reign of Shahjahan when titles
    containing the word Daulah' were revived, A'çaf Khán was changed to A'çafud-
    daulah, and this title was conferred on A'çafuddaulah Jumlatul Mulk Asadjang (Sháh-
    jahán-Aurangzeb) , a relation of Açaf Khán IV. Under Ahmad Shah, lastly, we find
    Açafuddaulah Amír ul Mamálik, whose name like that of his father, Nizám ul Mulk
    Açaf-Jáh, occurs so often in later Indian History.

    50. Majnu'n Kha'n i Qa'qsha'l.2


    He was a grandee of Humáyún, and held Nárnaul as jágír. When Humáyún
    fled to Persia, Hájí Khán besieged Nárnaul, but allowed Majnún Khán to march away
    unmolested, chiefly at the request of Rájah Bihárí Mall, who, at that time, was with
    Hájí Khán (vide p. 329).
    On Akbar's accession , he was made Jágírdár of Mánikpúr, then the east frontier of
    the Empire. He remained there till after the death of Khán Zamán (No. 13), bravely
    defending Akbar's cause. In the 14th year, he besieged Kálinjar. This fort was in
    the hands of Rájah Rám Chand, ruler of Bhat'h, who during the Afghán troubles had
    bought it, for a heavy sum, from Bijlí Khán, the adopted son of Pahár Khán. When,
    during the siege, the Rájah heard of the fall of Chítor and Rantanbhúr, he surrendered
    Kálinjar to M. (29th Çafar, 977) . Akbar appointed M. Commander of the Fort, in
    addition to his other duties.
    In the 17th year (980), he accompanied Mun'im Khán (No. 11) on his expedition
    to Gorák'hpúr. At the same time the Gujrátí war had commenced, and as Bábá Khán
    Qaqshál had words with Shahbaz Khán , ( No. 80 ) , the Mír Tozak, regarding certain
    They had been in use among the the Pat'háns, was never conferred by the
    Khalifahs and the Ghaznawís. Thus Ya- Mughul (Chaghtái) Kings of Delhi.
    mín ud-daulah which title Shahjahán Titles with Jang, as Firúzjang, Nuç-
    bestowed on Abul Hasan Aqaf Khán ratjang, &c., came into fashion with
    IV.) , had also been the title of Mahmúd Jahángír.
    of Ghazní when prince. The kings of 2 Name of a Turkish clan. Like the
    the Dak'hin occasionally conferred titles Uzbaks, they were disliked by Akbar,
    with Daulah. This is very likely the and rebelled. Majnún Khán was cer-
    reason why Akbar conferred the title of tainly the best of them.
    Azad ud-daulah on Mír Fathullah of a Baba Khán Qushal also was a gran
    Shíráz, who had come from the Dakhin. dee of Akbar, but Abulfazl has left him
    The title Malik, so common among out in this list. Like Majnún he distin-
    47
    370

    arrangements, he was reproved by Akbar. But the rumour spread in Mun'im's army
    that Bábá Khán, Jabárí (Majnún's son ), Mírzá Muhammad, and other Qáqsháls, had
    killed Shahbaz Khán, and joined the rebellion of the Mírzás in Gujrát ; and that
    Akbar had therefore ordered Mun'im to imprison Majnún. In consequence of these
    false rumours, M. and others of his clan withdrew from Mun'im , who in vain tried to
    convince them of the absurdity of the rumours ; but when M. soon after heard
    that Bábá Khán and Jabárí had been rewarded by Akbar for their brave behaviour in
    the Gujrátí war, he was ashamed of his hastiness, and rejoined Mun'im who, in the
    meantime, had taken Gorák'hpúr.
    M. accompanied Mun'im on his Bengal expedition. When, in 982, Dáúd retired
    to Orísá, and Kálá Pahár,' Sulaimán Manklí and Bábú Manklí had gone to
    G'horág hát, Mun'im sent M. against them. M. conquered the greater part of Nor-
    thern Bengal, and carried off immense spoils. On the death of Sulaimán Mankli, the
    acknowledged ruler of G'horág'hát, a great number of the principal Afghán nobles
    were caught, and M. with the view of securing peace, married the daughter of Sulai-
    mán Manklí to his son Jabárí. He also parcelled out the whole country among
    his clan. But Bábú Manklí and Kálá Pahár had taken refuge in Kúch Bihár, and
    when Mun'im was in Kaṭak, they were joined by the sons of Jaláluddín Súr, and
    fell upon the Qáqsháls. The latter, without fighting, cowardly returned to Tándah,
    and waited for Mun'im, who, on his return from Orísá, sent them with reinforcements
    to G'horág hát. The Qáqsháls re-occupied the district. Majnún died soon after at
    G'horág hát.
    The Tabaqat says that he was a Commander of Five Thousand and had a contin-
    gent of 5,000 troopers.
    His son Jabárí distinguished himself by his zeal and devotion. The enforcing
    of the Dágh law led him and his clan into rebellion. Jabárí then assumed the title of
    Khán Jahún . When the Qáqsháls left Magum (p, 326), Jabárí went to Court.
    Akbar imprisoned him, but pardoned him in the 39th year.

    guished himself in the war with Khán kept for the last six hundred years in the
    Zamán and the Mírzás. During Mun- temple of Púrí) differs considerably from
    'im's expedition to Bengal, the Qaqsháls the Akbarnámah. Kálá Pahár was killed
    received extensive jágírs in G'horág hát. by a gun shot in one of the fights be-
    Bábá Khán was looked upon as the head tween Ma'çúm and Qutlú of Orísá, and
    of the clan after Majnún's death. He 'Azíz Kokah (vide p. 326), which, in 990,
    rebelled with Magum Khán i Kábulí , took place between K'halgánw (Colgong)
    partly in consequence of Muzaffar Khán's and Gadhí (near Rajmahall).
    (No. 37) exactions, and assumed the title Bábú Manklí subsequently entered
    of Khán Khánán . He died in the same Akbar's service (vide No. 202). European
    year in which Muzaffar died, of cancer in Historians generally spell his name Bábú
    the face (khúrah), which he said he had Mangali, as if it came from the Hindí
    brought on himself by his faithlessness. mangal, Tuesday. This may be correct ;
    The renowned conqueror of the tem- for common people in India do still use
    ple of Jagannath at Púrí in S. Orísá. such names . But mankli is perhaps pre-
    Vide below Third Book, Cúbahs of Ben- ferable. Two of Tímúr's ancestors had
    gal and Orísá. A minute description ofhis the same name. The Turkish mankli
    conquest is given in the Makhzan i Af- means , kháldár, spotted.
    ghání, and by Stirling in his Account 2 The best MSS. of the Akbarnámah,
    of Orissa, Asiatic Researches, Vol. xv. Badáoní, and the Maásir have ‫جباري‬
    But Stirling's account, taken as they
    are from the Púrí Vynsavali (a chronicle Stewart (p. 109) calls him Jebbaburdy (?).
    371

    51. Shuja'at Kha'n, Muqi'm i ' Arab.


    He is the son of Tardí Beg's sister (No. 12). Humáyún made Muqim a Khan.
    On the emperor's flight to Persia, he joined Mírzá 'Askarí. When Humáyún took
    Qandahár on his return, Muqím, like most old nobles, presented himself before the
    emperor with a sword hanging from his neck, and was for a short time confined.
    After his release, he remained with Mun'im Khán (No. 11 ) in Kábul, and followed
    him to India, when Akbar called Mun'im to take Bairam's place.
    In the 9th year, Muqím distinguished himself in the pursuit of ' Abdullah Khán
    Uzbak (No. 14) , ' the king of Mandú', and received the title of Shuja'at Khán, which
    Akbar had taken away from the rebellious ' Abdullah.
    In the beginning of the 15th year, Akbar honored him by being his guest for a day.
    In the 18th year, he accompanied the Emperor on his forced march to Ahmadábád
    (p. 325) . Once he slandered Mun'im, and Akbar sent him to the Khán Khánán to do
    with him what he liked ; but Mun'im generously forgave him, and had him restored.
    In the 22nd year, he was made a Commander of Three Thousand, and Governor
    and Commander-in-Chief of Málwah.
    In 988, when troubles in Bihár and Bengal had broken out, Shujá'at Khán, at
    Akbar's order, left Sárangpúr for Fathpúr ( Badáoní II , 284). At the first stage,
    'Iwaz Beg Barlás who complained of arrears of pay and harsh treatment of
    the men, created a tumult, made a man of the name Hájí Shibáb Khán leader, fell
    upon Shuja'at's tent, and killed his son Qawím Khán.' Shujá'at himself was mortally
    wounded. Some of his adherents, at last, managed to put the dying Sh. on an elephant ,
    and led him off to Sárangpúr. Though Sh. had expired before they reached the town,
    they did not spread the news of his death, and thus kept the greater part of the
    soldiers together, and joined Akbar in Sárangpúr.
    Akbar punished the rebels severely. According to p. 284, Akbar once saved
    Shuja'at's life in the jungles.
    From Badáoní ( II, 284), we learn that Qawím Khán was a young man, renowned
    for his musical talents.
    Muqím Khủn (No. 386) is Shujat Khán’s second son. He was promoted under
    Akbar to a Commandership of seven hundred,
    Quim Khán was the son of Muqím Khán . Quim’s son , ’Abdurrahím , was under
    Jahángír a Commander of seven hundred and 400 horse, got the title of Tarbiyat Khán,
    and was made, in the 5th year, Faujdár of Alwar. Qáim's daughter, Çálihah Bánú, was
    received (3rd year) by Jahángír in his harem, and went by the title of Pádisháh Mahall.
    She adopted Miyán Joh, son of the above ' Abdurrahím. Miyán Joh was killed by Mahá-
    bat Khán, when near the Bahat (Jhelam) he had taken possession of Jahángír's person.
    No. 52. Sha'h Buda'gh Kha'n, a descendant of Uymáq² Kál of Sa-
    marqand.

    ¹ So the Maásir and the Akbarnámah . They were renowned in India as horse-
    Badáoní ( II , 284 ) has Quim Khán ; but men. Hence , as the word is gene-
    this is perhaps a mistake of the native rally spelt by Mughul Historians, means
    editors of the Bibl. Indica. a kind of superior cavalry ; vide Tuzuk
    2 There were two tribes of the Qará p. 147, 1. 17. How this Turkish word
    Turks called ‫ ايماق‬or ‫رية أويماق‬.mig lost its original meaning in India, may
    372

    The Turkish Budágh means a branch of a tree.' He distinguished himself under


    Humáyún, and was made by Akbar a Commander of Three Thousand.
    In the 10th year, he accompanied Mír Mu'izzul Mulk (No. 61) against Bahadur
    No. 22) . Though the imperialists were defeated, B. Kh, fought bravely, and was
    captured. His son , ' Abdul Maṭlab (No. 83), ran away. In the 12th year, B. Kh. went
    with Shibábuddín Ahmad (No. 26) against the Mírzás in Málwah , received Sarangpúr
    as tuyúl, fought under ' Aziz Kokah (No. 21 ) in the battle at Patan ( 18th Ramazán
    980), and was for a long time Governor of Mandú, where he died. The Tabaqát says,
    he had the title of Amirul Umará. He was alive in 984, when he met Akbar at
    Mohiní.
    Inside Fort Mandú, to the south, close to the walls, he had erected a building,
    to which he gave the name of Nílkánt'h, regarding the inscriptions on which the
    Maásir gives a few interesting particulars.
    No. 53. Husain Kha'n (Tukriyah), sister's son of Mahdí Qásim
    Khán ( No. 36 ).
    ' He is the Bayard and the Don Quixote of Akbar's reign.' In his jihads he was
    sans peur, and in his private life sans reproche ; he surpassed all grandees by his faith-
    fulness and attachment to his masters, but his contingent was never in order ; he was
    always poor, though his servants in consequence of his liberality lived in affluence.
    He slept on the ground, because his Prophet had enjoyed no greater luxuries ; and his
    •
    motto in fight was death or victory ;' and when people asked him, why he did not invert
    the order and say ' victory or death, ' he would reply, ' O ! I do long to be with the
    saints that have gone before.'
    He was the patron of the Historian Badáoní,' who served Husain as almoner to
    his estate (Shamsábád and Patiálí) .
    Husain Khán was not only sister's son, but also son- in-law to Mahdí Qásim
    Khán (No. 36 ). He was in Bairam's service. In the second year, after the conquest
    of Mánkot, Akbar made him Governor of Láhor, where he remained four months and
    four days. When Akbar, in Çafar 965, marched to Dihlí, he appointed H. Kh.
    Governor of the Panjáb. During his incumbency, he shewed himself a zealous Sunní. As
    the Christians did with the Jews, he ordered the Hindús as unbelievers to wear a patch
    (Hind. tukrá) near the shoulders, and thus got the nickname of Tukriyah, ‘ Patcher.'
    Like Shah Qulí Khán Mahram (No. 45) , he stuck to Bairám to the last, and did
    not meet Akbar at Jhújhar ; but after Bairám had been pardoned , he entered Akbar's
    service. When Mahdi Qasim Khán, from dislike to Gadha, went by way of the
    Dak'hin to Makkah , H. Kh . accompanied him a short distance on the road. On his
    return , he reached Satwás in Málwah, when the rebellion of the Mírzás broke out,

    be seen from p. 57, 1. 1 , of the second head or founder of a clan. The ad-
    volume of my Ain text, where Abulfazl jective Miyán Kálí occurs frequently.
    applies the word to Rájpút cavalry of Two Miyán Kálís may be found below
    the Ráthor clan. The word is pro- among the list of learned men ( Qází
    nounced aimáq in India. ' Abdussamí ') and the poets (Qásim i
    The meaning of Miyán Kál is still Káhí).
    unclear to me. To judge from Abulfazl's Vide my Essay on Badáoní and his
    phrase, it must be the name of the Works in J. A. S. Bengal, for 1869, p. 120.
    373

    and in concert with Muqarrib Khán, the tuyúldár of that place, he tried to fortify himself
    in Satwás. But Muqarrib lost heart and fled ; and H. Kh. was forced to leave the
    Fort, and asked Ibráhím Husain Mírzá for an interview. Though urged to join the
    Mírzá, H. Kh . remained faithful to Akbar.
    In the 12th year, when Akbar moved against Khán Zamán, H. Kh. was to
    take a command, but his contingent was not ready. In the 13th year his jágír was
    transferred from Lak’hnau, where he and Badání had been for about a year, to Kánt o
    Golah . His exacting behaviour towards Hindús and his religious expeditions against
    their temples annoyed Akbar very much. In the 19th year, when the Emperor went
    to Bihár, H. Kh. was again absent ; and when Akbar returned after the conquest of
    Hájípúr, he confiscated H.'s jágír ; but on satisfying himself of his harmlessness, he
    pardoned him, restored his jágír, and told him to get his contingent ready. His mania,
    however, again overpowered him. He made an expedition against Basantpur in
    Kamáon, which was proverbially rich, and got wounded by a bullet in the shoulder.
    Akbar was almost convinced that he had gone into rebellion, and sent Cádiq Khán
    (No. 43) to him to bring him by force to Court . H. Kh. therefore left Garh Muktesar,
    with the view of going to Mun'im Khán, through whose influence he hoped to obtain
    pardon. But he was caught at Bárha, and was taken to Fathpúr Síkrí, where in the
    same year (983) he died of his wounds.
    The Tabaqat says, he was a Commander of Two Thousand ; but according to the
    Akbarnámah, he had since the 12th year been a Commander of Three Thousand.
    His son, Yusuf Khán, was a grandee of Jahángír. He served in the Dak'hin in
    the corps of ' Aziz Kokah (No. 21 ) , who, in the 5th year, had been sent with 10,000
    men to reinforce Prince Parwíz, the Khán Khánán, and Mán Singh, because on account
    of the duplicity of the Khán Khánán ( Tuzuk p . 88) the imperialists were in the greatest
    distress (vide pp . 327 and 336), Yúsufs son, ’Izzat Khán , served under Sháhjahán ,
    (Pádísháhn. II, 121) .
    54. Murad Khan , son of Amír Khán Mughul Beg.
    His full name is Muhammad Murád Khán. In the 9th year, he served under
    Açaf Khán (No. 49) in Gadha Katangah. In the 12th year, he got a jágír in
    Málwah, and fought under Shihábuddín Ahmad against the Mírzás. After the
    Mírzás had returned to Gujrát, M. got Ujjain as tuyúl.
    In the 13th year, the Mírzás invaded Málwah from Khandesh , and Murád
    Khán, together with Mír ' Azizullah, the Díwán of Málwah, having received the news
    two days before the arrival of the enemies, shut themselves up in Ujjain, determined
    to hold it for Akbar. The Emperor sent Qulij Khán (No. 42) to their relief, when the
    Mírzás retreated to Mandú. Followed up by Qulij and Murád, they retreated at last
    across the Narbaddah.
    In the 17th year, the Mírzás broke out in Gujrát, and the jágírdárs of Málwah
    assembled under the command of M. ' Azíz Kokah (No. 21) . Murád held a command
    in the left wing, and took part, though not very actively, in the confused battle near
    Patan (Ramazán, 980).

    Elliot (Index, p. 235 , First Edition ) and he calls Husain Khán a Kashmiri.
    has by mistake Lak'hnor (on the Rám- This must be an oversight.
    ganga) instead of Lakhnau (in Audh),
    374

    In 982, he was attached to Mun'im's expedition to Bengal. He conquered for


    Akbar the district of Fathábád, Sirkár Boglá (S. E. Bengal), and was made Governor
    of Jalesar (Jellasore) in Orísá, after Dáúd had made peace with Mun'im .
    When in 983, after Mun'im's death , Dáúd fell upon Nazar Bahadur, Akbar's
    Governor of Bhadrak (Oṛísá), and treacherously killed him, Murád wisely retreated
    to Tánḍah. '
    Subsequently M. was again appointed to Fathábád, where he was when the
    Bengal rebellion broke out. Murád at Fathábád, Qiyá Khán in Orísá , Mirzá Naját
    at Sátgáņw, were almost the only officers of Akbar's Bengal corps, that did not take
    part in the great military revolt of 988. Qiyá was killed by Qutlú ( p. 343 ), and
    Murád died at Fathábád, immediately after the first outbreak of the revolt in 988,
    ' before the veil of his loyalty was rent.'
    After his death, Mukand, the principal Zamíndár of Fathábád, invited Murád's
    sons to a feast, and treacherously murdered them.
    Vide No. 369.
    55. Ha'ji' Muhammad Kha'n of Sístán.
    He was in the service of Bairám, who was much attached to him. In 961 , when
    Bairám held Qandahár, rumours of treason reached Humáyún . The Emperor went
    from Kábul to Qandahár, and personally investigated the matter, but finding Bairám
    innocent, he went back, taking Hájí Muhammad with him, who during the investiga-
    tion had been constantly referred to as inclined to rebellion.º
    After the conquest of Hindústán, H. M., at Bairám's request, was made a Khán,
    and was rapidly promoted .
    In the 1st year of Akbar's reign, H. M. was ordered to accompany Khizr Khwá-
    jah (p. 365, note 2) on his expedition against Sikandar Súr. Tardí Beg's (No. 12)
    defeat by Hemú had a bad effect on the Emperor's cause ; and Mullá ' Abdullah Makh-
    dúm ulmulk who, though in Akbar's service, was said to be devoted to the
    interests of the Afgháns , represented to Sikandar that he should use this favorable
    opportunity and leave the Sawáliks. As related above, Khizr Khwajah moved against
    Sikandar, leaving H. M. in charge of Láhor. Being convinced of Makhdúm's treason,
    H. M. tortured him, and forced him to give up sums of money which he had con-
    cealed.
    In 966, Bairám fell out with Pír Muhammad (No. 20), and deprived him of his
    office and emoluments which were given to H. M. When Bairám fell into disgrace, he
    sent H. M. with several other Amírs to Dihlí with expressions of his humility and
    desire to be pardoned . But H. M. soon saw that all was lost. He did not receive
    permission to go back to Bairám. After Bairám had been pardoned (p. 318) , H. M.

    1 As Mun'im left T'hánahdárs in Bhad- Panjab) was chosen by Akbar who built
    rak and Jalesar, Dáúd must have been the town, because it rhymes with Katak.
    restricted to Katak Proper. Mun'im's The two frontier towns of his empire
    invasion of Orísá was certainly one of were to have similar names. Akbarná-
    the most daring exploits performed dur- mah.
    ing Akbar's reign. 2 Hájí Muhammad is the same to whom
    Having mentioned Katak, I may here Erskine's remark refers quoted by El-
    6 phinstone (Fifth Edition), p . 470, note.
    state that the name Aṭak', (Attock, in the
    375

    and Muhammad Tarson Khán (No. 32 ) accompanied him on his way to Hijáz as far as
    Nágor, then the frontier of the Empire. Once, on the road, Bairám charged H. M.
    with faithlessness, when the latter gently reminded him that he had at least never
    drawn his sword against his master.
    H. M. was present in almost every campaign, and was promoted to the post of
    Sih-hazári. In the 12th year, when Akbar set out for the conquest of Chítor, he sent
    H. M. and Shibábuddín Ahmad (No. 26) from Gágrún against the sons of Sultán Mu.
    hammad Mírzá, who had fled from Sambhal and raised a revolt in Málwah. H. M. then
    received the Sirkár of Mandú as jágír.
    In the 20th year, H. M. accompanied Mun'im Khan on his expedition to Bengal
    and Orísá, and got wounded in the battle of Takaroí ( 20th Zí Qa'dah, 982 ) . He then
    accompanied the Khán Khánán to Gaur, where soon after Mun'im's death he, too,
    died of malaria (983) .

    Note on the Battle of Takaroi, or Mughulmári, in Orísá.


    This battle is one of the most important battles fought by Akbar's generals . It
    crushed the Afgháns, and decided the possession of Bengal and Upper Orísá. The
    MSS. of the Akbarnámah and the Maásir have Takarohi, and Takaroi.
    My copy of the Sawánih has the former spelling . A few copies of the Akbarnámah have
    „ Nakrohí. In Baddoni and the Tabaqat the battle of Takaroí is called the
    battle of 8,4ș! (vide p. 318), which may be Bajhorah, Bachhorah, Bajhorh, or
    Bachhorh. Stewart's account of Mun'im's Orísá expedition (Vth Section) , differs in
    many particulars from the Akbarnámah and the Tabaqát. He places the battle in the
    environs of Kaṭak, which is impossible, and his ' Bukhtore' is a blunder for
    ba chittuá, in Chittuá,' the final alif having assumed the shape of are, and the
    that of
    & ‫خ‬. The Lucknow lithograph of the Akbarnámah, which challenges in
    corruptness the worst possible Indian MS., has ba chitor, in Chitor !
    The Akbarnámah, unfortunately, gives but few geographical details. Todar
    Mall moved from Bardwán over Madáran¹ into the Parganah of Chittuá
    ( ), where he was subsequently joined by Mun'im. Dáúd had taken up a
    strong position at , Harpúr or Haripúr, " which lies intermediate (barzakhe)
    between Bengal and Orísá." The same phrase (barzakhe), in other passages of the
    Akbarnámah, is applied to Chittua itself. Dáúd's object was to prevent the Imperialists
    from entering Orísá, into which led but few other roads ; “ but Ilyás Khán Langh
    shewed the victorious army an easier road," and Mun'im entered the country,
    and thus turned Dáúd's position. The battle then takes place (20th Zí Qa'dah, 982 ,
    or A. D., 3rd March, 1575 ). After the battle Todar Mall leads the pursuit, and reaches
    with his corps
    the town of Bhadrak. Not long after, he writes to Mun'im to come
    and join him, as Dáúd had collected his troops near Katak, and the whole army

    ' Madáran lies in Jahánábád, a Par- 6


    this town vide my Places of Historical
    ganah of the Húglí district, between Interest in the Húglí District, ' in the
    Bardwán and Mednípúr ( Midnapore ). Re- April Proceedings of the As. Soc. of Ben-
    garding the importance and history of gal for 1870.
    376

    moves to Kaṭak, where a peace was concluded, which confirmed Dáúd in the possession
    of Kaṭak.
    Now from the facts that the battle took place soon after the Imperialists had left
    Chittuá, which lies a little E. E. N. of Mednípúr (Midnapore) , and that after the
    victory Rájah Todar Mall, in a pursuit of several days, pushed as far as Bhadrak, I
    was led to conclude that the battle must have taken place near Jalesar (Jellasore), and
    probably north of it, as Abulfazl would have mentioned the occupation of so large a
    town. On consulting the large Trigonometrical Map of Orísá lately published, I
    found on the road from Mednipúr to Jalesar the village of Mogulmaree' (Mughulmári,
    i. e., Mughul's Fight), and about seven miles southwards, half ways between Mughul-
    márí and Jalesar, and two miles from the left bank of the Soobanreeka river, the village
    of Tookaroe.
    According to the map the latitude of Mughulmárí is 22 °, and that of Tookaroe,
    21° 53 nearly.
    There can be no doubt that this Tookaroe is the , Takaroí, of the
    Akbarnámah.
    The battle extended over a large ground. Badáoní ( II, p . 195 , 1. 3 ) speaks of
    three, four kos, i. e., about six miles, and thus the distance of Takaroí from Mughul-
    márí is accounted for.
    I can give no satisfactory explanation of the name 8 , by which the battle is
    called in the Tabaqát and Badáoní ( II, 194, 1. 2 ) . It looks as if the name contained
    the word chaur which occurs so often in the names of Parganahs in the Jalesar and
    Balesar districts .
    In Badáoní (Edit . Bibl. Indica, p. 196), and the Tabaqát, it is said that Todar
    Mall in his pursuit reached Kalkalghati (?), not Bhadrak .

    List of Officers who died in 983, after their return from Orísá, at Gaur of
    malaria.
    1. Munim Khán , Khán Khánán , 8. Hájí Yusuf Khán , (No. 224).
    (18th Rajab). Vide p. 318. 9. Sháh Táhir, (No. 236).
    2. Hájí Khán Sístání, (No. 55). 10. Háshim Khán .
    3. Haidar Khán , ( No. 66) . 11. Muhsin Khán .
    4. Mírzá Qulí Khán, his brother. 12. Qunduz Khán .
    5. Ashraf Khán , ( No. 74) . 13. Abul Husain.
    6. Mu'inuddin Ahmad, (No. 128). 14. Sháh Khalil.
    7. La'l Khán, (No. 209) .

    56. Afzal Kha'n, Khwajah Sulțán ' Alí i Turbatí.


    Regarding Turbatí, vide No. 37. He was Mushrif (accountant) of Humayun's
    Treasury, and was, in 956, promoted to the post of Mushrif i Buyútát (store accoun-
    tant) . In 957 , when Mírzá Kámrán took Kábul, he imprisoned A. Kh . , and forced

    Another ' Mughulmárí' lies in the Madáran to Mednípúr.


    Bardwán district, between Bardwán 2 The word ' Alí has been omitted in
    and Jahánábád (Húglí District ) on my text edition on p . 224.
    the old high road from Bardwán over
    377

    him to pay large sums of money. On Humáyún's return to India, A. Kh . was made
    Mir Bakhshi, and got an ' alam. He was together with Tardí Beg ( No. 12) in Dihlí ,
    when Humáyún died . In the battle with Hemú, he held a command in the centre (qol),
    and his detachment gave way during Hemú's charge. A. Kh . , together with Pír Muham-
    mad (No. 20) and Ashraf Khán. ( No. 74) , fled from the battle-field, partly from hatred
    towards Tardí Beg - the old hatred of Khurásánís towards Uzbaks-, and retreated to
    Akbar and Bairám. As related above, Tardí Beg was executed by Bairám for this retreat,
    and A. Kh. and Ashraf Khán were convicted of malice and imprisoned. But both
    escaped and went to Makkah . They returned in the 5th year, when Bairám had lost
    his power, and were favorably received at Court. A. Kh . was made a Commander of
    three thousand.
    'Nothing else is known of him.' Maásir.
    57. Sha'hbeg Kha'n, son of Ibráhím Beg Harík (?)¹
    He is sometimes called Beg Khán (p. 313 ) . He was an Arghún ; hence his full
    name is Shah Beg khủn Arghún . Under Jahángir he got the title of Khán Daurán .
    He was in the service of Mírzá Muhammad Hakím of Kábul, Akbar's brother,
    and was Governor of Pasháwar. When after the Prince's death, Mán Singh, in 993,
    crossed the Níláb (p. 340) for Kábul, Sháh Beg took M. M. Hakím's two sons, Kai
    Qubád and Afrásiyáb, to Akbar, and received a mançab. Sh . B. distinguished himself
    in the war with the Yusufzaís, and got Khusháb as jágír. He then served under the
    Khán Khánán in Sindh, and was for his bravery promoted to a command of 2500.
    In the 39th year Akkar sent him to Qindahár (p. 313), which Muzaffar Husain had
    ceded . During the time of his Governorship, Sh. B. succeeded in keeping down the
    notorious Kákar ( ♫ ) tribe . In the 42nd year, he was made a Commander of
    3500. In the 47th year, Ghaznín was placed in his charge ( vide No. 63).
    Immediately after the accession of Jahángír, Husain Khán Shámlü, the Persian
    Governor at Harát, thinking Akbar's death would lead to disturbances, mide war upon
    Sh. B. and besieged Qandahár, which he hoped to starve out. To vex him, Sh . B.
    gave every night feasts on the top of the castle before the very eyes of the enemies
    (Tuzuk, p . 33 ). One day, Husain Khán sent an ambassador into the Fort, and Sh .
    B., though provisions had got low, had every available store of grain spread out in
    the streets, in order to deceive the enemies. Not long after, Husain Sháh received a
    reprimand from Sháh 'Abbás for having besieged Qandahár without orders,' and
    Husain Khán, without having effected anything, had to raise the siege.
    When Jahángír in 1016 ( 18th Cafar) visited Kábul ,2 Sh . B. paid his respects, was
    made a Commander of 5000, and received the title of Khán Daurán . He was also made
    Governor of Kábul (in addition to Qandahár) , and was ordered to prepare a financial
    settlement for the whole of Afghánistán. After having held this office till the end of 1027,
    he complained of the fatigues incident to a residence in Kábul, horse-travelling and the

    1
    So the Maásir. My MSS . of the Aín According to the Tuzuk (p . 53 ), Sh . B.
    have ‫ حريك‬which may be Harik, Har- then held the Parganah of Shor as jágir,
    mak, Harbak, &c. Some MSS . read regarding which vide Elliot's Index, first
    clearly Harmak. edition, p . 198 .
    48
    378

    drizzly state of the atmosphere of the country,' paid in the beginning of 1028 his re-
    spects at Court (Tuz., p. 257) , and was appointed Governor of That'hah." He resigned ,
    however, in the same year ( Tuz., p. 275) and got the revenue of the Parganah of
    Khushab assigned as pension ( 75,000 Rs.).
    Before he went to T'hat'hah , he called on Açaf Khán to take leave, and Açaf recom.
    mended to him the brothers of Mullá Muhammad of That'hah, who had been a friend of
    Açaf. Shahbeg had heard before that the Mulla's brothers, in consequence of Açaf's
    support, had never cared for the Governors of the province ; hence he said to Açaf,
    "Certainly, I will take an interest in their welfare, if they are sensible (sarhisáb) ; but
    if not, I shall flay them." Açaf got much annoyed at this, opposed him in everything,
    and indirectly forced him to resign.
    Sh. B. was a frank Turk. When Akbar appointed him Governor of Qandahár, he
    conferred upon him an 'alam and a naqqárah (p. 50) ; but on receiving the insignia, he
    said to Farid (No. 99), " What is all this trash for ? Would that His Majesty gave me
    an order regarding my mançab, and a jágír, to enable me to get better troopers for his
    service." On his return, in 1028, from Kábul , he paraded before Jahángír his con-
    tingent of 1000 picked Mughul troopers, whose appearance and horses created much
    sensation.
    He was much given to wine drinking. He drank, in fact, wine, cannabis, opium,
    and kúknár, mixed together, and called his beverage of four ingredients Chár Bughrá
    (p . 60, l. 13), which gave rise to his nickname Chár Bughrá Khur.
    His sons. 1. Mírzá Sháh Muhammad, Ghaznín Khán, a well educated man.
    Jahángír , in 1028 , made him a Commander of One Thousand , 600 horse.
    2. Ya'qúb Beg, son-in-law to Mírzá Ja'far Açaf Khán ( III) ( No. 98) , a Com-
    mander of Seven Hundred, 350 horse. The Maásir says, he was a fatalist (azalparast),
    and died obscure.
    3. Asad Beg ( Tuz. p. 275), a Commander of Three Hundred, 50 horse. The
    Maásir does not mention him.
    The Tuzuk, p. 34, mentions a Qásim Beg Khán, a relation of Sh. B. This is
    perhaps the same as No. 350.
    Sháhbeg Khán Arghún must not be confounded with No. 148.

    58. Kha'n 'A'lam Chalmah Beg, son of Hamdam who was Mírzá
    Kámrán's foster brother.
    Chalmah Beg was Humáyún's Safarchí, or table attendant. Mírzá Kámrán
    had, in 960, been blinded, and at the Indus asked for permission to go to Makkah.

    The text has qatrah, which is men- good MSS. of the Akbarnámah have
    tioned as a peculiarity of Kábul . I do Chalmah. Turkish dictionaries give
    not know whether I have correctly trans- chalmah (& lə) in the meaning of wild
    lated the term.
    2 Sayyid Ahmad in his edition of the goat's dung, and chálmah (& ) in that
    of dastár, a turban.
    Tuzuk, (p. 266 ) makes him governor of In the Edit. Bibl. Indica of Badáoní
    Patnah-a confusion of a and. ïÿ.
    Khan 'Alam is wrongly called ‫خان اعلم‬
    For Chalmah, the MSS. of the Aín
    have, at this place, Halim. In No. 100, instead of ‫خان عالم‬
    the same name occurs. The Maásir and

    ·
    379

    Before he left, Humáyún, accompanied by some of his courtiers, paid him a visit , when
    the unfortunate prince, after greeting his brother, quoted the verse
    ‫فلک ساید که سایه همچو تو شاهی فکند بر سر او‬ ‫کلاه گوشه درویش بر‬
    The fold ofthe poor man's turban touches the heaven, when a king like thee casts
    his shadow upon his head .'
    And immediately afterwards he said the following verse extempore—
    ‫بر جانم از تو هرچه رسد جاي مدت است گر ناوی جفاست وگر حجرمتم‬
    ' Whatever I receive at thy hands is kindness, be it the arrow of oppression or
    the dagger of cruelty.'
    Humáyún felt uncomfortable and tried to console him . He gave next day orders
    that any of Kámrán's old friends might accompany him free to Makkah ; but as no one
    came forward, he turned to Chalmah Beg, and said, " Will you go with him, or stay
    with me ?" Chalmah Beg, though he knew that Humáyún was much attached to
    him, replied that he thought he should accompany the Prince in the ' gloomy days of
    need and the darkness of his solitude .' The Emperor approved of his resolution, and
    made liberal provisions for Kámrán and his companion.
    After Kámrán's death, Chalmah Beg returned to India, and was favorably
    received by Akbar, who made him a Commander of 3000, bestowing upon him the
    title of Khán ' Alam. He served under the emperor against the Mírzás in Gujrát, and
    was presesnt in the fight at Sarnál ( p . 330, No. 27).
    In the 19th year, when Akbar moved against Dáúd in Patna, Khán ' A'lam
    commanded a corps, and passing up the river in boats towards the mouth of the
    G'handak, effected a landing, though continually exposed to the volleys of the enemies.
    Akbar praised him much for his daring. In the same year he was attached to Mun'im's
    corps. In the battle of Takaroí (p. 375 ), he commanded the haráwal (van ). He
    charged the Afgháns, and allowing his corps to advance too far, he was soon
    hard pressed upon and gave way, when Mun'im sent him an angry order to fall back .
    But before his corps could be brought again into order, Gújar Khán, Dáúd's best
    general, attacked the Imperialists with his line of elephants, which he had rendered
    fierce looking by means of black quṭáses (Yak tails) and skins of wild beasts attached to
    them. The horses of the Imperialists got frightened, nothing could make them stand,
    and their ranks were utterly broken . Kh. 'A ' . 's horse got a sword cut, and reared,
    throwing him on the ground. He sprang up, and mounted it again, but was imme-
    diately thrown over by an elephant, and killed by the Afgháns who rushed from all
    sides upon him (20th Zí Qa'dah, 982).
    It is said that before the battle he had presentiment of his death, and begged of
    his friends not to forget to tell the Emperor that he had willingly sacrificed his life.
    Kh. 'A' . was a poet and wrote under the Takhalluç of Hamdamí (in allusion to
    the name of his father).
    A brother of his, Muzaffar, is mentioned below (No. 301) among the Commanders
    of Three Hundred , where for , in my Text edition, p. 229, read .
    59. Qa'sim Kha'n, Mír Bahr Chamanárái ( ?) Khurásán.¹

    I am doubtful regarding the true Khurásán, Ruler of Khurásán .' The


    meaning of the odd title chaman-árái Maásir, not knowing what to do with
    380

    He is the son of Mírzá Dost's sister, who was an old servant of the Tímúrides.
    When Mírzá Kámrán was, in 954, besieged in Kábul, Humáyún had occupied Mount
    Aqábín, which lies opposite the Fort of Kábul. Whilst the siege was going on, Qásim
    Khán and his younger brother, Khwajagí Muhammad Husain (No. 241 ) , threw them-
    selves down from a turret between the Ahanín Darwázah and the Qásim Barlás
    bastion, and went over to Humáyún, who received them with distinction.
    Soon after Akbar's accession, Q. Kh . was made a Commander of Three Thousand .
    He superintended the building of the Fort of Agrah, which he completed "after eight
    years at a cost of 7 krors of tankahs, or 35 lacs of rupees. The Fort stands on the
    banks ofthe Jamnah river, E. of the town of Agrah, on the place of the old Fort, which
    had much decayed. The breadth of the walls is 30 yards, and the height from the
    foundation to the pinnacles 60 gaz. It is built of red sandstone, the stones being
    well joined together and fastened to each other by iron rings which pass through them.
    991
    The foundation every where reaches water."
    In the 23rd year, Q. was made Commander of Agrah. In the beginning of
    Sha'bán 995 (32nd year), he was ordered to conquer Kashmír, a country which from
    its inaccessibility had never tempted the former kings of Dihlí.' Though six or sever
    roads lead into Kashmír, the passes are all so narrow, that a few old men might repe
    a large army. The then ruler of Kashmir was Ya'qúb Khán, son of Yusuf Khán Chak
    He had fortified a pass ; but as his rule was disliked , a portion of his men went ove
    to Q., whilst others raised a revolt in Srinagar. Thinking it more important to crus
    the revolt, Ya'qúb left his fortified position, and allowed Q. to enter the country
    No longer able to oppose the Imperialists, he withdrew to the mountains, and trus
    ed to an active guerilla warfare ; but disappointed even in this hope, he submi
    ted and became a servant of Akbar.' The Kashmírís, however, are famous f
    love of mischief and viciousness, and not a day passed without disturbances brea
    ing out in some part of the country. Q. tired of the incessant petty annoyances, resig
    ed his appointment (vide No. 35). In the 34th year he was made Governor of Káb
    At that time a young man from Andaján ( Farghánah) gave out that he was a son
    Shahrukh . He met with some success in Badakhshán, but was defeated by the Túr

    it, has left it out. Mir Bahr means ' ad- ( I, 327) clearly says that it was a lo
    miral.' If chamanárái Kh. be a genitive, structure at the foot of the Fort of Gw
    the words mean, Admiral of the ruler liár, not " one of the Forts dependent
    of Khurásán,' which from his biography Gwáliár."
    does not appear to be correct. His brother For Udantgir, on the same page
    (No. 241) is styled Mir Bar, an officer Elliot, read Untgar (
    whose duties seem to have been confined to ). It was
    Fort in the Sirkár of Mandláir, on t
    looking after arrangements during trips,
    left side of the Chambal. Our maps ha
    hunting expeditions, &c.
    The old Fort of Agrah was called Ootgir or Deogurh.
    Badalgarh (Bad. I. 429) . It suffered 2 Called in the MSS ‫ كتل كنمريل‬T
    much during the earthquake of 911 word kutal, means a mountain ,' or
    (3rd Cafar) , and was nearly destroyed mountainpass.'
    during an explosion which happened in In 1016 another false son of Mír
    962. Shahrukh (p. 313) created disturbanc
    The Fort Badalgar 85 , not 85s , and asked Jahangir for assistance agair
    which Elliot (Index, First Edit. , p. 229) the Túránís .
    identifies with the Fort of Agrah, cannot The fate of Mírzá Sháhrukh's second
    be the old Fort of Agrah, because Badáoní son, Mírzá Husain, is involved in obscu
    381

    Sháh. The pretender then made friendship with the Zábulí Hazárahs, and when Q.,
    on one occasion, had repaired to Court, he entered Akbar's territory, giving out that
    he was going to pay his respects to the Emperor. But Háshim Beg, Q.'s son, who
    officiated during the absence of his father, sent a detachment after the pretender, who
    now threw himself on the Hazárahs . But Háshim Beg followed him, and took him a
    prisoner to Kabul. Q., on his return from India, let him off, and even allowed him to
    enter his service. The pretender in the meantime re-engaged his old men , and when
    he had five hundred together, he waited for an opportunity to fall on Q. At this junc-
    ture, Akbar ordered the pretender to repair to Court. Accompanied by his ruffians, he
    entered at noon Q.'s sleeping apartments, when only a few females were present, and
    murdered his benefactor (1002) . Háshim Beg soon arrived, and fired upon the pre-
    tender and his men. In the melée, the murderer was killed .
    For Qasim's brother vide No. 241 , and for his son, No. 226.
    60. Ba'qi Kha'n, (elder) brother of Adham Khán (No. 19) .
    His mother is the same Máhum Anagah , mentioned on p. 323. " From Badáoní
    [II, 340] we learn that Báqí Khán died in the 30th year as Governor of Gaḍha- Katan-
    gah." This is all the Maásir says of him.
    His full name is Muhammad Báqí Khán Kokah. From Badáoní II. 81 , we see
    that Báqí Khán took part in the war against Iskandar Khán and Bahádur Khán
    (972-73), and fought under Mu'izzulmulk (No. 61 ) in the battle of Khairábád , in
    which Budágh Khán (No. 52) was captured. The battle was lost, chiefly because Báqí
    Khán, Mahdi Qásim Khán ( No. 36) , and Husain Khán Tukriyah ( No. 53) had
    personal grievances-their Uzbak hatred -against Mu'izzul-Mulk and Rájah Todar
    Mall,
    61. Mi'r Mu'izzul- Mulk i Músawí, of Mashhad .
    He belongs to the Músawí Sayyids of Mashhad the Holy, who trace their descent to
    'Alí Músá Razá, the 8th Imám of the Shí'ahs . A branch of these Sayyids by a different
    mother is called Razawis.
    In the 10th year, Akbar moved to Jaunpúr to punish Khán Zamán (No. 13 ),
    who had despatched his brother Bahádur and Iskandar Khán Uzbak (No. 48) to the
    district of Sarwár.' Against them Akbar sent a strong detachment (vide No. 60) under
    Mu'izzulmulk. Bahadur, on the approach of the Imperialists, had recourse to nego-
    tiations, and asked for pardon, stating that he was willing to give up all elephants.

    rity, " He ran away from Burhánpúr, country. But the enemies pressed upon
    went to sea and to Persia, from where him , canght him, and cut off his head
    he went to Badakhshán. People say which was carried on a spear all over
    that he is still alive [ 1016 ] ; but no one Badakhshan. Several false Mírzás have
    knows whether this new pretender is since been killed : but I really think their
    Shahrukh's son or not. Shahrukh left race will continue, as long as a trace of
    Badakhshan about twenty-five years ago, Badakhshís remain on earth." Tuzuki
    and since then the Badakhshís have set Jahangirí, p. 57.
    ip several false Mírzás, in order to shake Most MSS . have . The Edit.
    ff the yoke of the Uzbaks. This pre- Bibl. Indica of Badáoní, p. 78 , has '
    ender collected a large number of Sardár ; but again , on p. 83 .
    Jymáqs (p. 371 , note 2) and Badakhshí
    Mountaineers, who go by the name of There is no doubt that the district got
    Gharjahs [ , whence Gharjistán], its name from the Sarw River )‫آب سرد‬
    and took from the Uzbaks a part of the ‫آب سرو‬, ‫ آب مروار‬.
    382

    M. M., however, desired war, and though he granted Bahadur an interview, he told
    him that his crimes could only be cleansed with blood. But he reported the matter
    to Akbar, who sent Lashkar Khán (No. 90) and Rájah Todar Mall to him, to tell him
    that he might make peace with Bahadur, if he was satisfied of his good intentions.
    But here also the rancour of Khurásánís towards Uzbaks decided matters, and Todar Mall
    only confirmed M. M. in his resolution . ' Although a few days later the news arrived
    that Akbar had pardoned Khán Zamán, because he sent his mother and his uncle Ibrá-
    hím Khán (No. 64) to Court as guarantees of his loyalty, M. M. attacked Bahádur
    near Khairábád. Muhammad Yár, son of Iskandar Khán's brother, who commanded
    the van of the rebels, fell in the first attack, and Iskandar who stood behind him, was
    carried along and fled from the field . The Imperialists thinking that the battle was
    decided, commenced to plunder, when suddenly Bahadur, who had been lying in wait,
    fell upon M. M.'s left wing and put it to flight. Not only was Budágh Khán (No. 52)
    taken prisoner, but many soldiers went over to Bahádur. Flushed with victory, he
    attacked the centre, where the grandees either fled or would not fight from malice
    (vide No. 60). Todar Mall's firmness was of no avail, and the day was lost.
    After the conquest of Bihár, M. M. got the Parganah of Arah ( Arrah) as jágír.
    In the 24th year, the nobles of Bihár under Ma'çúm i Kábulí, tuyúldár of Patna,
    rebelled. They won over M. M., and his younger brother Mír ' Alí Akbar (No. 62) ;
    but both soon left the rebels, and M. M. went to Jaunpúr recruiting, evidently medi-
    tating revolt independently of the others. In the 25th year, Akbar ordered Asad
    Khán Turkmán, jágírdár of Mánikpúr, to hasten to Jaunpúr, and convey M. M. with
    all his suspicious adherents to Court. Asad Khán succeeded in catching M. M., and
    sent him by boat to the Emperor. Near Itáwah, however, the boat ' foundered ,' and
    M. M. lost his life.
    62. Mi'r ' Ali ' Akbar, (younger) brother of the preceding.
    He generally served with his brother, and held the same rank. In the 22nd year,
    he presented Akbar, according to the Tabaqát, with a Maulúdnámah, or History of
    the birth of the Emperor. It was in the hand-writing of Qází Ghiásuddín i Jámí, a man
    oflearning, who had served under Humáyún, and contained an account of the vision which
    Humáyún had in the night Akbar was born. The Emperor saw in his dream the new
    born babe, and was told to call his name Jaláluddín Muhammad Akbar. This Maulúdná-
    mah Akbar prized very much, and rewarded Mír 'Alí Akbar with a Parganah as in'ám.
    When his brother was sent to Bihár, M. 'A. A. was ordered to accompany him.
    He established himself at Zamániyah, which " lies 6 kos from Gházípúr" (vide p. 320),

    ¹ Badáoní says Todar Mall's arrival shumá,' ' O people of Mashhad, with the
    was 66 naphta on Mu'izzul Mulk's fire." exception of your Imám [Músá Razá],
    Throughout his work, Badáoní shews may God's curse rest upon all of you !
    himself an admirer of Khán Zamán and his And also, The surface of the earth re-
    brother Bahádur. With Mu'izz, a Shí'ah joices in its inhabitants ; how fortunate
    of the Shi'ahs, he has no patience . Mu- would it be, if a certain Mashhad vanish-
    'izz's ideas, he says, were I and nobody ed from the surface of the earth.'
    else ; he behaved as proud as Fir'aun 2 Called in the Maásir & , (though
    and Shaddad ; for pride is the inheritance it cannot be Nuddea in Bengal) ; in my
    of all Sayyids of Mashhad. Hence people copy of the Sawánih i ; but Nadí-
    say- Ahli Mashhad, bajuz Imám i
    shumá, La'natullahi bar tamám i nah in Sambhal appears to be meant.
    383

    and rebelled like his brother in Jaunpúr. After the death of his brother, Akbar
    ordered M. ' Azíz (No. 21), who had been appointed to Bihár, to send M. 'A. A. fettered
    to Court. Notwithstanding his protests that he was innocent, he was taken to the
    Emperor who imprisoned him for life.
    63. Shari'f Kha'n, brother of Atgah Khán (No. 15) .
    He was born at Ghaznín. After Bairam's fall, he held a tuyúl in the Panjab,
    and generally served with his elder brother Mír Muhammad Khán (No. 16) .
    On the transfer of the Atgah Khail from the Panjáb, Sh. was appointed to the
    Sirkár of Qannauj . In the 21st year, when Akbar was at Mohiní, he sent Sh ., together
    with Qází Khán i Badakhshí ( No, 223) , Mujáhid Khán, Subhán Qulí Turk , against
    the Ráná. He afterwards distinguished himself in the conquest of Konbhalmír.
    In the 25th year, he was made atálíg to Prince Murád, and was in the same year
    sent to Málwah as Governor, Shujá'at Khán (No. 51) having been killed. His son
    Báz Bahadur (No. 188) was ordered to join his father from Gujrát. In the 28th year ,
    he served against Muzaffar, and distinguished himself in the siege of Bahronch, which
    was held for Muzaffar by Chirkis i Rúmí and Naçírá, brother of Muzaffar's wife .
    The former having been killed, Naçírá escaped in the 7th month of the siege, through
    the trench held by Sharif, and the Fort was taken. In the 30th year, he was sent with
    Shihabuddín (No. 26) to the Dak'hin, to assist Mírzá 'Azíz ( No. 21).
    In the 35th year, he went from Málwah to Court, and was made in the 39th year
    Governor of Ghaznín, an appointment which he had long desired . There he remained
    till the 47th year, when Sháh Beg (No. 57) was sent there.
    'Nothing else is known of him.' Maásir.
    His son, Báz Bahádur (No. 188) , held a jágír in Gujrát, and was transferred to
    Málwah as related above. He served in the siege of Asír, and in the Ahmadnagar
    war. In the 46th year, he was caught by the Talingahs, but was released, when
    Abulfazl made peace, and the prisoners were exchanged.
    IX.- Commanders of Two Thousand and Five Hundred.
    64. Ibrahi'm Kha'n i Shaiba'ni ' (uncle of Khán Zamán, No. 13).
    He served under Humáyún. After the conquest of Hindústán, Humáyún sent
    him with Shah Abul Ma'álí to Láhor, to oppose Sikandar Súr, should he leave the
    Sawáliks. After the fall of Mánkot, he received the Parganah of Sarharpúr,' near
    Jaunpúr, as jágír, and remained with Khán Zamán. During Khán Zamán's first
    rebellion , Ibráhím Khán and Khán Zamán's mother repaired at Mun’im Khan’s request
    to Court as hostages of his loyalty, Ibráhím appearing, as was customary, with a
    shroud and a sword round his neck, which were only taken off when the Emperor's
    pardon had been obtained .
    In the 12th year, however, Khán Zamán again rebelled , and Ibráhím went with
    Iskandar (No. 48 ) to Audh. When the latter had gone to Bengal, Ibráhím, at
    Mun'im's request, was pardoned, and remained with the Khán Khánán .
    In the Tabaqát, Ibr. is called a Commander of Four Thousand.

    1 It is difficult to reconcile this state-


    púr," is mentioned as the jágír of ' Abd-
    ment with Badáoní II. 23, where Sar- urrahmán, Sikandar Súr's son, who got
    harpúr, which " lies 18 kos from Jaun- it after the surrender of Mánkot .
    384

    His son, Ismá'íl Khán , held from Khán Zamán the town of Sandelah in Audh.
    In the 3rd year, Akbar gave this town to Sultán Husain Khán Jaláir. Ismá'íl opposed
    him with troops which he had got from Khán Zamán ; but he was defeated and killed.
    65. Khwa'jah Jala'luddi'n Mahmu'd Buju'q, of Khurásán.
    The MSS. of the Aín have Muhammad, instead of Mahmúd, which other his
    tories have, and have besides a word after Muhammad which reads like and
    ‫بحق‬ This should be no doubt bujuq, the scriptio defectiva of the Turkish
    bujúq, having the nose cut,' as given in the copy of the Maásir.
    Jalaluddín was in the service of M. ' Askarí. He had sent him from Qandahár
    to Garmsír, to collect taxes, when Humáyún passed through the district on his way to
    Persia. The Emperor called him, and Jalál presented him with whatever he had with
    him of cash and property, for which service Humáyún conferred on him the title of
    Mir Sámán, which under the circumstances was an empty distinction . On Humá-
    yún's return from Persia, Jalál joined the Emperor, and was ordered , in 959, to
    accompany the young Akbar to Ghaznín , the tuyúl of the Prince. His devotion to his
    master rendered him so confident of the Emperor's protection, that he treated the
    grandees rudely, and incessantly annoyed them by satirical remarks. In fact, he had
    not a single friend .
    Akbar on his accession made him a Commander of Two Thousand Five Hundred, and
    appointed him to Ghaznín . His enemies used the opportunity and stirred up Mun'im
    Khán, who owed Jalál an old grudge. Jalál soon found his post in Ghaznín so dis-
    agreeable, that he determined to look for employment elsewhere. He had scarcely
    left Ghaznín , when Mun'im called him to account. Though he had promised to spare
    his life, Mun'im imprisoned him, and had a short time after his eyes pierced . Jalál's
    sight, however, had not been entirely destroyed, and he meditated a flight to India.
    Before he reached the frontier, Mun'im's men caught him and his son Jalaluddín
    Mas'úd. Both were imprisoned and shortly afterwards murdered by Mun'im.
    This double murder is the foulest blot on Mun'im's character, and takes us the
    more by surprise, as on all other occasions he shewed himself generous and forbearing
    towards his enemies,
    66. Haidar Muhammad Kha'n, Akhtah Begí.
    He was an old servant of Humáyún, and accompanied him to Persia. He gave
    the Emperor his horse, when in the defeat near Balkh Humáyún's horse had been shot.
    On the march against Kámrán who had left Kábul for Afghánistán, the imperialists
    came to the River Surkháb, Haidar, with several other faithful Amírs, leading the
    van. They reached the river Siyah-áb, which flows near the Surkháb , before the
    army could come up. Kámrán suddenly attacked them by night ; but Haidar
    bravely held his ground. He accompanied the Emperor to Qandahár and to India,
    and was appointed to Bayánah (Bad. I., 463) , which was held by Ghází Khán Súr,
    father of Ibráhím Khán. After the siege had lasted some time, Haidar allowed
    hází to capitulate ; but soon after, he killed Ghází. Humáyún was annoyed at this
    breach of faith, and said he would not let Haidar do so again .
    1 He must not be confounded with p. 67, who ate opium like cheese out of
    'he Jalaluddin Mas'ud mentioned Tuzuk, the hands of his mother.
    385

    After Akbar's accession, H. was with Tardí Beg (No. 12) in Dihlí, and fought
    under Khán Zamán (No. 13 ) against Hemú. After the victory, he went for some
    reason to Kábul. At Mun'im's request, he assisted Ghaní Khán (vide p. 318 ) in
    Kábul. But they could not agree, and H. was called to India. He accompanied
    Mun'im, in the 8th year, on his expedition to Kábul and continued to serve under him
    in India.
    In the 17th year, H. served with Khán i Kalán (No. 16) in Gujrát. In the 19th
    year, he was, together with his brother Mírzá Qulí, attached to the Bengal army, under
    Mun'im. Both died of fever, in 983, at Gaur (vide p. 376).
    A son of H. is mentioned below (No. 326. )
    Mirzá Qulé, or Mérzá Qulí Khán, Haidar's brother, distinguished himself under
    Humáyún during the expedition to Badakhshan. When Kámrán, under the mask
    of friendship, suddenly attacked Humáyún, M. Q. was wounded and thrown off his
    horse. His son, Dost Muhammad, saved him in time.
    According to the Tabaqát, M. Q. belonged to the principal grandees (umará i
    kibár), a phrase which is never applied to grandees below the rank of Commanders of
    One Thousand . His name occurs also often in the Akbarnámah. It is, therefore,
    difficult to say why his name and that of his son have been left out by Abulfazl in this
    list.
    67. I'tima'd Kha'n , of Gujrát.
    He must not be confounded with No. 119.
    I'timád Khán was originally a Hindú servant of Sultán Mahmud, king of Gujrát.
    He was ' trusted' (ï'timád) by his master, who had allowed him to enter the harem, and
    had put him in charge of the women, It is said that, from gratitude, he used to eat
    camphor, and thus rendered himself impotent. He rose in the king's favor, and was
    at last made an Amír. In 961 , after a reign of 18 years, the king was foully murdered
    by a slave of the name of Burhán, who besides killed twelve nobles . I'timád
    next morning collected a few faithful men, and killed Burhán. Sulțán Mahmúd
    having died without issue, I't. raised Razíul Mulk, under the title of Ahmad Shah ,
    to the throne. Razí was a son of Sultán Ahmad, the founder of Ahmadábád ; but as
    he was very young, the affairs of the state were entirely in I't.'s hands. Five years
    later, the young king left Ahmadábád, and fled to Sayyid Mubárik of Bukhárá,' a prin-
    cipal courtier ; but I't. followed him up, defeated him , and drove him away. Sultán
    Ahmad then thought it better to return to I't., who now again reigned as before. On
    several occasions did the king try to get rid of his powerful minister ; and I't. at last felt
    so insecure, that he resolved to kill the king, which he soon afterwards did. I't. now raised
    a child of the name of Nat'hú ( ) to the throne, " who did not belong to the
    line of kings ;" but on introducing him to the grandees, I't. swore upon the
    Qorán, that Nat'hú was a son of Sultán Mahmúd : his mother when pregnant
    had been handed over to him by Sultán Mahmúd, to make her miscarry ; but the
    child had been five months old, and he had not carried out the order . The Amirs

    1
    Regarding this distinguished Gujrátí S. Hámid, (No. 78).
    noble, vide the biography of his grandson, 2 Some MSS. read Naktú,
    49
    386

    had to believe the story, and Nat'hú was raised to the throne under the title of
    Sultán Muzaffar.
    This is the origin of Sultán Muzaffar, who subsequently caused Akbar's generals
    so much trouble (vide pp. 326, 334, 335) .
    I't. was thus again at the head of the government ; but the Amírs parcelled out
    the country among themselves, so that each was almost independent. The consequence
    was, that incessant feuds broke out among them. I't. himself was involved in a war
    with Chingiz Khán, son of I'timádul Mulk, a Turkish slave. Chingiz maintained
    that Sultán Muzaffar, if genuine, should be the head of the state ; and as he was
    strengthened by the rebellious Mírzás, to whom he had afforded protection against
    Akbar, I't. saw no chance of opposing him, left the Sultán, and went to Dúngarpúr.
    Two nobles, Alif Khán and Jhujhár Khán , took Sulţán Muzaffar to him , went to
    Chingiz in Ahmadábád, and killed him (Chingiz) soon after. The Mírzás seeing
    how distracted the country was, took possession of Bahronch and Súrat. The general
    confusion only increased, when Sulțán Muzaffar fled one day to Sher Khán Fúládí and
    his party, and I't. retaliated by informing Sher Khán that Nat'hú was no prince at
    all . But Sher Khán's party attributed this to I't.'s malice, and besieged him in Ahmad-
    ábád. I't. then fled to the Mírzás, and soon after to Akbar, whose attention he drew
    to the wretched state of Gujrát.
    When Akbar, in the 17th year, marched to Patan, Sher Khán's party had broken
    up. The Mírzás still held Bahronch ; and Sulțán Muzaffar, who had left Sher Khán,
    fell into the hands of Akbar's officers ( vide No. 362) . I'timád and other Gujrátí nobles
    had in the meantime proclaimed Akbar's accession from the pulpits of the mosques and
    struck coins in his name. They now waited on the Emperor. Barodah, Champánír,
    and Súrat were given to I't. as tuyúl ; the other Amírs were confirmed, and all charged
    themselves with the duty of driving away the Mírzás. But they delayed and did
    nothing ; some of them, as Ikhtiyárul- Mulk, even fled, and others who were attached
    to Akbar, took I't. and several grandees to the Emperor, apparently charging
    them with treason. I't. fell into disgrace, and was handed over to Shahbáz Khán
    (No. 80) as prisoner.
    In the 20th year, I't . was released, and charged with the superintendence of the
    Imperial jewels and gold vessels. In the 22nd year, he was permitted to join the party
    who under Mír Abú Turáb (vide p. 198) went to Makkah. On his return, he re-
    ceived Patan as jágír.
    In the 28th year, on the removal of Shihábuddín Ahmad (No. 26), he was put in
    charge of Gujrát, and went there accompanied by several distinguished nobles, though
    Akbar had been warned ; for people remembered I't.'s former inability to allay the fac-
    tions in Gujrát. No sooner had Shihab handed over duties than his servants rebelled. I't.
    did nothing, alleging that Shihab was responsible for his men ; but as Sultán Muzaffar
    had been successful in Kát'híwár, I't. left Ahmadábád, and went to Shihab, who on
    his way to Court had reached Karí, 20 kos from Ahmadábád. Muzaffar used the
    opportunity and took Ahmadábád, Shiháb's men joining his standard.
    Shihab and I't. then shut themselves up in Patan, and had agreed to withdraw
    from Gujrát, when they received some auxiliaries, chiefly in a party of Gujrátis who
    had left Muzaffar, to try their luck with the Imperialists. I't. paid them well, and
    387

    sent them under the command of his son, Sher Khán, against Sher Khán Fúládí, who
    was repulsed. In the meantime M. ' Abdurrahím (No. 29) arrived. Leaving I't.
    at Patan, he marched with Shiháb against Muzaffar.
    I'timád died at Patan in 995. The Tabaqát puts him among the Commanders of
    Four Thousand.
    In Abulfazl's opinion, Gujrátís are made up of cowardice, deceit, several good.
    qualities, and meanness ; and I'timád was the very type of a Gujrátí.
    No. 68. Pa'yandah Kha'n , Mughul, son of Hájí Muhammad Khán
    Koki's brother.
    Hájí Muhammad and Shah Muhammad, his brother, had been killed by Humá-
    yún for treason on his return from Persia. Hájí Muhammad was a man of great dar-
    ing, and his value, when he was faithful, was often acknowledged by the Emperor,
    Páyandah, in the 5th year of Akbar's reign came with Mun'im from Kábul, and was
    ordered to accompany Adham Khán (No. 19) to Málwah . In the 19th year, he accom-
    panied Mun'im to Bengal. In the 22nd year, he served under Bhagwán Dás against
    Ráná Partáb. In the Gujrát war, he commanded M. 'Abdurrahím's (No. 29) haráwal.
    In the 32nd year, he received G'horág hát as jágír, whither he went.
    This is all the Maásir says regarding Páyandah.
    His full name was Muhammad Páyandah. He had a son Wali Beg who is
    mentioned below (No. 359).
    From the Tuzuk, p. 144, we see that Páyandah died in 1024 A. H. Jahángír, in
    1017, had pensioned him off, as he was too old. Tuz., p . 68 .
    No. 69. Jagannat❜h, son of Rájah Bihárí Mall ( No. 23) .
    He was a hostage in the hands of Sharafuddín Husain (No. 17 ; vide p . 329 ).
    After some time he regained his freedom and was well received by Akbar. He gene-
    rally served with Mán Singh. In the 21st year, when Ráná Partáb of Maiwár op-
    posed the Imperialists, Jagannát'h during an engagement when other officers had
    given way, held his ground, and killed with his own hands the renowned champion
    Rám Dás, son of Jai Mall. In the 23rd year, he received a jágír in the Panjáb, and
    was, in the 25th year, attached to the van of the army which was to prevent Mírzá
    Muhammad Hakím from invading the Panjáb. In the 29th year, he again served
    against the Ráná. Later he accompanied Mírzá Yúsuf Khán (No. 35 ) to Kashmír. In
    the 34th year, he served under Prince Murád in Kábul, and accompanied him, in the
    36th year, to Málwah, of which the Prince had been appointed Governor. In the 43rd
    year, after several years ' service in the Dak'hin, he left Murád without orders, and was
    for some time excluded from Court. On Akbar's return from the Dak'hin, J. met the
    emperor at Rantanbhúr, his jágír, and was then again sent to the Dak'hin.
    In the 1st year of Jahángír, he served under Prince Parwíz against the Ráná,
    and was in charge of the whole army when the emperor, about the time Khusrau
    had been captured, called Parwíz to Court (Tuzuk, p. 33) . In the same year, J. sup-
    pressed disturbances which Dalpat (p . 359) had raised at Nágor.
    In the 4th year, he was made a Commander of Five Thousand, with 3000 horse.
    Rám Chand, his son . He was under Jahángír a Commander of Two Thousand,
    1500 horse.
    1
    The Tuzuk, p. 74, calls him Karm Chand. Tide also Pádisháhnámah , I., b ., 318.
    388

    Rájah Manrúp, a son of Rám Chand. He accompanied Prince Sháhjahán on


    his rebellion, and got on his accession a Command of Three Thousand, with 2000 horse.
    He died in the 4th year of Sháhjahán. He had a son Gopál Sing'h.
    70. Makhsu's Khan , (younger ) brother of Saíd Khán (No. 25) .
    He served under his brother in Multán. In the 23rd year, he served under
    Shahbaz Khán (No. 80) against Gajpatí, and three years later, he accompanied Prince
    Murád to Kábul, where he also served under Akbar, who had gone thither and
    pardoned his brother, M. Muhammad Hakím.
    Subsequently, Makhçúç served under Prince Salím. In the 49th year, he was a
    Commander of Three Thousand.
    He was alive in the beginning of Jahángír's reign. The author of the Maésir
    has not recorded the date of his death.
    He had a son Maqçúd who did not get on well with his father, for which reason
    Jahangir would not give him a mançab.

    71. The author of the A'ï'n, Abulfazl, son of Shaik Mubárik of Nágor.
    Abulfazl's biography will be found elsewhere.
    X. Commanders of Two Thousand.
    72. Isma "i'l Kha'n Duldai.
    Duldai, or Dúldai, is the name of a subdivision of the Barlás clan (vide p.
    341, note).
    The Maásir calls him Ismá'íl Qulí Beg Dúldai. A similar difference was observed
    in the name of Husain Qulí Khán (No. 24), and we may conclude that Beg, at least
    in India, was considered a lower title than Khán, just as Beglar Begi was considered
    inferior to Khán Khánán .
    Ismá'íl Qulí was a grandee of Bábar and Humáyún, distinguished in the field and
    in council. When Humáyún besieged Qandahár, and the Grandees one after the
    other left M. ' Askarí, Ism. also joined the Emperor, and was appointed, after the con-
    quest of Qandahár, Governor of Dáwar. When Kábul was besieged , Ism. and Khizr
    Khwajah (vide p. 365 , note 2) attacked Sher ' Alí, an officer of Mírzá Kámrán, who
    at the prince's order had followed up and plundered the Persian caravan (qáfilah i
    wilayat) on its way to Cháríkán ;¹ but as the roads were occupied by the Imperialists,
    Sher ' Alí could not reach Kábul, and marched towards Ghaznín, when he was over-
    taken and defeated. Ism. and Khizr spoiled the plunderer, and went again to Hu-
    máyún. A short time after, Ism. and several other grandees left the emperor, be-
    cause they resented the elevation of Qaráchah Khán, and followed Mírzá Kámrán to
    Badakhshan. Humáyún followed them up and caught them together with Kámrán,
    Ism. among them. Ism. was, however, pardoned at Mun'im's request.
    Ism. accompanied the emperor on his march to India, and was sent, after the
    capture of Dihlí, together with Shah Abul Ma'álí to Láhor.
    "Nothing else is known of him." Maásir.

    So the Maásir. Our maps have centre of a large caravan


    Churidar(Lat, 35 ° , Long. 69), which lies ( All ) ,or és lial)länsmade. Itáli
    tween Kábul and Charikar.
    389

    73. Mi'r Babus (?), the I'ghur.


    The Ighurs are a well known Chaghtái tribe. The correct name of this grandee
    is a matter of doubt, as every MS. has a different lectio ; vide my Text edition, p . 224,
    note 6. The Maásir has left out the name of this grandee ; nor do I find it in the
    List of the Tabaqát .
    74. Ashraf Kha'n Mi'r Munshi' , Muhammad Açghar of Sabzwár (?).
    He was a Husainí Sayyid of Mashhad ( Maásir, Mir-át uľ' Alam). The author of
    the Tabaqát says, he belonged to the ' Arabsháhí Sayyids ; but people rarely make
    such fine distinctions.' Abulfazl says, he was of Sabzwár ; but in the opinion of the
    Maásir, this is an error of the copyists .
    Ashraf Khán was a clever writer, exact in his style, and a renowned calligrapher,
    perhaps the first of his age in writing the Ta'liq and Nasta'liq characters (p. 101, 1 .
    14). He also understood jafar, or witchcraft.
    Ashraf was in Humáyún's service, and had received from him the post and title
    of Mír Munshí. After the conquest of Hindústán, he was made Mir ' Arz and Mír
    Mál. At Akbar's accession, he was in Dihlí and took part in the battle with Hemú
    (p. 365, No. 48 ). He was imprisoned by Bairám, but escaped and went to Makkah. He
    returned in 968, when Akbar was at Máchhíwárah on his way to the Siwáliks where
    Bairam was. He was well received and got a mançab . In the 6th year, when the
    emperor returned from Málwah, he bestowed upon him the title of Ashraf Khán.
    In the 19th year, he went with Mun'im to Bengal, was present in the battle of
    Takaroí, and died in the twentieth year (983)¹ at Gaur (vide p. 376).
    Ashraf was a poet of no mean pretensions.
    His son, Mír Abul Muzaffar (No. 240) held a Command of 500. In the 38th year,
    he was Governor of Awadh.
    Ashraf's grandsons, Husainí and Burhání, held inferior commands under Shahjahán.
    75. Sayyid Mahmu'd of Ba'rha, [ Kúndlíwál].
    Sayyid Mahmúd was the first of the Bárha Sayyids that held office under the
    Tímúrides.' He was with Sikandar Súr ( Badáoní II, 17 ) in Mánkot, but seeing that
    the cause of the Afgháns was hopeless, he left Sikandar and went over to Akbar. He
    was a friend of Bairám , and served in the first year under ' Alí Qulí Khán Zamán
    (No. 13 ) against Hemú. In the second year, he took part in the expedition against
    Hájí Khán in Ajmír (vide Nos. 40, 45). In the 3rd year, he conquered with Sháh
    2
    Qulí Mahram (No. 45) Fort Jaitáran, and served in the same year under Adham Ko-
    kah against the Bhadauriyahs of Hatkánt'h (vide p . 323, last line).
    After Bairam's fall, Sayyid Mahmúd got a jágír near Dihlí. In the 7th year, he
    brought Mun'im Khán to Court (vide p. 318). In the 17th year, he served under the
    Khán i Kalán (No. 16) and the emperor in Gujrát, was present in the battle of Sarnál,
    and followed up Mírzá Ibráhím Husain . On every occasion he fought with much
    bravery. Towards the end of the 18th year, he was sent with other Sayyids of Bárha,
    and Sayyid Muhammad of Amrohah (No. 140) against Rájah Madhukar, who had

    'TheMir-át says in the tenth year(973), The best MSS. have . The
    as stated on p. 101, note 6. This is clearly name is doubtful. Akbar passed it on one of
    a mistake of the author of the Mir-át. his marches from Ajmír over Pálí to Jálor.
    390

    invaded the territory between Sironj and Gwáliár. S. Mahmud drove him away, and
    died soon after, in the very end of 981.
    Sayyid Mahmúd was a man of rustic habits, and great personal courage and
    generosity. Akbar's court admired his valour and chuckled at his boorishness and
    unadorned language ; but he stood in high favor with the emperor. Once on his
    return from the war with Madhukar, he gave in the State hall a verbal account of his
    expedition, in which his " I" occurred oftener than was deemed proper by the assem-
    bled Amírs. " You have gained the victory," interrupted Açaf Khán, in order
    to give him a gentle hint, " because His Majesty's good fortune (iqbál i pádisháhí)
    accompanied you. " Mistaking the word ' Iqbál' for the name of a courtier, " Why do
    you tell an untruth ?" replied Mahmúd, “ Iqbál i Pádisháhí did not accompany me :
    I was there, and my brothers : we licked them with our sabres." The emperor smiled,
    and bestowed upon him praise and more substantial favors.
    But more malicious were the remarks of the Amírs regarding his claim to be a
    Sayyid of pure blood . Jahángír ( Tuzuk, p. 366 ) also says that people doubt the
    claim of the Bárha family to be Sayyids. Once Mahmúd was asked how many genera-
    tions backwards the Sayyids of Bárha traced their descent. Accidentally a fire was
    burning on the ground near the spot where Mahmúd stood . Jumping into it, he
    exclaimed, " If I am a Sayyid, the fire will not hurt me ; if I am no Sayyid, I shall
    get burnt." He stood for nearly an hour in the fire, and only left it at the earnest
    request of the bystanders. " His velvet-slippers shewed, indeed, no trace of being
    singed."
    For Sayyid Mahmúd's brother and sons, vide Nos . 91, 105, and 143.

    Note on the Sayyids of Bárha (Sádát i Bárha).


    In MSS. we find the spelling & bárka, and s bárah . The lexicographist Ba-
    hár i-'Ajam (Tek Chand) in his grammatical treatise, entitled Jawáhir ul Huruf, says
    that the names of Indian towns ending in 8 form adjectives in , as ï, Tattah or

    ¿ ïëï That'ha, forms an adjective tatawí ; but of al no adjective is formed, and


    you say sádát i bárha, instead of sádát i barhawi.
    The name Bárha has been differently explained. Whether the derivation from
    the Hindi numeral bárah, 12 , be correct or not, there is no doubt that the etymology
    was believed to be correct in the times of Akbar and Jahángír ; for both the Tabaqát
    and the Tuzuk derive the name from 12 villages in the Duáb (Muzaffarnagar District),
    which the Sayyids held.
    Like the Sayyids of Bilgrám, the Bárha family trace their origin to one Sayyid
    Abul Farah of Wásit ; but their nasabnámah, or genealogical tree, was sneered at, and
    even Jahangir, in the above quoted passage from the Tuzuk, says that the personal
    courage of the Sayyids of Bárha-but nothing else-was the best proof that they were
    Sayyids. But they clung so firmly to this distinction, that some of them even placed

    1 " From him are descended the most many other places, branches of the same
    renowned Musalmán families in North- stem are found." C. A. Elliott, The
    ern India, the Barha and Belgram Syuds, Chronicles of Onao, Allahabad , 1862, p.
    and in Khyrábád, Futtehpore Huswa, and 93.
    391

    the title of Sayyid before the titles which they received from the Mughal emperors, as
    Sayyid Khán Jahán (Sayyid Abul Muzaffar), and several others.
    But if their claim to be Sayyids was not firmly established, their bravery and
    valour had become a by-word. Their place in battle was the van (haráwal) ; they
    claimed to be the leaders of the onset, and every emperor from the times of Akbar glad-
    ly availed himself of the prestige of their name. They delighted in looking upon them-
    selves as Hindústánís (vide p. 336) . Their military fame completely threw to the
    background the renown of the Sayyids of Amrohah, of Mánikpúr, the Khánzádahs of
    Mewát, and even families of royal blood as the Çafawis .
    The Sayyids of Bárha are divided into four branches, whose names are— 1. Tihan-
    púrí; 2. Chatbanúrí, or Chátrauṛí ; 3. Kúndlíwál ; 4. Jagnerí. The chief town of
    the first branch was Jánsath ; of the second, Sambalharah ; of the third , Majharah ;
    of the fourth Bidaulí on the Jamnah. Of these four lines Muhammadan Historians ,
    perhaps accidentally, only mention two, viz. , the Kúndlíwál (J ) to which
    Sayyid Mahmud (No. 75) belonged ; and the Tihanpúri ( ) , of which Sayyid
    Khán Jahán was a member.
    The Histories of India do not appear to make mention of the Sayyids of
    Bárha before the times of Akbar ; but they must have held posts of some importance
    under the Súrs, because the arrival of Sayyid Mahmúd in Akbar's camp (p . 389)
    is recorded by all Historians as an event of importance. He and other Sayyids were,
    moreover, at once appointed to high mançabs. The family boasts also traditionally
    of services rendered to Humáyún ; but this is at variance with Abulfazl's statement
    that Sayyid Mahmud was the first that served under a Timuride.
    The political importance of the Sayyids declined from the reign of Muhammad ,
    Sháh (1131 to 1161) , who deposed the brothers Sayyid 'Abdullah Khán and Sayyid
    Husain ' Alí Khán, in whom the family reached the greatest height of their power,
    What a difference between the rustic and loyal Sayyid Mahmúd under Akbar, and the
    above two brothers, who made four Timurides emperors, dethroned and killed two, and
    blinded and imprisoned three !2
    The Sayyids of Barha are even now-a-days numerous and form the characteristic
    element in the population of the Muzaffarnagar district' (Leeds ' Report).
    Abulfazl mentions nine Sayyids in this List of grandees, viz.—
    1. Sayyid Mahmúd (No. 75) . 6. Sayyid Jamáluddín (No. 217) , son
    2. Sayyid Ahmad, his brother, ( No. 91). of 2.
    3. Sayyid Qasim (No. 105). sons of1. 7. Sayyid Jhajhú (No. 221) .
    4. Sayyid Hashim (No. 143). } 8. Sayyid Báyazíd ( No. 295) .
    5. Sayyid Rájú (No. 165) . 9. Sayyid Lád (No. 409) .

    Vide Sir H. Elliot's Glossary (Beames' Muzaffarnagar District (Glossary, p. 297,


    Edition ) I, p. 11 and p. 297. On p. 12 ff. ), Sir H. Elliot has Chantraudí.
    2
    of the Glossary read Sayyid Mahmud They made Farrukh Siyar, Rafi'-
    twice for Sayyid Muhammad ; Sayyid uddaraját, Rafi'uddaulah, and Muham-
    Ali Asghar for Sayyid Ali Asaf; mad Shah, emperors ; they dethroned and
    Dilir Khan for Debi Khán. Instead of killed Jahándár Sháh and Farrukh Siyor,
    Chatbanúri (or Chátrauri), which Mr. whom they had moreover blin '
    R. J. Leeds, C. S. gives in his valuable they blinded and imprisoned P
    Report on the Castes and Races of the uddín, 'Alí Tabár, and Hur
    392

    The Akbarnámah mentions several other Sayyids without indicating to what


    family they belong. Thus S. Jamaluddín, a grandson of S. Mahmúd ( vide under 91) ;
    S. Sálim ; S. Fáth Khán, ( Bad. II., 180) ; &c.
    The following trees are compiled from the Tuzuk, Pádisháknámah, and Maásir.

    (a.) Sayyid Mahmúd of Bárha, Kúndlíwál.- -Sayyid Ahmad,


    his brother.
    1. S. Qásim. 2. S. Hashim. 3. S. ' Alí Açghar, 4. Sayyid Jahángír, (No. 91).
    (No. 105.) (No. 143.) Saif Khán. (Pád. I, 439.)
    d. 1025. S. Jamaluddín,
    (No. 217.)
    1. S.Adam , S. Báyazíd. S. Núrul S. Ja’far Shuja at Khán ,
    Tuz. 80. (No. 295, P) 'Iyán. d. 1052.
    2. S. Sulaimán, Pád. II, 735.
    Pád. I, b. 320.
    S. Sultán, Çalábat 1. S. Muzaffar,Himmat Khán ,Pád.II ,73% .
    Khán , alias Ikhti- 2. S. Qutb. Pád. II, 746.
    cá ¢ Khán . 3. S. Najábat. Pád. II, 749.

    (b.) Sayyid Dilir Khán (’ Abdul Wahháb ), d. 1042 .


    1. S. Hasan, Pád. I, b., 323. 2. S. Khalilullah, Pád. I, b., 323 .

    (c.) Sayyid Hizabr Khán , d. 1047 . Sayyid ' Alam, his brother.
    Perished with Prince
    Shujá ' , in Rakhang
    S. Zabardast. (Arracan).

    (d.) Sayyid Khán Jahán i Sháhjahání , Tihanpúrí . -A brother.


    ( alias S. Abul Muzaffar Khán), d. 1065 .

    1. S. Mançúr. 2. S. Sher Zamán , 3. S. Munawwar,Lashkar Khán. 1. S. 'Alí. Pád. II,


    title, S. Muzaffar 748.
    Khán . S. Wajíhuddín Khán . 2. S. Fírúz, Ikhtiçáç
    Khán, d . 1077.

    The Pádisháhnámah (I., b., 312, 319 ; II., p. 733, 734, 735, 741 , 752) mentions
    also S. Mák'han, d. 9th year of Shahjahán ; S. Síkhan ; S. 'Abdullah ; S. Muhammad,
    son of S. Afzal ; S. Khádim ; S. Sálár ; S. Shiháb.

    (e.) Sayyid Qasim, Shahámat Khán [ Chátraurí] - -a brother


    (was alive in the 24th year of
    Aurangzíb). 1. S. Nuçrat Xác Khán
    (under Muhammad Shah).

    (f) Sayyid Husain Khán , d . 1120.


    1. S. Abú Said Khán. 2. Ghairat Khán. 3. Hasan Khán .

    (g. ) Sayyid ’Abdullah Khán , [ Tihanpurí ].


    alias Sayyid Miyán ( under Sháh 'Alam I.)

    1. S. Hasan ' Alí Khán ; title, Qutbul- 2. Amírul Mamálik S. Husain ' Alí Khán.
    mulk S. ’Abdullah Khán . (killed by Muhammad Shah).
    3. S. Saifuddin Husain ’Ali Khán. 4. S. Najmuddin ’Alí Khán .
    393

    For the following notes, I am indebted to R. J. Leeds , Esq ., C. S., Mirzapore, who
    kindly sent me two Urdú MSS. containing a short family history of the Sádát i
    Bárha, composed in 1864 and 1869 by one of the Sayyids themselves. As Mr. Leeds
    has submitted together with his Report a detailed account in English of the history
    ofthe Sayyids,' the following extracts from the Urdú MSS. will suffice.
    The date of the arrival in India of the above-mentioned Abul Farah from Wásit is
    doubtful. The two MSS . mention the time of Iltitmish (Altamsh), and trace the emigra-
    tion to troubles arising from Hulágú's invasion of Baghdad and the overthrow of the
    empire of the Khalifahs ; while the sons of Abul Farah are said to have been in the
    service of Shihabuddín Ghorí- two palpable anachronisms.
    Abul Farah is said to have arrived in India with his twelve sons, of whom four
    remained in India on his return to his country. These four brothers are the ancestors
    of the four branches of the Sayyids. Their names are-
    1. Sayyid Dáúd, who settled in the mauza' of Tihanpúr.
    2. Sayyid Abulfazl, who settled in the qaçbah of Chhatbanúrá (viṣces).
    3. Sayyid Abulfazáil, who settled in the mauza' of Kúndlí.
    4. Sayyid Najmuddín Husain, who settled in the mauza' of Jhujar.
    These four places are said to lie near Patiálá in the Panjáb, and have given rise
    to the names of the four branches. Instead of Chhatbanúrí, the name of the second
    ‫چهاروزي‬, and Jagneri
    branch, the MSS. have also Chhátraudí, giles, or sile
    )‫ ( جگنيري‬instead of ‫ جهجري‬Thujari , although no explanation is given of these
    alterations.
    From Patiálá, the four brothers went to the Duáb between the Ganges and Jam-
    nah, from where a branch was established at Bilgrám in Audh.
    The etymology of bárha is stated to be uncertain . Some derive it frrm báhir,
    outside, because the Sayyids excamped outside the imperial camp ; some from bárah
    imám , the twelve Imáms of the Shi'ahs, as the Sayyids were Shi'ahs ; some derive it
    from twelve (bárah) villages which the family held, just as the district of Baland-
    shahr, Tahçíl Anupshahr , is said to contain a bárha of Pat'háns , i . e. 12 villages be-
    longing to a Pathán family ; and others, lastly, make it to be a corruption of the
    Arabic abrár , pious.
    The descendants of S. Dáúd settled at Dhásirí ; and form the Tihanpúrí branch,
    those of S. Abulfazl at Sambalhaṛah , and form the Chhatbanúrí or Chhátrauṛí branch ;
    those of S. Abulfazáil went to Majharah, and are the Kúndlíwáls ; and those of S.
    Najmuddin occupied Bidaulí, and form the Jhujarí, or Jagnerí, branch.
    A. The Tihanpúrís.

    The eighth descendant of S. Dáúd was S. Khán Qír (?) ( ³ ). He had four
    sons-

    The word occurs also in the lists , qurbegi, the officer in charge
    of Pat'hán nobles in the Tárikh i Fi- of the qúr (p. 110). But the nan
    rúzshahi. The title of qirbak, which Khán Qir is perhaps wrong ; the
    is mentioned in the same work, appears calls him ‫ خوان فير‬or ‫خوان قير‬
    to be the same as the later or Fir or Khwán Qír (?).

    50
    394

    1. Sayyid ' Umar Shahid, who settled in Jánsath, a village then inhabited by
    Játs and Brahmins . To his descendants belong the renowned brothers mentioned on
    p. 392, (g).
    The occurrence of the name ' Umar shews that he, at any rate, was no Shi'ah.
    2. Sayyid Chaman, who settled at Chatorah (8 ) , in the Parganah of
    Jolí-Jánsath. To his descendants belongs S. Jalál, who during the reign of Sháhjahán'
    is said to have founded K'harwah Jalálpúr in ' Iláqah Sirdhanah, district Mírat'h.
    His son S. Shams left the imperial service ; hence the family declined. He had two
    sons, Asad ' Alí and ' Ali Açghar, whose descendants still exist in Chatorah and Jalál-
    púr respectively. They are very poor, and sold in 1843-44 the bricks of the ruined
    family dwellings in Chatorah for Rs. 10,000 to the Government for the construction
    of works of irrigation . The buildings in Chatorah are ascribed to S. Muhammad
    Çaláh Khán, who served in Audh, and died childless.
    3. Sayyid Huná ( is) . He settled at Bihárí, Muzaffarnagar. He had six sons—
    I. Sayyid Qutb, whose descendants occupy the village of Biláspúr in the Mu-
    zaffarnagar District. From this branch come the Rat'herí Sayyids.
    II. S. Sultán, whose descendants hold Sirdháolí.
    III. S. Yusuf, whose posterity is to be found in Bihárí and Dhalnah (one MS.
    reads Dubalnah).
    IV. and V. S. Ján and S. Mán, had no offspring.
    VI. S. Naçiruddin . To his descendants belongs S. Khán Jahán i Sháhjahání,
    p. 392 (d.) . On him the Sayyids appear to look as the second founder of their
    family. His first son, S. Mançúr built Mançúrpúr, and his descendant hold now-
    a-days Mançúrpúr and K'hataulí ; his second son Muzaffar Khán [ Sher Zamán] built
    Muzaffarnagar, where his descendants still exist, though poor or involved.
    4. Sayyid Ahmad. He settled at JS in Jolí-Jánsath, where his descend-
    ants still are.The MSS . mention Tátár Khán , and Diwán Yár Muhammad Khán
    as having distinguished themselves in the reign of Aurangzíb .

    B. The Chhatbanúrí, or Chhátrauṛí, Clan.


    One of the descendants of S. Abulfazl is called S. Hasan Fakhruddín who is said
    to have lived in the reign of Akbar at Sambalhaṛah, the rájahs of which place were
    on friendly terms with the family. His son, S. Nadhah, is said to have had four sons—
    I. Sayyid ' Ali.
    II. Sayyid Ahmad, a descendant of whom, S. Raushan ' Alí Khán, served under
    Muhammad Shah.
    III. S. Tajuddin, whose son , S. ' Umar, settled at Kakraulí.
    IV. S. Sálár (perhaps the same on p . 392 , 1.11 from below) , who had two sons
    S. Haidar Khán, and S. Muhammad Khán . The descendants ofthe former settled at
    Míránpúr, which was founded by Nawab S. Shahámat Khán, evidently the same as
    on p. 392 , (7. 10 ). S. Muhammad Khán settled at K'hatorah (“ a village so called, be-

    ¹ The Pádisháhnámah , though very mi- | died of his wounds received in the fight
    nute, does not mention S. Jalál and S. Shams. at Bhaironwál (vide No. 99).
    A S. Jalál is mentioned Tuz., p . 30. He
    395

    cause it was at first inhabited by Káiths"). Among his descendants are S. Nuçrat
    Yár Khán , (p. 392), and Ruknuddaulah .

    C. The Kúndlíwáls.

    S. Abul Fazáil settled at Majharah, which is said to have been so called, because the
    site was formerly a jungle of múnj grass . The MSS. say that many Sayyids of the
    branch are mafqúd-ulkhabar, i. e., it is not known what became of them . The
    Kúndlíwáls which now exist , are said to be most uneducated and live as common
    labourers, the condition of Majharah being altogether deplorable.
    The Kúndlíwals are now scattered over Majharah,. Háshimpúr, Tang, ' Tan-
    derah, &c.

    D. The Jagneris.

    The son of S. Najmuddín, S. Qamaruddín , settled at Bidaulí. A descendant of his, S.


    Fakhruddín left Biḍaulí and settled at in Jolí-Jánsath, and had also zamíndárís
    in Chandaurí Chandaurah, Tulsípúr, and K'harí. Now-a-days many of this branch are
    in Bidaulí, 'Iláqah Pánípat, and Dihlí.

    The chief places where the Sayyids of Bárha still exist are-Míránpúr, K’hataulí,
    Muzaffarnagar, Jolí, Tas-ha, Bak'herah, Majhaṛah, Chataurah, Sambalharah, Tang,
    Biláspúr, Mornah, Sirdháolí , Kíláodah, Jánsaṭh.
    After the overthrow of the Tihanpúrí brothers [p. 392, (g. ) ] , many emigrated .
    Sayyids of Bárha exist also in Lak'hnau, Barelí, ' Anwlah, in Audh ; also in Nagínah,
    Maiman, and Chándpúr in the Bijnor district. A branch of the Jolí Sayyids is
    said to exist in Púrniah (Bengal), and the descendants of the saint ' Abdullah Kirmání
    of Bírbhúm claim likewise to be related to the Bárha Sayyids.
    During the reign of Aurangzíb, the Sayyids are said to have professed Sunní
    tendencies.
    The political overthrow ofthe Sádát i Bárha under Muhammad Sháh ( vide Elphin-
    stone, Vth edition, p . 693) was followed by the disastrous fight at Bhasí (gme!),
    which lies on the K'hataulí road, where the Sayyids were defeated by the Imperialists,
    and robbed of the jewels and gold vessels which their ancestors during their palmy
    days had collected.

    2
    As this place is said to have been i Bárha, based upon the Muhammadan
    founded by Hizabr Khán [ p. 392 , ( c.) ] Historians of India,-now so accessible
    it would seem as if this Sayyid also was -and completed from inscriptions and
    a Kúndlíwál. His brother, S. 'Alam sanads and other documents still in the
    perished with Prince Shujá' in Arracan ; possession of the clan, would be a most
    and it is noticeable that of the 22 com- welcome contribution to Indian History,
    panions of the unfortunate prince, ten and none are better suited for such a
    were Bárha Sayyids, the remaining task than the Sayyids themselves.
    twelve being Mughuls. There is no doubt that the Sayyids
    The value of the above-mentioned two owe their renown and success under the
    Urdú MSS. lies in their geographical Timurides to the Kúndlíwáls , who are
    details and traditional information. A the very opposite of mafqúd-ulkhabar.
    more exhaustive History of the Sádát
    396

    76. 'Abdullah Kha'n Mughul.


    I cannot find the name of this grandee in the Maásir or the Tabaqát. He has
    been mentioned above, p . 309, 1. 21. Akbar's marriage with his daughter displeased
    Bairám, because ' Abdullah's sister was married to Kámrán, of whose party Bairám
    believed him to be. When Bairám, during his rebellion ( p. 317 ), marched from Dípálpúr
    to Jálindhar, he passed over Tihárah , where ' Abdullah defeated a party of his friends
    under Walí Beg (p. 329, No. 24) .
    'Abdullah Khan Mughul must not be confounded with ' Abdullah Khán Uzbak
    (No. 14).
    77. Shaikh Muhammad i Bukhárí.
    He was a distinguished Hindústání Sayyid, and maternal uncle (tughái) to
    Shaikh Farid i Bukhárí (No. 99) . Akbar liked him for his wisdom and faithfulness.
    Fattú Kháçah Khail Afghán handed over the Fort of Chanár to Akbar, through the
    mediation of Shaikh Muhammad.
    In the 14th year, Akbar gave him a tuyúl in Ajmír, and ordered him to take
    charge of Shaikh Mu'ín i Chishtí's tomb, as the khádims were generally at feud about
    the emoluments and distribution of vows presented by pilgrims. Nor had the efficacy
    of their prayers been proved , though they claimed to possess sufficient influence with
    God to promise offspring to the barren and childless.
    In the 17th year, Shaikh M. was attached to the corps under Mírzá ' Azíz (No.
    21 ), whom Akbar had put in charge of Ahmadábád. After the Emperor's victory at
    Sarnál, Ibráhím Mírzá joined Husain Mírzá, Sháh Mírzá, and ' A'qil Mírzá, at Patan
    (Gujrát) ; but having quarrelled with them, he left them, and invaded the District of
    Agrah. The other three Mírzás remained in Patan, and entered into a league with
    the Fúládí party (vide No. 67 ). Mírzá 'Azíz had been re-inforced by the Málwah
    contingent under Qutbuddín (No. 28), Sháh Budágh (No. 52 ), and Matlab Khán
    (No. 83) . His army was further increased by the contingent of Shaikh M., whom
    Akbar had ordered to move from Dholqah to Súrat. Mírzá 'Azíz Kokah left Sayyid
    Hámid (No. 78) in Ahmadábád , and moved against the Mírzás in Patan. The Mírzás
    and Sher Khán Fúládí, however, wished to delay the fight, as their re-inforcements had
    not arrived, and Sher Khán sent proposals of peace through Shaikh M. to M. 'Azíz .
    Sháh Budágh advised M. 'Azíz not to listen to them, as the enemies only wished to
    gain time, and ' Azíz drew up his army. He himself, Sháh Budágh, Muʼínuddín i
    Farankhúdí (No. 128 ), Maçúm Khán and his son , and Matlab . Khán (No. 83 ) stood in
    the centre (qol) ; Quțbuddín (No. 28), and Jamaluddín Injú (No. 164), on the right
    wing ; Shaikh Muhammad , Murád Khán (No. 54), Sháh Muhammad (No. 95), Sháh
    Fakhruddín (No. 88), Muzaffar Mughul, Páyandah (No. 68) , Hájí Khán Afghán,
    and the son of KhawᢠKhán , on the left wing ; Dastam Khán (No. 79) , Naurang
    Khán ( vide p. 334), Muhammad Qulí Toqbái (No. 129) , and Mihr 'Alí Sildoz ( No.
    130 ), led the van (haráwal) ; Báz Bahádur (No. 188 ) occupied the Altimash (between
    the van and the commander) ; and Mírzá Muqím and Chirgis Khán formed the reserve
    behind the centre. The centre of the enemies was held by Sher Khán Fúládí and
    Junaid i Kararání ; the right wing by the three Mírzás ; the left wing by Muhammad
    Khán (Sher Khán’s eldest son ) and Sádát Khán ; and their van was led by Badr Khán,
    younger son of Sher Khán. The battle then commenced in the neighbourhood of
    397

    Patan, 18th Ramazán, 980 (22nd January, 1573 ). The left wing of the Imperialists.
    was defeated by the Mírzás. Murád Khán (No. 54) preferred to look on . Shah
    Muhammad (No. 95) was wounded, and carried off by his men to Ahmadábád . Shaikh
    Muhammad himself was killed with several of his relations, as the son of Sayyid Bahá-
    uddín, and Sayyid Ja'far, brother of Shaikh Faríd (No. 99). The Mírzás also fell upon
    Shah Fakhruddín and repulsed him. Qutbuddín even was hard pressed, when M. 'Azíz
    by a timely attack with his centre put the enemies to flight. As usual, the soldiers
    of the enemies had too early commenced to plunder.
    Sher Khán fled to Júnágadh, and the Mírzás to the Dak❜hin.
    78. Sayyid Ha'mid i Bukhárí.
    Sayyid Hamid was the son of S. Mírán, son of S. Mubárik. Sayyid Mubarik
    was a Gujrátí Courtier (vide p . 385 , note) who, it is said , arrived from Bukhárá with
    but a horse. One day he was attacked by a mast elephant, when he discharged an
    arrow that entered the forehead of the animal so deep, that only the notch of the arrow
    was visible. From this event, the people of Gujrát swore by S. Mubárik's arrow. He
    gradually rose to higher dignities. When I'timád Khán ( No. 67 ) raised Nat'hú to the
    throne, under the title of Muzaffar Sháh, S. Mubárik got several Mahalls of the Patan,
    Dholqah, and Dandoqah (W. of the Peninsula) Districts. After his death, Dholqah
    and Dandoqah were given to his son, Sayyid Mírán, and after him to his grandson
    Sayyid Hamid.
    When Akbar, on his invasion of Gujrát, arrived on 1st Rajab, 980, at Patan ,
    Sayyid Hamid went over to him, and was favorably received. During the war of
    Mírzá 'Aziz Kokah with the Mírzás (vide No. 77 ) , S. H. was put in charge of Ahmad-
    ábád. In the 18th year, Dholqah and Dandoqah were again given him as tuyúl.
    Subsequently, he served under Qutbuddín in Kambháit.
    In the 22nd year, he was appointed to Multán, and served in the end of the same
    year with M. Yusuf Khán i Razawí (No. 35), against the Balúchís. In the 25th year,
    when M. Muhammad Hakím invaded Láhor, S. H. with the other tuyúldárs of the
    Panjab assembled and joined the army of Prince Murád, S. H. commanding the left
    wing. He also served under Akbar in Kábul. On the Emperor's return, he was
    permitted to go from Sirhind to his jágír.
    In the 30th year, he served under Mán Singh in Kábul. On his arrival at
    Pashawar, his jágír, S. H. sent most of his men to Hindústán, and lived securely in
    Bigrám (on our Maps, Beghram ), leaving his affairs in the hands of a man of the name
    of Músá. This man oppressed the Mahmand and Gharbah (?) Khail tribes, ' who have
    ten thousand homes near Pasháwar'. The oppressed Afgháns, instead of complaining
    to Akbar, chose Jalálah i Taríkí as leader, and attacked S. H. He first resolved to
    shut himself up in Bigrám ; but having received an erroneous report regarding the
    strength of the enemies, he left the town, and was defeated and killed ( 31st year) .
    The Maásir says, he was killed in 993. In this fight, forty of his relations and clients
    also perished . The Afgháns then besieged the Fort, which was held by Kamál, son
    of S. H. He held it till he was relieved .
    S. Kamál, during Akbar's reign, was promoted to a command of Seven Hundred,
    and, on the accession of Jahángír, to a Hazáríship . He was made Governor of Dilhí,
    vice Shaikh ' Abdul Wahháb, also a Bukhárí Sayyid (Tuz . p. 35, 1. 8 from low) .
    398

    Kamál served under Farid i Bukhárí (No. 99) in the expedition against Prince Khus-
    rau, and commanded the left wing in the fight near Bhaironwál, rendering timely
    assistance to the Sayyids of Bárha who, as was customary, led the van.
    Sayyid Ya'qúb, son of S. Kamál, was a Commander of Fifteen Hundred, 1000
    horse, and died in the third year of Shahjahan's reign. The Maásir says, in the
    2nd year.
    The two lists of Shahjahan's grandees given in the Pádisháhnámah (I, b.,
    322 ; II, 740) mention another son of Sayyid Hamid, of the name of Sayyid Baqir,
    who held a Command of Five Hundred, 400 horse.
    79. Dastam Kha'n, son of Rustam i Turkistání.

    The correct name of this grandee is Dastam paws, a very unusual name, though
    most MSS. of the Aín and many of the Akbarnámah give , Rustam. The
    Maásir correctly places his name under the letter D.
    His father's name was Rustam. His mother - her name is not clearly written in
    the MSS . of the Maásir and Akbarnámah, which I have seen, either Najibah or
    Bakhyah-was a friend of Máhum Anagah (vide No. 19), and had free access to the
    Harem. Dastam appears to have been a play-fellow of Prince Akbar.
    Dastam Khán, in the 9th year, served under Mu'izzul Mulk (No. 61 ) against
    'Abdullah Khán Uzbak (No. 14). In the 17th year, he served under Mírzá 'Aziz
    Kokah in the battle of Patan (vide No. 77) , distinguished himself in the war with
    Muhammad Husain Mírzá, and got a flag. In the 22nd year, he was appointed to
    the Cúbah of Ajmír, and got Rantanbhúr as tuyúl. His administration was praise-
    worthy he kept down the rebellious, and protected the oppressed .
    In the 25th year, Uchlá, son of Balbhadr, and Mohan, Súr Dás, Tilúksí, sons of
    Rájah Bihárí Mall's brother, came without permission from the Panjab to Lúní (?) , their
    native town, and caused disturbances. Dastam, from a wish not to be too hard on
    Kachhwáhahs, advised them to return to obedience ; but his leniency only rendered
    the rebels more audacious. Akbar then ordered D. to hold out threats, and if this
    was not sufficient, to proceed against them. D. had at last to do so ; but he did
    it hastily, without collecting a sufficient number of troops. In the fight,' the three

    The geographical details given in the garh ( about 4 miles S. E. of Rantanbhúr


    Akbarnámah are unsatisfactory. to Boulee is bisected by the Banas
    Abulfazl mentions the Qaçbah (small River. Rantanbhúr lies in the angle
    town) of Lúní ( 5 ) as the birth-place formed by the confluence of the Chambal
    and the Banas, and Bounlee lies about 30
    of the Kachhwáhah rebels ; the fight, he miles N. W. of it. There are two villa-
    says, took place in a village (mauza') of ges of the names of Tohra, one about 3
    the name of Thori, and Dastam miles S. W. of Bounlee, and the other S.
    died at Sherpúr, which is also called a of it, on the right bank of the Banas.
    Qaçbah. But the Akbarnámah leaves Bounlee, or Baunli, would be , or
    the reader to find out where these three
    places are. The Tabaqát, in its list of , which will be found below as the
    grandees, fortunately says that Dastam head of a Parganah in Sirkár Rantan-
    Khán was killed in the neighbourhood of bhir, and the change of ‫ بولي‬to ‫لونی‬
    Rantanbhúr. The only places near Ran- is very simple. The greatest difference
    tanbhúr which resemble the above three,
    lies in Sherpur and Shergarh.
    are Bounlee, Tohra, and Shergarh, as The Akbarnámah says, the fight took
    given on the Trig. Map of the Jodhpúr place on the 10th Abán of the 25th year.
    Territory for 1850. The road from Sher-
    399

    nephews of the Rájah were killed. Dastam received a wound from Uchlá, who had
    attacked him from an ambush. Wounded as he was, he attacked Uchlá, and killed
    him. Immediately afterwards he fainted and fell from his horse. His men put him
    again on horseback--a usual expedient, in order not to dishearten the soldiers . The
    rebels were totally defeated and their estates plundered ( 988) .
    Dastam died of his wounds, two days later, at Sherpúr. Akbar said that even D.'s
    mother could not feel the loss ofher son as much as he did, because D., with the
    exception of three years , had never been away from him.
    The Maásir says, he was a Commander of Three Thousand. Rantanbhúr was
    then given to Mírzá 'Abdurrahím (No. 29) as jágír.
    A son of Dastam is mentioned below (No. 362) .
    80. Shahba'z Kha'n i Kambú.
    Regarding the tribe called Kambú, vide Beames' Edition of Sir H. Elliot's Glossary,
    I, 304. The Persian hemistich quoted (Metre Hazaj) —
    ‫یکی افغان دوم كنبو سيوم بدذات كشميري‬
    ' The Afgháns are the first, the Kambús the second , and the Kashmírís the third,
    set of scoundrels' must be very modern ; for during the reigns of Akbar and Jahángír,
    it was certainly a distinction to belong to this tribe, as will be seen just now.
    The sixth ancestor of Shahbáz was Hájí Ismá'íl, a disciple of the renowned saint
    Bahauddín Zakariyá of Multán. Once a beggar asked the saint to give him an ash-
    rafí, or goldmuhr, for the name of every prophet he would mention ; but as Bahauddín
    could not pay the money, Hájí Ismá'íl took the beggar to his house, and gave him an
    Ashrafi for each of the ten or twenty names he mentioned. Another time, Hájí
    Ismá'íl acknowledged to the saint that his power of understanding was defective, where-
    upon the saint prayed for him, and from that time the Kambús are proverbial in
    Hindústán for sagacity and quickness of apprehension.
    Shahbáz at first devoted himself to a life of abstinence and austerity, as his an-
    cestors had done ; but the excellent way in which he performed the duties of kotwál
    drew Akbar's attention to him, and he was made an Amír and appointed Mir Tozak
    (quarter master).
    In the 16th year, when Lashkar Khán (No. 90) fell into disgrace, Sh. was ap-
    pointed Mír Bakhshí. In the 21st year, he was sent against the rebels in Jodhpur,
    especially against Kallah, son of Rái Rám, and grandson of Rái Máldeo, and was
    ordered to take Fort Siwánah. Shahbáz first took Fort Daigúr (?)² , where a large num-
    of Ráthor rebels were killed ; after this he took Dúnárah, from where he passed on
    to Siwánah, which on his arrival capitulated (984).
    In the same year, Shahbáz was sent against Rájah Gajpatí. This Rajah was the

    The MSS. have , which I can- S. of Dúnárah, about 10 miles from the
    not find on the maps. There are many left bank of the Lúní.
    places of a similar name, S. W. of 2 So according to the best MSS.
    Jodhpur, near which it must lie. Dú- Stewart calls him Gujety, the Lak'hnau
    nárah (most MSS . have ) lies on Akbarnámah (III. , 140) Kají, and the
    Edit. Bibl. Indica of Badáoní, Kachiti,
    the right bank of the Lúní, S. W. of
    Jodhpur. Here Shahbáz crossed (' ubúr) (p. 179, 284, 285 ,) and Kajítí (p. 237),
    which forms are also found in the
    and went to Siwánah, which lies N. W. Lak'hnau edition of the mah.
    400

    greatest Zamíndár in Bihár, and had rendered good services during Mun'im's expedition
    to Bengal. But when Dáúd, king of Orísá, invaded Bengal after Mun'im's death at Gaur
    in 983, Gajpatí rebelled and plundered several towns in Bihár. Farhat Khán (No. 145)
    tuyúldár of Arah , his son Farhang Khán , and Qaratáq Khán , opposed the Rájah , but
    perished in the fight. When Shahbáz approached, Gajpatí fled ; but Sh. followed him
    up, and gave him no rest, and conquered at last Jagdespúr, where the whole family
    of the Rájah was captured. Sh . then conquered Shergadh, which was held by Srí
    Rám, Gajpatí's son. About the same time, Sh. took possession of Rahtás. Its
    Afghán commander, Sayyid Muhammad, who commanded the Fort on the part of
    Junaid i Kararání, had been hard pressed by Muzaffar ( No. 37) ; he therefore fled to
    Shahbáz, asked for protection, and handed over the Fort. Sh. then repaired to court,
    where he received every distinction due to his eminent services.
    In the 23rd year ( 986) , Sh. marched against the proud Ráná Partáb, and be-
    sieged the renowned Fort of Konbhalmír (called on our maps Komalnair, on the
    frontier between Udaipúr and Jodhpúr, Lat. 25° 10) . The Ráná, unable to defend it,
    escaped in the disguise of a Sannásí, when the Fort was taken. Gogandah and Udaipur
    submitted likewise. Sh . erected no less than 50 t'hánahs in the hills and 35 in the
    plains, from Udaipur to Púr Mandal. He also prevailed upon the rebellious Daudá,
    son of Rái Surjan Hádá (No. 96), to submit, and took him to Court. After this, Sh.
    was sent to Ajmír, where disturbances frequently occurred .
    When the military revolt of Bengal broke out, Sh . was ordered to go to Bihár ;
    but he did not agree with M. 'Aziz Kokah-for Sh . could not bear to be second or third
    -and carried on the war independently of him, defeated 'Arab Bahádur, and marched
    to Jagdespúr. At that time the report reached him that Ma'çúm Khán Farankhúdí
    (No. 157) had rebelled, and ' Arab Bahadur and Niyábat Khán had joined him. Sh .
    therefore marched to Audh, and met the enemies near Sultánpúr Bilkarí, 25 kos from
    Awadh (Faizábád) . Ma'çúm, by a timely centre-attack, put Sh . to flight, and followed
    him up, Sh. fighting all the way to Jaunpúr, a distance of 30 kos. Accidentally a
    rumour spread in the army of the enemies, that Ma'çúm had been killed, which caused
    some disorder. At this moment, Sh.'s right wing attacked the enemies, Ma'çúm got
    wounded, and withdrew to Awadh (Faizábád) . Sh. now pursued him, and seven miles
    from that town, after a hard fight, totally routed him. Ma'çúm could not hold himself
    in Awadh, and his army dispersed .
    After this, Sh. went again to Court, where he was received by the emperor on
    his return from Kábul. At court, Sh . generally gave offence by his pride ; and when
    once, at a parade, the Bakhshís had placed the young Mírzá Khán (No. 29) above
    him, he gave openly vent to his anger, was arrested, and put under the charge of Rái

    Sál Darbárí (No. 106).


    But an officer of Sh.'s usefulness could ill be spared, and when M. ' Azíz in the
    28th year applied for transfer from Bihár, Sh. with other Amírs was sent there.
    He followed up Ma'çúm Khán Kábulí to G'horág'hát, and defeated him . He then
    followed him to Bhátí (p. 342), plundered Baktarápúr, the residence of 'Isá, took
    Sunnárgánw, and encamped on the Brahmaputra. 'Isá afforded Ma'çúm means and
    shelter ; but being hard pressed by the imperialists, he made proposals of peace : an
    Imperial officer was to reside as Sunnárgánw ; Ma'çúm was to go to Makkah ; and
    401

    Sh. was to withdraw. This was accepted, and Sh. crossed the river expecting the
    terms would be carried out. But the enemies did nothing ; and when Sh . prepared
    to return, his officers shewed the greatest insubordination, so that he had to retreat to
    Tándah, all advantages being thus lost . He reported matters to Court, and the
    tuyúldárs of Bihár were ordered to join him. Sh . then took the field and followed
    up Ma'çúm. In the 30th year, he and Cádiq Khán (vide No. 43 ) quarrelled . Sub-
    sequently, Sh. marched again to Bháțí, and even sent a detachment to Kokrah (8,5,5),
    which lies between Orísá and the Dak'hin .' Modhú Singh, the Zamíndár of the
    district, was plundered, and had to pay tribute. In the 32nd year, when Sa'id (No. 25)
    was made Governor of Bengal, and the disturbances had mostly been suppressed, Sh .
    returned to Court. In the 34th year, he was made Kotwal of the army. He was then
    sent against the Afgháns of Sawád ; but he left his duties without order, and was again
    imprisoned.
    After two years he was released, was made atálíq to M. Shahrukh, who had been
    appointed to Málwah and was on his way to Prince Murád in the Dak'hin . During
    the siege of Ahmadnagar, the inhabitants of Shahr i Nau, ' which is called Burhánábád,'
    asked the Imperialists for protection ; but as they were mostly Shí'ahs, Sh., in his
    bigotry, fell upon them, plundered their houses, especially the quarter called Langar i
    Duwázdah Imám, the very name of which must have stunk in Sh.'s nostrils . The
    inhabitants seeing that they could not rely on the word of the Mughuls,' emigrated .
    The Prince was irritated ; and when Çádiq Khán (No. 43) was appointed his atálíq,
    Sh . left without permission for Málwah. Akbar gave his jágír to Shahrukh, and trans-
    ferred Shabbáz.
    In the 43rd year, Sh . was sent to Ajmír as Commander of the mangalá of Prince
    Salím (Jahángír), whom Akbar has asked to go from Iláhábád against the Ráná.
    But Sh . was now above seventy years old, and as he had been in the habit of eating
    quicksilver, he commenced to suffer from pain in his hands and wrists . He got well
    again, but had in Ajmír another attack ; he rallied again, but died suddenly in the 44th
    year ( 1008 ) . Salím took quickly possession of Sh.'s treasures, went back to Iláhábád
    without having done anything, and continued in his rebellious attitude towards his
    father.
    Shahbáz had expressed a dying wish to be buried in Ajmír within the hallowed
    enclosure of Mu'ín i Chishtí. But the custodians of the sacred shrine refused to comply,
    and Sh . was buried outside. At night, however, the saint appeared in the dreams of
    the custodians, and told them that Shahbaz was his favourite, whereupon the hero
    was buried inside, north of the dome.
    Shahbaz was proverbial for his rigid piety and his enormous wealth. His op-
    position to Akbar's Divine Faith ' has been mentioned above (p. 188) . He would
    neither remove his beard to please the emperor, nor put the word murid (disciple)
    on his signet. His Sunní zeal, no doubt, retarded his promotion as much as his
    arrogance ; for other less deserving officers held higher commands. He observed
    with great strictness the five daily prayers, and was never seen without the rosary in
    his hand. One day the emperor took a walk along the tank at Fathpúr and seized
    Shahbáz's hand to accompany him. It was near the time of the ' açr, or afte
    prayer, and Sh . was restless and often looked up to the sun, not to miss
    51
    402

    time. Hakim Abul Fath (No. 112) saw it from a distance, and said to Hakim 'Alí
    who stood near him, " I shall indeed call Shahbáz a pious man, if he insists on saying
    the prayer, alone as he is with the emperor ;" (for the prayer had been abolished by
    Akbar at Court). When the time of prayer had come, Sh. mentioned it to the em-
    peror. " Oh, " replied Akbar, " you can pray another time, and make amends for this
    omission." But Sh. drew away his hand from the grasp of the emperor, spread his
    dupaṭṭah shawl on the ground, and said not only his prayer, but also his vird (volun-
    tary daily religious exercise), Akbar slapping all the while his head, saying, ' Get up !"
    Abul Fath stepped up, and interceded for Shahbáz, whose persistency he admired.
    Abulfazl says that Shahbáz was an excellent and faithful servant ; but he
    blames him for his bigotry. In liberality, he says , he had no equal, and people whis .
    pered that he found the Páras stone (vide Book III, Cúbah of Málwah). His mili-
    tary contingent was always complete and in good order ; during his fights near the
    Brahmaputr he had 9000 horse. Every Thursday evening, he distributed 100 Ashrafis
    to the memory of the renowned Ghausussiqlain ('Abdul Qadir i Jílání ) . To Kam-
    bús he gave so much, that no Kambú in India was in bad circumstances.
    During the time he was Mír Bakhshí, he introduced the Dágh law, the most
    important military reform of Akbar's reign (vide pp. 242 , 255 , 256),
    Shahbáz's brother, Karamullah, was likewise pious. He died in 1002 at Saronj
    (Maásir). The Maásir mentions a son of Shahbáz, Ilhámullah. He was Waqi'ahnawis
    (p. 258) of the Sirkár of Baglánah, where he died.
    The Tuzuk (p. 248) mentions another son of his, Ranbáz Khán, who during the
    reign of Shahjahán was a Commander of Eight Hundred, 400 horse. He was, in the
    13th year, Bakhshi and Waqi'ahnawis of the corps which was sent to Bangash. He
    held the same rank in the 20th year of Sháhjahán's reign.¹
    81. Darwish Muhammad Uzbak.
    The Maásir says nothing about this grandee ; the MSS. of the Tabaqát merely
    say that he was dead in 1001 .
    From the Akbarnámah (Lucknow Edition , II , p. 137) we see that he was a
    friend of Bairám . He was sent by Bairám together with Muzaffar ' Alí (No. 37 , and
    p. 317 , 7. 3 ) to Sher Muhammad Díwánah, who despatched both fettered to Court.
    His name occurs again in the Akbarnámah ( Lucknow Edition, II, p . 250, -where
    for Darwish Uzbak Khwajah, read Darwish Uzbak o Muzaffar Khwajah). From
    the fact that Abulfazl has given his name in this list, it is evident that Akbar pardoned
    him on Bairám's submission.
    82. Shaikh Ibra'hi'm, son of Shaikh Músá, elder brother of Shaikh
    Salím of Fathpúr Síkrí.

    ¹ Ranbáz Khán is wrongly called Niáz Khúbullah ; but this is a most extra-
    Khán in the Ed . Bibl. Indica of the Pádi- ordinary name, and therefore likely to be
    sháhn . I , b., p. 314 ; but in II, p . 740 , of wrong. It should perhaps be Habibullah.
    the same work, Ranbáz Khán, as in the In the list of Akbar's grandees in the
    Tuzuk. Tabaqát, Nizám says, At present (in
    Sayyid Ahmad's edition of the Tuzuk, 1001) Shahbáz is Mír Bakhshi of Mál-
    p. 159, says that Ranbáz's name was wah.'
    403

    His father, Shaikh Músá , lived a retired life in Síkrí. As Akbar had at first
    no children, he asked the Síkrí Shaikhs to pray for him, which they did ; and as at
    that time one of Akbar's wives became pregnant ( with Salím) , Akbar looked upon
    the Shaikhs with particular favor. To this lucky circumstance, the Síkrí family owes
    its elevation.
    Shaikh Ibráhím lived at first at Court, chiefly in the service of the princes.
    In the 22nd year, he was made T'hánahdár of Láḍlái, and suppressed the disturbances .
    In the 23rd year, he was made Governor of Fathpúr Síkrí. In the 28th year, he
    served with distinction under M. ' Azíz Kokah (No. 21 ) in Bihár and Bengal, and was
    with Vazír Khán (No. 41 ) in his expedition against Qutlú of Orísá. When Akbar,
    in the 30th year went to Kábul, he was made Governor of Agrah, which post he
    seems to have held till his death in 999 (36th year).
    According to the Tabaqát, he was not only the brother, but also the son-in-law
    of Shaikh Salím i Síkríwál.
    83. ’ Abdul Matlab Khan , son of Shah Budách Khán (No. 52 ) .
    The Maásir makes him a Commander of Two Thousand Five Hundred.
    'Abdul Matlab accompanied Sharafuddín Husain (No. 17) on his expedition to
    Mírt'ha. In the 10th year, he served together with his father under Mu'izzulmulk
    (No. 61) against Iskandar and Bahádur Khán , and fled from the battle-field of
    Khairábád (pp. 372, 382) . In the 12th year, he served under Muhammad Qulí Khán
    Barlás (No. 31) against Iskandar Khán in Audh. He then retired to his tuyúl
    in Málwah.
    In the 17th year, he belonged to the auxiliaries of M. ' Azíz Kokah and was pre-
    sent in the battle of Patan (p . 396) . In the 23rd year, when Qutbuddín's men ( No.
    28) brought Muzaffar Husain Mírzá from the Dak'hin to Court, ' Abdul Matlab at-
    tached himself as convoy, and saw the Mírzá safely to Court. In the 25th year, he
    accompanied Ismáíl Qulí Khán ( No. 46) on his expedition against Niyábat Khán
    'Arab. In the following year, he received a reprimand for having murdered Fath
    Daulat, son of ' Alí Dost. He was , however, subsequently pardoned , and was put in
    command of the left wing of the army which was sent to Kábul. In the 27th year,
    Akbar honored him by being his guest in Kálpí, his jágír.
    In the 30th year, he accompanied M. 'Azíz Kokah to the Dak'hin, and was sent,
    two years later, against Jalálah Táríkí, the Afghán rebel . One day, Jalálah fell upon
    the van of the Imperialists, which was commanded by Beg Núrín Khán (No. 212),
    Salim Khán ( No. 132 ), and Sheroyah Khán (No. 168 ) . They were in time assisted
    by Muhammad Qulí Beg, and routed Jalálah, who escaped to the mountains. 'Abdul-
    matlab " had not the good fortune of even mounting his horse to take part in the
    fight." He seems to have taken this to heart ; for when the victorious army returned
    to Bangash, he had an attack of madness and was sent to Court. He died soon after.
    His son, Sherzád, was under Jahángír, a Commander of Three Hundred, 200
    horse .
    84. I'tiba'r Kha'n, the Eunuch.
    His name, like that of many other Eunuchs, was ' Ambar. He was one of B
    Eunuchs. When Humáyún left Qandahár for ' Iráq, he despatched I'tibár an
    404

    to conduct Maryam Makání (Akbar's mother) to his camp. In 952, he left Kábal
    and joined the emperor, who attached him to Prince Akbar's suite.
    In the 2nd year of Akbar's reign, he accompanied Akbar's mother and the other
    Begums from Kabul to India. Akbar appointed him Governor of Dihlí, where he died.
    He must not be confounded with No. 86.
    85. Ra'jah Bi'r Bal [ Bír Baṛ ] , the Brahman.
    He was a Brahman of the name of Mahesh Dás ( Maásir ; the Ed. Bibl. Indica
    of Badáoní, II . p. 161 , calls him Brahman Dás), and was a Bhát, or minstrel, a class of
    men whom the Persians call bádfarosh, ' dealers in encomiums.' He was very poor,
    but clear-headed, and remarkable for his power of apprehension . According to Badá-
    oní, he came soon after Akbar's accession from Kálpí to Court, where his bonmots in
    a short time made him a general favourite. His Hindí verses also were much liked, and
    Akbar conferred on him the title of Kab Rái, or ( Hindu) Poet Laureate,¹ and had him
    constantly near himself.
    In the 18th year, Rájah Jai Chand of Nagarkot, who was at Court, happened to
    displease the emperor, and was imprisoned. Nagarkot was given to Kab Rái as jágír.
    He also received the title of Rájah Bír Baṛ. But Jai Chand's son, Budh Chand ( or
    Budhí Ch ., or Badí Ch. ,- the MSS. differ) shut himself up in Nagarkot, and Husain
    Qulí Khán (No. 24) was ordered to conquer it. The invasion of Ibráhím Husain
    Mírzá, as related above, forced Husain Qulí to raise the siege, and Bír Bar, in all
    probability, did not get his jágír. He accompanied Akbar on his forced march to
    Patan and Ahmadábád , 24th Rabí' II, 981. ( Vide note to No. 101.)
    He was often employed in missions. Thus in the 21st year, he was sent with Rái
    Lon Karan to Dúngarpúr, the Rái of which town was anxious to send his daughter to
    Akbar's Harem . In the 28th year, again, B. B. and Zain Kokah (No. 34) conducted
    Rájah Rám Chand (No. 89) to Court.
    Bír Bar spent his time chiefly at Court. In the 34th year, Zain Khán Kokah
    marched against the Yusufzaís in Bijor and Sawád ; and as he had to ask for
    reinforcements, Bír Bar was sent there together with Hakim Abul Fath (No. 112).
    It is said that Akbar determined by lot whether Abulfazl or Bír Bar should go, and
    the lot fell on the latter, much against Akbar's wish .
    The result of this campaign has been related above ( pp. 204, 344). Bir Bar and
    nearly 8000 Imperialists were killed during the retreat the severest defeat which
    Akbar's army ever suffered .
    How Akbar felt Bir Bar's loss, has been mentioned on p. 205. There is also a
    letter on this subject in Abulfazl's Maktúbát.
    The following passages from Badáoní ( Ed . Bibl. Ind . , pp. 357 , 358 ) are of interest-
    " Among the silly lies-they border on absurdities - which during this year

    1 Just as Jotik Rái, the (Hindú) zíb, when several thousand soldiers of
    Court Astrologer. The (Persian ) Poet the army commanded by Amín Khán
    Laureate [ Faizí] had the title of Malik- were killed in the Khaibar Pass, onthe
    ushshu'ará, or ‘ King of Poets .' 3rd Muharram, 1083 , or 21st April, 1672.
    2 On p. 344, read Bijor for Waijúr. Maásir i'Alamgirí, p. 117. Vide Jour
    A similar catastrophe befell Aurang- nal A. S. Bengal, for 1862, p. 261.
    405

    (995) were spread over the country, was the rumour that Bir Bar, the accursed, was
    still alive, though in reality he had then for some time been burning in the seventh
    hell. The Hindús by whom His Majesty is surrounded, saw how sad and sorry he
    was for Bir Bar's loss, and invented the story that Bír Baṛ had been seen in the hills
    of Nagarkot, walking about with Jogís and Sannásís . His Majesty believed the ru-
    mour, thinking that Bir Bar was ashamed to come to Court on account of the defeat
    which he had suffered at the hands of the Yúsufzaís ; and it was, besides, quite pro-
    bable that he should have been seen with Jogís , inasmuch as he had never cared for
    the world. An Ahadí was therefore sent to Nagarkot, to enquire into the truth of
    the rumour, when it was proved that the whole story was an absurdity."
    66
    Soon after, His Majesty received a report that Bír Bar had been seen at Kálin-
    jar (which was the jágír of this dog ) , and the collector of the district stated that a
    barber had recognized him by certain marks on his body, which the man had distinctly
    seen, when one day Bír Bar had engaged him to rub his body with oil ; from that time,
    however, Bír Bar had concealed himself. His Majesty then ordered the barber to
    come to court ; and the Hindú Krorí (collector) got hold of some poor innocent
    traveller, charged him with murder, and kept him in concealment, giving out
    that he was Bír Bar. The Krorí could, of course, send no barber to Court ; he
    therefore killed the poor traveller, to avoid detection, and reported that it was Bír
    Bar in reality, but he had since died. His Majesty went actually through a second
    mourning ; but he ordered the Krorí and several others to come to Court. They were
    for some time tortured as a punishment for not having informed His Majesty before,
    and the Krorí had, moreover, to pay a heavy fine."
    Bír Bar was as much renowned for his liberality, as for his musical skill and
    poetical talent. His short verses, bon-mots, and jokes, are still in the mouths of the
    people of Hindústán.
    The hatred which Badáoní, Shahbáz Khán (No. 80), and other pious Muslims
    shewed towards Bír Bar ( vide pp. 183, 188, 192 , 199, 204) arose from the belief that
    Bir Bar had influenced Akbar to abjure Islám .
    Bir Bar's eldest son, Lálah, is mentioned below among the commanders of Two
    Hundred (No. 387 ). He was a spendthrift ; and as he got no promotion, and his
    property was squandered away, he resigned court life, and turned faqír, in order to
    live free and independent (end of 46th year).
    86. Ikhla's Kha'n I'tibár, the Eunuch .
    The Maásir does not give his name. The list of Akbar's grandees in the
    Tabaqat has the short remark that Ikhláç Khán was a Eunuch, and held the rank
    of a Commander of One Thousand.
    87. Baha'r Kha'n, ( Muhammad) Açghar, a servant of Humáyún.
    The name of this grandee is somewhat doubtful, as some MSS. read Bahádur
    Khán. The Maásir does not give his name. The list of the Tabaqát mentions a
    * Bahár Khán, a Kháçah Khail Afghán, who held a command of Two Thousand.' Bahár
    Khán Kháçah Khail is also mentioned in several places in the Akbarnámah. He
    is therefore most probably the same as given by Abulfazl in this list. Perhaps we
    have to read Pahar Khán, instead of Bahár Khán ; vide No. 407. The notice i
    Tabaqat implies that he was dead in 1001 .
    406

    88. Sha'h Fakhruddi'n, son of Mír Qásim, a Músawi Sayyid of Mashhad .


    Shah Fakhruddín came, in 961, with Humáyún to India. In the 9th year of
    Akbar's reign, he served in the army which was sent against ' Abdullah Khán Uzbak
    (No. 14). In the 16th year, he was in the manqalá, or advance corps, commanded
    by Khán i Kalán (No. 16) . When Akbar arrived at Patan, he sent Sh . F. and
    Hakim ' Ainulmulk to Mír Abú Turáb and I'timád Khán (No. 67). On the road he
    fell in with the former, and went to I'timád whom he likewise induced to pay his
    respects to Akbar. He was among the auxiliaries of M, ' Azíz Kokah (No. 21 ) and
    was present in the battle of Patan (p . 396). He was also among the grandees who
    accompanied Akbar on his forced march to Gujrát (p. 325 , note, where according to
    the Akbarnámah we have to read 24th Rabi' II., for 4th Rabi' I) . After this, he
    was made Governor of Ujjain, and received the title of Naqábat Khán.¹ In the
    end of the 24th year, he was made Governor of Patan (Gujrát), vice Tarson
    Muhammad Khán (No. 32) , where he soon after, probably in the beginning of 987,
    died (986, Tabaqát) .
    89. Ra'jah Ra'm Chand Baghelah.
    A few MSS. read Bhagelah, which form Tod says is the correct one. Baghelah,
    however, is the usual spelling.
    Rám Chand was Rájah of Bhat'h (or Bhattah, as the Maásir spells it). Among
    the three great Rájahs of Hindústán, whom Bábar mentions in his Memoirs, the
    Rájahs of Bhat'h are the third.
    Rám Chand was the patron of the renowned musician and singer Tánsín, regard-
    ing whom vide the List of Musicians at the end of this book. His fame had reached
    Akbar ; and in the 7th year, the emperor sent Jaláluddín Qúrchí (No. 213) to Bhat'h,
    to induce Tánsín to come to Agrah. Rám Chand feeling himself powerless to refuse
    Akbar's request, sent his favorite with his musical instruments and many presents to
    Agrah, and the first time that Tánsín performed at court, the Emperor made him a
    present of two lak'hs of Rupees. Tánsín remained with Akbar. Most of his composi-
    tions are written in Akbar's name, and his melodies are even now-a-days everywhere
    repeated by the people of Hindústán.
    When Açaf Khán (I.) led his expedition to Gadha (p . 367) , he came in con-
    tact with Rám Chand ; but by timely submission the Rájah became a servant' of
    Akbar. In the 14th year, Rám Chand lost Fort Kálinjar, as related on p. 369. He
    sent his son, Bír Bhadr, to Court, but from distrust would not pay his respects person-
    ally. In the 28th year, therefore, when Akbar was at Sháhábád, he ordered a corps
    to march to Bhat'h ; but Bír Bhadr, through the influence of several courtiers , pre-
    vailed upon the Emperor to send a grandee to his father and convey him to court.
    Rájah Bír Bar and Zain Kokah were selected for this office, and Rám Chand came at
    last to court, where he was well received.
    R. Ch. died in the 37th year, and Bír Bhadr succeeded to the title of Rájah. But
    on his way from court to Bhat'h, he fell from his palanquin, and died soon after, in the

    The Lucknow Edition of the Akbar- 2 On p . 367, Rám Chand is by mis-


    námah (III., p. 222) calls him Naqib- take called Rám Chandr.
    Khún ( * ).
    407

    38th year ( 1001 ; vide p. 358) . His sudden death led to disturbances in Bándhú of
    which Bikramájít, a young relation of Rám Chand, had taken possession . Akbar
    therefore sent Rájah Patrdás (No. 196) with troops to Bándhú, and the Mughuls,
    according to custom, erected throughout the district military stations (t'hánahs). At
    the request of the inhabitants, Akbar sent Ismá'íl Qulí Khán (No. 46) to Bándhú, to
    convey Bikramájít to court (41st year), their intention being to prevent Bándhú from
    being conquered . But Akbar would not yield ; he dismissed Bikramájít, and after a
    siege of eight months and several days, Bándhú was conquered (42nd year),
    In the 47th year, Durjodhan, a grandson of Rám Chand, was made Rájah of Bán-
    dhú. In the 21st year of Jahángír's reign, Amr Singh, another grandson of Rám Chand,
    acknowledged himself a vassal of Dihlí. In the 8th year of Shahjahán, when ' Abdul-
    lah Khán Bahadur marched against the refractory zamíndár of Ratanpúr, Amr Singh
    brought about a peaceful submission. Amr Singh was succeeded by his son Anúp
    Singh. In the 24th year, when Rájah Pahár Singh Bandelah, Jágírdár ofChaurágadh,
    attacked Anúp, because he had afforded shelter to Dairám, a zamindár of Chaurágadh,
    Anúp Singh, with his whole family, withdrew from Rewá (which after the destruc-
    tion of Bándhú had been the family seat) to the hills . In the 30th year, how-
    ever, Sayyid Çalábat Khán, Governor of Iláhábád ( vide p. 392) conducted him
    to Court, where Anúp turned Muhammadan. He was made a Commander of Three
    Thousand, 2,000 horse, and was appointed to Bándhú and the surrounding districts.
    90. Lashkar Kha'n , Muhammad Husain of Khurásán.
    He was Mir Bakshi and Mir'Arz. In the 11th year, Muzaffar Khán (No. 37 )
    had him deposed . In the 16th year, he came one day drunk to the Darbár, and
    challenged the courtiers to fight him. Akbar punished him by tying him to the tail
    of a horse, and then put him into prison.
    He was subsequently released , and attached to Mun'im's Bengal corps. In the
    battle of Takaroí (p. 375 ) , he was severely wounded. Though his wounds commenced
    to heal, he did not take sufficient care of his health, and died , a few days after the
    battle, in Orísá.
    He is mentioned as having had a contingent of 2,000 troopers ( Maásir, 1,000) .
    The Maásir has a long note in justification of the extraordinary punishment,
    which Akbar inflicted on him.
    The title of Lashkar Khán was conferred by Jahángír on Abul Hasan Mash-
    hadí, and by Shahjahan on Ján Nisár Khán Yádgár Beg.
    91. Sayyid Ahmad of Bárha.
    He is the younger brother of Sayyid Mahmúd ( p. 392). In the 17th year, he
    served in the manqalá, which , under the command of Khán i Kalán (No. 16) was sent
    to Gujrát. After the conquest of Ahmadábád, he was ordered with other Amirs to
    pursue the sons of Sher Khán Fúládí (p. 396), who had removed their families and
    property from Patan to Idar. A portion of their property fell into the hands of the
    Imperialists. When Akbar afterwards encamped at Patan, he gave the town to
    Mírzá ' Abdurrahím (No. 29), but appointed S. A. as Governor. In the same year,
    Muhammad Husain Mírzá, Sháh Mírzá, and Sher Khán Fúládí, besieged Patan ;
    but they dispersed on the approach of M. 'Azíz.
    In the 20th year, S. A. and his nephews S. Qásim and S. Háshim quelled the
    408

    disturbances in which Jaláluddín Qúrchí (No. 213) had lost his life. In 984, he
    served under Shahbáz Khán (No. 80) in the expedition to Siwánah. According to
    the Tabaqát, which calls him a Commander of Three Thousand, he died in 985.
    Abulfazl mentioned Sayyid Ahmad above on p. 289, 1. 4 from below.
    Sayyid Ahmad's son, S. Jamaluddin, was killed by the untimely explosion of a
    mine during the siege of Chítor (p. 368).
    This S. Jamaluddín must not be confounded with the notorious S. Jamáluddín
    who was executed in 993 ( Badáoní II, 345). He was a grandson of S. Mahmúd
    (No. 75 ), S. Qasim being called his uncle.
    92. Ka'kar ' Ali' Kha'ni Chishtí.
    He came with Humáyún to Hindústán . In the 11th year (973), he was sent
    together with Sháh Qulí Náranjí (No. 231 ) to Gadha- Katangah, because Mahdí
    Qasim Khán (No. 36) had gone without leave to Makkah. Kákar served also under
    Mu'izzul-Mulk (No. 61) , and was present in the battle of Khairábád. He took part
    in the bloody fight at Sarnál (middle of Sha'bán, 980 ; vide p. 333) . He was then
    attached to Mun'im's corps, and served in the siege of Patna, during which he and
    his son were killed (end of 981 ; Maásir, 980).
    93. Ra'i Kalya'n Mall, Zamíndár of Bikánír.
    He is the father of Rái Singh (No. 44) , and has been mentioned above, p. 357 .
    94. Ta'hir Kha'n, Mír Farághat, son of Mír Khurd, who was atáliq
    to Prince Hindál.
    His name is not given in the Maásir. Tha Tabaqát merely says that he was
    a grandee of Humáyún, and reached, during the reign of Akbar, the rank of a Com-
    mander of Two Thousand . According to the same work, he had a son Báqí Khán,
    who likewise served under Akbar.
    From the Akbarnámah ( Lucknow Edition, II , p . 274) we see that he was one of
    Akbar's companions. Together with Dastam Khán (No. 79) , Qutluq Qadam Khán
    (No, 123 ), Peshrau Khán ( No. 280 ), Hakím ul Mulk , Muqbil Khán , Shimál Khán
    (No. 154), he assisted in the capture of the wild and mad Khwajah Mu'azzam,
    brother of Akbar's mother.
    95. Shah Muhammad Kha'n of Qalát.
    As Qalát belongs to Qandahár, he is often called Sháh Muhammad Khán i
    Qandahárí. The Maásir says, that the name of the town of Qalát is generally spelt
    with a , Q ; but that the Hazárahs pronounce Kalát, with a K.
    Shah Muhammad Khán was a friend of Bairám, and was with him in Qandahár,
    which Humáyún had given Bairám as jágír. Bairám, however, left it entirely in
    S. M.'s hands. Bahadur Khán (No. 22 ) was then Governor of Dáwar, and had
    bribed several grandees to hand over Qandahár to him ; but S. M. discovered the plot
    and killed the conspirators. Bahádur then marched against Qandahár. S. M. knew
    that he could expect no assistance from Humáyún , and wrote to Shah Tahmásp of Per-
    sia that it was Humáyún's intention to cede Qandahár ; he should therefore send troops,
    defeat Bahadur, and take possession of the town . Tahmásp sent 3000 Turkmán
    troopers furnished by the jágírdárs of Sístán, Faráh, and Garmsír. Their leader,
    ' Alí Yár, surprised Bahádur and defeated him so completely, that Bahadur could not
    409

    even keep Dáwar. He therefore fled to India. S. M. had thus got rid of one danger ;
    he treated the Persian Commander with all submissiveness, but would not hand over the
    town. Shah Tahmásp then ordered his nephew, Sultán Husain Mírzá, son of Bahrám
    Mírzá (vide No. 8, p 313 ), Walí Khalífah Shámlü, and others, to besiege Qandahár.
    The siege had lasted for some time, when Sultán Husain Mírzá felt disgusted and
    withdrew. Tahmásp felt annoyed, and sent again Sultán Husain Mírzá with 'Alí
    Sultán, Governor of Shíráz, to Qandahár with positive orders to take the town . ' Alí
    Sultán was shot during the siege , and Sulțán Husain Mírzá remained encamped be-
    fore the town without doing anything . At this juncture, Akbar, who in the meantime
    had succeeded to the throne, ordered S. M. to hand over Qandahár to the Persians,
    according to Humáyún's promise, and come to India.
    This account of the cession of Qandahár, observes the author of the Maásir,
    differs from Munshí Sikandar's version in his great work entitled ' Alamárái Sikandarí.
    According to that history, Tahmásp, at the very first request of Shah Muhammad,
    sent Sultán Husain Mírzá with Walí Khalifah and other nobles to Qandahár. They
    defeated Bahadur ; but as S. M. would not hand over Qandahár, Tahmásp sent 'Alí
    Sultán with a stronger army, and appointed Sultán Husain Mírzá governor of Dáwar
    and Qandahár. Sháh Muhammad held out for six months ; but as he got no assistance
    from India, he capitulated, and withdrew to Hindústán.
    Be this as it may, S. M. arrived in the end of the third year of Akbar's reign in
    India, was made a Khán, and gradually rose to the rank of a Commander of Two
    Thousand. In the beginning of the 6th year (968) , he led the van in the battle near
    Sárangpúr, in which Báz Bahádur lost Málwah, and served, in the 9th year, in the
    war against ' Abdullah Khán Uzbak (No. 14), In the 12th year, he was made
    governor of Kot'ha. In the 17th year, he was among the auxiliaries of Mírzá ' Aziz
    Kokah, and was wounded in the battle of Patan (p. 396).
    Regarding ' Adil Khán , S. M.'s son, vide below, No. 125.
    96. Ra'i Surjan Hádá.
    He is often merely called Rái Hádá. The Hádás are a branch of the Chauháns .
    The Sirkár of Rantanbhúr is called after them Hádautí.
    Rái Surjan was at first in the service of the Ráná, and defied the Mughuls, be-
    cause he thought himself safe in Rantanbhúr, Akbar, after the conquest of Chítor
    (p. 368), besieged in the end of the 13th year, Rantanbhúr, and R. S., despairing of
    holding out longer-the siege having lasted about a month-sent his sons Daudá and
    Bhoj (No. 175) to Akbar's camp to sue for peace. The Emperor received them well, and
    gave each a dress of honor. When they were taken behind the tent enclosure to put on
    the garments, one of their men, suspecting foul play, rushed sword in hand towards the
    audience tent, and killed several people, among them Shaikh Bahauddín Majzúb of
    Badáon, but was cut down by one of Muzaffar Khán's men . As R. S.'s sons were
    entirely innocent, the accident did not change Akbar's goodwill towards them ; and
    he sent them back to their father. At R. S.'s request, Husain Qulí Khán (No.
    24) was then sent to the Fort and escorted R. S. to the Emperor. Rantanbhúr was
    annexed (Shawwál, 976, or beginning of the 14th year) .
    R. S. was made Governor of Gadha-Katangah from where, in the 20th year, he
    was transferred to Fort Chanádh (Chunár).
    52
    410

    Soon after, Daudá fled and created disturbances in Búudí. Zain Khán Kokah
    (No. 34), R. S. and his second son Bhoj were therefore sent to Búndí, which was con-
    quered in the beginning of 985. After the conquest, R. S. was made a commander of
    Two Thousand. Daudá who had escaped, submitted, in the 23rd year, to Shahbáz Khán
    (p. 400) . Not long after, Daudá fled again. He died in the 30th year.
    R. S. served in the 25th year, after Muzaffar's (No. 37 ) death, in Bihar. The
    Maásir does not mention the year of his death. From the Tabaqát, it is clear, that
    he had been dead for some time in 1001 .

    For R. S.'s son, Rái Bhoj, vide below, No. 175.


    97. Sha'ham Kha'n Jaláir.
    Jaláir is the name of a Chaghtái tribe.
    Shaham's father was Bábá Beg, who had been under Humáyún governor of
    Jaunpúr. Bábá Beg took also part in the battle of Chausá, in which Humáyún was
    defeated by Sher Shah. The Emperor fled to A'grah, and ordered Bábá Beg and other
    grandees to bring up the camp and the Begums. In attempting to rescue the ladies
    of the Harem, Bábá Beg was killed by an Afghán near the imperial tent.
    Sháham Khán was made an Amir by Akbar.
    In the beginning of the 4th year (966), he served together with the two
    Jaláirs mentioned below, Hájí Muhammad Khán i Sístání (No. 55) , Chalmab
    Beg (58) , Kamát Khán Ghakkar , and Qiyá Khán Gung (No. 33) , under Khan Zamán
    (No. 13) in the Jaunpúr District against the Afgháns. The war continued till
    the sixth year, in which Sher Shah, son of ' Adlí, Mubáriz Khán, after Bairam's death,
    made a final attempt to overthrow the Mughuls. In the 10th year, Sh. Kh. served
    against Khán Zaman.
    In the 19th year, he served under Mun'im in the Bengal and Orísá wars, was
    present in the battle of Takaroí and pursued with Todar Mall the Afgháns to Bhadrak
    (p. 375). After Mun'im's death at Gaur (p. 376), the grandees put Sh. Kh. in
    command ofthe army till the Emperor should send a new commander. In the 21st
    year, he took part in the battle near Ag Mahall (p. 331 ) . In the 24th year, he was
    jágírdár of Hájípúr (opposite Patna). After Muzaffar's death (No. 37) in 988, before
    Todar Mall had arrived, he defeated and killed Sa'id i Badakhshí, one of the Bengal
    rebels. Subsequently, he pursued ' Arab Bahádúr, whom Shahbáz Khán (p . 400) had
    defeated. In the 26th year, Sh. Kh. was stationed at Narhan. In this year, Ma'çúm
    Khán i Farankhúdí (No. 157 ) had been driven by the imperialists from Bahráich over
    Kalyanpur to Muhammadábád, which he plundered, and prepared to attack Jaunpúr.
    Sh. Kh, from Narhan, Pahár Khán (No. 407) from Gházípúr, and Qásim from
    Jaldpúr, united their contingents, and pursued Ma'çúm so effectually, that he applied
    to M. ' Aziz Kokah, to intercede for him with the Emperor. In the 32nd year, he was
    made Governor of Gadha, and soon after, of Dihlí. In the end of the same year, he
    accompanied Sultán Murád, who conducted M. Sulaimán (No. 5 ) to court. In the
    beginning of the 33rd year, he assisted Çádiq Khán (No. 43) in his expedition against
    Jalálah Táríkí in Teráh.
    In the 43rd year, after a stay of fourteen years in the Panjab, Akbar made Dillí
    his residence. It was proved that Sh. had been oppressive, and he was therefore repri
    411

    manded. Two years later, he served in the A'sir war, and died during the siege of that
    fort, Zí Hajjah, 1009.
    The Tabaqat says that Sháham Khán was in 1001, a Commander of Two
    Thousand.
    The Akbarnámah mentions two other Jaláir Grandees-
    1. Sultán Husain Khán Jaláir. He was mentioned above, p. 384, 1. 2.
    2. Muhammad Khán Jaláir. The Tabáqat says of him, he is an old Amir,
    and is at present (1001 ) mad.' He served under Khán Zamán in the war with Hemú.
    In the beginning of the 4th year, all three Jaláirs served under Khán Zamán against
    the Afgháns in the Jaunpúr District.
    98. A'saf Kha'n (III.), [ Mírzá Qiwámuddín ] Ja'far Beg, son of Ba-
    dí'uzzamán of Qazwín.
    His father Mírzá Badí'uzzamán was the son of Aghá Mullá Dawátdár of Qazwín
    (vide p. 369) . M. Badí', during the reign of Sháh Tahmásp, had been vazir of
    Káshán, and Ja'far had also been introduced at the Persian Court.
    In the 22nd year of Akbar's reign ( 985 ) , Ja'far Beg came to India, and was pre-
    sented to Akbar by his uncle M. Ghiásuddín ' Alí Açaf Khán II. ( No. 126), on his
    return from the Idar expedition. The new Dágh law having then been introduced
    (vide p. 242), Akbar made Ja'far a Commander of Twenty (Bístí) and attached him
    to the Dákhilis (p. 232) of his uncle. According to Badáoní ( III., 216) people
    attributed this minimum of royal favour to the malice of Ja'far's uncle. The post t
    was so low, that Ja'far threw it up in disgust, and went to Bengal, to which province
    Muzaffar Khán (No. 37) had just been appointed governor. He was with him, when
    the Bengal military revolt broke out, and fell together with Shamsuddín i Kháfí
    (No. 159) into the hands of the rebels . Ja'far and Shams found means to escape, the
    former chiefly through his winning manners. On arriving at Fathpúr, Ja'far met
    with a better reception than before, was in a short time made a Commander of Two
    Thousand, and got the title of Açaf Khán. He was also appointed Mir Bakhshí, vice
    Qází 'Alí. In his first expedition, against the Ráná of Udaipúr, Açaf was successful.
    In the 32nd year, he was appointed T'hánahdár of Sawád (Swat), vice Ismá'íl Qulí
    Khán, who had been reprimanded (p. 361, where for Waijúr read Bijor). In the
    37th year, Jalálah Raushání fled to ' Abdullah Khán Uzbak, king of Túrán ; but
    finding no support, he returned to Teráh, and stirred up the Afrídí and Urakzaí
    Afgháns. Açaf was sent against him, and with the assistance of Zain Khán Kokah,
    defeated Jalálah. The family of the rebel fell into the hands of the imperialists ; his
    women were given to Wahdat ' Alí, who was said to be Jalálah's brother, while the
    other members of his family were taken to Court.
    In the 39th year, Açaf was sent to Kashmír, M. Yúsuf Khán (No. 35) having
    been recalled. He re-distributed the lands of the Jágír holders, of whom Ahmad Beg
    Kábulí (No. 191 ) , Muhammad Qulí Afshár, and Hasan ' Arab, were the most import-
    ant. The cultivation of Za'farán (saffron, vide p. 84) and hunting were declared
    monopolies, and the revenue was fixed according to the assessment of Qází 'Alí, i . e. ,
    at one lac of kharwárs, at 24 dáms each ( vide p. 346) . Açaf only stayed three days
    in Kashmír, and returned to Láhor. In the 42nd year, when Kashmir had become all
    but desolated through the oppressions of the Jágír holders, Açaf was made Governor of
    412

    the province. In the 44th year, ( beginning of 1008) , he was appointed Díwán i kul,
    vice Patr Dás (No. 196) .
    In 1013, Prince Salím (Jahángír) rebelled against Akbar ; but a reconciliation
    was effected by Akbar's mother, and Salím was placed for twelve days under surveil
    lance. After this, he received Gujrát as tuyúl, and gave up the Cúbahs of Iláhábád
    and Bihár, of which during his rebellion he had taken possession . Bihár was given to
    A'çaf who, moreover, was appointed to a Command of Three Thousand.
    On Jahangir's accession, Açaf was called to court, and appointed atálíq to Prince
    Parwíz, who had taken the command against the Ráná. The expedition was, however,
    interrupted by the rebellion of Prince Khusrau. In the 2nd year, 1015 , Jahángír, after
    suppressing Khusrau's revolt, left Láhor for Kábul, and as Sharíf Khán Amir ul Umará
    remained dangerously ill in India, Açaf was made Vakíl and Commander of Five
    Thousand. He also received a pen-box studded with jewels. But he never trusted
    Jahángír, as the Emperor himself found out after Açaf's death (Tuzuk, p. 109) .
    From the time of Akbar's death, the kings of the Dak'hin had been restless,
    and Malik 'Ambar had seized upon several places in the Bálág'hát District . The
    Khán Khánán, (No. 29) , with his usual duplicity, had done nothing to recover the loss,
    and Jahangir sent Prince Parwíz to the Dak'hin, with Açaf Khán as atálíq, and the
    most renowned grandees of the Court, as Rájah Mán Singh ( No. 30) , Khán Jahán
    Lodí, Khán i Azam , ( No. 21 ), ’Abdullah Khán , “ each in himself sufficient for
    1 the conquest of a country." But incessant drinking on the part of the Prince, and the
    jealousy and consequent insubordination of the Amírs, spoiled everything, and the
    Mughuls suffered a check and lost their prestige (p . 326 ). Not long after, in 1021,
    Açaf died at Burhánpúr. The Táríkh of his death is-
    ‫صد حیفاز آصفخان‬ A hundred times Alas ! for Açaf Khán !
    The Tuzuk (p. 108) says that he died at the age of sixty-three.
    Açaf Khán is represented as a man of the greatest genius. He was an able
    financier, and a good accountant. A glance is said to have been sufficient for him to
    know the contents of a page. He was a great horticulturist, planting and lopping
    off branches with his own hands in his gardens ; and he often transacted business with
    a garden spade in his hand. In religious matters, he was a free-thinker, and one of
    Akbar's disciples (p. 209) . He was one of the best poets of Akbar's age, an age
    most fruitful in great poets. His Masnawí, entitled Núrnámah, ranks after Nizám's
    Shirin Khusrau. Vide below among the poets of Akbar's reign.
    Açaf kept a great number of women, and had a large family.
    His sons. 1. Mírzá Zain ul'ábidín . He was a commander of Fifteen Hundred ,
    500 horse , and died in the second year of Sháhjahán's reign . He had a son Mírzá
    Ja'far, who like his grandfather was a poet, writing under the same takhalluç (Ja'far ).
    He, Záhid Khán Kokah , and M. Sháfí (Pádisháhnámah ; Sáqí, Maásir ), son of Saif

    It was customary under the Mughul 2 Mughul Historians do not like to


    Government to confer a pen-box or a gol- call the rulers of the Dak'hin kings.
    den inkstand, or both, as insignia on The word which they generally use, is
    Díwáns, When such officers were de- dunyádár, which is a meaningless title. I
    posed, they generally returned the pre- have not found this title used in histories
    sents. written before the Akbarnámah .
    413

    Khán, were such intimate friends, that Shálijahán dubbed them sih yar, the three
    friends.' He later resigned the service, and lived in Agrah on the pension which Shah-
    Jahán granted and Aurangzíb increased. He died in 1094.
    2. Suhráb Khán. He was under Shábjahán a Commander of Fifteen Hundred,
    1,200 horse, and died in the 13th year of Shahjahán.
    3. Mírzá'Ali Asghar. He was a hasty youth, and could not bridle his tongue.
    In the Parendah expedition, he created dissensions between Sháh Shujá' and Mahábat
    Khán. He served in the war against Jujhár Bandelah, and perished at the explosion
    of a tower in Fort Dhamúní, as related in the Pádisháhnámah . He had just been
    married to the daughter of Mu'tamid Khán Bakhshí (author of the Iqbálnámah i
    Jahángírí) ; but as no cohabitation had taken place, Shahjahán married her to
    Khán Daurán. He was a Commander of Five Hundred , 100 horse.
    4. Mírzá 'Askarí. He was in the 20th year of Sháhjahán a Commander of 500,
    100 horse.
    The lists of grandees in the Pádisháhnámah mention two relations of Açaf-
    He was a
    1. Muhammad Çálih, son of Mírzá Sháhí, brother or nephew of Açaf.
    Commander of One Thousand, 800 horse, and died in the second year of Shahjahan's
    reign. 2. Muqim, a Commander of Five Hundred , 100 horse.

    XI. Commanders of One Thousand and Five Hundred.


    99. Shaikh Fari'd i Bukha'ri'.
    The Iqbálnámah, according to the Maásir, says, he belonged to the Músawi
    Sayyids ; but this is extraordinary, because the Bukhárí Sayyid's trace their descent to
    Sayyid Jalál i Bukhárí, seventh descendant of Imám 'Alí Naqí Alhádí.
    The fourth ancestor of Shaikh Faríd was Shaikh ' Abdulghaffar of Dihlí, who when
    dying desired his family to give up depending on Sayúrghál tenures, but rather to
    enter the military service of the kings. This they seem to have done.
    Shaikh Farid was born as Dihlí (Tuzuk, p . 68 ) . He entered Akbar's service early.
    In the 28th year, when M. ' Aziz (No. 21 ) resigned from ill-health the command of the
    Bihár army, S. F. accompanied Vazír Khán (No. 41 ) to the neighbourhood of Bard-
    wán, where Qutlú of Orísá had collected his Afgháns. Qutlú having made proposals
    of peace, S. F. was ordered to meet him. In doing so he nearly perished through
    Qutlu's treachery (vide Stewart's Bengal) . In the 30th year, he was made a Com-
    mander of 700, and gradually rose, till the 40th year, to a command of 1500. He was
    also appointed Mír Bakhshí, and had also for some time the Daftar i Tan in his
    charge, i. e. , he had to settle all matters relating to the grants of Jágír holders.
    His elevation under Jahángír, was due to the decided support he gave Jahán-
    gír, immediately before his accession, and to the victory he obtained over Prince
    Khusrau at Bhaironwál. When Prince Salím occupied Iláhábád during his rebellion
    against his father, appointing his servants to munçubs and giving them jágírs, Akbar
    favoured Prince Khusrau so openly, that every one looked upon him as successor. Soon
    after, a sort of reconciliation was effected, and Salím's men were sent to Gujrát. When
    Akbar lay on the death-bed, he ordered Salím to stay outside the Fort of Agrah ; and
    M. 'Aziz Kokah (No. 21 ) and Rájah Mán Singh, who from family considerations
    favoured Khusrau's succession , placed their own men at the gates of the fort, and
    414

    asked Shaikh Faríd to take the command. But Sh. F. did not care for their arrange-
    ments and went over to Prince Salím outside, and declared him emperor, before Akbar
    had closed his eyes. On the actual accession, S. F. was made a commander of 5000,
    received the title of Çáhibussaif wa-lqalam,' and was appointed Mír Bakhshí.
    A short time after, on the 8th Zí Hajjah , 1014, Prince Khusrau suddenly left
    Agrah, and went plundering and recruiting to Láhor. Sh . F., with other Bukhárí
    and many Bárha Sayyids, was sent after him, whilst Jahángír himself followed
    soon after, accompanied by Sharíf Khán Amír ul Umará, and Mahábat Khán , who
    were hostile to Sh . F., and took every possible opportunity of slandering him.
    Sultán Khusrau had gone to Láhor, and besieged the town, when he heard of
    Sh . F.'s arrival with 12000 horse at the Ab i Sultánpúr. He raised the siege, and
    arrived at the Biáh, which Sh. F. had just crossed . Khusrau was immediately
    attacked . The fight was unusually severe. The Barha and Bukhárí Sayyids had
    to bear the brunt of the fight, the former in the van under the command of
    Saif Khán, son of Sayyid Mahmúd Khán Kundlíwál, (p. 392) and Sayyid Jalál.
    There were about 50 or 60 of the Bárha Sayyids opposed to 1500 Badakhshí troopers,
    and had not S. Kamál (p . 397 ) come in time to their rescue, charging the enemy with
    loud cries of Pádisháh salamát, the Bárha Sayyids would have been cut down to a
    man. Sayyid Saif Khán got seventeen wounds, and S. Jalál died a few days after
    the battle. About four hundred of Khusrau's troopers were killed, and the rest dis-
    persed . Khusrau's jewel-box fell into the hands of the Imperialists. The fight took
    place in the neighbourhood of Bhaironwál. In the evening Jahángír arrived, embraced
    S. F. , and stayed the night in his tent. The District was made into a Parganah of
    the name of Fathábád, and was given Sh. F. as a present. He received, besides,
    the title of Murtazá Khán, and was appointed governor of the Cúbah of Gujrát.
    In the 2nd year, S. F. presented Jahángír an immense ruby made into a ring,
    which weighed 1 misqál, 15 surkhs, and was valued at 25000 Rs. As the relations
    of the Shaikh oppressed the people in Gujrát, he was recalled from Ahmadábád ( Tuzuk,
    p. 73) . In the 5th year, he was made governor of the Panjáb. In 1021 , he made
    preparations to invade Kángrah. He died at Pat'hán in 1025, and was buried at
    This title we also find in old inscrip- boatmen to take him over. But they
    tions, e. g. in those of Tribení and Sát- left him in the lurch, landed him on an
    gánw, Hugli District. It means Lord island in the middle of the Chanáb, and
    of the sword and the pen. swam back. This came to the ears of
    2 Bhaironwál, on our maps Bhyrowal, the Chaudrí of Sodharah, and a report
    lies on the road from Jálindhar to Am- was sent to Abul Qasim Tamkín (No.
    ritsir, on the right bank of the Biáh. 199), one of Jahángír's officers stationed
    After the defeat, Khusrau fled north- at Gujrát (at some distance from the right
    wards with the view of reaching Rahtás bank of the Chanáb, opposite to Vazirá-
    beyond the right bank of the Jhelum. bád). He came, took Khusrau from the
    He had therefore to cross the Ráwí, the island, and kept him confined in Gujrát.
    Chanáb, and the Jhelam. On coming The news of the capture reached Jahan-
    to the Chanáb, at a place called Shah- gír at Láhor on the last Muharram lul5,
    púr (a very common name in the Panjáb), i. e. 52 days after Khusrau's flight from
    he could not get boats. He therefore Agrah. On the 3rd Cafar, Khusrau,
    went to Sodharah, which is also men- Hasan Beg i Badakhshí (No. 167), and
    tioned as a place for crossing in the 'Abdurrahim Khar, were brought to
    Tabaqát i Naciri, -on our maps Sodra, Jahángír in the Bágh i Mírzá Kámrán.
    N. E. of Vazírábád -and induced some
    415

    Dihlí (Tuz. p. 159) . At the time of his death, he was a Commander of Six Thousand,
    5000 horse.
    Sayyid Ahmad, in his work on the antiquities of Dihlí, entitled Asáruççanádid,
    No. 77, says that the name of S. F.'s father was Sayyid Ahmad i Bukhárí. Of Faríd's
    tomb, he says, nothing is left but an arcade (dálán) . But he wrongly places the
    death of the Shaikh in the 9th year or 1033 A. H. , instead of in the eleventh year,
    or 1025. Sayyid Ahmad also mentions a Sarái built by Shaikh Faríd in Dihlí, which
    has since been repaired by the English Government, and is now used as a jail (alacha,
    jel khánah).
    According to the Tuzuk, p. 65, Salímgadh (Dihlí) belonged to S. Faríd. It
    had been built by Salím Khán the Afghán during his reign in the midst (dar miyán)
    of the Jamnah. Akbar had given it to Faríd.¹
    When Shaikh Faríd died, only 1000 Ashrafis were found in his house, which very
    likely gave rise to the Tárikh of his death-
    s dad, khurd burd ( 1025, A. H. ) .
    'He gave, and left (carried off) little.'
    Shaikh Farid was indeed a man of the greatest liberality . He always gave with
    his own hands. Once a beggar came to him seven times on one day, and received
    money ; and when he returned the eighth time, Faríd gave him again money, but
    told him not to tell others ; else they might take the money from him. He gave
    widows a great deal, and his jágír lands were given as free land tenures to the children
    of his servants or soldiers who had been killed. When in Gujrát, he had a list made
    of all Bukhárí Sayyids in the province, and paid for every marriage feast and out-
    fit ; he even gave pregnant women of his clan money for the same purpose for the
    benefit of their yet unborn children. He never assisted singers, musicians, or flatterers.
    He built many saráis. The one in Dihlí has been mentioned above. In Ah-
    madábád, a mahallah was adorned by him and received as a memorial of him the name
    of Bukhárá. In the same town he built the Masjid and Tomb of Sháh Wajíhuddín
    (died 988 ; Badúoní III , 43) . He also built Farídábád near Dihlí, the greater part
    of the old parganah of Tilpat being included in the parganah of Farídábád ( Elliot's
    Glossary, Beames' Edition, II , p. 123) . In Láhor also, a Mahallah was built by him,
    a large bath, and a chauk, or bazar. The Government officers under him received
    annually three khil'ats ; to his footmen he gave annually a blanket, and his sweepers
    got shoes. He never made alterations in his gifts.
    His contingent consisted of 3000 picked troopers. Neither in the reign of Akbar,
    nor that of Jahángír, did he build a palace for himself. He always lived as if on the
    march. He paid his contingent personally, little caring for the noise and tumult
    incident to such offices. One of his best soldiers, an Afghán of the name of Sher
    Khán, had taken leave in Gujrát, and rejoined after an absence of six years, when Sh.

    The family must have had large pos- extensive possessions along the Jamnah.
    sessions in Dihlí ; for when Akbar, in the 2 In Dihlí, Ahmadábád, and many
    22nd year, visited Dihlí, he stayed in other places in Gujrát, do we find Bu-
    Sh. Faríd's mansion, and Abulfazl (Ak- khárí Sayyids. Vide Nos. 77, 78.
    barnámah III, p. 196 ) speaks of his
    416

    Farid was in Kalánúr on his march to Kángrah . The Shaikh ordered Dwárká Dás
    his Bakhshí, to pay the man his wages, and the Bakhshí wrote out the Descriptive
    Roll, and gave the man one day's pay. But Farid got angry, and said, " He is an
    old servant, and though he comes rather late, my affairs have not fared ill on account
    of his absence ; give him his whole pay." The man got 7000 Rs., his whole pay for
    six years .
    "Night and day," exclaims the author of the Maásir, " change as before, and the
    stars walk and the heavens turn as of old, but India has no longer such men. Per-
    haps they have left for some other country !"
    Shaikh Farid had no son. His daughter also died childless. He had adopted
    two young men, Muhammad Sa'íd and Mír Khán. They lived in great pomp, and
    did not care for the emperor. Though often warned, they would noisily pass the
    palace in pleasure boats to the annoyance of the Emperor, their boats being lighted
    up with torches and coloured lamps. One night they did so again, and Mahábat
    Khán, whom Jahángír had given a hint, sent one of his men and killed Mír Khán.
    Sh. F. demanded of the emperor Mahábat's blood ; but Mahábat got together several
    ' respectable' witnesses who maintained before the emperor that Mír Khán had been
    killed by Muhammad Sa'íd, and Shaikh F. had to remain quiet.
    Muhammad Sa'id was alive in the 20th year of Sháhjahán, and was a Commander
    of Seven Hundred, 300 horse (Pádisháhn . II , 743).
    Sayyid Ja'far, Sh. F.'s brother, was also in Akbar's service. He was killed in
    the battle of Patan (p . 397, l. 5).
    The Pádisháhnámah (I, b. , 316 , 313 ; II, 739) also mentions Sayyid Badr, son
    of Shaikh Farid's sister, a Commander of 700, 500 horse ; and Sayyid Bhakar, son of
    Sh. F.'s brother, a Commander of Five Hundred , 300 horse.
    100. Sama'nji' Kha'n, son of Chalmah Beg.
    For Samánji we often find in MSS. Samájí. The Turkish samán means hay,
    so that Samánjí, or Samánchí would mean one who looks after the hay.
    The name of this grandee is neither given in the Maásir, nor the Tabaqát. Nor
    have I come across his name in the Akbarnámah. It remains, therefore, doubtful
    whether he is the son of No. 58.
    Another Samánjí Khán will be found below, No. 147.
    101. Tardi′ Khan , son of Qiyá Khán Gung (No. 33 ) .
    He has been mentioned above, on p. 344. The Tabaqát says that, in 1001 , he
    was governor of Patan (Gujrát).¹

    1 Tardí Khán is also mentioned in Akbar left Agrah ; but from the Akbarná-
    Sayyid Ahmad's edition of the Tuzuk, p . mah (Lucknow Edition, III, 18 ff.) it is
    19, 1. 15. But this a mistake. It should clear that Akbar left Agrah on the 24th
    be Tur Khán , not Tardi Khán . The Rabí' II , 981 , and engaged the enemies on
    word toqnáí, l. c., also is a mistake, and the 9th day after his departure, i. e., on
    should be Toqbái . Pages 18, 19 of the the 5th Jumáda I., 981. Hence the date
    Tuzuk treat of Akbar's forced march to 5th Jumáda I, 980, which Sayyid Ah-
    Patan in Gujrát (vide p. 325, note, and mad gives, Tuzuk, p. 18, 1. 16, should
    p. 406, 1. 10). The Maásir (MS. 77 of be corrected to 5th Jumáda I, 981.
    the Library As. Soc. Bengal, p. 163, b .) The comparison of the several sources
    mentions the 4th Rabí' I. as the day when for a history of Akbar's reign, and the
    417

    102. Mihtar Kha'n, Anísuddín, a servant of Humáyún.


    The word mihtar, pr. a prince, occurs very often in the names of Humáyún's
    servants. Thus in the Akbarnámah (Lucknow Edition , Vol. I. p. 269, -a very
    interesting page, which gives the names of the grandees, &c. , who accompanied the
    emperor to Persia).
    Mihtar Khán was the title of Anís (-uddín) . He was Humáyún's treasurer
    on his flight to Persia, and returned with the emperor.
    In the 14th year, when Rantanbhúr had been conquered ( vide No. 96) , the fort
    was put in his charge. In the beginning of the 21st year (beginning of 984), he
    accompanied Mán Singh on his expedition against Ráná Partáb of Maiwár, and dis-
    tinguished himself as leader of the Chandáwul (rear). In the 25th year, he held a
    jágír in Audh, and distinguished himself in the final pursuit of Ma'çúm Khán Faran-
    khúdí (No. 157 ) .
    Anís was gradually promoted. He was at the time of Akbar's death a Commander
    of Three Thousand. According to the Tabaqút, he was in 1001 a Commander of 2500.
    He died in the 3rd year of Jahangir's reign, 1017 , eighty-four years old. If I
    read the MSS. of the Maásir correctly, he was a Kátí, and looked upon his tribe with
    much favour. He was a man of great simplicity. It is said that he paid his con-
    tingent monthly.
    Múnis Khán, his son, was during the reign of Jahángír a Commander of Five
    Hundred, 130 horse. Abú Tálib, son of Múnis Khán, was employed as treasurer
    (Khizánchí) of the Cúbah of Bengal.
    103. Rai Durga Sisodiah.
    Rái Durga is generally called in the Akbarnámah, Rái Durga Chandrawat
    ) ‫) چندراوت‬ The home of the family was the Parganah of Rámpúr, also called
    Islámpúr, near Chítor.
    In the 26th year of Akbar's reign, Rái Durgá accompanied Prince Murád on his
    expedition against Mírzá Muhammad Hakím of Kábul. In the 28th year, he was
    attached to Mírzá Khán's (No. 29) corps, and distinguished himself in the Gujrát war.
    In the 30th year, he was with M. 'Aziz Kokah (No. 21 ) in the Dak'hin. In the 36th
    year, he followed Prince Murád to Málwah, and later to the Dak'hin.
    In the 45th year, Akbar sent him after Muzaffar Husain Mírzá. He then ac-
    companied Abulfazl to Násik, and went afterwards home on leave. He returned, but
    after six weeks went again home, apparently without permission .
    He died towards the end of the 2nd year of Jahangir's reign.
    According to the Tuzuk (p. 63), he had served Akbar for upwards of forty years.
    Jahangir says, he had at first been in the service of Ráná Udai Singh, and reached,
    during the reign of Akbar, the dignity of a Commander of Four Thousand. He is
    said to have been a good tactician.
    The Tabaqat says that he was in 1001 a Commander of Fifteen Hundred.
    The Maásir continues the history of his descendants, from which the following
    tree has been taken.

    correction of the MSS. , is a truly her printed historical editions has very much
    culean labour, which the want of critical increased. Vide No. 104.
    acumen on the part of the editors of our
    53
    418

    Genealogy ofthe Ráos of Rámpúr (Islámpúr), Chítor.

    1. Rái Durgá Sisodiah


    (Chandráwat)

    2. Ráo Chandá ( Jahángír )

    (a.) A son -(b . ) Rúp Mukund

    3. Ráo Daudá ( Sháhjahán )

    4. Ráo Hattí Singh ( Do. )


    [died childless ]
    5. (a . ) Ráo Rúp Singh -6 . (b.) Ráo Amr Singh
    [died childless] (Aurangzíb)
    7. Báo Muhham Singh

    8. Ráo Gopál Singh

    9. Ráo Ratan Singh

    Ráo Ratan Singh turned Muhammadan, and got the title of Muslim Khán
    (Aurangzib-Jahándár Sháh).
    104. Ma dhu ' Singh, son of Rájah Bhagwán Dás (No. 27).
    He was present in the fight at Sarnál (p. 333) . In the beginning of the 21st
    year (Muharram, 984) he served under Mán Singh against Ráná Kíká, and distin-
    guished himself in the battle of Gogandah ( 21st Rabí' I., 984) . In the 30th
    year, he accompanied Mírzá Sháhrukh ( No. 7 ) on his expedition to Kashmir. In the
    31st year, after the death of Sayyid Hámid (No. 78 ), he took the contingent of Rájah
    Bhagwan from Thánah Langar, where he was stationed, to ' Alí Masjid , where Mán
    Singh was.
    In the 48th year, he was made a Commander of Three Thousand, 2000 horse.
    According to the Tabaqát, he had been , in 1001 , a Commander of 2000.
    His son, Chatr Sál, or Satr Sál, was at the end of Jahángír's reign a Commander
    of Fifteen Hundred, 1000 horse. He was killed together with his two sons, Bhím Singh
    and Anand Singh, in the Dak'hin , in the 3rd year of Shahjahan's reign. His third
    son, Ugar Sen, was a Commander of Eight Hundred, 400 horse (vide Pádisháhn
    I., p, 294 ; I. , b. , pp . 305 , 314. )

    1 There is some confusion in the MSS. battle, and brought Akbar Mán Singh's
    and printed editions regarding his name. report, it is clear that Mán Singh set out
    Thus in the Pádisháhnámah, Ed . Bibl. on the 2nd Muharram, 984 , and that the
    Indica, I, b., 305, he is called Mathi battle took place on the 21st Rabí' I. , of
    Singh ; but Hatti Singh in the same the same year .
    work, Vol. II , p. 730, and Hathi, on It has been remarked above (p. 356,
    p. 374. note 1 ), that the chronology oftheTabaqát
    2 It was said above, p. 339, 1. 1., that is erroneous. Badáoní ascribes the errors
    the battle of Gogandah was fought in to the omission of the intercalary days,
    985. This is the statement of the Taba- and a confusion of solar and lunar years.
    qút, which the Maásir follows in its Historians should bear this in mind. The
    biographical note of Rájah Mán Singh. Akbarnámah is the only source for a
    But from the Akbarnámah and the His- history of Akbar's reign, and the Sawá-
    tory of Badáoní, who was present in the nih should be the guide of Historians.
    419

    105. Sayyid Qa'sim, and 143. Sayyid Ha'shim, sons of Sayyid Mah.
    múa Khán of Bárha , Kúndlśwál (No. 75) .
    In the 17th year, S. Qásim served under Khán ' A'lam ( No. 58), in the pursuit
    of Muhammad Husain Mírzá, who after his defeat by M. 'Aziz Kokah (No. 21 ) had
    withdrawn to the Dak'hin.
    S. Háshim served, in the 21st year, with Rái Rái Singh (No. 44) against Sultán
    Deorah, ruler of Sarohí, and distinguished himself in the conquest of that place.
    In the 22nd year, both brothers served under Shahbáz Khán (No. 80) against the
    Ráná. In the 25th year, when Chandr Sen, son of Máldeo, raised disturbances , both
    brothers, who had jágírs in Ajmír , were ordered to march against him. Both again
    distinguished themselves in the 28th year, and served in the haráwal of Mírzá Khán
    (No. 29) in the Gujrát war.
    S. Hashim was killed in the battle of Sarkich, near Ahmadábád. S. Qásim was
    wounded. He was subsequently appointed T'hánahdár of Patan. When Mírzá Khán
    went to Court, leaving Qulij Khán as Governor of Ahmadábád, Qásim was again
    appointed to a command and operated successfully against Muzaffar, Jám ( zamíndár
    ofLittle Kachh), and K'hangár (zamíndár of Great Kachh).
    On the transfer of Mirzá Khán, Khán i A'zam (No. 21 ) was appointed Governor
    of Gujrát. Qásim continued to serve in Gujrát, and distinguished himself especially
    in the 37th year. Later, he commanded the left wing of Sultán Murád's Dak'hin corps .
    Qasim died in the 44th year ( 1007) . He was at his death a Commander of 1500.
    Regarding their sons, vide p. 392.

    XII. Commanders of Twelve Hundred and Fifty.


    106. Ra'i Sa'l Darba'ri' , Shaikháwat.
    He is also called Rajah Rái Sál Darbárí , and is the son of Bái Rái Mall Shaikhá-
    wat, in whose service Hasan Khán Súr (father of Sher Shah) was for some time.
    As remarked above (p. 328, No. 23 ) , the Kachhwáhahs are divided into Rájáwats
    and Shaikháwats. To the latter branch belong Rajahs Lon Karan, Rái Sál, &c.; the
    former contains Mán Singh's posterity (the present rulers of Jaipúr).
    The term Shaikháwat, or Shekhawat, as it is generally pronounced, is explained
    as follows. One of the ancestors of this branch had no sons. A Muhammadan
    Shaikh, however, had pity on him, and prayed for him till he got a son. From motives
    ofgratitude, the boy was called Shaikh. Hence his descendants are called the Shaikh-
    áwat Branch .
    Rái Sál was employed at Court, as his title of Darbárí indicates. He was in
    charge of the Harem . During the reign of Jahángír, he was promoted, and served in
    the Dak'hin. He died there at an advanced age. He had twenty-one sons, each of
    whom had a numerous posterity.
    Whilst Rái Sál was in the Dak'hin, Mádhú Singh and other grandchildren of his,
    collected a lot of ruffians, and occupied Rái Sál's paternal possessions. But Mat'hurá

    He is the same as the Shaikhjí of twelfth descendant of Dholá Rái (p. 329).
    Jaipur genealogies. Shaikhjí is said to : Called in the Maasir ‫ کہندار‬Khan-
    • have been a grandson of Udaikaran, •
    dár or Ghandár, near Amber.'
    420

    Dás, a Bengali, who was Rái Sál's Munshi and Vakíl, recovered a portion of his master's
    lands.
    After Ráí Sál's death, his sons and grandsons lived, according to the custom of
    the Zamindars of the age, in feud with their neighbours and with each other. Rájah
    Girdhar, Rái Sál's son, is almost the only one that distinguished himself at Court.
    From the Akbarnámah we see that Rái Sál entered early Akbar's service ; for he
    was present in the battle of Khairábád (p . 382) , in the fight at Sarnál (p. 333), and
    accompanied the Emperor on his forced march to Patan and Ahmadábád (p. 416, note).
    The Pádishálnámah ( I., b. , p. 314 ) mentions another son of Rái Sál's, Bhoj Ráj,
    who was a Commander of Eight Hundred , 400 horse.
    The Tabaqat says that Rái Sál was, in 1001, a Commander of Two Thousand.
    Abulfazl calls him in this list a Commander of 1250. This mançab is unusual,
    and Rái Sál stands alone in this class . It does not occur in the lists of Grandees
    in the Pádisháhnámah. From other histories also it is clear that the next higher
    Mançab after the Hazári was the Hazár o pánçadí, or Commander of Fifteen
    Hundred.
    XIII. Commanders of One Thousand.
    107. Muhibb ' Ali Kha'n , son of Mír Khalifah.
    This grandee must not be confounded with Muhibb’Alí Khán Rahṭásí (p. 422).
    Muhibb 'Alí Khán is the son of Mír Nizamuddín ' Alí Khalifah, the "pillar of Bábar's
    government." He had no faith in Humáyún, and was opposed to his accession. He
    therefore favoured Mahdí Khwajah, Bábar's son-in-law. Mahdí, a short time before
    Babar's death, assumed a royal deportment. One day, Mír Khalifah happened to be in
    Mahdi's tent ; and when he left, Mahdí, thinking himself alone, put his hand to his
    beard, and exclaimed, " Thou shalt by and by follow me." He had scarcely uttered these
    words, when he observed Muqím i Harawí' in the corner of the tent. Muqim reported
    these words to Mír Khalifah, and upbraided him for giving Mahdí his support. Mír
    Khalifah thereupon changed his mind, forbade people to visit Mahdí, and raised, on
    Bábar's death, Humáyún to the throne.
    His son Muhibb ' Alí Khán distinguished himself under Bábar and Humáyún.
    His wife was Náhíd Begum, daughter of Qasim Kokah. Qásim had sacrificed himself
    for Bábar. Bábar had fallen into the hands of ' Abdullah Khán Uzbak, when Qasim
    stepped forward and said that he was Bábar. He was cut to pieces, and Bábar
    escaped. In 975, Náhíd Begum went to That'hah, to see her mother, Hájí Begum
    (daughter of Mírzá Mugím, son of Mírzá Zul-nún) . After Qásim Kokah's death, Hájí
    Begum married Mírzá Hasan, and after him, Mírzá 'Isá Tarkhán, king of Sindh (p. 362).
    Before Náhíd Begum reached That'hah, Mírzá 'Isá died . His successor, Mírzá Báqi
    ill-treated Hájí Begum and her daughter. Hájí Begum therefore collected a few
    desperate men and watched for an opportunity to get hold of M. Báqí's person. The
    plot was, however, discovered, and Hájí Begum was put into prison. Náhíd Begum
    escaped and went to Bhakkar, where she was well received by Sultán Mahmúd, ruler
    of the District. He persuaded her to ask Akbar to send her husband Muhibb ' Alí

    Father of the Historian Nizamuddín Muqim was then Díwán i Buyútát.


    Ahmad, author of the Tabaqát i Akbarí,
    421

    to Bhakkar ; and he would give him an army, if he liked to attack That'hah. Náhíd
    Begum did so on coming to court, and Akbar, in the 16th year (978 ), called for
    Muhibb, who had then retired from court-life, and ordered him to proceed to
    Bhakkar.
    Muhibb set out, accompanied by Mujahid Khán, a son of his daughter. Sa'id
    Khán (No. 25 ), Governor of Multán , had also received orders to assist Muhibb ; but
    at Sultan Mahmúd's request, Muhibb came alone, accompanied by only a few hundred
    troopers. When he arrived at Bhakkar, Sultán Mahmúd said that he had changed his
    mind : he might go and attack That'hah without his assistance ; but he should do so
    from Jaisalmír, and not from Bhakkar. Muhibb, though he had only 200 troopers,
    resolved to punish Sultán Mahmúd for his treachery, and prepared himself to attack
    Bhakkar. Mahmúd had 10000 horse assembled near Fort Máth'ilah (all ). Muhibb
    attacked them, dispersed them, and took soon after the fort itself. He then fitted out
    a larger corps, and moved to Bhakkar, where he again defeated Mahmud . The con-
    sequence of this victory was, that Mubárak Khán, Sultán Mahmúd's vazir, left his
    master and went with 1500 horse over to Muhibb. But as Mubárak's son, Beg Oghlú,
    was accused of having had criminal intercourse with a concubine of Sultán Mahmúd,
    Muhibb wished to kill Beg Oghlú. Mubárak, who had not expected this, now tried
    to get out of Muhibb's power. Muhibb therefore killed Mubárak, and used the money
    which fell into his hands, to complete his preparations for the siege of Bhakkar.
    The siege had lasted three years, when famine and disease drove the inhabi-
    tants to despair. The swelling which is peculiar to the district, decimated the
    people ; and the bark of the Sirs tree (p . 228) , the best remedy for it, could only
    be had for gold. Sultán Mahmúd , at last, sent a message to Akbar, and offered the
    fort as a present to Prince Salím, if Muhibb were recalled, and another grandee sent
    in his stead, who was to take him (Mahmúd) to court ; for he said , he could not trust
    Muhibb. Akbar accepted the proposal , and sent Mír Gesú, Bakáwal-begí, to Bhakkar.'
    Before Mír Gesú arrived , Sultán Mahmud had died . New complications arose on his
    2
    arrival. Mujahid Klián just besieged Fort Ganjábah , and his mother Sámi'ah
    Begum (Muhibb's daughter) who felt offended at Akbar's proceedings, despatched a few
    ships against Mír Gesú, and nearly captured him. In the meantime Muqim i Harawí
    also arrived and dissuaded Muhibb from hostilities against Mír Gesú. The latter now
    entered Bhakkar (981) , and the inhabitants handed the keys over to him.
    But neither Muhibb nor Mujahid felt inclined to leave for the Court, though their
    stay was fraught with danger. Muhibb therefore entered into an agreement with
    Mír Gesú, according to which Mujahid should be allowed to go to That'halı , and that he
    himself with his whole family should be accommodated in Loharí. The arrangement
    had been partially carried out, when Mír Gesú despatched a flotilla after Mujáhid.
    Muhibb upon this withdrew to Mát'hílah . Sámi'ah Begum fortified the environs,
    and when attacked by Gesú's men , she successfully repulsed them for one day and one

    The conquest of Bhakkar is minute- Abulfazl's account contains a few inter-


    ly related in the Táríkh i Maʼçúmí (vide esting particulars and differences. For
    No. 329) , from which Prof. Dowson in Dowson's Mir Kísú, we have to read
    his edition of Elliot's History of India Mir Gesú. 2 His biography is given in the
    (I, p. 240 ff. ) has given extracts. But Maúsir. Generally called Ganjáwah.
    422

    night. Next day, Mujahid arrived in forced marches, defeated the enemy,' and occu-
    pied the land east of the river.
    In the meantime, Akbar had sent Muhammad Tarson Khán (No. 32) as governor
    to Bhakkar, and Muhibb thought it now wise to go to Court.
    In the 21st year, Muhibb received an appointment at Court, as a sort of Mír 'Arz.
    As he gave the emperor satisfaction , Akbar, in the 23rd year, allowed him to choose one
    of four appointments, the office of Mír ' Arz, the guard of the Harem, the governorship
    of a distant province, or the governorship of Dihlí . Muhibb chose the last, and entered
    at once upon his office.
    He died as Governor of Dihlí in 989.
    Muhibb is placed in the Tabaqát among the Commanders of Four Thousand.
    Regarding the town of Bhakkar, Abulfazl says that it is called in old books Man-
    çúrah. Six rivers united pass by it in several branches ; two branches lie to the south,
    one to the north. The town at the latter branch, is called Bhakkar. On the second
    branch another town lies, called Loharí, and near it is the Indus.
    Mírzá Sháh Husain Arghún , king of T'hat'hah, had Bhakkar fortified, and
    appointed as Commander his foster-brother Sultán Mahmúd. After Shah Husain's
    death, Sultan Mahmúd declared himself independent at Bhakkar, and Mírzá 'Isá Tar-
    khán (p. 362) at That'hah. Both were often at war with each other. Sultan Mah-
    múd is said to have been a cruel man.
    As Bhakkar was conquered and annexed before That'hah, it was attached to the
    Cúbah of Multán.
    [Muhibb 'Ali' Kha'n Rahta'si'].
    Like Muhibb ' Alí Khán, son of Mír Khalífah, Muhibb ' Alí Khán Rahtásí is put
    in the Tabaqát among the Commanders of Four Thousand . It is impossible to say
    why Abulfazl has not mentioned him in this list. His name, however, occurs fre-
    quently in the Akbarnámah and other histories. As he was a long time Governor of
    Rahtás in S. Bihár, he is generally called Rahtásí. This renowned Fort had passed,
    in 945 , into the hands of Sher Sháh . During his reign, as also that of Salím Sháh ,
    Fath Khán Batní commanded the Fort. Subsequently it came into the hands of
    Sulaimán and Junaid i Kararání. The latter appointed Sayyid Muhammad com-
    mander. As related above (p . 400 ), he handed it over to Shahbáz Khán (No. 80),
    at the time of the war with Gajpatí and his son Srí Rám (984) .
    In the same year, Akbar appointed Muhibb ' Alí Khán governor of Rahtás, and
    Shahbáz Khán made over the Fort to him.
    Muhibb rendered excellent services during the Bengal Military Revolt. His son
    also, Habib ' Alí Khán (vide No. 133) , distinguished himself by his bravery, but was
    killed in a fight with one Yusuf Miṭṭí, who had collected a band of Afgháns and ra-
    vaged S. Bihár. His death affected his father so much, that he became temporarily
    insane.

    If Prof. Dowson's MSS. agree with namah . Mujahid Khán is again men
    his version (I, p. 241 ), the Táríkh i tioned, l. c., p. 282.
    Ma'çimi would contradict the Akbar-
    423

    In the 31st year, two officers having been appointed to each Cúbah, Mukibb was
    ordered to join Vazír Khán (No. 41 ), Governor of Bengal. In the 33rd year, Bihár
    was given to the Kachhwáhahs as jágír, and Akbar called Muhibb to Court, intending
    to make him governor of Multán . But as the emperor was just about to leave for
    Kashmir (997), Muhibb accompanied him.
    Soon after entering Kashmír, Muhibb took ill, and died, on the emperor's return,
    near the Koh i Sulaimán. Akbar went to his sick-bed and saw him the moment
    he died.
    In the Akbarnámah (III, p. 245 ) a place Muhibb ' Alípúr¹ is mentioned, which
    Muhibb founded near Rahtás .
    108. Sulta'n Khwa'jah, 'Abdul ' Azím, son of Khwajah Kháwand
    Dost.
    He is also called Sultán Khwajah Naqshbandi. His father Kháwand Dost was
    a pupil of Khwajah ' Abdushshahíd, fifth son of Khwajah ' Abdullah (generally called
    Khwajagán Khwajah ; vide No. 17, p. 322) , son of the renowned saint Khwajah
    Náçiruddín Ahrár (born 806, died 29th Rabí' I, 895).
    When ' Abdushshahíd came from Samarqand to India, he was well received by
    Akbar, and got as present the Parganah Chamárí . He remained there some time,
    but returned in 982 to Samarqand, where he died two years later.
    Sultan Khwajah, though neither learned in the sciences nor in taçawwuf (mysti-
    cism) , had yet much of the saintly philosopher in him. He possessed in a high degree
    the confidence and the friendship of the emperor. In 984, he was made Mír Hajj,
    and as such commanded a numerous party of courtiers during the pilgrimage to Makkah.
    Never before had so influential a party left for Arabia : Sultán Khwajah was to
    distribute six lacs of rupees and 12000 khil'ats to the people of Makkah .
    On his return in 986 (23rd year) , he was made a Commander of One Thousand,
    and appointed Çadr of the realm (p. 273) . He held that office till his death , which
    took place in the 29th year (992) . He was buried outside the Fort of Fathpúr, to the
    north.
    His daughter, in the beginning of the 30th year, was married to Prince Dányál.
    His son, Mír Khwajah, was in the 46th year a Commander of 500.
    According to Badáoní and Abulfazl, Sultán Khwajah belonged to the elect of the
    'Divine Faith' (vide p. 204) .
    109. Khwa'jah ' Abdullah, son of Khwajah ' Abdullatif.
    His name is not given in the Maásir and the Tabaqát. The Akbarnámah
    mentions a Khwajah ' Abdullah who served in the war against ' Abdullah Khán Uzbak
    (No. 14) , in Málwah (971-72) , during the last rebellion of Khán Zamán (No. 13) , and in
    the fight at Sarnál (middle Sha'bán, 980 ; vide p. 333) . He also accompanied the
    emperor on his forced march to Patan and Ahmadábád. Vide the Lucknow Edition
    of the Akbarnámah, II , 285, 287 , 367 ; III, 24.

    '2 Not given on the maps. 791. He was called naqshband, because
    Naqshband was the epithet of the according to his own words , he a
    renowned saint Khwajah Bahauddín of parents used to weave kamkha
    Bukhárá, born 728, died 3rd Rabí' I., ed with figures (naqsh).
    421

    110. Khwa'jah Jaha'n, Amíná of Harát.


    His full name is Khwajah Aminuddin Mahmúd of Harát. The form Amíná is
    modern Irání, which likes to add a long á to names.
    Amin was an excellent accountant and a distinguished calligrapher. He accom-
    panied Humáyún on his flight to Persia. On the return of the emperor, he was made
    Bakhshi of Prince Akbar.
    On Akbar's accession, Amín was made a Commander of One Thousand, and re-
    ceived the title of Khwajah Jahán. He was generally employed in financial work,
    and kept the great seal. In the 11th year, he was accused by Muzaffar Khán (No.
    37) of want of loyalty shewn in the rebellion of Khán Zamán. Amín was reprimanded,
    the great seal was taken from him, and he was dismissed to Makkah.
    On his return, he was pardoned. In the 19th year ( 981-82 ) , Akbar besieged Hájí-
    púr ; but Amín had been compelled by sickness to remain behind at Jaunpúr. When
    the emperor returned from Hájípúr over Jaunpúr to Agrah, Amín followed him.
    On the march, he was once charged by a mast elephant : his foot got entangled in a
    tent rope, and he fell to the ground . The accident had an injurious effect on Amín,
    convalescent as he was. He died near Lak'hnau, in the beginning of Sha'bán, 982 .
    According to the chronology of the Tabaqút, his death took place in 983.
    A son of Amín's brother is mentioned. His name was Mirza Beg. He was a poet
    and wrote under the takhalluç of Shahri. He withdrew from Court, and died in 989.
    Jahángír also conferred the title of Khwajah Jahan on the officer (Dost Muham-
    mad of Kábul) who had served him as Bakhshí while Prince.
    111. Ta'ta'r Kha'n, of Khurásán .
    His name is Khwajah Táhir Muhammad. In the 8th year, he accompanied
    Sháh Budágh Khán (No. 52) and Rúmí Khán (No. 146 ), and pursued Mít Shah Abul
    Ma'álí, who withdrew from Hiçár Fírúzah to Kábul.
    He was then made governor of Dillí, where he died in 986.
    The Tabaqat says, he was for some time Vazír, and died in 985.
    Regarding his enmity with Mullá Núruddín Tarkhán, vide Badúoní III, 199.
    112. Haki'm Abulfath, son of Mullá ' Abdurrazzáq of Gílán.
    His name is Masihuddin Abulfath . Mauláná 'Abdurrazzáq, his father, was a
    learned and talented man, and held for a long time the post of Çádr of Gilán. When
    Gílán, in 974, came into the possession of Tahmásp, Ahmad Khán, ruler of the country
    was imprisoned, and ' Abdurrazzáq was tortured to death. Hakim Abulfath, with
    his distinguished brothers Hakim Humám ( No. 205) and Hakím Núruddín,' left the
    country, and arrived, in the 20th year, in India (p. 175) . They went to Court and
    were well received . Abulfath, in the 24th year, was made Çadr and Amin of Bengal.
    At the outbreak of the military revolt, he was captured with several other officers
    (vide Nos. 98 and 159) ; but he escaped from prison, and went again to Court. He rose
    higher and higher in Akbar's favour, and possessed an immense influence in state matters

    1 He is mentioned below among the India, and received through Abul Fath's
    Poets of Akbar's reign. His takhalluç influence a Command of Two Hundred
    is • Qarári.' Their fourth brother, Ha- (No. 354). He did not live long.
    kím Lutfullah, came later from Irán to
    425

    and on the emperor himself. Though only a commander of One Thousand, he is said
    to have had the power of a Vakil.
    As related above (p. 344), he accompanied Bír Bar on the expedition against the
    Yusufzaís in Sawád and Bijor. On his return, he was reprimanded ; for the emperor,
    correctly enough, ascribed the disastrous issue of the campaign to Abulfath's in-
    subordinate conduct towards Zain Kokah (No. 34).
    In the 34th year, (997), he went with the emperor to Kashmir, and from there
    to Zábulistán. On the march he fell sick, and died. According to Akbar's order,
    Khwajah Shamsuddín (No. 159) took his body to Hasan Abdál, and buried him in a
    vault which the Khwajah had made for himself ( Tuzuk, p. 48). On his return, the
    emperor said a prayer at Abulfath's tomb.
    The great poet ' Urfi of Shíráz (vide below, among the poets) is Abul Fath's
    encomiast. Faizí also has composed a fine marsiah, or elegy, on his death .
    Abulfazl and Badáoní speak of the vast attainments of Abulfath . A rare copy
    of his Munshiát¹ is preserved in the Library of the As. Soc. Bengal (No. 780 ) . He
    had a profound contempt for old Persian poets : thus he called Anwarí diminutively
    Anwariak ; and of Khaqání he said, he would give him a box on the ears if he were to
    come to him, to rouse him from his sleepiness, and would send him to Abulfazl, who
    would give him another box, and both would then show him how to correct his verses
    (Badáoní III, 167).
    Badáoní mentions Abulfath's influence as one of the chief reasons why Akbar
    abjured Islám (p. 175) .
    Abulfath had a son, Fathullah . He was killed by Jahángír, as he was an ac-
    complice of Khusrau (Tuzuk, p. 58).
    A grandosn of Abulfath is mentioned in the Pádisháhnámah (II, p. 739). His
    name is Fath Ziá ; he was a Commander of Nine Hundred, 150 horse.
    113. Shaikh Jama'l, son of Muhammad Bakhtyár.
    His full name is Shaikh Jamál Bakhtyár, son of Shaikh Muhammad Bakhtyár.
    The Bakhtyár clan had possessions in Jalesar, Cubah of Agrah.
    Shaikh Jamál's sister held the post of superintendent in Akbar's harem, and pro-
    cured for her brother a command of One Thousand . Jamál's elevation excited much
    envy. One day, after taking some water, he felt suddenly ill. Rúp also, one of Akbar's
    servants, who had drunk of the same water, took immediately ill, Akbar had antidotes
    applied, and both recovered.
    In the 25th year, he accompanied Ismá'íl Qulí Khán (No. 46) on his expedition
    against the rebel Niyábat Khán. Níyábat Khán was the son of Mir Hashim of
    Níshápúr ; his name was 'Arab. Before his rebellion, he held Jhosí and Arail (Jalál-
    ábás) as jágír. In the fight, which took place near Kantit, a dependency of Pannah, "
    Shaikh Jamál was nearly killed, Niyábat Khán having pulled him from his horse.

    ' His Munshiát contain interesting 2 The Bibl. Indica edition of Baddoní
    letters addressed by Abulfath to his (II, 289) says , the fight took place at
    brother Hakim Humám , the Khán Gasht ( ), a dependency of Pat-
    Khánán (No. 29), Khwajah Shams (No.
    159), and others. nah ( & ) ; but this is a mistake of the
    54
    426

    In the 26th year, he marched with Prince Murád against Mírzá Muhammad
    Hakím of Kábul.
    Shaikh Jamál drank a great deal of wine. One day, he brought such a smell of
    wine to the audience hall, that Akbar felt offended, and excluded him from Court.
    Jamál therefore squandered and destroyed the things he had with him, and assumed
    the garb of a jogi. This annoyed the emperor more, and Jamál was put into prison.
    Soon after, he was pardoned ; but he continued his old vice, and brought delirium
    tremens on himself. In the 30th year, when Akbar set out for Zábulistán, Shaikh
    Jamál had to remain sick in Lúdhiánah. He died there in the same year (993).
    Jamál has been mentioned above on p. 191.
    114. Ja’far Khan, son of Qazáq Khán .
    He is generally called in the histories Ja'far Khán Taklú, Taklú being the
    name of a Qizilbásh tribe.
    His grandfather, Muhammad Khán Sharafuddín Oghlú Taklú, was at the time
    of Humáyún's flight governor of Harát and lallah' to Sultán Muhammad Mírzá,
    eldest son of Shah Tahmasp i Çafawí . At the Shah's order, he entertained Humáyún
    in the most hospitable manner. When he died, he was succeeded in office by his son
    Qazaq Khán. But Qazaq shewed so little loyalty, that Tahmásp, in 972, sent Ma'-
    çúm Beg i Çafawi against him. Qazaq fell ill, and when the Persians came to Harát,
    he died. Ma'çúm seized all his property.
    Ja'far thinking himself no longer safe in Persia, emigrated to India, and was
    well received by Akbar. He distinguished himself in the war with Khán Zamán, and
    was made a Khán and a commander of One Thousand . From Badáoní ( II , p. 161 ,)
    we see that he had a jágír in the Panjáb, and served under Husain Qulí Khán (No.
    24) in the expedition to Nagarkoț.
    According to the Tabaqát, Ja'far's father did not die a natural death, but was
    killed by the Persians.
    Ja'far had been dead for some time in 1001 .
    115. Sha'h Fana'i' , son of Mír Najafi.
    His name is not given in the Maásir and the Tabaqát. From the Akbarnámah
    (Lucknow Edition, II, 170, 172) we see that he served in the conquest of Málwah
    and took part in the battle near Sárangpúr (beginning of the 6th year ; vide No.
    120) .
    The poet Fanáí who is mentioned in Badáoní (III, 296) , the Tabaqát, and
    the Mir-át ul ' A'lam, appears to be the same. He travelled a good deal, was
    in Makkah, and distinguished himself by personal courage in war. Akbar con

    editors . Sir H. Elliot (Beames ' Glossary tionaries, though it occurs frequently in
    II, 166) has drawn attention to the fre- Persian Historians, as the Memoirs of
    quent mistakes which MSS. make in the Tahmásp, the 'Alamárá, &c. I have
    name of Pannah ( xi ) , to which Kan- never seen it used by Indian Historians.
    tit belonged. There is no doubt, that From the passages where it occurs, it is
    above, on p. 122, 7, 4 and 7. 9 from below, plain that it has the same meaning as
    we have likewise to read Pannah, which atáliq, which so often occurs in Indian
    was famous for its wild elephants. Histories. Vide p. 357, note.
    1 The word lallah is not in our dic-
    427

    ferred on him the title of Khán. He was a Chaghtái Turk of noble descent. Once
    he said, in Akbar's presence, that no one surpassed him in the three C's, -chess , combat ,
    composition, when the emperor replied that he had forgotten a fourth, viz. conceit.
    For some reason, he was imprisoned, and when set at liberty, it was found that he had
    become mad. He ran into the wilderness, and was no more heard of.
    116. Asadullah Kha'n, of Tabriz.
    His name is not given in the Maásir and the Tabaqát. An Asadullah Khán is
    mentioned in the Akbarnámah ( end of the 12th year). He served under Khán Za-
    mán (No. 13 ), and commanded the town of Zamániá (p. 320, 1. 4 from below). After
    Khán Zamán's death, he wished to make over the town to Sulaimán, king of Bengal.
    But Mun'im (No. 11 ) sent a man to him to convince him of his foolishness, and took
    quickly possession of the town, so that the Afgháns under their leader, Khán Khánán
    Lodí, had to withdraw. This incident, however, brought the Afgháns into contact
    with Mun'im ; and as they found him a tractable man, a meeting was arranged, which
    took place in the neighbourhood of Patna. This meeting was of importance, inas-
    much as Khán Khánán Lodí, on the part of Sulaimán, promised to read the Khutbah,
    and to strike coins in Akbar's name. Bengal therefore enjoyed peace till the death of
    Sulaimán in 980¹ .
    The Akbarnámah mentions another officer of a similar name, Asadullah Turkmán.
    He was mentioned above on p. 382.
    117. Sa'a'dat ' Ali' Kha'n, of Badakshán.
    From the Akbarnámah ( III, 295 ) we see that he was killed in 988 in a fight with
    the rebel ' Arab Bahádur. Shahbáz Khán had sent Sa'ádat to a Fort² near Rabtás,
    where he was surprised by ' Arab, defeated and slain. It is said that ' Arab drank
    some of his blood.
    118. Ru'psi' Baira'gi', brother of Rájah Bihárí Mall ( No. 23) .
    The Maásir says that Rúpsí was the son of Rájah Bihárí Mall's brother. He
    was introduced at Court in the 6th year.
    According to the Tabaqát, he was a commander of Fifteen Hundred .
    Jaimall, Rúpsí's son, was the first that paid his respects to Akbar (p. 329) . He
    served some time under Sharafuddín (No. 17), jágírdár of Ajmír, and was T'hánah-
    dár of Mírt'ha. When Sharaf rebelled , Jaimall went to Court. In the 17th year,
    he served in Manqalá of Khán Kalán ( Vide No. 129), and accompanied the
    emperor on the forced march to Patan and Ahmadábád (p. 416 , note). In the 21st
    year, he served in the expedition against Daudá, son of Rái Surjan (No. 96) , and the
    conquest of Búndí (Muharram, 985) . Subsequently, he was sent by Akbar on a
    mission to the grandees of Bengal ; but on reaching Chausá, he suddenly died .

    1 According to the Akbarnámah , Ba- | modern and compiled from the Akbarná-
    dúoní, and the Tabaqát, Sulaimán died mah and the Tabaqát, 981 may be looked
    upon as a mistake. This corrects also
    in 980. In Prinsep's Tables , Stewart's
    Bengal, &c., 981 is mentioned as the year note 1, p. 171 .
    2 The MSS. call the Fort ‫کیست‬
    of his death . The Riyáz ussaláțin ,
    upon which Stewart's work is based, has ,, &c. It is said to be a
    also 981 ; but as this History is quite dependency (az muzáfát) of Rahtás.
    428

    Jaimall's wife, a daughter of Mot'h Rájah (No. 121 ), refused to mount the funeral
    pile ; but Udai Singh, Jaimall's son, wished to force her to become a Suttee. Akbar
    heard of it, and resolved to save her. He arrived just in time. Jagnát'h (No. 69)
    and Rái Sál (No. 106) got hold of Udai Singh, and took him to Akbar, who
    imprisoned him.
    The story of the heavy armour which Jaimall wore in the fight with Muhammad
    Husain Mírzá, after Akbar's forced march to Patan and Ahmadábád, is known from
    Elphinstone's History (Fifth Edition, p. 509, note). Rúpsí was offended , because the
    emperor ordered Karan (a grandson of Máldeo ) to put on Jaimall's armour, and angrily
    demanded it back. Akbar then put off his own armour. Bhagwán Dás, however,
    thought it necessary to ask the emperor to pardon Rúpsí's rudeness.
    119. I'tima'd Kha'n , Khwajahsará.
    He has been mentioned above p. 13, note. His appointment to Bhakkar was
    made in 984, when Sayyid Muhammad Mír 'Adl (vide No. 140) had died .
    Maqçúd ' Ali, who killed I'timád, is said to have been blind on one eye. When
    he explained to I'timád his miserable condition , his master insulted him by saying
    that some one should put urine into his blind eye. Maqçúd stabbed him on the spot.
    According to another account, I'timád was murdered by Maqçúd, whilst getting up
    from bed.
    I'timád built l'timádpúr, 6 kos from Agrah. He had there a villa and a large
    tank. He also lies buried there.'
    120. Ba'z Baha'dur, son of Shajáwal Khán [ Súr] .
    Abulfazl says below (Third Book, Cúbah of Málwah) that his real name was
    Báyazíd.
    Báz Báhadúr's father was Shuja'at Khán Súr, who is generally called in histories
    Shajáwal, or Sajáwal, Khán. The large town Shajáwalpúr, or Sajáwalpúr, in
    Málwah bears his name ; its original name, Shuja'atpúr, which Abulfazl gives
    below under Sirkár Sárangpúr, Málwah, appears to be no longer in use.
    When Sher Sháh took Málwah from Mallú ( Qádir Khán ), Shujá at Khán was
    in Sher Shah's service, and was made by him governor of the conquered province.
    In Salím's reign, he returned to Court ; but feeling dissatisfied with the king, he
    returned to Málwah. Salím despatched a corps after him, and Shuja'at fled to the
    Rájah of Dúngarpúr. Some time after, he surrendered to Salím and remained with
    him, Málwah being divided among the courtiers. Under ' Adlí, he was again ap-
    pointed to Málwah. After a short time, he prepared himself to assume the royal
    purple, but died (962).
    Báz Bahadur succeeded him. He defeated several opponents, and declared him-
    self, in 963, king of Málwah. His expedition to Gadha was not successful, Rání

    The Trigonometrical maps have a Shuja'púr for Shuja'atpúr. Elphinstone


    village of the name of l'timádpúr Man- also has • Shuja' (p. 501 , note 1 ) . The
    dra about 9 miles E. of Agrah, in the word Shujá'at' should be spelled ' Sha-
    Parganah of Fathabad , near Samúgar, já'at, ' whilst l is pronounced Shnjá' ;
    where Aurangzíb defeated Dárá Shikoh.
    2 A few MSS . have Shuja' Khán for but the former also is pronounced with
    Shuja'at Khán, just as one MS. read a u all over India.
    429

    Dúrgáwatí (p. 367) having repulsed him. He now gave himself up to a life of ease and
    luxury : his singers and dancing women were soon famous throughout Hindústán,
    especially the beautiful Rúpmatí, who is even now-a -days remembered.
    In the very beginning of the 6th year of Akbar's reign, Adham Kokah (No. 19)
    was ordered to conquer Málwah. Pír Muhammad Khán ( No. 20 ), ' Abdullah Khán
    Uzbah (No. 14), Quyá Khán Gung ( No. 33), Sháh Muhammad Khán of Qandahár
    (No. 95) and his son ' Adil Khán ( No. 125), Çádiq Khán (No. 43 ) , Habib ' Alí Khán
    (No. 133 ), Haidar Muhammad Khán ( No. 66 ) , Muhammad Quli Toqbái (No. 129 ),
    Quyá Khán (No. 184), Mirak Bahádur (No. 208 ) , Samánjí Khán ( No. 147 ) , Páyandah
    Muhammad Mughul (No. 68) , Mihr 'Alí Sildoz (No. 130) , Sháh Fanáí (No. 115), and
    other grandees accompanied Adham. They met Báz Bahadur three kos from Sárangpúr
    and defeated him (middle of 968).¹ Báz Bahádur fled to the jungles on the Khandesh
    frontier. He collected a new army, but was defeated by Pír Muhammad, who had
    succeeded Adham . He then fled to Mírán Sháh of Khándesh, who assisted him with
    troops. Pír Muhammad in the mean time conquered Bíjágadh, threw himself sud-
    denly upon Burhánpúr, sacked the town, and allowed an indiscriminate slaughter
    of the inhabitants. B. B. marched against him, and defeated him. As related above,
    Pir Muhammad fled, and was drowned in the Narbaddá. The imperialists thereupon
    got discouraged, and the jágírdárs left for Agrah, so that Báz Bahádur without op-
    position re-occupied Málwah.
    In the 7th year, Akbar sent ' Abdullah Khán Uzbak to Málwah. Before he ar-
    rived, B. B. fled without attempting resistance, and withdrew to the hills. He lived
    for some time with Bharjí, Zamíndár of Baglánah , and tried to obtain assistance from
    Chingiz Khán and Sher Khán of Gujrát, and lastly even from the Nizám ul
    Mulk. Meeting nowhere with support, B. B. went to Ráná Udai Singh. He then
    appears to have thrown himself on Akbar's generosity ; for in the 15th year, Akbar
    ordered Hasan Khán Khizánchí to conduct Báz Bahádur to Court. He now
    entered the emperor's service, and was made on his arrival a commander of One
    Thousand. Some time later, he was promoted to a mançab of Two Thousand. He
    had been dead for some time in 1001.
    Báz Bahadur and his Rúpmatí lie buried together. Their tomb stands in the
    middle of a tank in Ujjain. Vide No. 188.
    121. U’dai Singh, Mot’h Rajah , son of Rái Máldeo .
    The Tabaqat says that he was in 1001 a commander of Fifteen Hundred and
    ruler of Jodhpúr.
    Akbar, in 994, married Udai Singh's daughter to Jahángír. On p. 8 of the
    Tuzuk, Jahángír says that her name was Jagat Gosáiní. She was the mother of
    Prince Khurram ( Sháhjahán) ; vide p . 310, 1. 19 .

    The 6th year of Akbar's reign com- reign, he was sent to Mukund Deo, the
    mences on the 24th Jumádá II, 968, and last Gajpatí of Orísá.
    the battle of Sárangpúr took place in the In 981 , he was at Kambháit, which
    very beginning of the 6th year. he left on the approach of Muhammad
    2 This officer was often employed on Husain Mírzá, and withdrew to Ahmadá-
    missions, In the beginning of Akbar's bád to M. 'Aziz Kokah (No. 21 ).
    430

    Mírzá Hádí in his preface to Jahángír's Memoirs (the Tuzuk i Jahangiri) has the
    following remark (p. 6) : Rájah Udai Sing is the son of Rájah Máldeo, who was so
    powerful that he kept up an army of 80,000 horse. Although Ráná Sánká, who fought
    with Firdaus-makání ( Bábar) possessed much power, Máldeo was superior to him in
    the number of soldiers and the extent of territory ; hence he was always victorious.'
    From the Akbarnámah (Lucknow Edition, III. p. 183) we see that Moth Rájah
    accompanied in the 22ud year Cadiq Khán ( No. 43 ), Rajah Askaran , and Ulugh Khán
    Habshí (No, 135 ) on the expedition against Madhukar (26th Rabí' I , 985 ) . In the
    28th year, he served in the Gujrát war with Muzaffar ( Akbarnámah, III , 422).
    Another daughter of Moth Rájah was married to Jaimall, son of Rúpsí (No.
    118).
    122. Khwajah Sha'h Mancu 'r, of Shíráz.
    Mançúr was at first Mushrif ( accountant ) of the Khúshbú Khánah (Perfume De-
    partment) . Differences which he had with Muzaffar Khán (No. 37 ) induced Sh. Man-
    çúr to go to Jaunpúr, where Khán Zamán made him his Díwán, Subsequently he
    served Mun'im Khán Khánán in the same capacity. After Mun'im's death, he worked
    for a short time with Todar Mall in financial matters. In the 21st year (983 ), he was
    appointed by the emperor Vazir. He worked up all arrears, and applied himself to
    reform the means of collecting the land revenue. The custom then was to depend
    on experienced assessors for the annual rate of the tax ; but this method was now
    found inconvenient, because the empire had become greater ; for at different places
    the assessment differed, and people and soldiers suffered losses. For this reason,
    the Khwajah, in the 24th year, prepared a new rent roll, based upon the preceding
    Dahsálah roll, and upon the prices current in the 24th year. The empire itself which
    did not then include Orísá, T'hat'hah, Kashmir, and the Dak'hin, was divided into
    12 parts, called Cúbahs ; and to each çúbah a sipahsálar (Military Governor), a
    Díwán, a Bakhshi ( Military Paymaster and Secretary), a Mír ' Adl, a Çadr, a Kotwál,
    a Mír Bahr, and a Waqi'ah Nawis (p. 258) were to be appointed. The strictness
    which the Khwajah displayed towards jágír-holders led to serious results. In the 25th
    year, he lowered the value of the jágírs of the grandees in Bengal by one-fourth of their
    former value, and those in Bihár by one-fifth. As Bengal and South Bihar were then
    not completely subjugated , and the Afgháns still mustered large forces in Eastern and
    Southern Bengal, in Orísá, and along the Western frontier of Bengal, Mançúr's
    rigour was impolitic ; for Akbar's officers looked upon the old jágír emoluments as
    very moderate rewards for their readiness to fight the Afgháns, Akbar some time
    before, in consideration of the troubled state of both provinces, and the notorious
    climate of Bengal, had doubled the allowances of Bengal officers and increased by
    50 per cent. the emoluments of those in Bihár. This Mançúr cut down he allowed
    Bengal officers an increase of 50, and Bihár officers an increase of only 20 per cent. He
    then wrote to Muzaffar to enforce the new arrangements. But the dissatisfaction was
    also increased by the innovations of the emperor in religious matters, and his interference
    with Sayurghál tenures brought matters to a crisis . The jágír-holders in Jaunpur,
    Bihár, and Bengal rebelled. That religious excitement was one of the causes of this
    Military revolt, which soon after was confined to Bengal, is best seen from the fact that
    431

    not a single Hindú was on the side of the rebels. Todar Mall tried to prevent the
    outbreak by reporting Mançúr and charging him with unnecessary harshness shewn
    especially towards Ma'çúm Khán i Farankhúdí (No. 157 ) and Muhammad Tarson
    (No. 32). Akbar deposed Mançúr and appointed temporarily Sháh Qulí Mahram
    (No. 45) ; but having satisfied himself of the justice of Mançúr's demands , he reinstated
    him in his office, to the great anxiety of the courtiers.
    In the same year, Mírzá Muhammad Hakím, at Ma'çúm Khán i Kábuli's instiga-
    tion, threatened to invade the Panjáb, and Akbar prepared to leave for the north.
    Mançúr's enemies charged him with want of loyalty, and shewed Akbar letters in the
    hand-writing of Mírzá M. Hakím's Munshí, addressed to Mançúr. Accidentally
    Malik Sání, Hakim's Díwán, who had the title of Vazir Khán, left his master, and
    paid his respects to Akbar at Sonpat . As he put up with Mançúr, new suspicions got
    afloat. Several words which Mançúr was said to have uttered, were construed into
    treason, and letters which he was said to have written to M. M. Hakim were sent to
    Akbar. Another letter from Sharaf Beg, his collector, was likewise handed to the
    emperor, in which it was said that Farídún Khán (maternal uncle to M. M. Hakím)
    had presented the Beg to the Mírzá. Akbar, though still doubtful, at the urgent
    solicitations of the grandees, gave orders to arrest Mançúr : he should remain in
    arrest till any of the grandees should stand bail for him ; but as none dared to come
    forward, they ordered the Khidmat Rái ( p . 252 ) to hang Man'çúr on a tree near Sarái
    Kot K'hachwah (beginning of 989).2

    ' The chiefrebel was M a' çúm Khán Shahjahan, who bestowed upon him the
    i Kábulí, who has been frequently title of Asad Khán. He died in the 12th
    mentioned above (pp. 189, 342, 351, 400, year of Shahjahan's reign . His son,
    &c.) . He was a Turbati Sayyid (vide Qubád, was a commander of Five
    p. 348, No. 37). His uncle, Mírzá ' Aziz, Hundred.
    had been Vazír under Humáyún , and The editors of the Pádisháhnámah,
    Ma'çúm himself was the foster-brother Ed. Bibl. Indica, have entered Shujá's
    (Kokah) of Mírzá Muhammad Hakím, name twice, I, b ., p. 304 and p. 308. As
    Akbar's brother. Having been involved he was a Commander of Fifteen Hun-
    in quarrels with Khwajah Hasan Naqsh- dred, the second entry is wrong.
    bandí (p. 322 , 1. 11 ) who had married So the Akbarnamah, ‫کو کھچو‬
    the widow of Mír Sháh Abul Ma'álí, S. Kot K'hachwah is a Village on the
    Ma'çúm, in the 20th year, went to Akbar
    and was made a commander of Five road from Karnál to Ludhiyánah, Lat. 30°
    17' ; Long. 76° 53'. In the Ed . Bibl. Indica
    Hundred. He distinguished himself in of Badáoní (II, p. 294, 293) the place is
    the war with the Afgháns, and was
    wounded in a fight with Kálá Pahár. called kajh kot, probably by
    For his bravery, he was made a com- mistake. Sharaf Beg, moreover, is called
    mander of One Thousand. In the 24th Musharraf Beg, and a few lines lower,
    year, he received Orísá as tuyúl, when again Sharaf Beg. Badáoní says
    Man'çúr and Muzaffar's strictness drove nothing of Todar Mall's intrigues . Man-
    him into rebellion. Historians often call çúr was hanged in the very beginning
    · of 989, i. e. the end of the 25th
    him Ma'çúm Khán i ' Ací, Ma'çúm
    Khán, the rebel.' His fights with Mu- year. The 26th year of Akbar's reign
    zaffar and Shahbáz have been mentioned commences on the 5th Cafar 989 (the
    above. He was at last driven to Bhátí Lucknow Edition, III, 325, has wrong
    (p. 342, note), where he died in the 990) ; and the 27th year commences
    44th year ( 1007) . 15th Cafar 990, which in the Bibl. Indica
    His son Shuja' i Kábulí was under Edit, of Badáoní ( II , p. 300 , 1. 2. from
    Jahangir T'hánahdár of Ghaznín, and below) is wrongly called the 28th year.
    a commander of Fifteen Hundred under
    432

    This foul murder gave the nobles the greatest satisfaction. But when Akbar
    came to Kábul ( 10th Rajab 989) , he examined into Mançúr's treasonable correspondence.
    It was then found, to the sorrow of Akbar, that every letter which had been shewn to
    him had been a forgery, and that Mançúr was not guilty of even one of the malicious
    charges preferred against him.
    It is said, though at the time it was perhaps not proved, that Karamullah, brother
    of Shahbaz Khán i Kambú (p. 402, 1. 19) had written the letters, chiefly at the in-
    stigation of Rájah Todar Mall.
    Mançúr had been Vazír for four years.
    123. Qutlugh Qadam Kha'n, Akhtah-begi .'
    The Turkish word qutlugh means mubárak, and qadam i mubárak, is the name
    given to stones bearing the impression of the foot of the Prophet. The Tabaqát
    calls him Qutlú, instead of Qutlugh, which confirms the conjecture in note 2, p. 356.
    Qutlugh Qadam Khán was at first in the service of Mírzá Kámrán, and then
    went over to Humáyún.
    In the 9th year of Akbar's reign, he assisted in the capture of Khwajah Mu'az-
    zam, and served in the same year in Málwah against ' Abdullah Khán Uzbak (No. 14) .
    In the battle of Khairábád, he held a command in the van.
    In the 19th year, he was attached to Mun'im's Bengal corps, and was present in
    the battle of Takaroí ( p. 375) . He was no longer alive in 1001 .
    His son, Asad (?) Khán, served under Prince Murád in the Dak'hin, and was
    killed by a cannon ball before Daulatábád.
    124. ' Ali' Quli' Kha'n, Indarábí.
    Indaráb is a town of Southern Qunduz. The straight line drawn from Kábul
    north-wards to Tálíkhán passes nearly through it.
    'Alí Qulí had risen under Humáyún. When the Emperor left Kábul for Qanda-
    hár to enquire into the rumours regarding Bairam's rebellion, he appointed 'Alí Quli
    governor of Kábul. Later, he went with Humáyún to India.
    In the first year of Akbar's reign, he served under ' Ali Qulí Khán Zamán (No.
    13) in the war with Hemú, and accompanied afterwards Khizr Khwajah (p. 365,
    note 2) on his unsuccessful expedition against Sikandar Súr.
    In the fifth year, he served under Atgah Khán (No. 15) , and commanded the van
    in the fight in which Bairam was defeated.
    The Tabaqat says that he was commander of Two Thousand, and was dead
    in 1001.
    125. ' A'dil Kha 'n, son of Sháh Muhammad i Qalátí ( No. 95) .
    He served under Adham Khán (No. 19) in Málwah, and took a part in the
    pursuit of ’Abdullah Khán Uzbak . Later, he assisted Muhammad Qulí Khán
    Barlás (No. 31 ) on his expedition against Iskandar Uzbak, and was present at the
    siege of Chítor (p. 368). In the beginning of the 13th year ( Ramazán , 975) , Akbar
    was on a tiger-hunt between Ajmír and Alwar. 'Adil, who was at that time mu'átab,

    1 A'khtah means " a gelding ,' and to be confounded with the much higher
    ákhtah-begi, the officer in charge of the title A'tbegi, from the Turkish át, a
    geldings (vide No. 66). This title is not horse ; vide p. 137, Aín 53.
    433

    i. e., under reprimand and not allowed to attend the Darbárs, had followed the
    party. A tiger suddenly made its appearance, and was on the point of attacking the
    Emperor, when ' Adil rushed forward and engaged the tiger, putting his left hand
    into its mouth, and stabbing with the dagger in his right at the animal's face.
    The tiger got hold of both hands of his opponent, when others came up and killed the
    brute with swords. In the struggle, ' A'dil received accidentally a sword cut.
    He died of his wounds after suffering for four months. In relating his end,
    Abulfazl says that the wrath of heaven overtook him. He had been in love (ta’alluq
    i kháțir) with the wife of his father's Díwán ; but he was not successful in his
    advances. His father remonstrated with him, and ' Adil in his anger struck at him
    with a sword.
    Quyám Khán, brother of ’Adil Khán . Jahángír made him a Khán . He served
    the Emperor as Qaráwalbegi (officer in charge of the drivers).
    126. Khwajah Ghiasuddin [’ Alí Khán , Açaf Khán II . ] of Qazwin .
    He is not to be confounded with Mír Ghiásuddín 'Alí Khán (No. 161 ) . For his
    genealogy, vide p. 368. The family traced its descent to the renowned saint Shaikh
    Shihábuddín Suhrawardí, ' a descendant of Abú Bakr, the Khalífah.
    Khwajah Ghiás was a man of learning . On his arrival from Persia in India, he
    was made a Bakhshi by Akbar. In 981, he distinguished himself in the Gujrátí war,
    and received the title of Açaf Khán. He was also made Bakhshí of Gujrát, and
    served as such under M. 'Aziz Kokah (No. 21 ) . In the 21st year, he was ordered to
    "
    go with several other Amirs to Idar, to clear this dependency of Gujrát of the rubbish
    of rebellion.' The expedition was directed against the Zamíndár Naráin Dás Rát'hor.
    In the fight which ensued, the van of the Imperialists gave way, and Muqím i
    Naqshbandí, the leader, was killed . The day was almost lost, when Açaf, with the
    troops of the wings, pressed forward and routed the enemies.
    In the 23rd year, Akbar sent him to Málwah and Gujrát, to arrange with Shiháb
    Khán (No. 26) regarding the introduction of the Dágh (pp. 242, 256).
    He died in Gujrát in 989.
    Mirzá Núruddin, his son. After the capture of Khusrau, (p. 414) Jahángír
    made Açaf Khán III . (No. 98), Núruddín's uncle, responsible for his safety. Núr-
    uddín who was an adherent of the Prince, found thus means to visit Khusrau, and
    told him that at the first opportunity he would let him escape. But soon after,
    Khusrau was placed under the charge of I'tibár Khán, one of Jahángír's eunuchs,
    and Núruddín had to alter his plans. He bribed a Hindú, who had access to Khusrau,
    and sent the Prince a list of the names of such grandees as favoured his cause. In four
    or six months, the number had increased to about 400, and arrangements were made to
    murder Jahángír on the road. But it happened that one of the conspirators got
    offended, and revealed the plot to Khwajah Waisí, Díwán of Prince Khurram, who
    at once reported matters to his august father. Núruddín and Muhammad Sharif, son
    of I'timáduddaulah, and several others were impaled. The paper containing the list

    ' Author of the ' Awárif ul Ma'árif. saint. Wüstenfeld's Jacut, III., p . 203
    He died at Baghdád in 632. His uncle Nafhátul Uns, pp. 478, 544. Safinat-
    Abul-najíb (died 563) was also a famous ulaçfiá (Lahore Edition), pp. 681, 683 .
    55
    434

    of names was also brought up ; but Jahángír, at the request of Khán Jahán Lodí, threw
    it into the fire without having read it ; " else many others would have been killed.”
    127. Farrukh Husain Kha'n, son of Qásim Husain Khán . His
    father was an Uzbak of Khwárazm ; his mother was a sister of Sultán
    Husain Mírzá.
    The Maásir and the Tabaqát say nothing about him. A brother of his is men.
    tioned in the Akbarnámah ( II., p. 335).
    128. Mu'i'nuddi'n [Ahmad ] Kha'n i Farankhúdí.'
    Mu'ín joined Humáyún's army when the Emperor left Kábul for Hindústán. In
    the 6th year of Akbar's reign, he was made Governor of Agrah during the absence of
    the Emperor in the Eastern provinces. In the 7th year, when ' Abdullah Khán Uzbak
    was ordered to re-conquer Málwah , Muʼín was made a Khán. After the conquest, he
    divided the province into kháliçah and jágír lands, and performed this delicate office
    to Akbar's satisfaction. In the 18th year, Mu'ín was attached to Mun'im's Bihár
    corps. He then accompanied the Khán Khánán to Bengal, was present in the battle
    of Takaroí, and died of fever at Gaur (vide p. 376).
    The Tabaqát merely says of him that he had been for some time Mír Sámán.
    For his son vide No. 157.
    Badáoní III., p. 157 ) mentions a Jámi' Masjid built by Mu'ín at Agrah.
    129. Muhammad Quli' Toqba'i.
    Toqbái is the name of a Chaghtái clan.
    Muhammad Qulí served under Adham Khán ( No. 19) in the conquest of Málwah
    (end of the 5th and beginning ofthe 6th year), and in the pursuit of Mírzá Sharafud-
    dín (No. 17) in the 8th year. In the 17th year (980), he served in the Manqalá of
    Khán i Kalán (No. 16) . In the 20th year, he was attached to Mun'im's corps, and
    was present in the battle of Takaroí, and the pursuit of the Afgháns to Bhadrak (p. 375).

    1 Mírzá 'Azíz defeated Muhammad Hu.


    Many MSS. have Faranjúdí, The
    Mu'jam mentions a place , Fa- sain Mírzá and the Fúládís at Patan.
    rankad, which is said to be near Samar- Súrat surrendered on the 23rd Shawwál.
    qand. There are serious discrepancies in the
    2 Akbar left Fathpúr Síkrí for Gujrát, MSS. regarding the day and year of
    Prince Dányál's birth . The Tuzuk
    on the 20th Cafar 980 (17th year), passed
    over Sangánír (8 miles south of Jaipur), (Sayyid Ahmad's edition, p. 15) has the
    and arrived on the 15th Rabí' I. at 10th Jumáda I., 979, which has been
    Ajmír. On the 2nd Rabí' II., 980, he given above on p. 309. Badáoní (II.,
    ordered Khán i Kalán (No. 16) to march p. 139) has the 2nd Jumáda I., 980.
    in advance (Manqalá), and left Ajmír The Akbarnámah has the 2nd Jumáda
    on the 22nd Rahí' II. Shortly before I., and relates the event as having taken
    his arrival at Nágor, on the 9th Jumáda place in 980. The MSS. of the Sawánih
    I., Akbar heard that Prince Dányál had also place the event in 980, but say that
    been born at Ajmír on the 2nd Jumáda Dányál was born on the 2nd Jumáda
    I., 980. He reached Patan on the 1st I., 979.
    Rajab, 980, and Ahmadábád on the 14th On the 6th Zí Qa'dah, 980, the 18th
    of the same month. In the middle of year of Akbar's reign commences. After
    Sha'bán, 980, the fight at Sarnál took the 'I'd i Qurbán (10th Zí Hajjah, 980)
    place with Ibráhím Husain Mírzá . On Akbar returned over Patan and Jálor to
    the 25th Sha'bán , Akbar reached Barodah, Agrah, which he reached on the 2nd
    and arrived at Súrat, on the 7th Rama- Cafar, 981. After this, Muhammad Hu-
    zán, 980. On the 18th Ramazán, 980, sain Mírzá invaded Gujrát, and took Bab-
    435

    130. Mihr ' Ali' Kha 'n Sildoz.


    Sildoz is the name of a Chaghtái clan. According to the Tabaqát, he was at first
    in Bairam's service . In the end of the 966, Akbar sent him to Fort Chanádh (Chunár),
    which Jamál Khán, the Afghán Commander, wished to hand over to the Imperialists
    for a consideration (vide Badáoni II. , 32 ). Akbar offered him five parganahs near Jaun-
    púr, but Jamál did not deem the offer sufficiently advantageous, and delayed Mihr 'Alí
    with vain promises. Mihr 'Alí at last left suddenly for Agrah.
    On his journey to Chanáḍh, he had been accompanied by the Historian Badáoní,
    then a young man, whom he had given lodging in his house at Agrah. On his return
    from the Fort, Badáoní nearly lost his life during a sudden storm whilst on the river.
    Badáoní calls him Mihr ' Alí Beg, and says that he was later made a Khán and
    Governor of Chítor.
    He served under Adham Khán (No. 10) in Málwah, and in the Gujrát wars of
    980 and 981. In the 22nd year, Akbar was on a hunting tour near Hiçár, and
    honored him by being his guest. In the following year, he attended Sakínah Bánú
    Begum, whom Akbar sent to Kábul to advise his brother, Mírzá Muhammad Hakim.
    In the 25th year, he served under Todar Mall against the rebel ' Arab.
    The Tabaqat makes him a Commander of Fifteen Hundred, and says that he was
    dead in 1001 .
    131. Khwajah Ibra hi'm i Badakhshi'.
    He is not mentioned in the Maásir and the Tabaqát. From the Akbarnámah
    (II., p. 207) we see that he was Jágírdár of Sakít (in the Mainpúrí District). Near
    this town there were eight villages inhabited by robbers. In consequence of numerous
    complaints, Akbar resolved to surprise the dacoits. A great number were killed , and
    about one thousand of them were burnt in dwellings in which they had fortified them-
    selves. Akbar exposed himself to great dangers : no less than seven arrows stuck
    in his shield, and his elephant fell with one foot into a grain pit, which threw the officer
    who was seated behind him with much force upon him. The fight chiefly took place
    in a village called in the MSS ‫ برونکه‬or ‫پرونکه‬
    The Tabaqát mentions a Sultán Ibráhím of Aubah ( near Harát) among Akbar's
    grandees. His name is not given in the Aín . He was the maternal uncle of

    ronch and Kambháit, but was defeated that the Lucknow Edition of the Akbar-
    by Qulij Khán and S. Hámid (No. 78 ). námah, is not a trustworthy edition .
    Ikhtiyarul Mulk also appeared and An extraordinary error occurs in the
    marched upon Ahmadábád. Muhammad events of the 17th year. The editors
    Husain Mírzá joined him . Both besieged have divided the work into three, instead
    Ahmadábád. Akbar now resolved again of two parts- the Aín i Akbarí is the
    to go to Gujrát. This is the famous nine third part, and have ended their second
    days' march (24th Rabí' II., 981 to 4th volume with the birth of Dányál (2nd
    Jumáda I., 981 ) ; vide p. 416, note. Mu- Jumáda I., 980) . Their third volume
    hammad Husain Mírzá was captured and opens with the beginning of the 18th
    killed, apparently without the order of year (6th Zí Qa'dah, 980). Hence they
    the Emperor. Ikhtiyar was also killed. have omitted the important events which
    Akbar then returns, and arrives, after took place between those two days, viz.,
    an absence of forty- three days, at Fath- the conquest of Gujrát and the first
    púr Sikri, 8th Jumáda II., 981 . defeat of the Mírzás.
    It has been above remarked (p. 375)
    436

    Nizamuddin Ahmad, author of the Tabaqát. He conquered Kamáon and the Dáman
    i Koh.
    132. Sali'm Kha'n Ka'kar.
    Several MSS. of the Aín call him Salim Khán Kákar ' Ali. The Akbarnámah
    calls him Salim Khán Kikar , or merely Salim Khán , or Salim Khán Sirmur , The
    Tabaqat has Salím Khán Sirmúr Afghán.
    He served in the beginning of the 6th year in the conquest of Málwah, and later
    under Mu'izzulmulk (No. 61) in Audh, and was present in the battle of Khairábád.
    In 980, he took a part in the fight of Sarnál, He then served in Bengal, and
    was jágírdár of Tájpúr. In the 28th year, he accompanied Shahbáz Khán ( No. 80)
    to Bháți. As there were no garrisons left in Upper Bengal, Vazír Khán having gone
    to the frontier of Orísá, Jabárí (vide p . 370, note 2 ) made an inroad from Kúch
    Bihár into G'horá'ghát, and took Tájpúr from Salím's men, and Púrniah from the
    relations of Tarson Khán ( No. 32) . Jabárí moved as far as Tándah. The Kotwál,
    Hasan ' Alí, was sick, and Shaikh Allah Baksh Çadr fled in precipitate haste. For-
    tunately, Shaikh Faríd arrived, and Jabárí withdrew to Tájpúr. In the 32nd year,
    Salím served under Matláb Khán (No. 83 ) against the Táríkis, and shortly after, in the
    33nd year, under Çádiq Khán against the same Afghán rebels.
    He was no longer alive in 1001.
    133. Habi'b ' Ali' Kha'n.
    He is not to be confounded with the Habib ' Alí Khán mentioned on p. 422.
    Habib was at first in the service of Bairám Khán. In the third year, when
    Akbar had marched to Agrah, he ordered Habib to assist Qiyá Khán (No. 33) in the
    conquest. Towards the end of the fourth year, Akbar sent him against Rantanbhúr.
    This fort had formerly been in the possession of the Afgháns, and Salím Shah had
    appointed Jhujhár Khán governor. On Akbar's accession, Jh . saw that he would not
    be able to hold it against the Imperialists, and handed it over to Rái Surjan (No. 96),
    who was then in the service of Ráná Udai Singh . But Habib had to raise the siege.
    Abulfazl attributes this want of success partly to fate, partly to the confusion which
    Bairam's fall produced.
    In the 6th year ( 968) , he served under Adham (No, 19) in Málwah. According
    the Tabaqát, he died in 970.
    134. Jagma'l, younger brother of Rájah Bihárí Mall (No. 23).
    9
    He must not be confounded with No. 218. Jagmál was mentioned on p. 32 .
    In the 8th year, he was made governor of Mírt'ha. In the 18th year, when Akbar
    marched to Patan and Ahmadábád, he was put in command of the great camp.
    His son Kangár. He generally lived with his uncle Rájah Bihárí Mall at Court.
    When Ibráhím Husain Mírzá threatened to invade the Agrah District, he was ordered
    by the Rajah to go to Dihlí . In the 18th year, he joined Akbar at Patan. In the
    21st year, he accompanied Mán Singh's expedition against Ráná Partáb. Later, he
    served in Bengal, chiefly under Shahbáz Khán (No. 80) . When Shahbáz returned
    unsuccessfully from Bháți (p. 401 ), Kangár, Sayyid ' Abdullah Khán (No. 189), Rájah
    Gopál, Mírzádah ' Alí (No. 152) met a detachment of rebels and mistook them
    for their own men. Though surprised, the Imperialists held their ground and killed
    437

    Naurúz Beg Qáqshál, the leader. They then joined Shahbáz, and arrived after a
    march of eight days at Sherpúr Múrcha.
    According to the the Tabaqát, Kangár was in 1001 a Commander of Two
    Thousand. The phraseology of some MSS. implies that he was no longer alive in 1001 .
    135. Ulugh Kha'n Habshi ', formerly a slave of Sultán Mahmud of
    Gujrát.
    Ulugh Khn is Turkish for the Persian Khán • Kalán ( the great Khán ).
    He rose to dignity under Mahmúd of Gujrát. The word Habshi, for which MSS .
    often have Badakhshí, implies that he was of Abyssinian extraction, or a eunuch. In the
    17th year, when Akbar entered for the first time Ahmadábád, he was one of the first
    Gujrátí nobles that joined the Imperialists .
    In the 22nd year, he served with distinction under Cádiq (No. 43) against Rájah
    Madhukar Bandelah, Zamíndár of Undchah . In the 24th year, he followed Çadiq,
    who had been ordered to assist Rájah Todar Mall on his expedition against the rebel
    'Arab (Niyábat Khán ) in Bihár. He commanded the left wing in the fight in which
    Khabíṭah (p . 356, note 1 ) was killed.
    He died in Bengal.
    136. Maqcu'd ' Ali' Kor.
    The Tabaqat says that Maqçúd was at first in Bairám Khán's service. He had
    been dead for a long time in 1001 .
    From the Akbarnámah (II . , 96) we see that he served under Qiyá Khán (No. 33 )
    in the conquest of Gwáliár.
    137. Qabu 1 Kha'n .
    From the Akbarnámah (II., p. 450, last event of the 15th year of Akbar's reign)
    we see that Qabúl Khán had conquered the District of Bhambar on the Kashmír frontier.
    One of the Zamíndárs of the District, named Jamál, made his submission, and obtained
    by flattery a great power over Qabúl, who is said to have been a good-hearted Turk. Jalál
    not only managed on various pretexts to send away Qabúl's troops,but also his son Yádgar
    Husain (No. 338) , to Naushahrah . The Zamíndárs of the latter place opposed Yádgár,
    and wounded him in a fight. Exhausted and wounded as he was, Yádgár managed to
    escape and took refuge with a friendly Zamíndár. About the same time Jalál collected
    his men and fell over Qabúl, and after a short struggle killed him (5th Rámazan, 978).
    Akbar ordered Khán Jahán to invade the District. The lands of the rebellious
    Zamíndárs were devastated and summary revenge was taken on the ringleaders.
    Yádgár Husain recovered from his wounds. He is mentioned below among the
    commanders of Two Thousand.
    The Akbarnámah mentions another Qabúl Khán among the officers who served
    in the Afghán war in Bengal under Mun'im Khán Khánán. He was present in the
    battle of Takaroí and pursued the Afgháns under Todar Mall to Bhadrak (p . 375) .
    Neither of the two Qabúl Kháns is mentioned in the Tabaqát and the Maásir.
    438

    Commanders of Nine Hundred.¹


    138. Ku'chak ' Ali' Kha'n i Kola bi'.
    Koláb is the name of a town and a district in Badakhshán, Long. 70°, Lat. 38°. The
    District of Koláb lies north of Badakhshán Proper, from which it is separated by the
    Amú (Oxus) ; but it was looked upon as part of the kingdom of Badakhshan. Hence
    Kúchak ' Alf is often called in the Akbarnámah Kúchak ' Alí Khán i Badakhshí.
    He served under Mun'im Khán against Khán Zamán, and was present at the
    reconciliation at Baksar (Buxar) in the 10th year.
    He also served under Mun'im Khán in Bengal, and held a command in the battle
    of Takaroí (p. 375).
    His sons are mentioned below, No. 148, and No. 380.
    139. Sabdal Kha'n, Sumbul, a slave of Humáyún .
    140. Sayyid Muhammad , Mír ' Adl, a Sayyid of Amrohah.
    Amrohah, formerly a much more important town than now, belongs to Sirkár
    Sambal. Its Sayyids belonged to old families of great repute throughout India.
    Mír Sayyid Muhammad had studied the Hadís and law under the best teachers of
    the age. The father of the Historian Badáoní was his friend . Akbar made Sayyid
    Muhammad Mir ' Adl. When the learned were banished from Court (ikkráj i
    2
    ' ulamá), he was made governor of Bhakkar. He died there two years later in
    985 or 986.
    From the Akbarnámah we see that S. Muhammad with other Amrohah Sayyids
    served, in the 18th year, under S. Mahmúd of Bárha in the expedition against Rájah
    Madhukar.
    He advised the Historian Badáoní to enter the military service of the emperor,
    instead of trusting to learning and to precarious Madad i Ma'ásh tenures, an advice
    resembling that of ' Abdulghaffar (vide No. 99, p. 413). S. Muhammad's sons were
    certainly all in the army ; vide No. 251 , 297, 363.
    141. Razawi ' Kha'n, Mírzá Mírak, a Razawí Sayyid of Mashhad.
    He was a companion of Khán Zamán (No. 13) . In the 10th year, he went to
    the camp of the Imperialists to obtain pardon for his master. When in the 12th year
    Khán Zamán again rebelled, Mírzá Mírak was placed under the charge of Khán
    Báqí Khán (No. 60), but fled from his custody (at Dihlí, Badάoní II , 100). After
    Khán Zamán's death, he was captured, and Akbar ordered him daily to be thrown
    before a mast elephant ; but the driver was ordered to spare him as he was a man of
    illustrious descent. This was done for five days, when at the intercession of the cour
    tiers he was set at liberty. Shortly afterwards, he received a mançab and the title of
    Razawi Khán. In the 19th year, he was made Díwán of Jaunpúr, and in the 24th
    year, Bakhshi of Bengal in addition to his former duties.

    1 Not all MSS. of the A'ín have these also the mançab of Nine Hundred occurs.
    words ; they count the officers from No. 2 In 983, the 20th year, (Akbar-
    138 to 175 to the Hazárís . But the námah III , 138 ) . Badáoní ( III. p. 75) ,
    best MSS. have this mançab. In the has 984.
    439

    At the outbreak of the Bengal Military Revolt (25th year), he was with Muzaffar
    Khán (No. 37). His harsh behaviour towards the dissatisfied grandees is mentioned
    in the histories as one of the causes of the revolt. When the rebels had seceded
    (9th Zí Hajjah, 987 ) and gone from Tándah to Gaur, Muzaffar sent Razawí Khán,
    Rái Patr Dás (No. 196) , and Mír Ahmad Munshí to them to try to bring them back
    to obedience. Things took indeed a good turn and everything might have ended
    peacefully, when some of Rái Patr Dás's Rájpúts said that the opportunity should not
    be thrown away to kill the whole lot. Rái Patr Dás mentioned this to Razawí
    Khán, and through him, it appears, the rebels heard of it. They took up arms and
    caught Rái Patr Dás. Razawí Khán and Mír Ahmad Munshí surrendered them-
    selves.
    The Maásir says that nothing else is known of Razawí Khán . The Tabaqat says
    that he was a Commander of Two Thousand and was dead in 1001 .
    Mírzá Mírak is not to be confounded with Mírak Khán, an old grandee, who
    died in 975' (Tabaqát) ; or with Mírak Bahádur (208) .
    Shahjahan conferred the title of Razawí Khán on Sayyid 'Alí, son of Çadruç-
    çudúr Mírán S. Jalál of Bukhárá.
    142. Mirza' Naja't Kha'n, brother of Sayyid Barkah, and
    149. Mi'rza' Husain Kha'n, his brother.
    Both brothers, according to the Tabaqát, were dead in 1001. Their names are
    often wrongly given in MSS., which call them Najábat, instead of Naját, and Hasan
    instead of Husain.
    From the Akbarnámah ( I, 411) we see that both brothers accompanied Humá-
    yún on his march to India.
    Mírzá Naját served, in the 10th year, against Khán Zamán (No. 13) . In the
    end of the 21st year, he was attached to the corps which under Shiháb Khán (No 26)
    moved to Khandesh, the king of which, Rájah ' Alí Khán, had shewn signs of dis-
    affection. Later, he served in Bengal. When the Military Revolt broke out, Bábá
    Khán Quqshál ( vide p. 369, note 3), Jabárí (p . 370), Vazir Jamíl (No. 200 ) , Saíd i
    Toqbái, and other grandees, marched on the 9th Zí Hajjah, 987, from Tándah to Gaur
    across the Ganges. Mír Naját was doubtful to which party to attach himself ; and
    when Muzaffar sent his grandees [ Mír Jamáluddín Husain Injú (No. 164), Razawí
    Khán (No. 141 ), Tímúr Khán (No. 215 ) , Rái Patr Dás ( No. 196 ), Mir Adham , Husain
    Beg, Hakim Abulfath ( No. 112) , Khwajah Shamsuddín (No. 159) , Ja'far Beg (No.
    98) , Muhammad Qulí Turkmán (No. 203 ), Qásim Khán i Sístání, ’Iwaz Bahadur,
    Zulf 'Ali Yazdí, Sayyid Abú Is-háq i Çafawí (No. 384) , Muzaffar Beg, &c . ] to the
    banks of the Ganges, where the rebels had drawn up their army, Mír Naját stayed with
    Vazír Jamil, although Muzaffar, who was Naját's father-in-law, fully expected him
    to join. He must have soon after left the rebels and gone to Southern Bengal ; for
    in the end of the 25th year he was at Sátgánw (Húglí). Abulfazl mentions him to-
    gether with Murád Khán at Fathábád (No. 54) , and Qiyá Khán in Orísá (No. 33),
    as one of the few that represented Imperialism in Bengal ( Akbarn . III, 291). But
    these three were too powerless to check the rebels. Murád died, and Qiyá was soon
    after killed by the Afgháns under Qutlú, who looked upon the revolt as his opportu
    440

    nity. Mír Naját also was attacked by Qutlú and defeated near Salímábád (Sulaimán-
    ábád), S. of Bardwán. He fled to the Portuguese governor of Húglí.' Bábá Khán
    Qáqshál sent one of his officers to get hold of Naját ; but the officer hearing of Qutlu's
    victory, attacked the Afgháns near Mangalkot, N. E. of Bardwán. Qutlú, however,
    was again victorious .
    143. Sayyid Ha'shim, son of Sayyid Mahmúd of Bárha. Vide No.
    105 , p . 419 .
    144. Gha'zi' Kha'n i Badakhshi '.
    In MSS. Ghází is often altered to Qází, and Badakhshi to Bakhshi, and as
    Ghází Khán's first title was Qází Khán, his name is often confounded with No. 223.
    Other Ghází Kháns have been mentioned above, on pp. 367 , 384.
    Ghází Khán's name was Qází Nizám. He had studied law and Hadís under
    Mullá ' Içámuddín Ibráhím, and was looked upon as one of the most learned of the
    age. He was also the murid of Shaikh Husain of Khwárazm, a renowned Çúfi.
    His acquirements procured him access to the court of Sulaimán, king of Badakhshán
    (No. 5), who conferred upon him the title of Qází Khán. At the death of Humáyún,
    Sulaimán wishing to profit by the distracted state of the country, moved to Kábul
    and besieged Mun'im (No. 11 ). After the siege had lasted for some time, Sulaimán
    sent Qází Khán to Mun'im to prevail on him to surrender. But Mun'im detained
    him for several days, and treated him to the most sumptuous fare, such as Badakh-
    shís cannot enjoy even in peaceful times .' The good dinners made such an impression
    on Qází Khán, that he advised Sulaimán to raise the siege, as there was no lack of
    provisions in the fort. Sulaimán thereupon returned to Badakhshan .
    Subsequently, Qází Khán left his master, and went to India. At Khánpúr, he
    was introduced to the emperor on his return from Jaunpúr (Akbarn. III, 85) . He
    received several presents, and was appointed Parwánchí writer (p. 263) . Akbar soon
    discovered in him a man of great insight, and made him a commander of One Thou-
    sand. He also bestowed upon him the title of Ghází Khán , after he had distinguished
    himself in several expeditions .
    In the 21st year, Ghází Khán commanded the left wing of Man Singh's corps
    in the war with the Ráná. Though his wing gave way, he returned with the troops
    and joined the van, and fought bravely. He then received Awadh as tuqúl, and
    distinguished himself in Bihár against the rebellious grandees .
    He died at Awadh in the 29th year ( 992) at the age of seventy, about the same
    time that Sultán Khwajah died (No. 108) .
    Ghází Khán is the author of several works (vide Badáoní III , 153) .
    The sijdah, or prostration, which formed so important a part in the ceremonies
    of the court, was his invention (vide p. 159, note).
    His son Husámuddín. Akbar made him a commander of One Thousand, and
    sent him with the Khán Khánán (No. 29) to the Dak'hin . Suddenly a change came
    over Husám, and though a young man, he expressed to the commander his wish to
    resign the service and live as faqir at the tomb of Nizámuddín Auliá in Dihlí. The

    The MSS. of the Akbarnámah call him Bartab Bár Firingí, or Partáb Firingí.
    441

    Khán Khánán persuaded him in vain to give up this mad idea ; but Husám next day
    laid aside his clothes, smeared his body over with clay and mud, and wandered about
    in the streets and bazars. Akbar permitted his resignation. Husám lived for thirty
    years as an ascetic in Dihlí. Khwajah Báqí Billah (born at Kábul and buried at
    Dihlí) conferred on him power of ' guiding travellers on the road of piety.' He died
    in 1034. His wife was Abulfazl's sister. She gave at the request of her husband her
    ornaments to Darwishes, and fixed an annual sum of 12000 Rupees as allowance for
    the cell of her husband. Vide Tuzuk, p. 80.
    145. Farhat Kha'n, Mihtar Sakáí, a slave ofHumáyún.
    The MSS. have Sakáí and Sakáhí. Farhat Khán is first mentioned in the war
    between Humáyún and Mírzá Kámrán, when many grandees joined the latter. In
    a fight, Beg Bábá of Koláb lifted up his sword to strike Humáyún from behind.
    He missed and was at once attacked by Farhat and put to flight. When Humáyún
    left Láhor on his march to Sarhind, where Sikandar Khán was, Farhat was appointed
    Shiqdár of Láhor. Subsequently, Mír Sháh Abul Ma'álí was appointed Governor of
    Láhor. He sent away Farhat, and appointed his own men instead. Farhat therefore
    joined Prince Akbar on his arrival in the Panjab.
    After Akbar's accession, Farhat was made Tuyúldár of Korrah. He distinguish-
    ed himself in the war with Muhammad Husain Mírzá near Ahmadábád. When the
    Mírzá was brought in a prisoner, Farhat refused him a drink of water which he
    had asked for ; but Akbar gave him some of his own water, and remonstrated with
    Farhat for his cruelty. In the 19th year, he served in Bihár and was made jágírdár
    of Arah. In the 21st year (984), Gajpatí (p. 400) devastated the district. Farhang
    Khán, Farhat's son, marched against him, but was repulsed and slain. Farhat then
    moved against the enemy to avenge the death ofhis son, but met with the same fate
    (vide No. 80).
    146. Ru'mi' Kha'n, Ustád Jalabí ( ?) , of Rúm.
    He is not mentioned in the Tabaqát and the Maásir, and but rarely in the
    Akbarnámah. In the 20th year, he and Báqí Khán ( No. 60) and ' Abdurrahmán
    Beg (No. 185) accompanied a party of Begums from Court on their road to Makkah.
    The party consisted of Gulbadan Begum, Salímah Sultán Begum, Hájí Begum, Gul-
    ' azár Begum, Sultán Begum (wife of Mírzá 'Askarí) , Umm Kulsúm Begum (grand-
    daughter of Gulbadan Begum) , Gujnár Aghá (one of Bábar's wives), Bíbí Çafiyah,
    Bíbí Sarw i Sahí and Sháham Aghá (wives of Humáyún), and Salímah Khánum
    (daughter of Khizr Khwajah). They left in Rajab, 983 .
    Rúmí Khán has also been mentioned above ( No. 111) .
    147. Sama'nji' Kha'n Qurghu'ji'. Vide No. 100 .
    He was a grandee of Humáyún. During the reign of Akbar, he reached the
    dignity of a Commander of Fifteen Hundred . The Tabaqát says, he was, in 1001 , a
    Commander of 2000. In the same work, he is called a Mughul.

    ¹ Akbarnámah I, 416. At the same Humáyún was on the 29th Muharram ,


    time, Mír Bábús (No. 73) was appointed 962, at Bigrám, crossed the Indus on
    Faujdár of the Panjáb, Mírzá Sháh the 5th Cafar, when Bairam arrived from
    Sultán was made Amin, and Mihtar Kábul, was at Láhor on the 2nd Rabí
    Jauhar, treasurer. II, and at Sarhind, on the 7th Rajab.
    56
    442

    In the beginning of the 6th year (middle of 968), he served in Málwah under
    Adham Khán (No. 19) and was present in the battle of Sárangpúr. In the 9th year,
    he accompanied Muhammad Qásim Khán i Níshápúrí (No. 40) and pursued ' Abdullah
    Khán Uzbak (No. 14). Inthe 13th year, he was ordered, together with Ashraf Khán
    Mir Munshi (No. 74) , to go to Rantanbhúr and suppress the disturbances created by
    Mírzá Muhammad Husain in Málwah. Later, he held a jágír in Arah. He joined at
    first the rebellious grandees, but convincing himself of their selfishness, he went
    back to the Imperial camp.
    In the 39th year, he was allowed to come to Court, and died a few years later.
    His sons received employments in the army.
    From the Akbarnámah (III, 156) we see that he also served in the 21st year
    under Khán Jahán (No. 24 ), and was present in the battle of Ag Mahall. In the
    30th year, he was in Málwah and was ordered to join the Dak'hin corps. Two years
    later, he served under Shiháb Khán (No. 26) against Rájah Madhukar.
    148. Sha'hbeg Kha'n, son of Kúchak ' Alí Khán of Badakhshan (No.
    138).
    His name is not given in the Maásir and the Tabaqát. Amír Beg, a Pánçadí
    under Shahjahan, appears to be his son .
    149. Mirza Husain Kha'n, brother of Mírzá Naját Khán ( ride No.
    142 ).
    150. Haki'm Zanbil, brother of Mírzá Muhammad Tabib of Sabzwár.
    Zanbil means a basket.' In the list of the physicians ofthe Court, lower down,
    he is called Hakim Zanbil Beg. Badáoní says, he was a muqarrib, or personal
    attendant on the emperor."
    151. Khuda'wand Kha'n i Dak'hini'.
    Khudáwand Khán was a Nizámsháhí Grandee. As his father was born at Mash-
    had, Kh. is often called Mashhadí. He was of course a Shi'ah.
    He was a man of imposing stature, and well-known for his personal courage.
    When Khwajah Mírak of Içfahán, who had the title of Chingiz Khán, was the Vakil
    of Murtaza Nizám Sháh, Kh, rose to dignity. He held several districts in Barár as
    jágír. The Masjid of Rohank'herah was built by him.
    In 993, when Mír Murtazá of Sabzwár (No. 162) commanded the army of Barár,
    and was no longer able to withstand Çalábat Khán Chirgis in the Dak'hin, Kh. ac-
    companied M. Murtazá to Hindústán. Both were well received by Akbar, and Kh.
    was made a Commander of One Thousand. He received Pațan in Gujrát as tuyúl.
    He was married to Abulfazl's sister, and died in the end of the 34th year, before
    the middle of 998 (Badáoní II, 372, where in the Tárikh of his death the word
    Dak'hini must be written without a h).

    The Maásir has Awadh. At the bad MSS., and Sabzwárí is often altered to
    outbreak of the Bengal Military Revolt, Shirází. Other bad MSS. have Ranbal.
    he was Jágírdár of the Arah District Rohank herah lies in West Barár, in
    (Akbarn. HII, 244). the district of Buldánah . In Abulfazl's
    The Edit. Bibl. Indica of Badáoní list of parganahs in Sirkár Talingánab,
    (III, 164) calls him wrongly Hakim there is one called Qiryát i Khudawand
    Zinal Shirází. Zínal is the reading of Khán.
    413

    Once Abulfazl had invited several grandees, Khudáwand among them. The dishes
    placed before Kh. contained fowls and game and different kinds of vegetables, whilst
    the other guests had roast meat. He remarked it, took offence, and went away.
    Although Akbar assured him that Abulfazl had treated him to fowls and game accord-
    ing to a Hindústání custom, Kh . disliked Abulfazl, and never went again to his house.
    Hence Dak❜hinís are notorious in Hindústán for stupidity.'
    The Tabaqát puts Kh. among the Commanders of Fifteen Hundred, and says that
    he died in 995. The Maásir has 997.
    152. Mi'rza'dah ' Ali ' Kha'n, son of Muhtarim Beg.¹
    He served in the 9th year in Málwah during the expedition against ' Abdullah
    Khán Uzbak (No. 14). In the 17th year, he served in the Gujrát war under the
    Khán i Kalán (No. 16 ) . Two years later, he commanded an expedition against Qásim
    Khán Kású, who with a corps of Afgháns ravaged the frontiers of Bihár. In the
    23rd year, he accompanied Shahbáz Khán in the war with Ráná Partáb.2 He then
    served in Bihár under Khán i A’zam (25th year ) and in Bengal under Shahbáz Khán
    (vide No. 134, p . 436). In the 30th year (993) , he was present in the fight with Qut-
    lú near Mangalkot (Bardwán). In the 31st year, he was ordered to join Qásim Khán
    (No. 59), who was on his way to Kashmir. Not long after, in 995 (32nd year), he was
    killed in a fight with the Kashmírís who defeated an Imperial detachment under Sayyid
    ’Abdullah Khán ( No. 189 ).
    Badáoní ( III, p 326) says, he was a poet. He places his death in 996.
    153. Sa'a'dat Mi'rza', son of Khizr Khwajah Khán (p . 365 , note 2) .
    154. Shimal Khan Chelah.
    Chelah means a slave.' The Tabaqát says he was a Qurchí, or armour-bearer
    of the emperor, and a genial companion. He was made a Hazárí, and was no longer
    alive in 1001.
    In the 9th year, he assisted in the capture of Khwajah Mu'azzam. In the 20th
    year, he served in the war against Chandr Sen, during which Jalál Khán (No. 213)
    had lost his life, and afterwards under Sayyid Ahmad (No. 91 ) and Shahbáz ( No. 80)
    in the expedition to Siwánah.
    155. Shah Ghaʼzi´ Kha'n, a Sayyid from Tabríz.
    The Tabaqát calls him a Turkmán, and says, he was dead in 1001. He served,
    in the 19th year with Mirzadah ’Alí Khán ( No. 152 ) against Qasim Khán Kású.
    He may be the Sháh Ghází Khán mentioned below under No. 161.
    156. Fazil Khan, son of Khán i Kalán (No. 16) .
    He was mentioned above, on p. 322.
    157. Ma'cu /m Kha'n, son of Mu'ín uddin Ahmad Farankhúdí (No. 128).
    He is not to be confounded with Ma'çúm Khán i Kábulí (p . 431 , note).
    Ma'çúm was made a Hazárí on the death of his father, and received Gházípúr
    as tuyúl. Hejoined Todar Mall in Bihár, though anxious to go over to the rebels (p . 351).

    He is also called Mírzád 'Alí Khán. His father, Muhtarim Beg, was a
    My text edition has wrong Mírzá ' Alí grandee of Humáyún's Court.
    Khán. For Muhtarim many MSS. read 2 Generally called in the Histories
    wrongly Mahram. Ráná Kíká.
    411

    Not long afterwards, Mírzá Muhammad Hakím, Akbar's brother, threatened to invade
    the Panjab, and as the emperor had resolved to move personally against him, Ma'çúm
    thought it opportune to rebel. He seized Jaunpúr and drove away Tarson Khán's
    men (No. 32). As Akbar had known him from a child, he was inclined to pardon
    him, provided he left Jaunpúr and accepted Awadh as tuyúl. This M. did ; but he
    continued to recruit, and when Sháh Qulí Mahram and Rájah Bír Bar had failed to
    bring him to his senses, Shahbáz Khán, on hearing of his conduct, determined to punish
    him. The events of the expedition have been related on p . 400 .
    After his defeat near Awadh, M. threw himself into the town ; but as several
    rebel chiefs had left him, he absconded , without even taking his family with him.
    He applied to two Zamíndárs for assistance ; but the first robbed him of his
    valuables, and the latter waylaid him, and had it not been for a bribe, M. would not
    have escaped. About this time one of his friends of the name of Maqcúd joined him
    and supplied him with funds. M. collected men and surprised and plundered the
    town of Bahráich. Vazír Khán (No. 41 ) and others moved from Hájípúr against him ;
    but M. escaped them. After plundering the town of Muhammadábád, he resolved to
    surprise Jaunpúr, when the tuyúldárs of the district marched against him. Being
    hard pressed, he applied to M. 'Azíz Kokah (No. 21) to intercede for him. Akbar again
    pardoned him , and gave him the Parganah Mihsí, Sirkár Champáran, as tuyúl. But
    M. continued in a rebellious attitude, and when M. 'Aziz prepared to punish him, he
    applied for leave to go to Court. He arrived, in the 27th year, in Agrah, and was
    again pardoned, chiefly at the request of Akbar's mother.
    Soon after, on going home one night from the Darbár, he was killed on the road.
    An enquiry was ordered to be held, but without result, and people believed that Akbar
    had connived at the murder. Compare with this the fate of Nos. 61 and 62, two
    other Bihár rebels.
    158. Tolak Kha'n Qu'chi'n.
    Tolak commenced to serve under Bábar. He joined Humáyún on his return
    from Persia. When the emperor had seized on Kábul, and M. Kámrán came near the
    town under the mask of friendship, many of Humáyún's grandees went over to him,
    and the emperor was obliged to retreat northwards to Zahák ( l ) and Bámiyán,
    where he hoped to find faithful officers. He sent, however, Tolak and several others
    to Kábul, to bring him correct information, but Tolak alone returned . For his faith-
    fulness he was made Qurbegí.
    Tolak accompanied Humáyún to India. After the emperor's death he belonged
    to those who supported the young Akbar, and was instrumental in the capture at a din-
    ner party of Mír Sháh Abul Ma'álí. Afterwards, T. went to Kábul, where he remained
    for a long time. In the 7th year of Akbar's reign, he was suddenly imprisoned by the
    young and hasty Ghaní Khán, son of Mun'im Khán (No. 11), who was in charge of
    Kábul. Tolak managed to escape, and went to Bábá Khátún, his jágír, collecting
    men to take revenge on Ghaní. A favourable opportunity presented itself, when Ghani
    one day had left Kábul for a place called Khwajah Sayyárán ( old ), to
    waylay a caravan from Balkh . He was just feasting with his companions, when
    Tolak Khán fell upon them. Ghaní, who was drunk, was caught, and Tolak marched
    to Khwajah Awash ( đạt ) , a place two kos distant from Kábul. But he
    445

    was opposed by Fazíl Beg (Mun'im's brother) and his son Abulfath (called wrongly
    Abdul Fath, on p. 318), and thought it advisable to let Ghaní go . Ghaní immediately
    collected men and pursued Tolak, who now prepared himself to go to Hindústán. Ghaní
    overtook him near the Ab i Ghorband, and killed Bábá Qúchín and several other
    relations and friends of Tolak. Tolak himself and his son Isfandiyár managed to cut
    their way through the enemies, and arrived safely in India. Akbar gave Tolak a jágír
    in Málwah, where he remained for a long time.
    In the 28th year, T. served under the Khán Khánán (No. 29) in Málwah and
    Gujrát, and defeated Sayyid Daulat in Kambháit. He distinguished himself in the
    fights with Muzaffar, and served under Qulij Khán ( No. 42) in the conquest of Bahronch .
    In the 30th year, he was attached to the corps which under M. 'Azíz Kokah was to be
    sent to the Dak'hin. Having indulged in slander during the disagreement between
    M. 'Aziz Kokah and Shihábuddín, he was imprisoned. After his release he was sent
    to Bengal, where in the 37th year he served under Mán Singh against the Afgháns.
    He died in the beginning of the 41st year (1004).
    159. Khwajah Shamsuddi'n Khawa'fi'.
    Khawafi means 6 coming from Khawáf,' which is a district and town in Khu-
    rásán. Our maps have ' Kháff" or ' Kháf,' due west of Harát, between Lat. 60° and 61°.
    According to the Mu'jamulbuldán , “ Khawáf is a large town belonging [ at the time
    the author wrote] to the revenue district of Níshápúr. Near it lies on one side
    Búshanj which belongs to the district of Harát, and on the other Zúzan. Khawáf con-
    tains one hundred villages and three towns (Sanján, Síráwand , and Kharjard) ." Amín
    Rází in his excellent Haft Iqlim says that the district of Khawáf is famous for the
    kings, ministers, and learned men it has produced. The dynasty called, A'l i Muzaffar,
    ofwhom seven kings ruled for 59 years over Fáris and Shíráz,' were Khawáfís . The
    author of the Zakhíratulkhawánín says that the people of Khawáf were known to be
    bigoted Sunnís. When Sháh ' Abbás i Cafawí, in the beginning of his reign, came to
    Khawáf, he forced the inhabitants to abuse, as is customary with Shi'ahs, the com-
    panions of the Prophet (sabb i çihábah) ; but as the people refused to do so, he had
    seventy of the principal men thrown down from a Masjid. Although then no one

    They succumbed to Timur. The wáfi Çalábat Khán, ’Ináyat Khán, and
    Histories disagree regarding the length Muctatá Khán ( under Aurangzíb ). The
    of their reign, some give 57 years, from lists of grandees in the Pádisháhnámah
    A. H. 741 to 798. mention several other Khawáfís . In later
    Amín Rází mentions also several learn- times we have the name of ' Abdurrazzáq
    ed men and vazírs besides those men-
    Çimçám uddaulah Aurangábádí, who was
    tioned in the Mu'jam , and relates some murdered in 1171. His ancestor, Mír
    anecdotes illustrating the proverbial saga- Kamaluddin Khawáfi, had served under
    city and quick-wittedness of the inhabi- Akbar.
    tants of Khawáf.
    For Khawáfí, some MSS. have Kháfí.
    The number of Khawáfís in the service The Historian Muhammad Hashim
    of the Mughul emperors was consider- Kháfí Khán has also been supposed to
    able. One is mentioned below, No. 347. be a Khawáfí, though it must be observed
    The Maásir has notes on the following, that geographical titles are rare. There are
    Mírzá 'Izzat (under Jahangir) ; Mírzá a few, as Rum Khán, Ghaznín Khán,
    Ahmad , and Mu tamid Khán Muhammad Habshi Khán. The authors of the Pá-
    Çálih (under Shahjahán) ; Sayyid Amír disháhnámah and the Maásir never use
    Khán, Shaikh Mír, Khwajah Mír Kha- the form Kháfí.
    446

    was converted, the Khawáfís are now as stanch Shi'ahs as they were formerly bigoted
    Sunnis.
    Khwajah Shamsuddín was the son of Khwajah ' Alá uddín, who was a man much
    respected in Khawáf. Shams accompanied Muzaffar Khán (No. 37) , his countryman,
    to Bihar and Bengal. At the outbreak of the Military Revolt, he was caught by the
    rebels, and Ma'çúm i Kábulí had him tortured with a view of getting money out of
    him. Shams was half dead, when at the request of ' Arab Bahádur he was let off and
    placed under ' Arab's charge, who lay under obligations to him. But Shams eluded
    his vigilance, and fled to Singrám, Rájah of K'harakpúr (Bihár).' As the roads were
    all held by the rebels, Shams could not make his way to the Imperial army. He collected
    men, attacked the rebels, and carried off some of their cattle ; and when some time
    after dissensions broke out among the mutineers, he found means to escape. Akbar
    received him with every distinction, and appointed him, in the same year (26th) , to
    superintend the building of Fort Aṭak on the Indus, near which the Imperial camp
    then was.2
    After this, Shams was for some time Díwán of Kábul. In the 39th year, when
    Qulij Khán (No. 42) after the death of Qasim Khán ( No. 59) was made Cubahdir
    of Kábul, Shams was made Díwán of the empire (Díwán i kul), vice Qulij . When
    Akbar, in the 43rd year, after a residence of fourteen years in the Panjab, moved to
    Agrah, to proceed to the Dak'hin , the Begums with Prince Khurram (Shahjahan) were
    left in Láhor, and Shams was put in charge of the Panjáb, in which office he con-
    tinued, after Akbar's mother had returned, in the 44th year, with the Begums to Agrah .
    Shams died at Láhor in the 45th year (1008) . The family vault which he had
    built near Bábá Hasan Abdál having been used for other purposes (p. 425 ), he was
    buried in Láhor in that quarter of the town which he had built, and which to his honour
    was called Khawáfípúrah.
    2
    Singrám later fought with Shahbáz December, 1870 .
    Khán ( No. 80 ), and ceded Fort Mahdá . 2 The author of the Maásir repeats
    Though he never went to Court, he re- Abulfazl's etymology of the name ‘ Atak,'
    mained in submission to the Imperial which was given on p. 374, note. He
    governors of Bihár and Bengal. In the also says that some derive it from the
    first year of Jahangir's reign, Jahángír Hindi atak, prevention, a bar, 66 because
    Qulí Khán Lálah Beg , governor of Bihar , Hindús will not go beyond the Indus."
    sent a corps against Singrám, who was But there is no instance on record that
    killed in a fight. His son turned Muham- Hindús ever did object to cross the In-
    madan, and received the name Rájah dus. Bhagwán Dás, Mán Singh, and
    Roz-afzún,' was confirmed in his zamín others, were governors of Kábul and
    dárís, and reached under Jahángír the Zábulistán, and had their Rajputs there ;
    dignity of a Commander of Fifteen and during the reign of Shabjahán, the
    Hundred . Under Shahjahán, he served Rájpúts distinguished themselves in the
    with Mahábat Khán in Balkh, against conquest of Balkh and the siege of Qan
    Jhujár Singh Bundelah, in the siege of dahár .
    Parendah, and was at his death in 1044 Abulfazl's etymology is also doubtful ;
    a Commander of Two Thousand. His for in the Akbarnámah ( II , 302) he men-
    son, Rájah Bihrúz served in Qandahár, tions the name Aṭak' long before the
    in the war between Aurangzíb and Sháh building ofthe Fort (III, 335) .
    Shuja', and distinguished himself in the The twelve Díwáns, who in 1003
    second conquest of Palámau (4th year of had deen appointed to the 12 Cúbahs,
    Aurangzib). Rájah Bihrúz died in the were under his orders. Diwán * Kul is
    8th year of Aurangzíb's reign. Vide the same as Vazir i Kul, or Vazir i
    Proceedings, Asiatic Society, Bengal, for Mutlaq, or merely Vazír.
    447

    He is said to have been a man of simple manners, honest and faithful, and practical
    in transacting business.
    Like Shaikh Faríd i Bukhárí (No. 99), whom he in many respects resembles, he
    died childless.
    His brother, Khwajah Múmin Khawáfi, was made, on his death, Díwán of the
    Panjab. Múmin's son , ' Abdul Kháliq, was a favourite of Açaf Khán IV. (p . 369 ) .
    He was killed by Mahábat Khán, when Açaf had been removed by Mahábat from Fort
    Atak and imprisoned.
    160. Jagat Singh, eldest of Rájah Mán Sing (No. 30).
    Kunwar Jagat Singh served in the 42nd year under Mírzá Ja'far Açaf Khán
    (No. 98) against Rájah Bású, zamíndár of Mau and Pat'hán (Núrpúr, N. E., Panjáb).
    In the 44th year ( 1008 ) , when Akbar moved to Málwah , and Prince Salím (Jahángír)
    was ordered to move against Ráná Amr Singh, Mán Singh was called from Bengal, and
    Jagat Singh was ordered to go to Bengal as náib of his father. While still at Agrah,
    he died from excessive drinking. Regarding J. S.'s daughter, vide p. 310 and No. 175.
    Mahá Sing, Jagat's younger son, was appointed in his stead . His youth and in-
    experience inclined the Afgháns under ' Usmán and Shujáwal Khán to attack him.
    They defeated him and Partáb Singh, son of Rájah Bhagwán Dás, (No. 336), near
    Bhadrak in Orísá (45th year). Mán Singh hastened to Bengal, and after defeating
    in 1009 the Afgháns near Sherpúr ' Atáí, between Shiúrí ( Sooree) in Bírbhúm and
    Murshidábád, recovered Lower Bengal and Orísá.
    Mahá Singh died soon after, like his father, from excessive drinking.
    161. Naqi'b Kha 'n, son of Mír ' Abdullatif of Qazwin.
    Naqib Khán is the title of Mír Ghiásuddín 'Alí . His family belongs to the
    Saifi Sayyids of Qazwin, who were known in Irán for their Sunní tendencies . His
    grandfather Mír Yahya was ' a well known theologian and philosopher, who had
    acquired such extraordinary proficiency in the knowledge of history, that he was ac-
    quainted with the date of every event which had occurred from the establishment of the
    Muhammadan religion to his own time.'
    ' In the opening of his career, Mír Yahya was patronized by Sháh Tahmásp
    i Çafawí, who called him Yahya Ma'çúm,' and was treated by the king with such
    distinction, that his enemies, envious of his good fortune, endeavoured to poison his pat-
    ron's mind against him, by representing that he and his son, Mír ' Abdullatif, were the
    leading men among the Sunnís of Qazwín. They at last prevailed so far as to induce
    the king, when he was on the borders of A'zarbáiján, to order Mír Yahya and his son,
    together with their families, to be imprisoned at Içfahán. At that time, his second
    son, 'Alá-uddaulah was in Azarbáiján, and sent off a special messenger to convey this
    intelligence to his father. Mír Yahya being too old and infirm to fly, accompanied
    the king's messenger to Içfahán, and died there, after one year and nine months, in
    A. H. 962, at the age of 77 years.'12

    I. e. exempt, probably from losing torical compendium, called Lubbuttawa-


    life and property for his attachment to rikh, composed in 1541. Vide Elliot's
    Sunnism . Bibl. Index to the Historians of India,
    Mír Yahya is the author of a his- p. 129. His second son ' Aláuddaulah
    448

    * Mír 'Abdullațíf, however, immediately on receipt of his brother's communication,


    fled to Gílán,' and afterwards at the invitation of the emperor Humáyún went to Hin-
    dústán, and arrived at Court with his family just after Akbar had ascended the throne.
    By him he was received with great kindness and consideration, and appointed in the
    second year of his reign as his preceptor. At that time Akbar knew not how to read
    and write, but shortly afterwards he was able to repeat some odes of Háfiz. The Mír
    was a man of great eloquence and of excellent disposition, and so moderate in his re-
    ligious sentiments , that each party used to revile him for his indifference.'
    'When Bairam Khán had incurred the displeasure of the emperor and had left
    Agrah and proceeded to Alwar, with the intention, as it was supposed, of exciting a
    rebellion in the Panjáb, the emperor sent the Mír to him, to dissuade him from such an
    open breach of fidelity to his sovereign .' Elliot, Index, l. c.
    Mír ' Abdullatif died at Síkrí on the 5th Rajab, 981, and was buried at Ajmír
    near the Dargáh of Mír Sayyid Husain Khing-Suwár.
    'Abdullatif had several sons. The following are mentioned-1. Naqib Khán ;
    2. Qamar Khán ; 3. Mír Muhammad Sharif. The last was killed in 984 at Fathpúr by
    a fall from his horse while playing hockey with the emperor (Bad. II. , 230). For
    Qamar Khán, vide No. 243.
    Naqib Khán arrived with his father in India, when Akbar after his accession was
    still in the Panjáb ( Akbarn. II ., 23), and soon became a personal friend of the emper-
    or (II., 281) . In the 10th year, he conveyed Akbar's pardon to Khán Zamán, for
    whom Mun'im Khán had interceded ( II ., 281 ) . In the 18th year, N. accompanied
    the emperor on the forced march to Patan and Ahmadábád (p. 435, note) , and in the
    following year to Patna. In the end of the 21st year, he took part in the expedi
    tion to I'dar (III., 165 ), and was sent in the following year to Málwah or Gujrát, after
    the appointment of Shiháb to the latter province. After the outbreak of the Military
    Revolt in Bengal, N. with his brother Qamar Khán served under Todar Mall and
    Cádiq Khán in Bihár against Ma'çúm i Kábulí ( III. , 273) . In the 26th year, he
    received the title of Naqib Khán. Though during the reign of Akbar, he did not

    wrote under the political name of Kámí, II., 23 ) says that ' Abdullatif was accused
    and is the author of the Nafáis ul Ma- in Persia of being a Sunní and in Hin-
    ásir, a ' tazkirah,' or work on literature. dústán of being a Shi'ah.
    Badáoní (III , 97) says he composed a Elliot has by mistake 971. The
    Qaçídah in which, according to the man- Tárikh of his death in the Maásir and
    ner of Shi'ahs, he abused the companions Baddoni (III., p. 99) is fakhr i ál i
    of the Prophet and the Sunnís, and Ya-Sin, the pride of the descendants of
    among the latter his father and elder Yásín (the Prophet)'= 981 , if the long
    brother ('Abdullatif), whom he used to alifin ál be not counted 2, but 1 .
    call Hazrat i Aqá, as he had been his Kewal Ram, according to Elliot,
    teacher. But the verse in which he cursed says in the Tazkirat ul Umará that the
    his relations is ambiguously worded. title was conferred on Naqib Khán in the
    Some fix the date ofMír Yahya's death 25th year for his gallant conduct in
    two years earlier. repelling a night attack made by Ma'çúm
    The MSS. of the Maásir have Khán i Kábulí on the Imperialists under
    ‫ ; جبال کیلانات‬.so also Badaoni, e. c Todar Mall and Cádiq Khán. This night
    attack is related in the Akbarnámah
    2 He was the first that taught Ak-
    (III., 293). The fight took place in the
    bar the principle of çulh i kul, peace
    with all, the Persian term which Abul- 25th year, near Gya ; but Abulfazl says
    fazl so often uses to describe Akbar's nothing of Naqib's gallant conduct ;' he
    does not even mention his name.
    policy of toleration. Abulfazl ( Akbarn,
    449

    rise above the rank of a Hazárí, he possessed great influence at Court. He was
    Akbar's reader, and superintended the translations from Sanscrit into Persian, men-
    tioned on p. 104. Several portions of the Tárikh i Alfi also (p. 106) are written
    by him.
    Naqib had an uncle of the name of Qází 'Isá, who had come from Irán to Akbar's
    Court, where he died in 980. His son was Sháh Ghází Khán (vide No. 155 ) . Akbar
    married the latter to Sakínah Bánú Begum, sister of Mírzá Muhammad Hakím (Akbar's
    half-brother) ; and as Naqib Khán, in the 38th year, reported that Qází 'Isá had ex-
    pressed a dying wish to present his daughter to Akbar, the emperor married her. Thus
    two of Naqib's cousins married into the imperial family.
    On the accession of Jahángír, N. was made a Commander of 1500 (Tuzuk, p. 12).
    He died in the 9th year of J.'s reign (beginning of 1023) at Ajmír, and was buried at
    the side of his wife within the enclosure of Mu'ín i Chishti's tomb (Tuzuk, p. 129). His
    wife was a daughter of Mír Mahmúd, Munshi ulmamálik, who had been for twenty-
    five years in Akbar's service ( Badáoní III., 321 ).
    Naqib's son, ' Abdullatif, was distinguished for his acquirements. He was married
    to a daughter of M. Yúsuf Khán (No. 35 ), and died insane.
    Naqib Khán, like his grandfather, excelled in history. It is said that he knew
    the seven volumes of the Rauzatuççafá by heart. Jahángír, in his Memoirs, praises
    him for his remarkable memory, and Badáoní, who was Naqib's school fellow and friend,
    says that no man in Arabia or Persia was as proficient in history as Naqíb. Once on
    being asked how many pigeons there were in a particular flock then flying, he
    responded instantly, without making a mistake of even one.
    162. Mi'r Murtaza Kha'n, a Sabzwárí Sayyid.
    Mír Murtazá Khán was at first in the service of ' Adil Sháh of Bíjápúr. Murtazá
    Nizám Sháh called him to Ahmadnagar, and made him Military Governor of Barár,
    and later Amírul Umará. He successfully invaded, at Nizám Sháh's order, ' Adil
    Shah's dominions. But Nizám Sháh suffered from insanity, and the government was
    left in the hands of his Vakíl, Sháh Qulí Çalábat Khán ; and as he reigned absolutely,
    several of the nobles, especially the tuyúldúrs of Barár, were dissatisfied. Çalábat Khán
    . being bent on ruining them, Mír Murtazá, Khudáwand Khán (No. 151 ), Jamshed
    Khán i Shirází , and others, marched in 992 to Ahmadnagar . Çalábat Khán and
    Sháhzádah Mírán Husain surprised them and routed them. Mír Murtazá lost all his
    property, and unable to resist Çalábat Khán, he went with Khudáwand Khán to Ak-
    bar, who made him a Commander of One Thousand.
    M. M. distinguished himself under Sháh Murád in the Dak'hin invasion . When
    the Prince left Ahmadnagar, Çádiq Khán (No. 43) remained in Mahkar ( South Barár),
    and M. M. in Ilichpúr, to guard the conquered districts. During his stay there,
    he managed to take possession of Fort Gáwíl, near Ilichpúr (43rd year, 1007),
    persuading the commanders Wajíhuddín and Biswás Ráo, to enter Akbar's service.
    Later, M. M. distinguished himself in the conquest of Ahmadnagar under Prince
    Dányál, and received a higher Mançab, as also a flag and a naqqárah.
    Mír Murtazá is not to be confounded with the learned Mir Murtazá Sharíf
    i Shírází (Badáoní III., 320), or the Mír Murtazá mentioned by Badáoní,
    III., 279.
    57
    450

    163 Shamsi' , son of Khán i A'zam Mírzá Kokah (No. 21 ).


    He was mentioned above on pp. 327 and 328. At the end of Akbar's reign,
    Shamsi¹ was a Commander of Two Thousand.
    In the third year of Jahángír's reign , he received the title of Jahángír Qulí Khán,
    vacant by the death of Jahángír Qulí Khán Lálah Beg, Governor of Bihár, and was
    sent to Gujrát as náib of his father. Mírzá ' Azíz had been nominally appointed Gover-
    nor of that Cúbah ; but as he had given the emperor offence, he was detained at
    Court. Subsequently Shamsí was made a Commander of Three Thousand, and Gover-
    nor of Jaunpúr. Whilst there, Prince Shahjahán had taken possession of Bengal, and
    prepared himself to march on Patna, sending ' Abdullah Khán Fírúz-Jang and Rájah
    Bhím in advance towards Iláhábád. On their arrival at Chausá, Shamsí left Jaun-
    púr, and joined Mírzá Rustam (No. 9 ), Governor of the Cúbah of Iláhábád.
    On Shahjahan's accession, Shamsí was deposed, but allowed to retain his Mançab.
    A short time after, he was appointed to Súrat and Júnágadh, vice Beglar Khán.
    He died there in the 5th year of Shahjahan's reign ( 1041 ) .
    Shámsí's son, Bahrám, was made by Sháhjahán a Commander of 1000 , 500 horse
    (Pádisháhn. I., b. , 309) , and appointed to succeed his father. Whilst in Gujrát, he
    built a place called after him Bahrámpúrah . He died in the 18th year of Shahjahan's
    reign (Pádisháhn . II., p. 733 ) .
    164. Mi'r Jamaluddi'n Husain, an Injú Sayyid.
    From a remark in the Waççáf it appears that a part of Shíráz was called Injú ;
    vide Journal, Asiatic Society, Bengal, 1868 , p . 67 to p. 69.
    Mír Jamaluddin Injú belongs to the Sayyids of Shíráz, who trace their descent
    to Qásim arrásí ibn i Hasan ibn i Ibráhím Tabáțibá i Husainí. Mír Sháh Mahmúd
    and Mír Sháh Abú Turáb, two later members of this renowned family, were appointed
    during the reign of Sháh Tahmásp i Çafawí, at the request of the Chief Justice of Persia,
    Mír Shamsuddin Asadullah of Shushtar, the first as Shaikhul Islám of Persia, and
    the second as Qází-lquzát. Mír Jamáluddín is one of their cousins.
    Mír Jamaluddin went to the Dak'hin, the kings of which had frequently inter-
    married with the Injús. He afterwards entered Akbar's service, took part in the
    Gujrát wars, and was present in the battle of Patan (p . 396) . Later he was sent to
    Bengal. Atthe outbreak of the Military Revolt, he was with Muzaffar ( Akbarnámah,
    III , p. 255). In the 30th year (993 ), he was made a Commander of Six Hundred, and
    accompanied, shortly after, A'zam Khán (No. 21 ) on his expedition to Gadha and
    Ráisín (Akbarn. III. , 472 ) . In the 36th year, he had a jágír in Málwah, and served
    under A'zam Khán in the Dak'hin. His promotion to the rank of a Hazárí took place
    in the 40th year. When in the 45th year the fort of Asír had been conquered, ' Adil
    Sháh, king of Bíjápúr wished to enter into a matrimonial alliance with Akbar, and
    offered his daughter to Prince Dányál. To settle matters, Akbar despatched the Mír in
    1009 ( Akbarn. III ., 846) to the Dak'hin . But the marriage only took place in 1013,
    near Patan. After this, accompanied by the Historian Firishtah, he went to Agrah,
    in order to lay before the emperor ' such presents and tribute, as had never before come
    from the Dak'hin .'

    Shamsi is an abbreviation for Shamsuddin.


    451

    At the end ofAkbar's reign , Mír J. was a Commander of Three Thousand. Hav-
    ing been a favorite of Prince Salím, he was promoted after the Prince's accession to
    the post of a Chahár- Hazárí, and received a naqqárah and a flag. When Khusrau
    rebelled, the Mír received the order to effect an understanding by offering Khusrau the
    kingdom ofKábul with the same conditions under which M. Muhammad Hakim, Ak-
    bar's brother, had held that province. But the Prince did not consent ; and when he was
    subsequently made a prisoner (p. 414) and brought before his father, Hasan Beg
    (No. 167 ), Khusrau's principal agent, told Jahángír that all Amírs of the Court
    were implicated in the rebellion ; Jamaluddín had only a short time ago asked him
    (Hasan Beg) to promise him an appointment as Panjhazárí. The Mír got pale
    and confused, when Mírzá 'Azíz Kokah (No. 21 ) asked the emperor not to listen to
    such absurdities ; Hasan Beg knew very well that he would have to suffer death and
    therefore tried to involve others ; he himself (' Aziz) was the chief conspirator, and
    ready as such to undergo any punishment. Jahángír consoled the Mír, and appointed
    him afterwards Governor of Bihár. In the 11th year, Mír Jamál received the title of
    'Azaduddaulah. On this occasion, he presented the emperor a dagger, inlaid with
    precious stones, the making of which he had himself superintended when at Bíjápúr.
    At the top of the handle, he had a yellow yáqút fixed, perfectly pure, of the shape of
    half an egg, and had it surrounded by other yáqúts and emeralds. The value was
    estimated at 50,000 Rupees.
    In 1621 , Jahángír pensioned him off, because he was too old, allowing him four
    thousand rupees per mensem. The highest rank that he had reached, was that of
    a brevet Panjhazárí with an actual command of Three Thousand and Five Hundred.
    In 1623, at the eighteenth anniversary of Jahángír's accession, he presented the em-
    peror a copy of the great Persian Dictionary, entitled Farhang i Jahángírí, of which
    he was the compiler. The first edition of it had made its appearance in 1017.¹
    After having lived for some time in Bahráich, Mír Jamál returned to Agrah,
    where he died .
    Mír Jamaluddín had two sons. 1. Mir Aminuddin. He served with his father,
    and married a daughter of ' Abdurrahím Khán Khánán (No. 29) . He died when young.
    2. Mir Husámuddín. He married the sister of Ahmad Beg Khán, brother's
    son of Ibráhím Khán Fath -Jang (Núr Jahán’s brother). Jahángír made him Gover
    nor of Asír, which fort he handed over to Prince Shábjahán during his rebellion. On
    Shahjahan's accession, he was made a Commander of 4000, with 3000 horse, received
    a present of 50,000 Rupees, and the title of Murtazá Khán. He was also made
    Governor of T'hat'hah, where he died in the second year (1039).
    Mír Husám's sons- 1 . Çimçámuddaulah. He was made Díwán of Sháh Shujá'
    in the 21st year. In the 28th year, he was appointed Governor of Orísá with a
    command of 1500, and 500 horse. He died in the end ofthe same year. 2. Núrullah.
    He is mentioned in the Pádisháhnámah ( I. , b., p. 312) as a Commander of Nine
    Hundred, 300 horse,

    1
    Regardingthe Farhang i Jahangirí, 1868, pp. 12 to 15, and 65 to 69.
    vide Journal, Asiatic Society, Bengal,
    452

    165. Sayyid Raju ', of Bárha .


    Historians do not say to which of the four divisions (vide p. 391) of the Bárba
    clan Ráju belongs.
    He served in the 21st year, under Mán Singh, and in the 28th year, under
    Jagannath (No. 69), against the Ráná. While serving under the latter, Rájú
    commanded the Imperial garrison of Mandalgarh, and successfully conducted an
    expedition against a detachment of the Ráná's troops . In the 30th year, Jagannath
    and Rájú attacked the Ráná in his residence ; but he escaped.
    Later, Rájú served under Prince Murád, Governor of Málwah, whom, in the 36th
    year, he accompanied in the war with Rájah Madhukar ; but as the Prince was
    ordered by Akbar to return to Málwah, Rájú had to lead the expedition . In the
    40th year, he served in the siege of Ahmadnagar. Once the enemies surprised the
    Imperialists, and did much damage to their cattle. Rájú attacked them, but was killed
    in the fight together with several of his relations ( 1003 A. H. ).
    166. Mi'r Shari'f i A'muli'.
    His antecedents and arrival in India have been mentioned above on p. 176. In
    the 30th year, (993) Prince Mírzá Muhammad Hakím of Kábul died , and the country
    was annexed to India. Mír Sharíf was appointed Amín and Çadr of the new pro-
    vince. In the following year, he served under Mán Singh in Kábul. In the 36th year,¹
    he was appointed in the same capacity, though with more extensive powers, to Bihár
    and Bengal. In the 43rd year, he received Ajmír as aqta' , and the Parganah of
    Mohán near Lak'hnau as tuyúl. During the siege of Asír, he joined the Imperial
    camp with his contingent, and was well received by the emperor.
    He is said to have risen to the rank of a Commander of Three Thousand. He
    was buried at Mohán. On his death, neither books nor official papers were found ;
    his list of soldiers contained the names of his friends and clients, who had to refund
    him six months' wages per annum.
    Jahángír in his memoirs (Tuzuk, p . 22 ) praises him very much.
    6 He is well
    The Tabaqát says, Mír Sharif belongs to the heretics of the age.
    acquainted with çúfism, and is at present ( 1001 ) in Bihár.'

    Note on the Nuqtawiah Sect ( bëj).


    It was mentioned above (p. 177) that Mír Sharif spread in India doctrines which
    resembled those of Mahmúd of Basakhwán . The curious sect which Mahmúd founded,
    goes bythe name of Mahmudiyah, or Wáhidiyah, or Nuqtawiyah, or Umaná.” Mahmúd

    The Lucknow edition of the Akbar- Dabistán (p. 374 ) and Shea and Troyer's
    námah (III. , p . 629) says he was made Translation have Masajwán, -a shifting
    at the same time a Commander of Four of the diacritical points.
    Thousand . This must be a mistake, be- The name nuqtawi was evidently
    cause Mír Sharif was at Jahángír's ac- used by Badáoní, though the MSS.
    cession a Commander of 2500 (Tuzuk, from which the Bibl. Indica edition was
    p. 22) . printed, have Nabați, which was given
    * Badáoní (Ed . Bibl. Indica) has on p. 176. For Umaná, Shea's transla-
    tion of the Dabistán has Imaná ; but lef
    Basakhwán ; the MSS. of the Maásir
    Basákhwán (with a long penultima) (umaná) is, no doubt, the plural of
    and on other places Basákhán, without amin.
    a w ; the Calcutta edition of the
    453

    called himself Shakhç i Wahid, or ' the individual, ' and professed to be the Imám
    Mahdí, whose appearance on earth ushers in the end of the world. According
    to the Calcutta edition ofthe Dabistán and Shea's Translation , he lived about 600 A. H.;
    but the MSS. of the Maásir have A. H. 800 , which also agrees with Badáoní's
    statement that Mahmúd lived at the time of Timur. The sect found numerous adhe-
    rents in Irán, but was extinguished by Sháh ' Abbás i Mází, ' who killed them or
    drove them into exile.
    Mahmúd had forced into his service a passage from the Qorán (Sur. XVII., 81),
    'asá an yab’asaka rabbuka maqáman mahmúdan, Peradventure thy Lord will raise
    thee to an honorable (mahmúd) station .' He maintained that the human body
    (jasad ) had since its creation been advancing in purity, and that on its reaching a
    higher degree of perfection, ' Mahmúd' would arise, as indicated in the passage from
    the Qorán, and with his appearance the dispensation of Muhammad would come to an
    end. He taught the transmigration of souls, and said that the beginning ofevery thing
    was the nuqṭah i khák, or earth-atom, from which the vegetables, and from these the
    animals, arose. The term nuqtah i khák has given rise to their name Nuqtawis.
    For other of Mahmúd's tenets, vide Shea's translation of the Dabistán, vol. III., pp.
    12 to 26.
    Some of Mahmúd's doctrines must have been of interest to Akbar, whose leanings
    towards the man of the millennium ,' transmigration of souls, &c., have been men-
    tioned above, and Mír Sharif i A'mulí could not have done better than propounding the
    same doctrine at Court, and pointing to Akbar as the restorer of the millennium .
    The author of the ' A'lam A'rái Sikandarí, as the Maásir says, mentions Mír Sha-
    rífi Amulí under the following circumstances . In 1002 , the 7th year of Sháh 'Abbás
    i Mází's reign, the astrologers of the age predicted, in consequence of certain very
    inauspicious conjunctions, the death of a great king, and as this prediction was uni-
    versally referred to Sháh 'Abbás, Jalaluddín Muhammad of Tabríz, who was looked upon
    as the greatest astronomer of the period, proposed that Sháh ' Abbás should lay aside
    royalty for the two or three days the dreaded conjunction was expected to last, and
    that a criminal who had been sentenced to death, should sit on the throne. This ex-
    traordinary expedient was everywhere approved of ; the criminals threw lots, and
    Yusuf the quiver-maker, who belonged to the heretical followers of Darwish Khusrau
    of Qazwin, was raised to the throne. He reigned for three days, and was then
    killed . Soon after, Darwish Khusrau was hanged . His ancestors had been well-
    diggers, but he was a dervish, and though he had been wise enough never to speak of
    his Nuqtawiyah belief, he was known as one of the sect, and was accordingly killed.
    So also Mír Sayyid Ahmad of Káshán, whom 'Abbas killed with his own sword.
    Among his papers treatises were found on the Nuqtah doctrine, and also a letter
    addressed to him by Abulfazl in Akbar's name. Mír Sharif i Aʼmulí, a goodpoet and
    the head ofthe sect, heard of these persecutions, and fled from Astrábád to Hindústán.
    Regarding the last sentence, the author of the Maásir remarks that it involves
    an anachronism, for Mír Sharíf was in India in 984, when Akbar was at Dípálpúr in
    Málwah ; and besides, Sharíf i Amulí was mentioned in no Tazkirah as a poet.

    ¹ Mází ( ök ) , i. e. , who passed a- give to Shah ' Abbás I. of Persia, the


    way, is the " epithet which Historians contemporary of Akbar and Jahángír.
    454

    167. Hasan Beg [ Kha'n i Badakhshi'] Shaikh ’Umari' .'


    Hasan Beg was a good soldier. In the 34th year, Akbar, after his stay in Kash-
    6
    mír, marched to Zábulistán , and passed through the district of Pak'halí, which is 35
    kos long and 25 broad, and lies west of Kashmir. In Pak'halí, Sultán Husain Khán
    i Pak'halíwál (No. 301 ) paid his respects. This Zamíndár belonged to the descend-
    ants of the Qárlyghs ) ‫ ( قارلوغ‬, whom Timur on his return from India to Túrán
    had left in Pak'halí as garrison. After following Akbar's Court for a few days,
    Sultán Husain Khán withdrew without leave, and the emperor ordered Hasan Beg to
    occupy Pak'halí ( Akbarnámah III , 591 , 598) . He speedily subdued the district. In
    the 35th year, during Hasan Beg's temporary absence at Court, Sultán Husain Khán
    again rebelled, assumed the title of Sultán Naçíruddín, and drove away Hasan Beg's
    men. But soon after, he had again to submit to Hasan Beg. In the 46th year, Hasan
    was made a Commander of Two Thousand and Five Hundred for his services in
    Bangash, and was put, towards the end of Akbar's reign , in charge of Kábul, receiving
    Fort Rohtás (in the Panjab) as jágír.
    In the beginning of Jahángír's reign, he was called from Kábul to Court. On his
    way, at Mat'hurá (Muttra) , Hasan Beg met Prince Khusrau, who had fled from
    Agrah on Sunday, the 8th Zí Hajjah, 1014. From distrust as to the motives of the
    emperor which led to his recall from Kábul, or " from the innate wickedness of Badakh-
    shís," he joined the Prince with his three hundred Badakhshí troopers, received the
    title of Khán Bábá, and got the management ofall affairs. Another officer who attached
    himself to Khusrau, was ' Abdurrahím, Díwán of Láhor. After the defeat near
    4
    Bhaironwál on the Biáh, the Afgháns who were with the Prince, advised him to
    retreat to the Eastern provinces of the empire ; but Hasan Beg proposed to march to
    Kábul, which, he said, had always been the starting-place of the conquerors of India ;
    he had, moreover, four lacs of rupees in Rohtás, which were at the Prince's
    service. Hasan Beg's counsel was ultimately adopted. But before he could reach Rohtás ,
    Khusrau was captured on the Chanáb. On the 3rd Cafar 1015, the Prince, Hasan
    Beg, and ' Abdurrahím, were taken before Jahángír in the Bágh i Mírzá Kámrán, a
    villa near Láhor, Khusrau himself, according to Chingiz's law (batorah i Chingízí),
    with his hands tied and fetters on his feet. Hasan Beg after making a useless attempt
    to incriminate others (p. 451 ), was put into a cow-hide, and ' Abdurrahím into a don-
    key's skin, and in this state they were tied to donkeys, and carried through the bazars.

    ¹ Badakhshi is the adjective formed 25, ff.; Pádisháhn . I, p. 306 ; Akbarn.


    from Badakshán, as Káshi from Kásh- III, 598.
    án. The words Shaikh ' Umarí are to 2
    Generally spelt . The fort in
    be taken as an adjective formed like Bihár is spelt without wáw,,,though
    Akbarsháhí, Jahángírí, &c., which we both are identical.
    find after the names of several grandees. 3 So the Tuzuk. The Maásir has the
    Thus Shaikh'Umari would mean • be- 20th, instead of the 8th. MSS . continu-
    longing to the servants of Shaikh ' Umar,' ally confound ‫ هشتم‬and ‫ بیستم‬But
    and this explanation is rendered more Jahangir on his pursuit reached Hodal
    probable by the statement of historians
    on the 10th Zí Hajjah, and the Tuzuk
    that Hasan Beg belonged to the Bába- is correct.
    rián, or " nobles of Bábar's Court.' 4 Vide P. 414, note. There is another
    Hasan Beg is often wrongly called Bhaironwál between Wazírábád and Siál-
    Husain Beg. Thus in the Tuzuk, p. koţ, south of the Chanáb.
    455

    'As cow-hides get sooner dry than donkey-skins,' Hasan died after a few hours from
    suffocation ; but ' Abdurrahím was after 24 hours still alive, and received, at the
    request of several courtiers, free pardon. The other accomplices and the troopers of
    Khusrau were impaled ; their corpses were arranged in a double row along the road
    which leads from the Bágh i Mírzá Kámrán to the Fort of Láhor, and Khusrau,
    seated on a sorry elephant, was led along that way. People had been posted at short
    intervals, and pointing to the corpses, kept calling out to Khusrau, " Behold, your
    friends, your servants, do you homage."
    Hasan Beg was mentioned above on p. 346. His son Isfandiyár Khán, was
    under Shahjahán, a commander of 1500. He served in Bengal, and died in the 16th
    year of Shahjahan's reign (Pádisháhn . I., 476 ; I., b., 304) The ' Arif Beg i Shaikh
    'Umarí mentioned in the Pádisháhn. ( I., b., 319 ) appears to be a relation of his .
    168. Sheroyah Kha'n, son of Sher Afkan Khán.
    Sher Afkan Khán was the son of Qúch Beg . Qúch Beg served under Humáyún,
    and was killed in the successful attempt made by several grandees to save Maryam
    Makání, Akbar's mother, after the fatal battle of Chausá ( vide No. 96, p . 410 ) . When
    Humáyún fled to Persia, Sher Afkan remained with Mírzá Kámrán in Kábul ; but
    he joined the emperor on his return from Irán, and was made governor of Qalát. Later
    he received Zahák-Bámiyán as jágír, but went again over to Kámrán. Humáyún, soon
    after, captured and killed him.
    Sheroyah Khán served at first under Mun'im (No. 11 ) in Bengal and Orísá.
    In the 26th year, he was appointed to accompany Prince Murád to Kábul . In the
    28th year, he served under ' Abdurrahím (No. 29) in Gujrát, and was present in the
    battle of Sarkich ( Akbarnámah III., 408, 422 ). In the 30th year, he served under
    Matlab Khán (No. 83 ) against Jalálah Táríkí (p. 403) . In the 39th year, he was
    made a Khán, and was appointed to Ajmír. According to the Tabaqát, he was a
    Hazárí in 1001 .
    169. Nazar Be Uzbak.
    The Akbarnámah ( III. , p . 500) says, ' On the same day2 Nazar Be, and his sons
    Qanbar Be, Shádí Be (No. 367), and Báqí Be ( No. 368 ), were presented at Court, and
    were favourably received by the emperor.'
    Shádí Be distinguished himself in the expedition under Matlab Khán (No. 83)
    against the Táríkís. He may be the Shádí Khán Shádí Beg, mentioned in the
    Pádisháhnámah (I., b. , 308) as a commander of One Thousand. Be is the abbrevia-
    tion of Beg. Nazar Be is not to be confounded with Nazar Beg (No. 247) .
    170. Jalal Kha'n, son of Muhammad Khán, son of Sultán Adam, the
    Gakk'har.
    171. Mubarak Kha'n, son of Kamál Khán, the Gakk'har.
    The Gakk'hars are a tribe inhabiting, according to the Maásir, the hilly districts

    ¹ In Zú Hajjah, 1018, he got an ap- that Mán Singh, soon after the defeat of
    pointment as a Yúzbáshí, or commander of the Imperialists and the death of Bir
    100, and was sent to Kashmir (Tuzuk, p . Bar in the Khaibar Pass , had defeated
    79). In the Tuzuk, he is called ' Abdur- the Táríkis at ' Ali Masjid (end of the
    rahim Khar, ' Abdurrahím ' the Ass .' 30th year, or beginning of Rabí' I. , 994) .
    2 When the news was brought to Akbar
    456

    between the Bahat and the Indus.' At the time of Zainuľábidín , king of Kashmir,
    a Ghaznín noble ofthe name of Malik Kid ( 5, or ), who was a relation of the
    then ruler of Kábul, took away these districts from the Kashmírís, and gradually
    extended his power over the region between the Níláb ( Indus) and the Sawáliks and the
    frontier of modern Kashmír. Malik Kid was succeeded by his son Malik Kalán, and
    Malik Kalán by Malik Bír. After Bír, the head of the tribe was Sultán Tatár,who rendered
    Bábar valuable service, especially in the war with Ráná Sánká. Sultán Tatár had two
    sons, Sultán Sárang, and Sultán Adam . Sárang fought a great deal with Sher Shah and
    Salím Sháh, capturing and selling a large number of Afgháns. The Fort Rohtás was
    commenced by Sher Shah with the special object of keeping the Gakk'hars in check. Sher
    Sháh in the end captured Sultán Sárang and killed him, and confined his son Kamál
    Khán in Gwáliár, without, however, subjugating the tribe. Sultán Adam was now
    looked upon as the head of the clan . He continued to oppose the Afgháns . Once
    Salím Shah gave the order to blow up a portion of the Gwáliár Fort, where the state
    prisoners were kept . Kamál Khán, who was still confined, had a miraculous escape
    and was in consequence pardoned . Kamál went to his kinsfolk ; but as Sultán
    Adam had usurped all power, he lived obscurely with his brother Sa'id Khán,
    avoiding to come in conflict with his uncle. Immediately after Akbar's acces
    sion, however, Kamál paid his respects to the emperor at Jálindhar, was well received,
    and distinguished himself in the war with Hemú, and during the siege of
    Mánkot. In the 3rd year, he was sent against the Miyánah Afgháns, who had
    revolted near Saronj ( Málwah), and was made on his return jágírdár of Karah and
    Fathpur Huswah. In the 6th year, he served under Khán Zamán (No. 13) against
    the Afgháns under the son of Mubáriz Khán ' Adlí ( p. 320) . In the 8th year (970),
    he was called to Court, and as Akbar wished to reward him, Kamál Khán begged the
    emperor to put him in possession of the Gakk'har district, which was still in the hands

    1 Mr. J. E. Delmerick informs me that merick's History of the Gakk'hars,


    the Gakk hars inhabited the hilly parts Journal, A. S. B., 1871.
    of the Ráwul Pindi and Jhelam districts 2 The Maásir says, he subjected the
    from Khánpúr on the borders of the Ha- tribes called ‫ کهتر‬، ‫ جانوهه‬، ‫ ایوان‬، ‫چترنیه‬
    zárah district along the lower range of ‫ بهوکیان‬، ‫ جهده‬, ‫ باريه‬and ‫ ميرال‬. .r
    hills skirting the Tahçíls of Rawul Pindí, Delmerick says, the Khatars inhabit the
    Kuhúta , and Gújar Khán , as far as Do- western parts of the Ráwul Pindi district.
    meli in the Jhelam district. Their ancient The second tribe is that of the Janju'ahs
    strongholds were Pharwálah, Sultán- who inhabit the Salt Range. The third,
    púr, and Dangálí. They declare that Awán ( t ) , are found in the southern
    they are descended from the Kaianian
    parts of the Ráwul Pindí and the Jhelam
    kings of Irán. Their ancestor Kid districts ; their tract is called Awánkárí
    invaded Tibet, where he and his descend- to this day. The fourth, he says, may,
    ants reigned for ten generations . His
    be the Jodrahs ( 8 ) , a great clan
    tenth descendant Kab conquered Kash-
    mir, and took possession of half of it. about Pindi Gheb. The fifth, he believes
    The Gakk hars then reigned for 16 gene- is intended for the Kokharán ( s‚es),
    rations after Kabin Kashmir. The 16th a tribe ofsome importance in Pind Dádan
    descendant, Zain Sháh fled to Afgháni- Khán. The sixth and the eighth are the
    stán, where he died. His son, Gakk'har
    Shah, came to the Panjab with Mahmúd Chibh ( 4 ) and Mangarál (J ),
    of Ghazní, and was made lord of the Sind large tribes in Jammú. The seventh he
    Ságar Duáb. Malik Bir is said to have supposes to be a mistake for & jes pahá-
    been the grandfather of Tatár, whose riah or hill tribes,which were the Dhúnds
    father was Malik Pilú. Vide Mr. Del- ) ‫ ( دهوند‬and Sattis ) ‫ ستي‬.
    457

    of his usurping uncle. Akbar ordered the Khán i Kalán ( No. 16) and other Panjábí
    grandees, to divide the district into two parts, and to give one of them to Kamál
    Khán ; if Sultán Adam was not satisfied with the other, they should occupy the
    country and punish Sultán Adam. The latter alternative was rendered necessary by
    the resistance of Sultán Adam. The Panjab army, therefore, and Kamál Khán entered
    the Gakk har district, and defeated and captured Adam after a severe engagement near
    •
    the Qaçbah of Hílán." Sultán Adam and his son Lashkari were handed over to
    Kamál Khán, who was put in possession of the district. Kamál Khán killed Lashkarí,
    and put Sultán Adam into prison, where he soon after died . ( Akbarnámah, II , 240ff. )
    It is stated in the Tabaqat that Kamál Khán was a commander of Five
    Thousand, distinguished for courage and bravery, and died in 972.ª
    Mubárak Khan and Jalál Khán served in the 30th year under Mírzá Shahrukh,
    Bhagwan Dás , and Sháh Qulí Mahram, in Kashmír (Akbarnámah, III , 485 ) . The
    Tabaqát calls both, as also Sa'id Khán, commanders of Fifteen Hundred . A daughter
    of Sa'id Khán was married to Prince Salím ; vide No. 225 , note.
    172. Ta'sh Beg Kha'n Mughul, [ Táj Khán] .
    Tásh Beg served at first under Mírzá Muhammad Hakím, king of Kábul, and
    entered, after the death of his master, Akbar's service. He received a jágír in the
    Panjab. According to the Akbarnámah ( III, 489 ), he went with Bír Bar (No. 85) to
    Sawád and Bijor, and distinguished himself under ' Abdul Maṭlab (No. 83) against the
    Táríkis ( III , 541 ).
    In the 40th year, he operated against the 'Isá Khail Afgháns , though with little
    success . Two years later, he served under Açaf Khán (No. 98) in the conquest of
    Mau, and received the title of Táj Khán. When Rájah Bású again rebelled (47th
    year) , Khwajah Sulaimán, Bakhshí of the Panjáb, was ordered to march against him
    with the contingents of Qulij Khán (No. 42), Husain Beg i Shaikh ' Umarí (No. 167 ),
    Ahmad Beg i Kábulí (No. 191 ), and Táj Khán. Without waiting for the others,
    T. Kh . moved to Pathán . Whilst pitching his tents, Jamíl Beg, T. Kh.'s son, received
    news of Bású's approach. He hastily attacked him, and was killed with fifty men of
    his father's contingent .
    Jahangir on his accession , promoted him to a command of 3000. In the second
    year of his reign, he officiated as governor of Kábul till the arrival of Sháh Beg Khán
    (No. 57) . He was afterwards appointed governor of T'hat'hah, where he died in the
    ninth year (1023).
    173. Shaikh ' Abdullah, son of Shaikh Muhammad Ghaus [ of Gwáliár] .
    Shaikh ' Abdullah at first lived a retired and saintly life, but entered subsequently the
    Emperor's service. He distinguished himself, and is said to have risen to the dignity
    of a commander of Three Thousand . He died when young.
    His brother Zidullah lived as Faqir, and studied during the lifetime of his

    ' Not Hailán ( a ), south of Chili- The author of the Maásir found 970 in
    ánwálá between the Jhelam and the his MS., which would be the same year
    Chanáb ; but Hílán, or Hil, which Mr. in which Kamál Khán was restored to
    Delmerick says, is a ferry on the Jhelam his paternal inheritance ; hence he adds a
    near Daugáli, Sultán Adam's strong- ‫والله اعلم‬. He was certainly alive in the
    hold. middle of 972 (Akbarnámah, II , ջ .
    2 So in my MSS. of the Tabaqát. 302)
    458

    father under the renowned saint Wajihuddin in Gujrát, who himself was a pupil of
    Muhammad Ghaus.
    Biographies of Muhammad Ghaus (died 970 at Agrah, buried in Gwáliár) will be
    found in the Maásir, Baddoní ( HI , p. 4) , and the Khazinatullacfiá (p. 969). He
    was disliked by Bairám Khán, Shaikh Gadáí, and Shaikh Mubárak, Abulfazl's father.
    Vide also Maásir i ' A'lamgírí, p. 166.
    174. Rajah Ra jsingh, son of Rájah Askaran, the Kachhwáhah.
    Rájah Askaran is a brother of Rájah Bihárí Mall (No. 23). He served in the 22nd
    year with Çádiq Khán (No. 43 ) against Rájah Madhukar of Undehah, ' and in the 25th
    year under Todar Mall in Bihár, In the 30th year, he was made a commander of One
    Thousand, and served in the same year under ' Aziz Kokah (No. 21) in the Dak'hin. In
    the 31st year, when Akbar appointed two officers to each çúbah, Askaran and Shaikh
    Ibráhím (No. 82) were appointed to Agrah. In the 33rd year, he served a second time
    against Rajah Madhukar under Shihab Khán (No. 26), and died soon after.
    Abulfazl has not given his name in this list of grandees. The Tabaqát says he
    was a commander of Three Thousand.
    Ráj Sing, his son, received the title of Rájah after the death of his father. He served
    for a long time in the Dak'hin , was called in the 44th year to Court, and was appointed
    commandant of Gwáliár. In the 45th year, he joined the Imperial army, which under
    Akbar besieged Fort Asír. In the 47th year, he pursued, together with Rái Ráyán
    Patr Dás (No. 196 ), the notorious Bir Singh Deo Bundelah , who at Jahángír's insti-
    gation had murdered Abulfazl. For his distinguished services in the operations against
    the Bundelah clan, he was promoted, and held, in the 50th year, the rank of a com-
    mander of 4000, 3000 horse. In the 3rd year, of Jaháugír's reign, he served in the
    Dak'hin, where he died in 1024 ( 10th year).
    Rám Dás, his son , was a Commander of 1000, 400 horse. He received, in the
    12th year, the title of Rájah, and was made, in the same year, a commander of 1500,
    700 horse.
    One of his grandsons, Prasuttam Singh, turned Muhammadan in the 6th year
    of Shahjahan's reign, and received the name of ' Ibádatmand."
    175. Ra'i Bhoj, son of Rái Surjan Hádá (No. 96) .
    When Búndí, in the 22nd year, was taken from Daudá, elder brother of Rái Bhoj,
    the latter was put in possession of it. Bhoj served under Mán Singh against the
    Afgháns of Orísá, and under Shaikh Abulfazl in the Dak’hin ( Akbarn. III., 851, 855).
    His daughter was married to Jagat Singh (No. 160).
    In the first year of his reign, Jahángír wished to marry Jagat Singh's
    daughter. Rái Bhoj , her grandfather, refused to give his consent, and Jahangir
    resolved to punish him on his return from Kábul. But Rái Bhoj, in the end of 1016,
    committed suicide . The marriage, however, took place on the 4th Rabí' L , 1017,
    (Tuzuk, pp. 68, 69).

    Undehah is generally spelt on our one


    maps Oorcha. It lies near Jhánsí on the 2 place the Maásir has Satdahárá.
    Regarding the Kachhwáhahs see my
    left bank of the Betwah. The name of article in the Calcutta Review, for April,
    the river Dasthárá, ' mentioned on p. 1871 , entitled ' A Chapter from Muham-
    356, is differently spelled in the MSS. In madan History.'
    459

    It is said that Rá'thor and Kachhwáhah princesses entered the imperial Harem ;
    but no Hádá princess was ever married to a Timuride.
    XIV. Commanders of Eight Hundred.
    176. Sher Khwajah.
    He belonged to the Sayyids of Itáwah ( sl . ) His mother was a Naqsh-
    bandí (p. 423, note 2) . Sher Kh.'s name was ' Pádisháh Khwajah,' but Akbar called
    him on account of his bravery and courage Sher Khwajah.
    In the 30th year, Sh . Kh. served under Sa'íd Khán Chaghtái (No. 25 ) against the
    Yusufzaís, and afterwards under Sultán Murád in the Dak'hin. In the 40th year, the
    Prince sent him with a corps to Patan, where he distinguished himself against Ikhláç
    Khán. He continued to serve in the Dak'hin under Abulfazl. In the engagement
    near Bir he was wounded. He entered the town victoriously, but was besieged.
    From want of provisions, his men had to subsist on horse-flesh. As in consequence
    of the swelling of the Gangá (Godávarí) he did not expect assistance from the north,
    he resolved to try a last sortie and perish, when Abulfazl arrived and raised the siege,
    Abulfazl proposed to leave his own son ' Abdurrahmán at Bír ; but Sh, Kh. refused
    to quit his post. In the 46th year, he received a drum and a flag.
    Sh. Kh. remained in favour during the reign of Jahángír. He was with the
    emperor when Mahábat Khán near the Bahat had taken possession of Jahángír's person .
    After Jahangir's death , he served with Açaf Khán against Shahryár in Láhor.
    In the 1st year of Shahjahan's reign, he was made a commander of 4000, with
    1000 horse, and received the title of Khwajah Báqí Khán, He was also appointed
    governor of That'hah, vice Mírzá 'Isá Tarkhán (p . 363) . He died on his way to his
    province in 1037. Pádisháhn. , I., 181 , 200.
    His son Khwajah Hashim was made a commander of 500 ( Pádisháhnámah,
    I. , b. , 327 ) . Another son, Asadullah, is mentioned as a commander of 900, 300 horse,
    (Pádisháhn. II., 738).
    177. Mirza' Khurram, son of Khán i A'zam Mírzá ' Azíz Kokah (No. 21 ).
    He has been mentioned above, p. 328 .

    XV. Commanders of Seven Hundred.


    178. Quraish Sulta'n, son of ' Abdurrashid Khán, king of Káshghar.
    182. Sultan ' Abdullah, brother (by another mother) of Quraish
    Sultán.
    310. Sha'h Muhammad , son of Quraish Sultán .
    Quraish Sultán is a descendant of Chingiz Khán. His genealogical tree is given
    in the Akbarnámah (III ., 584) and the Tárikh i Rashidí as follows :-
    1. Chingiz Khán .

    2. Chaghtái Khán

    3. Mawáthán (second son of Chaghtái Khản ).

    Chingiz Khán, in the histories, is often called Qáán i Buzurg.


    460

    4. (the MSS. give various readings ).

    5. Yaráq Khán ( called after his conversion Sultán Ghiásuddín) .

    6. Dawá Khán .

    7. Alsínúqá , or Alsánúqá , Khán

    8. Tughluq Timur Khán .


    9. Khizr Khwajah Khán (father-in-law of Timur).
    10. (a .) Muhammad Khán ....( .) Sham ’ Jahán Khán.... (c. ) Naqsh Jahán Khán.

    11. (a .) Sher Muhammad Khán . ( . ) Sher ’Ali Ughlán .

    12. Uwais Khán, son of Sher 'Alí Ughlán .


    13. Yúnas Khán, father of Bábar's mother.

    14. Sulţán Ahmad Khán , known as Alćnchah Khán .


    I
    15. Sulţán Abú Saíd Khán .

    16. ’Abdurrashíd Khán .


    1
    (2) Quraish Sultán (3) Sultán ' Abdullah
    17. (1) ’Abdul Karim Khán .
    (No. 178). (No. 178).

    (1 ) Shah Muhammad (No. 310).


    (2( Khudábandah .
    After the death of’Abdurrashíd Khán ( 16. ) , ’Abdulkarim Khán , elder brother of
    Quraish Sultán, succeeded to the throne of Káshghar. He treated his relations well,
    partly in fulfilment of his father's wish, partly from natural benevolence. But Khudá-
    bandah, son of Quraish Sultán, quarrelled with Muhammad Khán, his uncle, and Khudá.
    bandah occupied the town of Tarfán. ' Abdulkarim, doubting the loyalty of his
    relations, ordered Quraish Sultán to go to Makkah. Q. went first with his family to
    Badakhshan and Balkh, and lastly, with the permission of ' Abdullah Khán of Túrán,
    to Hindústán. He met Akbar, in the 34th year, at Shihábuddínpúr, when the em-
    peror was just returning from Kashmír, was well received, and appointed to a com-
    mand of Seven Hundred.
    Quraish died in the 37th year, ( 1000) at Hájípúr.
    179. Qara Baha'dur, son of Mírzá Mahmúd, who is the paternal uncle
    of Mírzá Haidar [Gurgání].
    Like the preceding, Qará Bahadur belonged to the royal family of Káshghar.
    Mírzá Haidar's father, Muhammad Husain, was the son of Bábar's maternal aunt,
    Mírzá Haidar, 3 during his stay in Káshghar, had accompanied the son of Sultán

    1 Dawá invaded India during the reign Gurgán , the Mughul term for
    of 'Aláuddín ; vide Journal, As. Soc. the Persian dámád, a son-in-law. Hence
    Bengal, for 1869 , p. 194, and 1870, p. 44. Timurides are often called Gurgánis.
    His daughter is called Tukul Khán- Mírzá Haidar was a historian and
    It is said that Timur poet. He wrote in 951 the Táríkh í
    um ‫تكل خادم‬
    after the marriage received the title of 'Abdurrashídí, in honor of Abdurrashid,
    461

    Abú Sa'id on several expeditions to Kashmír, and had thus acquired some knowledge
    of the people and the state of that province. He subsequently went over Badakhshán
    to India, and arrived at Láhor, where Mírzá Kámrán made him his naib during his
    absence on an expedition to Qandahár, which the Sháh of Persia had taken from
    Khwajah Kalán Beg. M. Haidar afterwards accompanied Kámrán to Agrah, and
    tried on several occasions to persuade Humáyún, to take possession of Kashmír.
    When the emperor after his second defeat by Sher Shah retreated to Láhor, he gave
    M. Haidar a small corps and sent him to Kashmír. The country being in a distracted
    state, M. H. took possession of it without bloodshed, and ruled as absolute king for
    ten years. But afterwards he ordered the khutbah to be read, and coins to be struck,
    in Humáyún's name. He was killed in 958 by some treacherous Kashmírís .
    The father of Qará Bahádur was Mírzá Mahmúd ; hence Q. B. was M. Haidar's
    cousin. As he had been with M. H. in Kashmír, Akbar, in the 6th year, ordered
    him to re-conquer the province, and gave him a large corps. But Q. B. delayed his
    march, and when he arrived in the hot season at Rájor, he found the passes fortified.
    Soon afterwards , he was attacked and defeated by Ghází Khán, who had usurped the
    throne of Kashmir. Q. B. discomfited returned to Akbar.
    In the 9th year, he accompanied the emperor to Málwah, and was appointed, on
    Akbar's return, governor of Mandú. He died soon after.
    For a relation of Qará Bahádur, vide No. 183 .
    180. Muzaffar Husain Mi'rza' , son of Ibráhím Husain Mírzá, [ son
    of Muhammad Sultán Mírzá] .
    Muzaffar Husain Mírzá is a Timuride. His tree is as follows :-
    'Umar Shaikh Mírzá (second son of Timur).

    Mírzá Báiqrá.

    Mírzá Mançúr .

    M. Báiqrá.
    Wais Mírzá ,

    Muhammad Sultán Mírzá.

    (1 ) Ulugh Mírzá. (2 ) Sháh Mírzá. (3) Ibráhím Hu- (4) Muhammad Husain
    sain M. M.
    (5) Mas'úd Husain M.
    (6) 'Aqil Husain M.
    (1) Sikandar Mírzá,
    sive Ulugh Mírzá . Muzaffar Husain
    (2) Mahmud Sultán M., Mírzá. (No. 180.)
    sive Shah Mirzá.

    king of Káshghar. The villa known Yárkand.


    as Bágh i Cafá was erected by him . The Táríkh commences with the reign
    Akbarnámah III., 585 . of Tughluq Timur Khán, who was con-
    The MS. of the Táríkh i Rashídí in verted to Islám by Mauláná Arshadud-
    the Library ofthe Asiatic Society (Persian dín, and goes down to the reign of ' Abd-
    MSS, No. 155 , three parts, 19 lines per urrashid. The second daftar contains
    page) is a fair, though modern copy, and the Memoirs of Mírzá Haidar. The style
    was brought by Capt. H. Strachey from is elegant.
    462

    The mother of Muhammad Sultán Mírzá was the daughter of the renowned
    Sultán Husain Mírzá, king of Khurásán, at whose court Muhammad Sultán Mírzá
    held a place of distinction . After Sultán Husain's death , Muhammad Sulțán Mírzá
    went to Bábar, who treated him with every distinction . Humáyún also favoured him,
    though on several occasions he rebelled, and extended his kindness to his sons, Ulugh
    Mírzá and Sháh Mírzá, who had given him repeatedly cause of dissatisfaction . Ulugh
    Mírzá was killed in the expedition against the Hazárahs, and Sháh Muhammad
    died, soon after, a natural death.
    Ulugh Mírzá had two sons, Sikandar Mírzá and Mahmud Sultán Mírzá ; but
    Humáyún changed their names, and gave Sikandar the name of Ulugh Mírzá , and
    Mahmud Sultán Mírzá that of Sháh Mírzá.
    As Muhammad Sultán Mírzá was old, Akbar excused him from attending at
    Court (taklif i bár) , and gave him the parganah of A'zampúr in Sambhal as a pension.
    He also bestowed several other places upon his grandsons Ulugh and Sháh Mírzá. At
    A'zampúr, in his old age, Muhammad Sulțán M. had four other sons born to him-
    1. Ibráhím Husain Mírzá, 2. Muhammad Husain Mírzá, 3 , Mas'úd Husain Mírzá, and
    4. 'Aqil Husain Mírzá
    In the 11th year of Akbar's reign, Mírzá Muhammad Hakim, king of Kábul,
    invaded India and besieged Láhor ; and when Akbar marched against him, Ulugh M.
    and Shah M. rebelled . They were joined in their revolt by their (younger) uncles
    Ibráhím Husain M. and Muhammad Husain M. The rebellious Mírzás went plunder-
    ing from Sambhal to Khán Zamán (No. 13) at Jaunpúr ; but as they could not agree
    with him, they marched on Dihlí, and from there invaded Málwah, the governor of
    which, Muhammad Qulí Khán Barlás ( No. 31 ) , was with the emperor. The conse-
    quence of their revolt was, that Akbar imprisoned the old Muhammad Sultán Mírzá.
    He died a short time after in his prison at Biánah. In the 12th year, when Akbar had
    defeated and killed Khán Zamán, and conquered Chítor, he made Shibáb Khán ( No.
    26) governor of Málwah, and ordered him to punish the Mírzás.
    About this time Ulugh M. died . The other Mírzás unable to withstand Shiháb
    Khán, fled to Chingiz Khán (p . 386) , who then ruled over a portion of Gujrát. Chingiz
    Khán was at war with I'timád Khán (No. 67) of Ahmadábád ; and as the Mirzás
    had rendered him good service, he gave them Bahronch as jágír. But their behaviour
    in that town was so cruel, that Chingiz Khán had to send a corps against them.
    Though the Mírzás defeated his troops, they withdrew to Khándesh, and re-entered
    Málwah . They were vigorously attacked by Ashraf Khán ( No. 74) , Cadiq Khán
    (No. 43 ), and others, who besieged Rantanbhúr ( 13th year), and were pursued to the
    Narbadá, where many soldiers of the Mírzás perished in crossing. In the meantime
    Chingiz Khán had been murdered by Jhujhár Khán, and as Gujrát was in a state of
    disorder, the Mírzás, with litte fighting, occupied Champánír, Bahronch, and Súrat.
    In the 17th year, Akbar entered Gujrát and occupied Ahmadábád. Dissensions
    having broken out among the Mírzás, Ibráhím Husain M. left Bahronch, and arrived
    at a place 8 miles from Akbar's camp. Most of Akbar's Amírs had the day before been
    sent away towards Súrat in search of Muhammad Husain M. Hearing of Ibráhím
    Husain's arrival, the emperor despatched Shahbáz Khán (No. 80) after the Amírs,
    whilst he himself marched to the Mahindrí River, where it flows past the town of
    4.63

    Sarnál. Akbar had about 40 men with him, few of whom had armour ; but when
    the Amírs returned , the number rose to about 200. The signal of attack was given,
    and after a hard fight, Ibráhím Husain M. was defeated . He fled towards Agrah,
    whilst his wife, Gulrukh Begum, a daughter of Mírzá Kámrán, on hearing of his
    defeat, fled with Muzaffar Husain Mírzá, from Súrat to the Dak'hin.
    Akbar now resolved to invest Súrat, and left M. ' Aziz Kokah (No. 21 ) with a
    garrison in Ahmadábád, ordering at the same time Qutbuddín (No. 28) to join
    'Aziz with the Málwah contingent. Muhammad Husain M. and Sháh M. thereupon
    united their troops with those of Sher Khán Fúládí, a Gujrátí noble, and besieged
    Patan. 'Aziz marched against them, and defeated them ( p . 396). Muhammad Hu-
    sain M. then withdrew to the Dak'hin.
    Ibráhím Husain M. and his younger brother Mas'úd Husain M. having met with
    resistance at Nágor (p. 357 ), invaded the Panjab. The governor, Husain Qulí
    Khán (No. 24), at that time besieged Nagarkot, and hearing of the inroad of the
    Mírzás, made peace with the Rájah, attacked the rebels, defeated them, and captured
    Mas'úd . Ibráhím Husain fled towards Multán, and was soon afterwards wounded and
    captured by some Balúchís. He then fell into the hands of Sa'id Khán (No. 25), and
    died of his wounds.
    After Akbar's return to Agrah, Muhammad Husain Mírzá left the Dak'hin,
    invaded Gujrát, and took possession of several towns. He was defeated at Kambháit
    by Naurang Khán (p. 334), and joined the party of Ikhtiyárulmulk and the sons of
    Sher Khán Fúládí. They then marched against Ahmadábád, and besieged M. ' Azíz
    Kokah. To relieve him, Akbar hastened in forced marches from Agrah to Patan, and
    arrived, on the 5th Jumáda I, 981 ( p . 416 ), with about 1000 horse, at a place 3 kos
    from Ahmadábád. Leaving Ikhtiyár to continue the siege, Muhammad Husain op-
    posed the emperor, but was defeated and wounded. In his flight his horse fell over
    a bramble, when two troopers captured him, and led him to Akbar. Each of the two
    men claimed the customary reward, and when Bír Bar, at Akbar's request , asked
    Muhammad Husain which of the two had taken him prisoner, he said, " The salt of
    the emperor has caught me ; for those two could not have done it." Ikhtiyar on hear-
    ing of the defeat and capture of Muhammad Husain, raised the siege, and fled with his
    5000 troopers . Akbar at once pursued him. Ikhtiyár got detached from his men,
    and in jumping over a shrub fell with his horse to the ground, when Suhráb Turkmán
    who was after him, cut off his head, and took it to the emperor. Muhammad Husain
    also had, in the meantime, been executed by Rái Singh (No. 44) , whom Akbar had put
    over him.
    Sháh Mírzá had fled in the beginning of the battle.
    In the 22nd year, Muzaffar Husain Mírzá, whom his mother had taken to the
    Dak'hin, entered Gujrát and created disturbances. He was defeated by Rájah Todar
    Mall and Vazír Khán (p . 353), and fled to Júnágadh . When the Rájah had gone,
    Muzaffar besieged Vazír in Ahmadábád . During the siege he managed to attach
    Vazír's men to his cause, and was on the point of entering the town, when a cannon
    ball killed Mihr ' Alí Kolábí , who had led the young Muzaffar into rebellion. This so
    affected Muzaffar, that he raised the siege, though on the point of victory, and withdrew
    to Nazrbár. Soon after, he was captured by Rájah 'Alí of Khándesh, and handed over
    464

    to Akbar. He was kept for some time in prison ; but as he shewed himself loyal,
    Akbar, in the 36th year, released him, and married him to his eldest daughter, the
    Sultán Khánum. He also gave him Sirkár Qanauj as tuyúl. Muzaffar, however,
    was addicted to the pleasures of wine, and when complaints were brought to Akbar, he
    cancelled the tuyúl, and again imprisoned him. But he soon after set him at liberty .
    In the 45th year ( 1008) , when Akbar besieged Asír, he sent Muzaffar to besiege Fort
    Lalang. But he quarrelled with Khwajah Fathullah, and one day, he decamped for
    Gujrát. His companions deserted him ; and dressing himself in the garb of a faqir,
    he wandered about between Súrat and Baglánah, when he was caught by Khwajah
    Waisí and taken before the emperor . After having been imprisoned for some time,
    he was let off in the 46th year. He died, not long after, a natural death.
    His sister, Núrunnisa, was married to Prince Salím ( vide No. 225 , note).
    Gulrukh Begum , Muzaffar's mother, was still alive in 1023, when she was visited on
    her sick-bed by Jahángír at Ajmír.
    181. Qundu'q Kha'n, brother of the well-known Bairám Oghlán.
    The Akbarnámah ( I., 411 ) mentions a Qundúq Sultán, who accompanied Humá-
    yún on his march to India.
    For Qundúq, some MSS. read Qundúz. A grandee of this name served in Bengal
    under Mun'im, and died at Gaur (p. 376).
    182. Sultan ' Abdullah, brother (by another mother) of Quraish Sul-
    tán (No. 178) .
    183. Mi'rza''Abdurrahmaʼn, son of Mírzá Haidar's brother (vide No.
    179).
    184. Qiya Khan , son of Cáhib Khán.
    In the Tabaqát and the Akbarnámah he is generally called , which
    may mean ' Qiyá, the beautiful,' or ' Qiyá, son of Çáhib Hasan. ' Proper nouns ending
    in a long vowel rarely take the Izáfat.' It looks as if the reading alo of the
    A'ín MSS. was a mistake. The words are intended to distinguish him
    from Qiyá Gung (No. 33).
    Qiyá served under Shamsuddín Atgah against Bairám (p . 317 ). He was also
    present in the battle of Sárangpúr ( vide No. 120) .
    185. Darba'r Kha'n, ' Inayat [ ullah ], son of Takaltú Khán, the Reader.
    Darbár's father was Shah Tahmásp's reader. 'Inayat, on his arrival in India,
    was appointed to the same post by Akbar, and received the title of Darbár Khán.
    He served in the 9th year (end of 971 ) in Málwah, and in the 12th year, in the last
    war with Khán Zamán. He accompanied the emperor to Rantanbhúr, and when Akbar,
    in the 14th year, after the conquest of the fort, made a pilgrimage to the tomb of
    Mu'in i Chishtí in Ajmír, Darbár Khán took sick leave, and died on his arrival at
    A'grah.
    According to his dying wish-to the disgust of the author of the Maásir—he
    was buried in the mausoleum of one Akbar's dogs, which he had built. The dog had
    shewn great attachment to its imperial master.

    1 Thus you say ‫ هلاگو ملعون‬for ‫ الگوی ملعون‬.the


    accursed aliga
    465

    188. 'Abdurrahma'n , son of Muayyid Dúldai.


    The name Dúldai had been explained above on p. 388. ' Abdurrahman's great
    grandfather, Mír Sháh Malik, had served under Timur. 'Abdurrahman was killed in
    a fight with the Bihár rebel Dalpat. Vide under his son Barkhurdár, No. 328, and
    under No. 146. Another son is mentioned below, No. 349,
    187. Qa'sim ' Ali ' Kha 'n.
    When Akbar, in the 10th year, moved against Khán Zamán ( No. 13 ), Qásim
    *Alí Khán held Gházípur. In the 17th year, he served in the siege of Súrat, and in
    the following year, with Khán 'Alam (No. 58) in the conquest of Patna under Mun-
    'im. For some reason he returned to Court, and took Shujá'at Khán ( No. 51 ) a pri-
    soner to Mun'im , whom he had slandered. In the 22nd year, he served under Çádiq
    (No. 43) against Madhukar Bundelah, and in the 25th year, under ' Azíz Kokah (No.
    21 ) in Bihár. In the 26th year, he was employed to settle the affairs of Hájí Begum,
    daughter ofthe brother of Humáyún's mother (tagháí zádah i wálidah i Jannat-ástání),
    who after her return from Makkah (p . 441 ) had been put in charge of Humáyún's tomb
    in Dihlí, where she died. In the 31st year, when Akbar appointed two officers for each
    çúbah, Q. A. and Fath Khán Tughluq were sent to Audh . He returned , in the 35th
    year, from Khairábád to Court, and soon after received Kálpí as jágír. Nothing
    also is known of him.'¹ Maásir. For his brother, vide No. 390 .
    188. Ba/z Baha'dur, son of Sharif Khán (No. 63) .
    Vide above p. 383.
    189. Sayyid ' Abdullah Kha'n , son of Mír Khwánandah .
    Some MSS. have Khwánd' instead of Khwánandah .' Sayyid ' Abdullah had been
    brought up at Court . In the 9th year, he served in the pursuit of ' Abdullah Khán
    Uzbak. In the 17th year, he was with the Khán i Kalán (No. 16 ) in the first
    Gujrát war. Later, he served under Mun'im in Bengal, and was with Khán 'Alam
    (No. 58) in the battle of Takaroí (p . 375 ) . In 984, he brought the news of Dáúd's
    defeat and death at Agmahall ( p . 331 ) to Akbar. During the Bengal military revolt,
    he served under Mírzá ' Azíz ( No. 21 ) and under Shahbáz Khán (No. 80 ), chiefly
    against Ma'çúm i Farankhúdí ( No. 157 ) . In the 31st year, Akbar sent him to Qásim
    Khán (No. 59) in Kashmír. In the 31th year (997 ), he was one night surprised by a
    body of Kashmírís, and killed with nearly three hundred Imperialists .
    190. Dha 'ru ', son of Rájah Todar Mall (No. 39) .
    Vide above P. 352.
    191. Ahmad Beg i Ka'buli'.
    Ahmad Beg traces his origin to Mír Ghiásuddín Tarkhán, a Chaghtái noble who
    served under Timur. Like Sháh Beg (No. 57 ) , Táj Khán ( No. 172) , Abul Qasim
    (No. 199) , Ma'çúm Khán ( p. 431 , note 1) , and Takhtah Beg (No. 195) , A. B. entered,
    after M. Muhammad Hakim's death, Akbar's service. He was made a commander of
    700, and received, in 1003, on the removal of Yusuf Khán i Razawí (No. 35), a jágír
    in Kashmír. He married the sister of Ja'far Beg Açaf Khán (No. 98).

    1
    Sayyid Ahmad's edition of the Tu- we have there to read Qasim Beg for
    zuk mentions a Qásim 'Alí on p. 58, 1. 2 Qásim 'Alí.
    from below ; but according to the Maásir,
    59
    466

    During the reign of Jahángír, he rose to the post of a commander of 3000, and
    received the title of Khán, and also a flag. He was for some time governor of Kash-
    mír. On his removal, he went to court, and died.
    From the Tuzuk we see that Ahmad Beg in the first year of Jahángír, was made
    a commander of 2000, and held Pasháwar as jágír. In the second year, he was order-
    ed to punish the Afghán tribes in Bangash, and was for his services there promoted,
    in the 5th year, to a command of 2500. In the 9th year, in consequence of complaints
    made by Qulij Khán (No. 42), he was called to court, and confined in Fort Rantan-
    bhúr ( Tuzuk, p. 136) . In the following year, he was released (l. c., p . 146) , and sent
    to Kashmir (l. c. , p. 149) .
    Ahmad Beg's sons, especially his second eldest, were all distinguished soldiers.
    They are-
    1. Muhammad Mas'úd (eldest son) . He was killed in the war with the Táríkís.
    His son, Ardsher, was a commander of 1000 , 600 horse, and died in the 18th year
    of Sháhj.'s reign.
    2. Sa'id Khán Bahádur Zafar-jang (second son) . He rose during the reign
    of Shahjahan to the high dignity of a commander of 7000, and distinguished himself
    in every war. He was governor of Kábul, the Panjáb, and Bihár. He died on the
    2nd Cafar, 1062. Of his twenty-two sons , the two eldest, Khánahzád Khán and
    Lutfullah, were killed in the Balkh war, where Sa'id also was severely wounded. Two
    other sons, ' Abdullah and Fathullah, rose to high commands.
    3. Mukhliçullah Khún , Iftikhár Khán. He rose under Sháhjahán to a com
    mand of 2000, 1000 horse , and was Faujdár of Jammú ( Pádisháhn. I. , p . 258) , and
    died in the 4th year of Sháhj.'s reign .
    4. Abul Baqá. He was the younger brother (by the same mother) of Sa'íd,
    under whom he served . He was thánahdár of Lower Bangash. In the 15th year,
    after the Qandahár expedition, he got the title of Iftikhár Khán, at the same time
    that his elder brother received that of Zafar-jang, and was made a commander of
    1500, 1000 horse.
    192. Hakim ' Ali', of Gílán.
    'Alí came poor and destitute from Persia to India, but was fortunate enough to be-
    come in course of time a personal attendant (mulázim) and friend of Akbar. Once the
    emperor tried him by giving him several bottles of urine of sick and healthy people,
    and even of animals. To his satisfaction, ' Alí correctly distinguished the different
    kinds. In 988, he was sent as ambassador to ' Alí ' A'dil Sháh of Bíjápúr, and was
    well received ; but before he could be sent back with presents for his master, 'Adil
    Shah suddenly died . '
    In the 39th year, Hakím ' Alí constructed the wonderful reservoir (hauz), which
    is so often mentioned by Mughul historians. A staircase went to the bottom of the
    'Adil Shah was murdered in 988 , by Malik Barid of Bedar, and was stabbed by
    a young handsome eunuch, whom he at- the elder ofthe two at the first attempt of
    tempted to use for an immoral purpose. satisfying his inordinate desires. Mau-
    The king was known as much for his láná Razá of Mashhad, poetically styled
    justice and goodwill towards his subjects, Razáí, found the tárikh of his death in
    as for his mania for boys and unnatural the words Shah i jahán shud shahid
    crimes. He obtained with some exertion (988), ' The king of the world became a
    two young and handsome eunuchs from martyr.'
    467

    reservoir, from where a passage led to an adjoining small room, six gaz square, and
    capable of holding ten or twelve people. By some contrivance, the water of the reser-
    voir was prevented from flowing into the chamber. When Akbar dived to the bottom
    of the reservoir and passed into the room, he found it lighted up, and furnished with
    cushions, sleeping apparel, and a few books . Breakfast was also provided .
    In the 40th year, 'Alí was a commander of 700, and had the title of Jálínús
    uzzamání, ‘ the Galenus of the age.' His astringent mixtures enjoyed a great reput-
    ation at Court.
    He treated Akbar immediately before his death . It is said that the Emperor died of
    dysentry or acute diarrhoea, which no remedies could stop . ' Alí had at last recourse
    to a most powerful astringent, and when the dysentry was stopped, costive fever and
    strangury ensued . He therefore administered purgatives, which brought back the
    diarrhoea, of which Akbar died. The first attack was caused, it is said, by worry and
    excitement on account of the behaviour of Prince Khusrau at an elephant fight. Salím
    (Jahángír) had an elephant of the name of Giránbár, who was a match for every
    elephant of Akbar's stables, but whose strength was supposed to be equal to that of
    Abrúp, one of Khusrau's elephants. Akbar therefore wished to see them fight for the
    championship, which was done. According to custom, a third elephant, Rantahman,
    was selected as tabánchah, i. e., he was to assist either of the two combatants when
    too severely handled by the other. At the fight, Akbar and Prince Khurram (Sháh-
    jahán) sat at a window, whilst Salím and Khusrau were on horseback in the arena.
    Giránbár completely worsted Abrúp, and as he mauled him too severely, the tabánchah
    elephant was sent off to Abrúp's assistance. But Jahángír's men , anxious to have
    no interference, pelted Rantahman with stones, and wounded the animal and the
    driver. This annoyed Akbar, and he sent Khurram to Salím to tell him not to break
    the rules, as in fact all elephants would once be his. Salím said that the pelting of
    stones had never had his sanction , and Khurram, satisfied with the explanation , tried
    to separate the elephants by means of fireworks, but in vain. Unfortunately Rantah-
    man also got worsted by Giránbár, and the two injured elephants ran away, and
    threw themselves into the Jamnah. This annoyed Akbar more ; but his excitement
    was intensified, when at that moment Khusrau came up, and abused in unmeasured
    terms his father in the presence of the emperor. Akbar withdrew, and sent next
    morning for ' Alí, to whom he said that the vexation caused by Khusrau's bad behaviour
    had made him ill.
    In the end of 1017, Jahángír also visited ' Alí's reservoir, and made him a com-
    mander of 2000. He did not long enjoy his promotion, and died on the 5th
    Muharram, 1018. Jahángír says of him (Tuzuk, p. 74) that he excelled in Arabic,
    and composed a commentary to the Qánún. " But his subtlety was greater than his
    knowledge, his looks better than his walk of life, his behaviour better than his heart ; for
    in reality he was a bad and unprincipled man." Once Jahangir hinted that ' Alí had
    killed Akbar. On the other side it is said that he spent annually 6000 Rupees on
    medicines for the poor.¹

    ¹ Badáoní ( III. , 166 ) says that ' Ali science under Sháh Fathullah of Shíráz.
    was the son of the sister of Hakim ul He was a rabid Shf'ah, and a bad doctor
    Mulk of Gilán and learned medicine and who often killed his patients. Thus he
    468

    He had a son, known as Hakim ' Abdulwahháb . He held a mançab . In the


    15th year of Jahángír's reign, he claimed from certain Sayyids in Láhor the sum of
    80,000 Rs, which, he said, his father had lent them. He supported his claim by a
    certificate with the seal of a Qází on it, and the statements of two witnesses. The
    Sayyids who denied all knowledge, seeing that the case went against them, appealed
    to the emperor . Jahángír ordered Açaf Khán (No. 98) to investigate the case.
    'Abdulwahhab got afraid, and tried to evade the investigation by proposing to the
    Sayyids a compromise. This looked suspicious, and Açaf by cross-questioning found
    that the claim was entirely false. He therefore reported ' Abdulwahháb, and the
    emperor deprived him of his mançab and jágír. He seems to have been afterwards
    restored to favor ; for in the Pádisháhnámah (I, 6. , 328) he is mentioned as a
    commander of 500, 50 horse.
    193. Gujar Kha'n, son of Qutbuddín Khán Atgah ( No. 28 ) .
    He was mentioned above on p. 334.
    194. Sadr Jaha'n Mufti/.
    Mírán Çadr Jahán was born in Pihání, a village near Qanauj .' Through the in-
    fluence of Shaikh ' Abdunnabí he was made Mufti. When ' Abdullah Khán Uzbak,
    king of Túrán, wrote to Akbar regarding his apostacy from Islám, Mírán Çadr and
    Hakim Humám (No. 205) were selected as ambassadors. The answer which they
    took to 'Abdullah contained a few Arabic verses which ' Abdullah could construe into
    a denial of the alleged apostacy, —
    ‫قد كنا‬ ‫الرسول‬ ‫ان‬ ‫قيل‬ ‫ولد‬ ‫ذو‬ ‫الاله‬ ‫ان‬ ‫قيل‬
    ‫من لسان الوري فكيف انا‬ ‫مانجا الله والرسول معا‬
    " Of God people have said that He had a son ; of the Prophet some have said that
    he was a sorcerer. Neither God nor the Prophet has escaped the slander of men- Then
    how should I ?"
    Mírán returned in the 34th year, and was made Çadr (vide p. 274 ). In the
    35th year, at the feast of Abánmáh, the Court witnessed a curious spectacle. The Çadr
    and ' Abdul Hai (No. 230) , the Chief Justice of the empire, took part in a drinking
    feast, and Akbar was so amused at seeing his ecclesiastical and judicial dignitaries over
    their cups, that he quoted the well-known verse from Háfiz, -

    ‫در دور پادشاه خطابخش جرم پوش حافظ قرابه کش شد و مفتی پیانه نوش‬
    Up to the 40th year, he had risen to the dignity of a commander of 700 ; but
    later, he was made an Amír, and got a mançab of 2000 (vide p. 208) .
    During the reign of Jahángír, who was very fond of him, he was promoted to
    a command of 4000, and received Qanauj as tuyúl. As Çadr under Jahángír he is
    said to have given away more lands in five years than under Akbar in fifty. He died
    in 1020, at the age, it is believed, of 120 years. His faculties remained unimpaired to
    the last.
    His position to Akbar's ' Divine Faith, ' has been explained above (p. 208) . There
    is no doubt that he temporized, and few people got more for it than he. He also

    killed Fathullah by prescribing harísah ¹ So Badáoní. The Maásir says, Pi-


    (vide p. 33, note). hání lies near Lak❜hnau.
    469

    composed poems, though in the end of his life, like Badáoní, he repented and gave up
    poetry as against the spirit of the Muhammadan law.
    He had two sons :-
    1. Mir Badr i ' Alam. He lived a retired life.
    2. Sayyid Nizám Murtazá Khán. His mother was a Bráhman woman, of
    whom his father had been so enamoured, that he married her ; hence Nizám was his
    favourite son. He was early introduced at Court, and, at the death of his father, was
    made a commander of 2500, 2000 horse. In the first year of Shábjahán's reign , he
    was a promoted to command of 3000, and received, on the death of Murtazá Khán
    Injú (p. 451 ) the title of Murtazá Khán . He served a long time in the Dak'hin.
    His tuyúl was the Parganah of Dalamau, where he on several occasions successfully
    quelled disturbances. He was also Faujdár of Lakʼhnau. In the 24th year of
    Sháhj.'s reign, he was pensioned off, and received 20 lacs of dáms per annum out of the
    revenue of Pihání, which was one kror. He enjoyed his pension for a long time.
    His sons died before him. On his death, his grandsons ' Abdul Muqtadir and
    'Abdullah were appointed to mançabs, and received as tuyúl the remaining portion of
    the revenue of Pihání. 'Abdul Muqtadir rose to a command of 1000 , 600 horse, and
    was Faujdár of Khairábád .
    195. Takhtah Beg i Kabulí [ Sardár Khán ].
    He was at first in the service of M. Muhammad Hakím, and distinguished him-
    self in the wars with India ; but on the death of his master ( 30th year), he joined
    Akbar's service. He served under Mán Singh and Zain Kokah against the Yúsuf-
    zaís. As Thánahdár of Pasháwar he punished on several ocoasions the Táríkís. In
    the 49th year, he was made a Khán.
    After Jahángír's accession, he was made a commander of 2000, and received
    the title of Sardár Khán. He was sent with Mírzá Ghází Tarkhán ( p . 363) , to relieve
    Sháh Beg Khán (No. 57) in Qandahár. As Sháh Beg was appointed governor of
    Kábul, Takhtah was made governor of Qandahár, where, in 1016 , he died.
    He had a villa near Pashawar, called the Bágh i Sardár Khan. His two sons
    Hayát Khán and Hidáyatullah got low mançabs.
    196. Rai Patr Da's, [ Rájah Bikramájít ] , a Khatrí.
    Patr Dás was in the beginning of Akbar's reign accountant (mushrif) of the
    elephant stables, and had the title of Rái Ráyán . He distinguished himself, in the
    12th year, during the siege of Chítor. In the 24th year, he and Mír Adham were
    made joint díwáns of Bengal. At the outbreak of the Bengal military revolt, he was
    imprisoned by the rebels (p. 439) , but got off and served for some time in Bengal.
    In the 30th year, he was made díwán of Bihár. In the 38th year, he was ordered
    to occupy Bándhú (p. 407), the capital of which after a siege of 8 months and 25 days
    surrendered (42nd year) . In the 43rd year, he was made díwán of Kábul, but was
    in the following year again sent to Bándhú. In the 46th year, he was made a com-
    mander of 3000. When Abulfazl, in the 47th year, had been murdered by Bir Singh,
    Akbar ordered Patr Dás to hunt down the rebel, and bring his head to Court. Patr
    defeated Bir Singh in several engagements, and shut him up in Irich. When the
    siege had progressed, and a breach was made in the wall, Bir Singh escaped and with-
    drew to the jungles with Patr close at his heels. Akbar, at last, in the 48th year, called
    470

    P. to Court, made him in the next year a commander of 5000, and gave him the title
    of Rájah Bikramájít.
    After Jahangir's accession, he was made Mir Atash, and was ordered to recruit
    and keep in readiness 50.000 artillery (topchí) with a train of 3000 gun-carts, the revenue
    of fifteen parganahs being set aside for the maintenance of the corps (Tuzuk, p . 10) .
    When the sons of Muzuffar of Gujrát created disturbances, and Yatím Bahadur
    had been killed, Patr was sent to Ahmadábád with powers to appoint the officers of
    the rebels who submitted, up to commands of Yúzbáshís , or recommend them, if they
    had held higher commands, for appointments to the emperor.
    ' The year of his death is not known.' Maásir.
    The Rái Mohan Dás mentioned occasionally in the Akbarnámah and the Tuzuk
    p. 50) appears to be his son.
    197. Shaikh ' Abdurrahim, of Lak’hnau.
    He belongs to the Shaikhzádahs of Lak'hnau, and was in the 40th year a com-
    mander of 700. He was a great friend of Jamál Bakhtyár (No. 113 ) , from whom
    he learned wine-drinking. In fact he drank so hard , that he got frequently insane .
    In the 30th year, when Akbar was in the Panjáb, ' Abdurrahím wounded himself in a
    fit whilst at Sialkot in Hakím Abulfath's dwelling. Akbar looked after the wound
    himself.
    His wife was a Bráhman woman of the name of Kishná. After the death of her
    husband, she spent his money in laying out gardens and villas. In one of them her
    husband was buried, and she entertained every one who passed by the tomb, from a
    panjhazárí to a common soldier, according to his position in life.
    'Abdurrahim was mentioned above on p. 338.
    198. Medni' Ra'i Chauha'n .
    From the Akbarnámah we see that he served, in the 28th and 32nd years, in
    Gujrát. Nizamuddin Ahmad, who was with him in Gujrát, says in the Tabaqát,—
    ' Mední Rái is distinguished for his bravery and liberality, and is now ( i. e. , in 1001 ) a
    commander of 1000.'
    199. Mir Abul Qasim Namaki′n , [ Qásim Khán ].
    The MSS . have almost invariably Tamkin ( ), instead of Namakín. He
    is not to be confounded with Nos. 240 and 250.
    Mír Abul Qasim was a Sayyid of Harát. He was at first in the service of Mírzá
    Muhammad Hakím , Akbar's brother and king of Kábul . But he left Kábul, and on
    entering Akbar's service, he received Bhírah and Khusháb in the Panjáb as jágír.
    As his lands lay within the Namaksár, or salt range, he once presented Akbar,
    evidently in allusion to his faithful intentions (namak-halálí,) with a plate and

    1 The namaksár, or salt-range, says the latter of the amount realized . Mer-
    the Maásir, is a district 20 kos long, and chants buy the salt at a price varying
    belongs to the Sind Ságar Duáb, between from half a dám to two dáms (one rupee
    the Bahat and the Indus. People break 40 dáms) per man, and export it. The
    offpieces from the salt rocks, and carry Government takes 1 Rupee for every 17
    them to the banks of the river, where the mans. The salt is also often made into
    price is divided between the miners and ornaments.
    the carriers, the former taking and
    471

    a cup made of salt (namakín), from which circumstance he received the nickname of
    Namakin.
    Abul Qasim served in the war with Dáúd of Bengal. In the 26th year, he was
    in Kábul, and accompanied, in the 30th year, Ismá'íl Qulí Khán (No. 46) on his
    expedition against the Balúchís. In the 32nd year, the Afghán chiefs of Sawád and
    Bajor, and Teráh, waited with their families on Akbar, who made Abul Qásim Krorí
    and Faujdár of those districts, and ordered him to take the families of the chiefs back
    to Afghánistán. The chiefs themselves were retained at Court. Renewed fights, in
    the 33rd year, gave him frequent occasions of distinguishing himself.
    Up to the 40th year, he rose to a command of 700. In the 43rd year, he was appointed
    to Bhakkar. He built the great mosque in Sukkhar, opposite to Bhakkar. The inhabitants
    accused him of oppressions, and he was deposed. A party of the oppressed arrived with
    him at Court, and lodged a new complaint against him with ' Abdul Hai (No. 230) , the
    Qizí of the imperial camp (urdu). But Abul Qásim, though summoned, did not appear.
    before the judge, and when the matter was reported to Akbar, he was sentenced to be tied
    to the foot of an elephant, and paraded through the bazars. To avoid the disgrace, he
    came to an immediate settlement with the complainants, chiefly through the mediation
    of Shaikh Ma'rúf, Çadr of Bhakkar, and prevailed on them to return the very day to
    their homes. The next day he went to the emperor, and complained of the Qází,
    stating that there were no complainants, and 'Abdul Hai tried in vain to produce the
    oppressed parties . This case led to the order that Qázís should in future prepare
    descriptive rolls of complainants, and present them to the emperor.
    Abul Qasim was, soon after, made a Khán, got a higher mançab, and received
    Gujrát in the Panjáb as tuyúl. In the first year of Jahángír's reign , he was made a
    commander of 1500. The part which he played in the capture of Prince Khusrau has been
    mentioned above (p . 414, note 2, where Tamkin is to be altered to Namakin). For
    his services he was again appointed to Bhakkar with the rank of a commander of 3000 •
    He now resolved to make Bhakkar his home. Most of his illustrious descendants were
    born there, On a hill near the town southwards towards Loharí, near the branch of
    the river called Kahármátrí, ( 5), he built a mausoleum, to which he gave
    the name of Cuffah i Çafá (the dais of purity). He and several of his descendants
    were buried in it.
    He is said to have been a most voracious man. He could eat-historians do not
    specify the time- 1000 mangoes, 1000 sweet apples, and 2 melons, each weighing a
    man. The Maásir says, he had 22 sons, and the Tuzuk ( p . 13) says, he had 30 sons
    and more than 15 daughters.
    The following tree is compiled from several notes in the Maásir
    472

    Mír Abul Qásim Namakín (settled at Bhakkar in 1015).


    1. Mír Abul Baqá 2. Mírzá Kash- 3. M. Husámuddín . 4. M. Záidullah.
    Amír Khán. mírí.
    (died 1057 A. H.)

    1. M. ' Abdurrazzáq. 2. Ziáuddín Yusuf 3. Mír 'Abdulkarim A daughter, married


    Khán . Sindhi Amír Khán . in 1066 to Prince
    (under Aurangzíb to Murád Bakhsh.
    Farrukh Siyar)
    A son .

    M. Abul Wafá. Abul Khair Khán .


    (end of Aurang- (under Farrukh Siyar)
    zíb's reign )
    Mir Abul Baqá Amír Khán rose under Jahángír to a command of 2500, 1500
    horse. Through the influence of Yamínuddaulah he was made governor of Multán,
    and in the 2nd year of Sháhjahán , he was made a commander of 3000 , 2000 horse, and
    appointed to T'hat'hah, vice Murtazá i Injú deceased (p. 451 ) . In the 9th year, he
    was made Tuyúldár of Bír in the Dak'hin, and was sent, in the 14th year, to Síwistán
    vice Qaráq Khán. In the following year, he was again appointed to That'hah, where
    in 1057 (20th year ) he died . He was buried in the mausoleum built by his father,
    Under Jahángír he was generally called Mír Khán . Sháhjahán gave him the title of
    Amír Khán .
    One of his daughters was married in 1066, after his death, to Prince Murád
    Bakhsh, who had no children by his first wife, a daughter of Shahnawáz Khán
    i Cafawí. Amír Khán had a large family. His eldest son, Mír ' Abdurrazzáq,
    was a commander of 900, and died in the 26th year of Sháhjahán's reign. His second
    son, Ziáuddín Yusuf, was made a Khán, and held under Sháhjahán a mançab of 1000,
    600 horse. Ziá's grandson, Abul Wafá was in the end of Aurangzíb's reign in charge
    of his majesty's prayer room ( dároghah i já-namáz). Amír Khán's youngest son,
    Mír 'Abdulkarim, was a personal friend of Aurangzíb. He received in succession the
    titles of Multafit Khán , Khánahzad Khán (45th year of Aurangzíb ), Mír Khánhzad
    Khán, and Amír Khán (48th year, ) and held a command of 3000. After Aurangzíb's
    death, he was with Muhammad A'zam Sháh ; but as he had no contingent, he was left
    with the baggage (bungah) at Gwáliár. After the death of Muhammad A'zam
    in the battle of Sarái Jájú, ² Bahadur Sháh made him a commander of 3500. He was
    generally at Court, and continued so under Farrukh Siyar. After Farrukh's death,

    1 Shahnawaz Khán i Cafawí is the brother of Sháistah Khán ; but Sháistah


    title of Mírzá Badíuzzamán, alias Mírzá is the son of Yaminuddaulah Açaf Khán ,
    Dak'hiní, son of Mírzá Rustam (No. 9). elder brother of Núr Jahán .
    One ofhis daughters, Dilras Bánú Begum, 2 Sarái Jájú, near Dholpúr. The
    was married, in the end of 1046 , to Au- battle was fought on the 18th Rabi' I.,
    rangzíb. Another was married, in 1052, 1119, and Muhammad A'zam was killed
    to Prince Murád Bakhsh . Elphinstone with his two sons Bedár Bakht and
    (History of India, 5th edition , p . 607) Wálí-jáh.
    calls Shahnawaz Khán by mistake the
    473

    the Barha brothers made Amír Khán çadr of the empire. He died shortly after.
    His son, Abulkhair, was made a Khán by Farrukh Siyar ; the other sons held no man-
    çabs, but lived on their zamíndárís .
    2. Mírzá Kashmiri was involved in the rebellion of Prince Khusrau. As the
    associates were to be punished in an unusual way (siásat i ghair-mukarrar, Tuzuk,
    p. 32), Jahángír ordered his penis to be cut off.
    3. Mírzá Husámuddin. He held a mançab, but died young.
    4. Mírzá Záidullah. He was in the service of Khán Jahán Lodí .
    200. Wazi'r Beg Jami'l.'
    Wazir Jamil, as he is often called, served in the 9th year of Akbar's reign
    against ’Abdullah Khán Uzbak , and in the war with Khán Zamán ( No. 13) . In the
    final battle, when Bahádur Khán (No. 22) was thrown off his horse, W. J. instead of
    taking him prisoner, accepted a bribe from him, and let him off. But Nazar Bahadur,
    a man in the service of Majnún Khán (No. 50) saw it, and took Bahadur
    prisoner. Afterwards, he received a jágír in the Eastern Districts, and took part in
    the expeditions to Bengal and Orísá under Mun'im Khán . At the outbreak of
    the Bengal military revolt, he joined the Qáqsháls ; but when they separated from
    Ma'çúm i Kábulí (p. 431 , note) and tendered their submission , W. J. also was par-
    doned. In the 29th year, he came to court, and served in the following year under
    Jagnáth (No. 69) against the Ráná. He seems to have lived a long time. Jahángír
    on his accession made him a commander of 3000 ( Tuzuk, p. 8).
    He is not to be confounded with the Jamil Beg mentioned under No. 172 .
    201. Tahir, [son of] Saiful-mulúk.
    The Tabaqat says that Táhir was the son of Sháh Muhammad Saiful-mulík.
    His father was governor of Gharjistán in Khurásán, and was killed by Shah Tahmásp
    of Persia. Táhir went to India, was made an Amir at Akbar's Court, and served in
    Bengal, where he was when the author of the Tabaqát wrote ( 1001 ).
    He is also mentioned in Dowson's Edition of Elliot's Historians, I., pp. 241 , 212 ,
    202. Babu' Mankli'.
    Regarding the name ' Manklí,' vide p. 370, note. The Tabaqát says that Bábú
    Mankli was an Afghán, and a commander of 1000.
    He was at first in Dáúd's service, and occupied G'horág hát at the time when
    Mun'im Khán had invaded Orísá (p. 370) . Soon after, he entered Akbar's service,
    but continued to be employed in Bengal. In the 30th year, he suppressed disturbances
    at G'horág hát ( Akbarn . III., 470) , and took part, in the 35th year, in the operations
    against Qutlú Khán. Two years later, he accompanied Mán Singh's expedition to
    Orísá.
    He may have lived under Jahangir ; for the Mankli Khán mentioned in the
    Tuzuk (pp. 70, 138 ) can only refer to him. The Tuzuk (p. 12) mentions a son of his,
    Hátim. Another son, Mahmúd, appears to have been a commander of 500, 300 horse
    under Shahjahan (Pádisháhn. I., b. , p. 323) , though the text edition of the Bibl . Indica
    calls him son of Yábú Maikali , for !)

    ¹ Jamíl is a common name among Turks. It is scarcely ever used in Hindústán.


    60
    474

    XVI. Commanders of Six Hundred.


    203. Muhammad Quli' Kha'n Turkma'n [ Afshár, p . 411 ] .
    He served at first in Bengal. At the outbreak of the military revolt, he took the
    side of the rebels, but left them, and was pardoned by Akbar. In the 30th year, he
    marched with Mán Singh to Kábul, where he greatly distinguished himself. In the
    39th year, when Qulij Khán (No. 42) was appointed to Kábul, Muhammad Qulí
    Khán, his brother Hamzah Beg (perhaps No. 277), and others, were sent to Kashmir,
    vice Yusuf Khán (No. 35, and p. 411 ) . In the 45th year, a party of Kashmírís tried
    to set up Ambá Chak as king ; but they were defeated by ' Alí Qulí, son of M. Q. Kh.
    In the 47th year, M. Q. Kh. was made a commander of 1500, 600 horse ; and Hamzah
    Beg, one of 700, 350 horse. New disturbances broke out, when in the following year
    'Alí Rái, king of Little Tibet, invaded the frontier districts of Kashmir. He retreated
    on M. Q. Kh.'s arrival, and was vigorously pursued , when the imperialists were
    enforced by Saifullah (No. 262) from Láhor. In the 49th year, Ambá again appeared,
    but was driven, with some difficulty, from his mountains.
    In the 2nd year of Jahangir's reign , M. Q. K. was removed from Kashmir .
    Hamzah Beg was in the 49th year of Akbar's reign a commander of 1000 ,
    204. Bakhtya'r Beg Gurd i Sha'h Mansu'r.
    The Izáfut most likely means that he was the son of Sháh Mançúr, in which
    case the word gurd ( athlete) would be Bakhtyár's epithet. Two MSS. have the word
    pisar (son) instead of gurd.
    The Tabaqat says, ' Bakhtyár Beg Turkmán in an Amír, and governs at present
    (1001 ) Síwistán.' In the 32nd year, he served against the Táríkis.
    205. Haki'm Huma'm,² son of Mír ' Abdurrazzáq of Gílán .
    Regarding his family connection, vide No. 112 , p. 424. Humám's real name is
    Humáyún. When he came to Akbar's Court, he discreetly called himself Humáyún
    Qulí, or slave of Humáyún ;' but soon afterwards, Akbar gave him the name of Hu-
    mám. He held the office of Bakáwal Beg ( p . 57 ), and though only a commander of
    600, he was a personal friend of Akbar, and possessed great influence at court.
    In the 31st year, he was sent with Çadr Jahán ( No. 194) to Túrán as ambassador .
    Akbar often said that he did not enjoy his meals on account of Humám's absence. He
    returned to India, about a month after his brother's death. He died in the 40th year,
    on the 6th Rabí' I. , 1004. Badáoní (II., p . 406) says, the day after Humám's death ,
    Kamálá (p. 264) also died , and their property was at once put under seal and escheated
    to the government, so that they were destitute of a decent shroud.
    Humám had two sons-
    1. Hakim Háziq ( ə) . He was born at Fathpúr Síkrí, and was a young
    man when his father died. At Shahjahan's accession , he was made a commander
    of 1500, 600 horse, and was sent, in the 1st year, to Túrán as ambassador .
    He rose to a command of 3000. Later, for some reason, his mançab was cancelled,
    and he lived at Agrah on a pension of 20,000 rupees per annum, which in the 18th

    The MSS. have . The Tuzuk men- (vide No. 394) at Bardwán, on the 3rd
    tions ' a Kashmirí of royal blood ,' of the Çafar, 1016.
    2 Humám, not Hammám, is the In-
    name of . He was killed by Sher Afkan dian pronunciation.
    475

    year, was doubled. He died in the 31st year ( 1068 ) . ' He was a poet of some dis-
    tinction, and wrote under the name of Háziq. His vanity is said to have been very
    great. A copy of his díwán was kept on a golden stool in his reception room, and
    visitors, when it was brought in or taken away, were expected to rise and make
    saláms ; else he got offended .
    2. Hakim Khushhál. He grew up with Prince Khurram . Shahjahan , on his
    accession, made him a commander of 1000. He was for some time Bakhshi of the
    Dakhin.
    206. Mi'rza' Anwar, son of Khán i A'zam Mírzá Kokah (No. 21 ) .
    He was mentioned above on p. 328.

    XVII. Commanders of Five Hundred.


    207. Baltu' Kha'n of Turkistán .
    He was a grandee of Humáyún, and served in the Kábul war, and in the battles
    which led to H.'s restoration .
    208. Mi'rak Baha'dur Arghu 'n.
    The Tabaqat says, he reached a command of 2000, and died . From the Akbar-
    námah (II., 170, 248) we see that he served in the conquest of Málwah ( vide No. 129),
    and in the pursuit of Sharafuddín Husain (No. 17 ) .
    209. La'l Kha'n Kola'bi'.
    He is also called La'l Khán Badakhshi (vide p. 438), and served under Humáyún
    in the war of the restoration (Akbarn. I. , 411 ). He distinguished himself in the
    defeat of Hemú. Later, he served under Mun'im in Bengal and Orísá, and died of
    fever at Gaur (p . 376 ).
    210. Shaikh Ahmad, son of Shaikh Salim.
    He is the second ( miyání) son of Shaikh Salím of Fathpúr Síkrí. He served
    at court with Shaikh Ibrábím (No. 82 ) , and died in the 22al year (985) .
    211. Iskandar Beg i Badakhshi'.
    He is mentioned in the Akbarnámah (II., 251 ), as having served in the pursuit
    of Abul Ma'álí (end of the 8th year).
    212. Beg Nu'ri'n Kha'n Qu'chi'n.
    He served under Mu'izzul Mulk (No. 61 ) in the battle of Khairábád. In the
    32nd and 33rd years , he served under ' Abdul Matlab (No. 83 ) and Çádiq Khán
    (No. 43) against the Táríkís.
    The Tabaqat says he was a commander of 1000, and was dead in 1301 .
    213. Jala'l Kha'n Qu'rchi'.
    Akbar was much attached to him. In the 5th year, he was sent to Rám Chand
    11th year,
    Bhagelah (No. 89) with the request to allow Tánsín to go to court. In the
    it came to the emperor's cars that J. was passionately attached to a beautiful boy.
    Akbar had the boy removed ; but J. managed to get him again, and fled with him
    from Court. M. Yúsuf Razawí pursued and captured them. After some time, J. was

    ' The Maúsir says that the author of the Mir-át (Chapter on the poets of the
    the Mir-át-ul ' A'lam mentions 1080 as period from Humáyún to Aurangzib)
    the year of his death ; but my MS . of mentions no year.
    476

    restored to favour. Later, he took a part in the expedition to Siwánah, and distin-
    guished himself, in the 20th year, in the war with Rájah Chandr Sen of Márwár.
    During the expedition a Rájpút introduced himself to him, who pretended to be Deví
    Dás, who had been killed at Mírt'ha, evidently with the view of obtaining through
    him an introduction to Court. The stranger also reported that Chandr Sen had
    taken refuge with Kallá, son of Rám Rái and brother's son to Ch . S., and a detach
    ment of imperialists was sent to Kalla's palace. Kallá now wished to take revenge
    on the stranger for spreading false reports, and induced Shimál Khán (No. 154) to
    help him. Shimál therefore invited the stranger ; but though surrounded by Sh.'s
    men, the pretender managed to escape . He collected a few men, and entered one night
    a tent which he supposed to belong to Shimál. But it happened to be that of Jalál,
    who was cut down by the murderers (end of 983 , Akbarn. III. , 140 ).
    It was Jalál who introduced the historian Badáoní at Court.
    214. Parma'nand , the Khatrí.
    He is mentioned in Dowson's edition of Elliot's Historians, I., P. 244.
    215. Timur Kha'n Yakkah .
    He served under Mun'im ( No. 11 ) in Kábul, and, in the 10th year, against Khán
    Zamán ( Akbarn. , II ., 236, 326).
    The Timur i Badakhshí mentioned several times in the Akbarnámah (III., 165,
    174) appears to be another officer. Vide No. 142.
    216. Sa'ni' Kha'n of Harát.
    He was born at Harát, and belonged to the Arlát (~ ) clan. According to
    the Akbarnámah (I., 379) , Mauláná Sání, ' who is now called Sání Khán', was in the
    service of Mírzá Hindál ; but after the Mírzá's death ( 21st Zí Qa'dah, 958 ) he was
    taken on by Humáyún. He served in the wars with Khán Zamán.
    Badáoní ( III., 206) says that his real name was ' Ali Akbar. He was a fair
    poet, but a heretic, and like Tashbíhí of Káshán, wrote treatises on the Man of the
    Millennium, according to the Nuqtawí doctrines (p. 452) . Hence he must have been
    alive in 990.
    217. Sayyid Jamaluddi'n, son of Sayyid Ahmad Bárha (No. 91) .
    Vide above p. 408. He had also served in the final war with Khán Zamán.
    218. Jagma'l, the Punwár.
    He served in the second Gujrát war after Akbar's forced march to Patan and
    Ahmadábád (p. 416, note).
    219. Husain Beg, brother of Husain Khán Buzurg.
    220. Hasan Kha'n Batani'.'
    The Tabaqát classes him among the commanders of 1000. He was at first in the
    service of the Bengal king Sulaimán , and was present with Sulaimán Mankli (p . 370 )
    and Kálá Pahár at the interview between Mun'im and Khán Zamán (No. 13) at
    Baksar (Buxar). Akbarn., II ., 325.
    Hasan was killed with Bír Bar in the Khaibar Pass ; vide p. 204. MSS. often call
    him wrongly Husain instead of Hasan.

    Bațaní is the name of an Afghán tribe, N. W. of Derá Ismá'íl Khán.


    477

    221. Sayyid Chhajhu', ' of Bárha.


    The Tabaqát says that S. Chhajhú was a brother of S. Mahmúd ( No. 75) , and
    distinguished for his courage and bravery. From the family genealogies of the Bárha
    clan it appears that S. Ch, was a Kúndlíwál. His tomb still exists at Majherah, and
    according to the inscription he died in 967 .
    222. Munsif Kha'n, Sultán Muhammad of Harát.
    223. Qaʼzi' Kha'n Bakhshi '.
    Some MSS. have Badakhshi instead of Bakhshi. Vide No. 144. On p . 383,
    1. 10, we have to read No. 144 for No. 223.
    224. Ha'j'i Yu'suf Kha'n.
    He was at first in Kámrán's service. In the 12th year, he joined the corps of
    Quyá Khán ( No. 33) , and rendered assistance to M. Yúsuf Khán , whom Khán Zamán
    No. 13) besieged in Qanauj. In the 17th year, he operated under Khán ' Alam ( No. 58 )
    against M. Ibráhím Husain, and was present in the battle of Sarnál. In the 19th
    year, he went with Mun'im to Bengal and Orísá, and died after his return at Gaur
    (p. 376).
    225 . Ra'wul Bhi'm of Jaisalmír .
    The Tuzuk says (p. 159),—' On the 9th Khurdád ( middle of 1025 ) , Kalyán of
    Jaisalmír was introduced at court by Rájah Kishn Dás, whom I had sent to him.
    Kalyan's elder brother was Ráwul Bhím, a man of rank and influence. When he
    died, he left a son two months old, who did not live long. Bhím's daughter had been
    married to me when I was prince, and I had given her the title of Malikah i Jahán.
    This alliance was made, because her family had always been faithful to our house. I
    now called Bhím's brother to court, invested him with the tíká, and made him Ráwul'.2
    For Kalyán, vide under No. 226. In the 12th year of Jahángír's reign, he was
    made a commander of 2000 , 1000 horse ( Tuzuk, p. 163).
    226. Hashim Beg, son of Qásim Khán (No. 59 ) .
    After the death of his father (39th year) and the arrival of Qulij Khán ( No. 42) ,
    the new governor of Kábul, Háshim returned to court. In the 41st year, he served

    The spelling Chhajhú' is preferable of Tuzuk, p. 8, be correct, that Jahángír


    to 'Jhajhú.' had forgotten who among his many wives
    2 The list of Jahángír's wives on p. was mother to his second son. (3) Núr-
    310, may be increased by ten other prin- unnisa Begum, sister of Mírzá Muzaffar
    cesses. ( 1) Malikah i Jahán, daughter Husain, p. 464. (4) A daughter of the
    of Ráwul Bhím of Jaisalmír. (2 ) The king of Khandesh. This princess died
    beautiful daughter of Zain Kokah, men- in the 41st year of Akbar's reign.
    tioned on p. 345. There is a curious (5) Cálihah Bánú, daughter of Quim
    discrepancy between Tuzuk, p. 8, and Khán , p. 371. (6) A daughter of Khwajah
    Akbarnámah, III., 594 : Jahangir says Jahán i Kábulí (Dost Muhammad).
    that Parwíz was his son by Zain Kokah's (7) A daughter of Sa'id Khán Gakk'har .
    daughter, and Abulfazl says that Par- Her daughter, ' Iflat Bánú, is mentioned,
    wiz's mother was the daughter of Khwá- Akbarnámah, III. , 561. ( 8 ) The mo-
    jah Hasan, Zain Khán's uncle (vide also ther of Daulat Nisá, Akbarn , III., 597.
    p. 344) ; but there is no doubt that Par- The MSS. do not clearly give the name
    wiz was born in the 34th year, on the 19th of the father of this princess. (9) A
    Abán, 997, whilst Jahangir, only in the daughter of Mírzá Sanjar, son of Khizr
    41st year, fell in love with Zain Khán's Khán Hazárah ; Akbarn., III., 607.
    daughter (p. 345 ) . It is therefore evi- (10) A daughter of Rám Chand Bundelah,
    dent, assuming that Sayyid Ahmad's text (No. 248), married in 1018 ; Tuzuk, p. 77.
    478

    under M. Rustam (No. 9) against Bású and other rebellious zamíndárs in the north.
    eastern part of the Panjáb, and distinguished himself in the conquest of Mau. In the
    44th year, he served under Faríd i Bukhárí (No. 99) before Asír. Later, he went with
    Sa'ádat Khán to Násik. After the conquest of Tiranbak, he returned to court (46th
    year), and was appointed, in the following year, to a command of 1500.
    In the first year of Jahángír's reign, he was made a commander of 2000, 1500
    horse. In the 2nd year, his mançab was increased to 3000 , 2000 horse, and he was
    made governor of Orísá. In the 5th year, he was transferred to Kashmir, his uncle
    Khwajagi Muhammad Husain (No, 241) officiating for him there till his arrival from
    Orísá . His successor in Orísá was Rájah Kalyán, brother of Bhím (No. 225) .
    Hashim's son is the renowned Muhammad Qasim Khán Mír A'tish. He was, in
    the 18th year of Sháhjahán , a commander of 1000, 500 horse, Dároghah of the Top-
    khánah and Kotwal of the camp. He distinguished himself in Balkh, Andkhúd,
    received the title of Mu'tamid Khán, and was made, in the 21st year, a commander of
    2000, 1000 horse, and Akhtah Begí. In the following year, he was promoted to a
    command of 3000, and also got the title of Qasim Khán. He then served under
    Aurangzíb in Qandahár, and was made, in the 28th year, a commander of 4000, 2500
    horse. In the next year, he destroyed Fort Sántúr ( ) , which the ruler of Sri-
    nagar had repaired . Later, he was made by Dárá Shikoh a commander of 5000, 5000
    sihaspah-duaspah, received a present of a lac of rupees, and was appointed governor
    of Ahmadábád (Gujrát), whilst Jaswant Singh was made governor of Málwah.
    Both were ordered to unite their contingents near Ujjain, and keep Prince Murád
    Bakhsh in check. When the Prince left Gujrát, the two commanders marched against
    him viá Bánswárah ; but when approaching Kháchrod , Murád suddenly retreated
    18 kos, and joined , seven kos from Ujjain, the army of Aurangzíb. The two chief's
    had received no information of Aurangzíb's march. They attacked him, however,
    but were totally defeated (near Ujjain, 22nd Rajab, 1068). In the first battle between
    Aurangzíb and Dárá, at Samogar, Qásim commanded the left wing . Soon after, be
    made his submission , and received Sambhal and Murádábád as tuyúl, as Rustam Khán
    i Dak❜hiní, the former jágírdár, had fallen at Samogar. Qasim was then charged with
    the capture of Sulaimán Shikoh . In the 3rd year of Aurangzib's reign, he was ap-
    pointed to Mathurá. On the way, he was murdered by a brother of his, who is said
    to have led a miserable life ( 1071 ) . The murderer was executed at Aurangzíb's order.
    227. Mirza' Fari'du'n , son of Muhammad Qulí Khán Barlás (No. 31).
    He has been mentioned above, p . 342. His death took place at Udaipúr in 1023
    (Tuzuk, p. 131 ).
    228. Yu'suf Kha'n [ Chak], king of Kashmir.
    Yusuf's father was ' Alí Khán Chak, king of Kashmir. He died from a hurt he
    received during a game at chaugún (p. 257), having been violently thrown on the
    pommel of the saddle (pesh -kohah i zín) . On his death, Yusuf was raised to the
    throne (Akbarnámah, III., 237) . He first surrounded the palace of his uncle Abdál,

    This Sa'adat Khán had first been in bak ; but later he entered Akbar's service.
    the service of the Dak'hin kings as com- 2 lide Journal, Asiatic Society, Bengal,
    mander ofthe Forts ofGálnah and Tiran- 1870, p. 275.
    479

    who aimed at the crown, and in the fight which ensued, Abdál was shot. A hostile
    party, thereupon, raised one Sayyid Mubárak to the throne, and in a fight which
    took place on the maidán of Srinagar, where the ' I'd prayer is said, Yusuf was defeated .
    Without taking further part in the struggle, he fled, and came, in the 24th year,
    to Akbar's Court, where he was well received. During his stay at court, Sayyid Mu-
    bárak had been forced to retire, and Lohar Chak, son of Yusuf's uncle, had been made
    king. In the 25th year, ( Akbarn., III. , 288), the emperor ordered several Panjáb
    nobles to reinstate Yusuf. When the imperial army reached Pinjar, the Kashmirís
    sued for mercy, and Yusuf, whom they had solicited to come alone, without informing
    Akbar's commanders, entered Kashmir, seized Lohar Chak without fighting, and
    commenced to reign.
    Some time after, Çálih Díwánah reported to the emperor how firmly and indepen-
    dently Yusuf had established himself, and Akbar sent Shaikh Ya'qúb i Kashmírí, a
    trusted servant, with his son Haidar to Kashmír, to remind Yusuf of the obligations
    under which he lay to the emperor. In the 29th year, therefore, Yusuf sent his son
    Yaqub with presents to Akbar, but refused personally to pay his respects, although the
    court, in the 30th year, had been transferred to the Panjáb ; and Ya'qúb, who had
    hitherto been with the emperor, fled from anxiety for his safety. The emperor then
    sent Hakim ' Alí (No. 192 ) and Baháuddín Kambú to Yúsuf, to persuade him to come,
    or, if he could not himself come, to send again his son. As the embassy was without
    result, Akbar ordered Shahrukh Mírzá ( No. 7 ) to invade Kashmir. The imperial
    army marched over Pak'hlí, and was not far from Bárah Múlah, when Yusuf sub-
    mitted and surrendered himself ( Akbarn. III., 492 ). ' Shahrukh was on the point of
    returning, when he received the order to complete the conquest. Yusuf being kept
    a prisoner, the Kashmírís raised Aulád Husain, and, soon after, Ya'qúb, Yusuf's son,
    to the throne ; but he was every where defeated . Information of Yusuf's submission
    and the defeat of the Kashmiris was sent to court, and at Srinagar the khutbah was
    read, and coins were struck, in Akbar's name. The cultivation of za'farán (p . 84)² and
    silk, and the right of hunting, were made imperial monopolies (p. 411) . On the approach
    of the cold season, the army returned with Yusuf Khán, and arrived, in the 31st year, at
    court. Todar Mall was made responsible for Yusuf's person.
    As Ya'qúb Khán and a large party of Kashmírís continued the struggle, Qásim
    (No. 59) was ordered to march into Kashmír, to put an end to the rebellion . Ya'qúb
    was again on several occasions defeated.
    In the 32nd year, Yusuf was set at liberty, received from Akbar a jágír in Bihár
    (Akbarn ., III., 547), and was made a commander of 500. He served in Bengal. In the
    37th year, he accompanied Mán Singh, to Orísá , and commanded the detachment, which
    marched over Jhárkand and Kokrah" (Chutiá Nágpúr) to Mednípúr ( Akbarn ., III., 641).
    1 The Akbarnámah ( III., 492 ) calls
    'place of the boar (bárá)', which is one of
    the pass near Bárah Múlah, where Yusuf the avatárs .
    surrendered, The Maásir has 2 Regarding the cultivation of za'fa-
    ‫ بولناس‬It is evidently the same pass rán (saffron) vide also Tuzuk, p. 45 .
    a Kokrah was mentioned above on p.
    which the Tuzuk (p. 292) calls J
    401. It is the old name of Chutiá Nág-
    5,21 kos from Bárah Múlah . The púr, one of the parganahs of which is
    Tuzuk says that Bárah Múlah means still called Kokrah , or Khukra, as spelt
    480

    Ya'qúb Khán, soon after, submitted, and paid his respects to Akbar, when, in the
    31th year, the court had gone to Kashmír ( p. 380).
    Yusuf Khán is not to be confounded with No. 388.
    229. Nu'r Qulij , son of Altún Qulij .
    Altún or áltún is Turkish, and means ' gold .'
    Núr Qulij was a relation of Qulij Khán (No. 42 ) . He served under him in the
    expedition to Idar, which Akbar had ordered to be made when moving, in the 21st
    year, from Ajmír to Gogundah. In the fight with the zamíndár of I'dar, N. Q. was
    wounded. In the 26th year, he served under Sultán Murád against Mírzá Muham-
    mad Hakím . In the 30th year, he again served under Qulij Khán, who had been
    made governor of Gujrát. He continued to serve there under the Khánkhánán (No. 29),
    and returned with him, in the 32nd year, to court.
    230. Mi'r'Abdul Hai , Mír 'Adl .
    The Tabaqát calls him Khwajah ' Abdul Hai, and says that the was an Amír. He
    had been mentioned above on pp. 468,471 .
    231. Sha'h Quli' Kha'n Na'ranji' .
    Abulfazl says that Sháh Qulí was a Kurd from near Baghdad. He was an old
    servant of Humáyún. In the first year of Akbar's reign, he served under Khizr Khán
    (p. 365, note 2 ) in the Panjáb. He was much attached to Bairám. In the 11th year,
    he was sent to Gadha, when Mahdí Qásim Khán (No. 36) had left that province with-
    out permission for Makkah.
    The Tabaqát calls him a commander of 1000 .
    His son, Pádisháh Qulí, was a poet, and wrote under the name of Jazbi. Afew
    verses of his are given below in the list of poets.
    232. Farrukh Khan , son of Khán i Kalán ( No. 16 ) .
    He was mentioned on pp. 322 and 357 . According to the Tabaqát, he served, in
    1001 , in Bengal.
    233. Sha'dma'n, son of Khán i A'zam Kokah (No. 21 ) .
    Vide above, p. 328.
    234. Haki'm ' Ainul Mulk, of Shíráz.
    He is not to be confounded with Hakim ul Mulk ; vide below among the Physi-
    cians of the court.

    on the survey maps. The Rájah, Col. (Akbarnámah, III., 641) .


    Dalton informs me, once resided in Kok- Kokrah is again mentioned in the
    rah at a place in Lat. 23° 20′ and Long. Tuzuk i Jahángírí (pp. 154, 155 ), where
    88° 87', nearly, where there is still an it is defined as a hilly district between
    old fort. Vide also Vth Report (Madras south Bihár and the Dak'hin. It was
    edition, vol. I., p . 503 ; old edition, p. run over, in the beginning of 1025, by
    417) . Ibrahím Khán Fathjang , governor of
    The Rajah of Kokrah who, in the Bihar, who was dissatisfied with the few
    30th year, succumbed to Shahbáz Khán diamonds and elephants which the
    (p. 401 ) is called Mádhú. In the 37th Rájahs sent him as tribute . The then
    year, Mádhú and Lak'hmí Rái of Kok- Rájah is called Durjun Sál. He was
    rah served in Yusuf Khán's detachment, captured with several of his relations in
    to which the contingents also of Sangram a cave, and the district was annexed to
    Singh Sháhá of Kharakpur (p. 446, and Bihár.
    Proceedings, A. S. Bengal, for May, 1871 ), The Tuzuk has ( 1. c.) a few interesting
    and Púran Mall of Gidhor belonged notes on the diamonds of Kokrah.
    481

    He was a learned man and a clever writer. He traced his origin, on his
    mother's side, to the renowned logician Muhaqqiq i Dawwání. The Historian Badáoní
    was a friend of his. Akbar also liked him very much. In the 9th year, he was sent
    as ambassador to Chingiz Khán of Gujrát. In the 17th year, he brought I'timád
    Khán (No. 67 ) and Mír Abú Turáb to the emperor. He also accompanied Akbar on
    his march to the eastern provinces of the empire. Afterwards, in 983, he was sent
    to 'Adil Khán of Bíjápúr, from where, in 985, he returned to court (Badáoní, II . , 250).
    He was then made Faujdár of Sambhal . In the 26th year, when 'Arab Bahádur
    and other Bengal rebels created disturbances, he fortified Barelí, and refusing all offers ,
    held out till the arrival of an Imperial corps, when he defeated the rebels. In the
    same year, he was made Çadr of Bengal, and in the 31st year, Bakhshí of the Cúbah
    of Agrah. He was then attached to the Dak'hin corps of 'Azíz Kokah (No. 21) ,
    and received Handiah as jágír. When ' Azíz, for some reason, cancelled his jágír, he
    went without permission to court (35th year), but was at first refused audience . On
    enquiry, however, Akbar reinstated him.
    He died at Handiah on the 27th Zí Hajjah , 1003 ( Badáoní II., 403 ).
    The Mírzáí Masjid, also called Pádisháhí Masjid, in Old Barelí, Mírzáí Mahallah,
    was built by him. The inscription on it bears the date 987 (24th year), when the
    Hakim was Faujdár of Sambhal.
    He was also a poet, and wrote under the takhalluç of Dawáí.
    235. Ja'nish Baha'dur.
    Jánish Bahadur was mentioned on p. 345. He was at first in the service of Mírzá
    Muhammad Hakím, king of Kábul. After the death, in the 30th year, of his master,
    he came with his sons to India. Soon after, he served under Zain Kokah ( No. 34)
    against the Yusufzaís, and saved Zain's life in the Khaibar catastrophe. In the 35th
    year, he served under the Khánkhánán in That'hah, and returned with him , in the
    38th year, to court. Later, he served in the Dak'hin . He died in the 46th year
    (1009 ). He was an excellent soldier.
    His son, Shuja'at Khán Shádí Beg. He was made, in the 7th year of Shah-
    jahán's reign, a commander of 1000, and received the title of Shád Khán. In the 12th
    year, he was sent as ambassador to Nazr Muhammad Khán of Balkh . On his return ,
    in the 14th year, he was made a commander of 1500 , and was appointed governor of
    Bhakkar, vide Sháh Qulí Khán. Afterwards, on the death of Ghairat Khán, he was
    made governor of That'hah, and a commander of 2000. In the 19th year, he was
    with Prince Murád Bakhsh in Balkh and Badakhshán. In the 21sth year, he was
    appointed governor of Kábul, vice Síwá Rám, and held, in the following year, an
    important command under Aurangzíb in the Qandahár expedition and the conquest
    of Bust. In the 23rd year, he was made a commander of 3000, 2500 horse, and
    received the coveted distinction of a flag and a drum. Two years later, in the 25th
    year, he served again before Qandahár, and was made, on Shahjahán's arrival in
    Kábul, a commander of 3500, 3000 horse, with the title of Shuja'at Khán . In the
    26th year, he served under Dárá Shikoh before Qandahár, and with Rustam Khán
    Bahadur at Bust. He died soon after. He had a son of the name of Muhammad
    Sa'id.
    61
    482

    236. Mi'r Tahir i Músawi.


    He is not to be confounded with Nos. 94, 111 , and 201. According to the
    Tabaqát, Mír Táhir is the brother of Mírzá Yúsuf Razawí (No. 37) , and was distinguish-
    ed for his bravery." It would thus appear that Abulfazl makes no difference between
    the terms Razawi and Músawi (vide p. 381 , under No. 61 ).
    237. Mirza' ' Ali' Beg ' Alamsháhí .
    He is mentioned in the Akbarnámah among the grandees who accompanied Mun-
    'im to Bengal and Orísá, and took part in the battle of Takaroí (p. 375 ). After the
    outbreak of the Bengal Military revolt, he joined a conspiracy made by Mir Zaki,
    'Abdí Kor, Shiháb i Badakhshí, and Kújak Yasáwul, to go over to the rebels. The
    plot, however, was discovered ; they were all imprisoned, but Mír Zakí alone was
    executed. Akbarnámah, III., 262.
    His epithet 'Alamsháhí is not clear to me.
    He must not be confounded with the more illustrious
    [Mi'rza' 'Ali' Beg i Akbarsháhí] .'
    He was born in Badakhshan, and is said to have been a highly educated man.
    When he came to India, he received the title of Akbarsháhí. In the 30th year, he
    commanded the Ahadís on Shahrukh's expedition to Kashmír (p. 479).
    Later, he served under Prince Murád in the Dak'hin. When the prince, after
    making peace, returned from Ahmadnagar, Çádiq Khán (No. 43) occupied Mahkar.
    But new disturbances broke out under the Dak'hin leaders Azhdar Khán and ' Ain Khán,
    against whom Cádiq sent a corps under M. ' Ali Beg. He suddenly fell over them, and
    routed them, carrying off much plunder and many dancing girls (zanán i ak’háṛah).
    In consequence of this defeat, Khudáwand Khán and other Amirs of the Nizámsháh
    marched against the imperialists with 10,000 horse, but Çádiq and M. A. B. defeated
    them. In the 43rd year, M. A. B. took Fort Ráhútarah (8,3,4 ,) near Daulatábád,
    after a siege of one month, occupied, in the same year, Pațan on the Godávarí, and
    took Fort Lohgadh. " Both forts," says the author of the Maásir, " have, from want of
    water, become uninhabitable (mismár shudah), and are so to this day." Later, M. A. B.
    served under Abulfazl, and distinguished himself in the conquest of Ahmadnagar. In
    the 46th year, he received a drum and a flag, and continued to serve, under the
    Khánkhánán , in the Dak'hin.
    In the beginning of Jahangir's reign, he was made a commander of 4000, jágírdár
    of Sambhal, and governor of Kashmír. He served in the pursuit of Khusrau (Tuzuk ,
    p. 30 ). Later, he received a tuyúl in Audh. When Jahángír went to Ajmír, he went
    to court. One day, he paid a visit to the tomb of Mu'ínuddín i Chishtí. On seeing
    the tomb of Shahbáz Khán (p. 401 ), he stooped down, and embracing it, ex-
    claimed, " Oh ! he was an old friend of mine." The same moment, he fell forward
    a corpse, and was buried at the same spot (22nd Rabí' I., 1025 ).
    It is said that he kept few soldiers and servants, but paid them well. In his
    habits he was an epicurean. He was looked upon as a great patron of the learned.
    He died childless , at the age of seventy-five (Tuzuk, p. 163 ).

    The Tuzuk (p. 11 ) says, he belonged as he belonged to Badakhshán. Perhaps


    to the ulús i Dikli, a very doubtful term, we have to read ulús i duldai (p. 388).
    483

    238. Ra'm Da's, the Kachwáhah.


    His father was a poor man of the name of Ordat ( ) , and lived at Lúní (or
    Baunlí, vide p. 398). Rám Dás was at first in the service of Rái Sál Darbárí (No. 106),
    and was recommended by him to the emperor. His faithfulness was almost proverbial .
    In the 17th year, when Todar Mall was ordered to assist Mun'im in Bihár, he was made
    his náib in the Financial Department, and gained Akbar's favour by his regularity and
    diligence. He amassed a fortune, and though he had a palace in A'grah near Hatiá-
    pul, he lived in the guard house, ' always watching with his 200 Rájpúts, spear in
    hand.'
    Immediately before Akbar's death, he put his men over the treasures of the
    palace with a view to preserve them for the lawful heir. Jahángír, with whom he
    stood in high favour, sent him, in the 6th year, with ' Abdullah Khán to Gujrát and
    the Dak'hin, and gave him the title of Rájah and a flag, Rantanbhúr being assigned to
    him as jágír ( Tuzuk, p. 98). It seems that he received the title of Rájah Karan.
    After the defeat of the Imperialists, Jahángír wished to make an example of the
    Amirs who had brought disgrace on the imperial arms . He ordered their pictures
    to be drawn, and taking the portraits one after the other into his hand, abused each
    Amír right royally. Looking at Rám Dás's portrait, he said, " Now, when thou wert
    in Rái Sál's service, thou hadst a tankah per diem ; but my father took an interest in
    thee, and made thee an Amír. Do not Rájpúts think flight a disgraceful thing ? Alas !
    thy title, Rájah Karan, ought to have taught thee better. Mayest thou die without
    the comforts of thy faith." Rám Dás was immediately sent to Bangash, where,
    in the same year, he died ( 1022 ) . When Jahángír heard of his death, he said,
    "My curse has come true ; for the Hindús believe that a man who dies beyond the
    Indus, will go straight to hell."
    He was a liberal man, and gave rich presents to jesters and singers .
    His eldest son, Naman Dás, in the 48th year of Akbar's reign, left the court
    without permission, and went home. At the request of his father, Sháh Qulí Khán's
    men were to bring him back to court by force. But Naman defied them ; a struggle
    ensued, and he was killed . Rám Dás was so grieved, that Akbar paid him a visit of
    condolence.
    His second son, Dalap Dás, had the same character as his father ; but he died
    young.
    In the Tuzuk (p. 312), a villa near a spring called Inch ) , between Bánpúr and
    Kákápúr in Kashmír, is mentioned, which Akbar had given Rám Dás . Vide also
    Tuzuk, p. 39, 1. 3.
    239. Muhammad Kha'n Niyaʼzi'.
    Abulfazl ranks him among the commanders of 500. Under Jahángír, he rose to
    a command of 2000. Like Mírzá Rustam Çafawi and Abul Hasan Turbatí, he refused
    a title ; for he said that his name was Muhammad, than which no better name
    existed.
    He served under Shahbáz Khán (No. 80 ) in Bengal, and distinguished himself
    in the fights near the Brahmaputra . It is said that Shahbáz was so anxious to retain
    his services, that he gave him a lac of rupees per annum. Later, he served under the
    Khánkbánán in the conquest of That'hah, and inflicted the final blow on Mírzá Jání
    484

    Beg (No. 47) near Lak'hí, ' where he obtained a signal victory, though far outnum.
    bered by the enemies. From that time, the Khánkhánán was his friend .
    Under Jahángír, he took a leading part in the Dak'hin wars , especially in the
    fights with Malik ' Ambar near Kharkí, a famous battle field (vide note to No. 255),
    and continued to serve there under Prince Sháhjahán .
    He died in 1037. The táríkh of his death is el la 5 ' Muhammad
    Khán, the saint, is dead.' He was a man of great piety. His day was carefully divided ;
    religious exercises, the reading of commentaries on the Qorán, conversing with holy
    men, sleeping and eating, each had its fixed time. Nor did he ever depart from his
    routine except on the march. He never neglected the ablution ( wuzú) prescribed by
    the law. People told many miraculous stories (khawáriq) of him.
    During his long stay in the Dak'hin, he held Ashtí (in the Wardah district) as
    jágír, and made it his home. He adorned the town with several mosques, houses,
    and gardens. " At present," says the author of the Maásir, “ there is only one of his
    hundred houses left, the store house where his lamps were kept ; the whole town and
    the neighbourhood are deserted, and do not yield the tenth part of the old revenue.
    Even among his descendants there is none left that may be called a man of worth
    "12
    (kase namánd kih rushde dáshtah báshad). ”
    He was buried in Ashtí. People often pray at his tomb.
    The men of his contingent were mostly Niyází Afgháns. If one of them died,
    he gave a month's pay to his family ; or, if he had no children, half a month's pay to
    his heirs.
    His son, Ahmad Khán Niyází , was in the 20th year of Sháhjahán's reign a com-
    mander of 2500 ( Pádisháhnámah, II., 386, 725).
    240. Abul Muzaffar , son of Ashraf Khán (No. 74 ) .
    From the Akbarnámah ( III., 248) we see that in the 24th year (987) he was
    stationed in Chanderí and Narwar, and was ordered to assist in suppressing the Bihár

    1 Vide Dowson's edition of Elliot's the Marhatta officials , and now nothing
    Historians, Vol. I., p . 250. remains to them save a few rent-free fields ,
    2 66
    " The emperor Jahangir gave the sufficient merely for their subsistence.
    Ashtí, Amner, Paunár, and Tálígánw The tombs of their ancestors were already
    (Barár) parganahs in jágír to Muhammad falling into disrepair owing to the poverty
    Khán Niyází. He restored Ashti, and of the family, when they were taken in
    brought the country round under culti- hand by the district authorities as worthy
    vation. A handsome mausoleum was objects of local interest, and restored from
    built over his grave in Mughul style. municipal funds. Lately, in consideration
    Muhammad Khán was succeeded by of the past history of the family, and the
    Ahmad Khán, who died in 1061. A local respect which it commands, the
    similar mausoleum was erected over his Government conferred on Nawáb Wáhid
    tomb, but smaller and of inferior work- Khán, one of its representatives in Ashtí,
    manship. The two stand side by side the66 powers ofan honorary magistrate."
    within an enclosure, and are the sights of Karanja. A small octroi town in
    Ashtí. They are indeed striking monu- the Arví tahçíl of the Wardah district. It
    ments of art to find in such a remote was founded some 260 years by Nawáb
    spot as this. After the death of Ahmad Muhammad Khán Niyází of Asht .” Ex-
    Kháu , the power of the Niyázís gradu- tracts from C. Grant's Gazetteer of the
    ally declined ; in time A'shtí itself passed Central Provinces of India, second edition,
    from their hands into the possession of 1870, pp. 7 and 236.
    485

    rebels (III. , 273) . In the 28th year, he served in Gujrát (III ., 423 , and Badáoní
    II., (323) . Tide also p. 389.
    241. Khwajagi' Muhammad Husain, Mír Barr.
    He is the younger brother of Qásim Khán (No. 59), and had the title of Mír Barr,
    in contradistinction to that of his brother. He came in the 5th year with Mun'im
    (No. 11) from Kábul to India. When dissensions broke out between Ghaní Khán,
    Mun'im's son, and Haidar Muhammad Khán Akhtahbegí (No. 66) , whom Mun'im had
    left as his náibs in Kábul, Haidar was called to court, and Abul Fath , ' son of Mun-
    'im's brother, was sent there to assist Ghaní. Muhammad Husain accompanied Abul
    Fath. He remained a long time in Kábul. After his return to India, he accompanied
    the emperor on his march to Kashmir. His honesty and punctuality made him a
    favorite with the emperor, and he was appointed Mír Bakáwal (master of the imperial
    kitchen), and was also made a commander of 1000.
    In the 5th year of Jahángír, he officiated for Háshim (No. 226) as governor of
    Kashmir. On Háshim's arrival he returned to court, and died in the end of the 7th
    year ( 1021 ; Tuzuk, p. 114).
    He had no children. The Tuzuk says that he was quite bald, and had neither
    moustache nor beard. His voice was shrill like that of a eunuch.
    242. Abul Qa'sim, brother of ' Abdul Qádir Akhúnd .
    He is not to be confounded with Nos. 199 and 251. Badáoní (II., 323) calls him
    a native of Tabriz, and says that his brother was Akbar's teacher (ákhúnd). In
    991, Abul Qásim was made Díwán of Gujrát.
    243. Qamar Kha'n, son of Mir 'Abdullatif of Qazwin (No. 161 ).
    He served under Mun'im (No. 11 ) in Bengal, and was present in the battle of
    Takaroí (p. 375). In the 22nd year, he served under Shiháb in Gujrát (Akbarn.,
    III., 190), and in the 24th year, under Todar Mall in Bihár. In the 25th year, he
    took part in the battle near Sultánpúr Bilharí (p. 400, and Akbarn ., III., 305) .
    His son, Kaukab, fell under Jahángír for some fault into disgrace. He was
    flogged and imprisoned . Regarding his restoration to favour, vide Tuzuk, p. 219.
    244. Arjun Singh,
    245. Sabal Singh , sons of Rájah Mán Singh (No. 30).
    256. Sakat Singh,
    Some MSS. have Durjan instead of Arjun. The name of Sakat Singh, moreover,
    recurs again at No. 342. There is little doubt that at the latter place we should read
    Himmat Singh, though all MSS . have Sakat.
    Nor is it clear why Abulfazl has not entered the name of Bháo Singh, who at Akbar's
    death was a commander of 1000, and was gradually promoted, during Jahángír's
    reign, to a mançab of 5000. Like his elder brother Jagat Singh (No. 160) , he died from
    excessive drinking (1030). His name often occurs in the Tuzuk.

    Abul Fath, who on p. 318 has erro- The Lucknow edition of the Akbar-
    neously been called Abdul Fath, was the námah (III., 642) has also Durjan, and
    son of Fazil Beg, Mun'im's brother. (by mistake) Sil for Sabal Singh . The
    Baddoni II., 56 has Fazáil Beg, but Subhán Singh mentioned in the same
    the Akbarnámah and the Maásir have passage, would also appear to be a son
    Fazil, of Man Singh,
    486

    Arjun Singh, Sabal Singh, and Sakat Singh, served in the 37th year in the con-
    quest of Orísá. Sakat Singh, in the 26th year (989), had served in Kábul . They died
    before their father.
    Himmat Singh distinguished himself under his father in the wars with the
    Afgháns.
    Col. J. C. Brooke in his Political History ofthe State of Jeypore ( Selections from
    the Records, Government of India, Foreign Department, No. LXV, 1868 ) mentions six
    sons of Mán Singh, Jagat, Arjun, Himmat, Sakat, Bhím, and Kalyán Singh. The
    last two are not mentioned by Muhammadan historians ; nor are Bháo and Sabal
    mentioned by Brooke. Vide ' A Chapterfrom Muhammadan History,' in the Calcutta
    Review, April, 1871 .
    246. Mustafa Ghilzi'.
    A Sayyid Muçṭafá is mentioned in the Akbarnámah (III., 416). He served in
    the 28th year in Gujrát, and was present in the battle near Maisánah, 18 kos S. E.
    of Patan, in which Sher Khán Fúládí was defeated .
    247. Nazar Kha'n, son of Sa'id Khán, the Gakk'har.
    A brother of his is mentioned below, No. 332. Vide Nos. 170, 171.
    The Tabaqát calls him Nazar Beg, son of Sa'id Khán, and says that in 1001, he
    was a Hazárí.

    Mughul Historians give the following tree of the Gakk'har chiefs-


    Sultán Tatár, the Gakk'har.

    1. Sultán Sárang 2. Sultán Adam

    1. Kamál Khán 2. Saíd Khán 1. Lashkarí 2. Muhammad Khán

    Mubárak Khán 1. Nazar Khán Jalál Khán ( No. 170)


    (No. 171) (No. 247)
    2. Shah Muhammad Akbar Quli Sultán
    (No. 332 )
    Murád Qulí Sultán

    Allah Qulí
    Jalál Khán was killed in 1620 ( 15th year) in Bangash, and his son Akbar Qulí,
    who then served at Kángrah, was made a commander of 1000, and sent to Bangash
    (Tuzuk, pp. 307, 308) .
    Jahángír, after the suppression of Khusrau's revolt passed on his way to Kábul
    through the Gakk'har district ( Tuzuk, pp. 47,48). He left the Bahat ( 1st Muharram,
    1016) and came to Fort Rohtás, the cost of which he states to have been 161,000,000
    dáms, which is equal to 4,025,000 rupees in Hindústání money, or 120,000 Persian
    tumáns, or 1 irb , 2,175,000 silver Hálís of Turání money.' After a march of 4 kos,
    he came to Tílah, tilah in the Gakk'har dialect meaning ' a hill.' He then came to
    Dih Bhakrálah, bhakrá meáning ' forest.' The way from Tílah to Bhakrá passes along
    the bed ofthe Káhan river, the banks of which are full kanir flowers. He then
    came to Hatiá, which was built by a Gakk'har of the name of Hát hí (mentioned in
    Mr. Delmerick's History of the Gakk'hars, Journal, Asiatic Society, Bengal, 1871).
    The district from Márgalah to Hatiá is called Poț'hwár ; and from Rohtás to Hatiá
    487

    dwell the Bhúgiáls, a tribe related to the Gakk'hars. From Hatiá, he marched 4
    kos and reached Pakkah, so called because it has a pucca sarái. Four and a half kos
    further on , he came to Kurar, which means in the Gakk'bar dialect ' rugged .' He then
    went to Rawalpindi, which is said to have been built by a Hindú of the name Rawal,
    pindi meaning a village,' and gives a few curious particulars regarding the river and
    the pool of the place. From Rawalpindí he went to Kharbuzah, where a dome may
    be seen which has the shape of a melon (kharbuzah ). The Gakk'hars used formerly
    to collect tolls there. He then came to the Kálápání, and to the Márgalah pass, már
    meaning ' killing,' and galah'a carawan .' " Here ends the country of the Gakk'hars .
    They are a brutish race, always at feud with each other. I asked them to live in
    peace ; but they will not."
    The Pádisháhnámah ( II . , 240, 264, 266, 722, 733, 740) mentions several Gak-
    k'har chiefs-
    1. Akbar Qulí Sultán, a commander of 1500, 1500 horse, died in the 18th year
    of Shahjahan's reign. His son Murád Qulí Sultán , was under Shahjahan a com-
    mander of 1500, 1000 horse (Pádisháhn . II., 410, 485 , 512, 523, 565, 595, 655, 730).
    2. Jabbár Qulí, (brother of Jalál Khán ), ² 1000, 800 horse.
    3. Khizr Sultán, (son of Nazar Khán),2 800, 500 horse, died in the 12th year
    Shahj.'s reign.
    The Pádisháhnámah (I., p. 432) mentions Gakk'hars' mules as famous.
    The Maásir í ' A'lamgirí (p. 155 ) also mentions Murád Qulí and his son Allah
    Qulí. Allah Qulí's daughter was married to Prince Muhammad Akbar, fourth son
    of Aurangzíb, on the 3rd Rajab, 1087 .
    248. Ram Chand, son of Madhukar [ Bundelah].
    He is also called Rám Sáh, and was mentioned on p. 356. He was introduced
    at court by Cádiq Khán (No. 43) , when Akbar was in Kashmír (1000). In the first
    year of Jahángír's reign, we find him in rebellion, evidently because his right of suc-
    cession was rendered doubtful by the predilection of the emperor for Bir Singh Deo,
    Rám Chand's younger brother. In the end of the first year, he was attacked by ' Abdul-
    lah Khan, who moved from Kálpí, his jágír, to Undchah. On the 27th Zí Qa'dah 1015,
    Rám Chand was brought fettered to court ; but Jahángír had his fetters taken off,
    "
    gave him a dress of honor, and handed him over to Rájah Bású of Dhamerí. He
    never thought that he would be treated so kindly' ( Tuzuk, p . 42) . But Undchah was
    handed over to Bir Singh Deo as reward for the murder of Abulfazl.

    For the geographical details of this junction with the Sohan. Sarái Khar-
    passage I am indebted to Mr. J. G. Del- buzah is also called Sarái Mádhú.
    merick. The Tuzuk has Pilah of Tilah ; On the same page of Sayyid Ahmad's
    Bhakrá for Bhakrálah, and the Persian edition of the Tuzuk, we have to read
    word khánah for Káhan ( ) , the Khattar and Dilah-zák, for Khar and
    name of the river near Bhakrálah--a Dilah-zák. The Khattars occupy the
    most extraordinary mistake ; kor for district called Kháṭar, and the Dilah- záks
    Kurar or Gúrá, a village near Manikya- are found in the Ch'hach valley of the
    lah ; Ponhúhár for Pothwár. Mr. Del- Indus.
    merick also says that the river near Pot'hwár is the country between the
    Hatiá, or Hát'hiá, is called Kásí, and Jhelam and the Sohan ; but Jahángír
    that near Rawalpindi is the Lahí, which extends it to the Márgalah pass from
    forces a passage through low hills where Hatiá (30 miles from the Jhelam).
    there is a very deep pool, just before its * So according to Mr. Delmerick.
    488

    In the 4th year of his reign ( 1018), Jahángír married Rám Chand's daughter at
    the request of her father ( vide Tuzuk, p . 77 ; and No. 225, note).
    He appears to have died in 1021, and was succeeded by his son Bhárat Singh .
    Tuzuk, p. 112 .
    Muhammadan Historians give the following tree of the Undchah Bundelahs—
    Rájah Partáb, founds Undchah in 1531, A. D.
    1. Bhárat Chand, 2. Madhukar Singh,
    (died childless). (dies 1000).
    1. Rám Chand, 2. Hodal Ráo , 3. Bir Singh Deo, the murderer
    (dies 1021 ) . (killed , p. 356). of Abulfazl (dies 1036).
    1
    A son.
    1. Jhujhár Singh. 2. Pahár Singh. 3. Chandr Man.
    Bhárat . 4. Bení Dás .
    1 Bikramájít. Subhán Singh . 5. Bhagwán Dás.
    Debí Singh.
    Priť'hí Singh.

    Sanwal Singh.
    The Maásir contains biographical notes of nearly all of them. Vide also
    Thornton's Gazetteer, under Oorcha.
    Bení Dás and Bhagwan Dás were killed by a Rájpút in the 13th year of Shah-
    jahán's reign. They held commands of 500, 200 horse, and 1000 , 600 horse, re-
    spectively.
    Chandr Man was in the 20th year of Sh. a commander of 1500 , 800 horse.
    Vide Pádisháhnámah I., 172 (where another Bundelah of the name of Suhk Dev
    is mentioned ), 205 , 241 , 368, 372, 425 ; II. , 731 , 734.
    The Maásir i ' Alamgiri mentions several Bundelahs, as Satr Sál, Jáswant
    Singh, Indarman ( died 1088) and the rebellious sons of Champat ( l, c. , pp. 161, 163,
    169, 273, 424) . Vide also under No. 249.
    Bir Singh Deo, the murderer of Abulfazl, in often called in bad MSS. Nar Singh
    Deo. Thus also in the printed editions of the Tuzuk, the 1st volume of Pádisháh-
    námah, the 'Alamgírnámah, &c. , and in Elphinstone's History. The temples which
    he built in Mat'hurá at a cost of 33 lacs of Rupees, were destroyed by Aurangzíb in
    1080. (Maásir i ' Alamgirí, p. 95), '
    249. Ra'jah Mukatman, the Bhadauriah.
    Bhadáwar is the name of a district S. E. of A'grah ; its chief town is Hatkánt'h
    (vide p. 323, note 4). The inhabitants are called Bhadauriahs. They were known as
    daring robbers, and though so near the capital, they managed to maintain their
    independence till Akbar had their chief trampled to death by an elephant, when they
    submitted.
    The next chief, Mukatman, entered the imperial service, and rose to a mançab
    of 1000. In 992, he served in Gujrát ( Akbarnámah III ., 423, 438 ) .

    The Dutch traveller DeLaët has lis, Leyden, 1631 , p . 209) . He calls
    an interesting passage regarding Abul- Bir Singh Radzia Bertzingh Bondela.
    fazl's death (De Imperio Magni Mogu-
    489

    Under Jahangir, we find a chief of the name of Rájah Bikramájít, who served
    under ' Abdullah against the Ráná, and later in the Dak'hin. He died in the
    11th year of Jahángír and was succeeded by his son Bhoj. Sayyid Ahmad's edition of
    the Tuzuk (p. 108) mentions a Bhadauriah chief Mangat, who in the 7th year served
    in Bangash ; but the name is doubtful.
    Under Shahjahán, the head of the Bhadauriah clan was Rájah Kishn Singh . He
    served in the first year under Mahábat Khán against Jhujhár Singh, and in the 3rd
    year, against Khán Jahán Lodí and the Nizám ul Mulk, who had afforded Khán
    Jahán protection. In the 6th year, he distinguished himself in the siege of Daulat-
    ábád. Three years later, in the 9th year, he served under Khán Zamán against Sáhú
    Bhonslah. He died in the 17th year ( 1053 ).
    In the Pádisháhnámah ( I., b. , 309) he is mentioned as a commander of 1000, 600
    horse.
    As Kishn Singh had only a son by a concubine, he was succeeded by Badan
    Singh,' grandson of Kishn's uncle. He was made Rájah and a commander of 1000.
    In the 21st year, at a darbár, a mast elephant ran up to him, took up one of his men
    with the tusks, when Badan Singh stuck his dagger into the animal which, frightened
    as it was at the same time by a fire wheel, dropped the unfortunate man. Sháhja-
    hán rewarded the bravery of the Rájah with a khil'at, and remitted 50,000 Rs. out
    of the 2 lacs, which was the assessment of the Bhadáwar district. In the 22nd year,
    he was made a commander of 1500. In the 25th year, he served under Aurangzíb,
    and in the 26th, under Dárá Shikoh, before Qandahár, where in the following year
    he died.
    His son Mahá Singh was then made Rájah, and received a mançab of 1000, 800
    horse. He served in the 28th year in Kábul. After Dárá's defeat, he paid his re-
    spects to Aurangzíb, in whose reign he served against the Bundelah rebels . In the
    10th year, he served under Kámil Khán against the Yúsufzaís. He died in the
    26th year.
    He was succeeded by his son Odat Singh (vide Maásir i ' Alamgírí, p . 226 and
    p. 228, where the Bibl. Ind . edition has wrong Rúdar Singh for Odat S.) . He had
    before served under Jai Singh in the Dak'hin, and was in the 24th year made
    commandant of Chítor (l. c., p. 196) .
    250. Ra'jah Ram Chandr, zamíndár of Orísá.
    Regarding him vide Stirling's report on Orísá, Asiatic Researches, vol. XV. His
    name occurs often in the narrative of Mán Singh's conquest of Orísá (37th year of
    Akbar's reign).
    The province of Khurdah ( South Orísá) was conquered and annexed to the Dihlí
    empire by Mukarram Khán ( vide No. 260 ), in the 12th year of Jahangir's reign
    (Tuzuk, p. 215).
    251. Sayyid Abul Qaʼsim, son of Sayyid Muhammad Mir ' Adl (No.
    140) .
    He served in the 25th year ( 998 ) in Bihár, and in the battle of Sultánpúr Bilharí ;
    also, in the 33rd year, against the Yusufzaís.

    ¹ So Pádisháhnámah, II ., 732. The Maásir calls him Bad Singh or Bud Singh.
    62
    490

    The Táríkh Ma'çúmí ( Dowson , Elliot's Historians I. , p. 243 ) gives earlier but
    perhaps more correct dates regarding the appointment to Bhakkar and the death of
    the Mír ' Adl, viz. his arrival at Bhakkar, 11th Ramazán, 983, and his death there, 8th
    Sha'bán, 984 (October, 1576) . He was succeeded by his son Abulfazl, who is not
    mentioned in the Aín. On the 9th Zilhajjah, 985 (Feb. 1578), I'timád (No. 119)
    arrived at Bhakkar.
    252. Dalpat , son of Rái Rái Singh .
    He has been mentioned above, p. 359.

    XVIII. Commanders of Four Hundred.

    253. Shaikh Faizi', son of Shaikh Mubárak of Nágor.


    The name of this great poet and friend of Akbar was Abul Faiz. Faizí is his
    takhalluç. Towards the end of his life, in imitation of the form of the takhalluç of
    his brother ' Allámí, he assumed the name of Fayyází.
    Faizí was the eldest son of Shaik Mubárak of Nágor. Shaikh Mubárak ( vide pp.
    169, 185, 198, 209) traced his origin to an Arabian dervish from Yaman, who in the
    9th century of the Hijrah had settled in Síwistán, where he married . In the 10th
    century, Mubárak's father went to Hindústán, and settled at Nágor. Several of his
    children having died one after the other, he called his next child Mubárak. He was
    born in 911. When a young man, Mubarak went to Gujrát, and studied under Khațíb
    Abulfazl of Kázarún and Mauláná 'Imád of Láristán. In 950, Mubárak settled at
    Agrah. It is said that he often changed his religious opinions . Under Islem Sháh,
    he was a Mahdawí, and had to suffer persecution in the beginning of Akbar's reign ; he
    then became a Naqshbandí, then a Hamadání, and lastly, when the court was full of
    Persians, he inclined to Shí'ism. But whatever his views may have been, the education
    which he gave his sons Faizí and Abulfazl, the greatest writers that India has produced,
    shews that he was a man of comprehensive genius. Shaikh Mubárak wrote a
    commentary to the Qorán, in four volumes, entitled Manba'ul-' uyún, ' and another
    work ofthe title of Jawámi ulkilam, Towards the end of his life, he suffered from
    partial blindness , and died at Láhor, on the 17th Zí Qa'dah, 1001 , at the age of 90
    years. The táríkh of his death will be found in the words Shaikh i kámil.
    Shaikh Faizí was born at Agrah in 954. His acquirements in Arabic Literature,
    the art of poetry, and in medicine, were very extensive. He used to treat poor people
    gratis. One day, he appeared with his father before Shaikh ' Abdunnabí, the Çadr,
    (p. 272) and applied for a grant of 100 bíg'has ; but he was not only refused, but also
    turned out of the hall with every contumely on account of his tendencies to Shi'ism.
    But Faizí's literary fame reached Akbar's ears, and in the 12th year, when Akbar was
    on the expedition to Chítor, he was called to court. Faizí's bigoted enemies in Agrah
    interpreted the call as a summons before ajudge, and warned the governor of the town,
    not to let Faizí escape . He therefore ordered some Mughuls to surround Mubárak's
    house ; but accidentally Faizí was absent from home. Mubarak was ill-treated, and
    when Faizí at last came, he was carried off by force. But Akbar received him most

    ¹ Badáoní (III., 74) calls it Manba'u nafáis-il'uyún.


    491

    favorably, and Faizí, in a short time, became the emperor's constant companion and
    friend . He was instrumental in bringing about the fall of Shaikh ' Abdunnabí.
    In the 30th year, he planned a khamsah, or collection of five epics, in imitation
    of the Khamsah of Nizámí. The first, Markiz uladwár, was to consist of 3000 verses,
    and was to be ajawab (imitation) of Nizámí's Makhzan ulasrár ; the Sulaimán o
    Bilqis and the Nal Daman were to consist of 4000 verses each, and were to be
    jawabs of the Khusrau Shirin and Lailí Majnún respectively ; and the Haft Kishwar
    and the Akbarnámah, each of 5000 verses, were to correspond to the Haft Paikar
    and the Sikandarnámah . In the 33rd year, he was made Malikushshu'ará, or Poet
    Laureate ( Akbarn., III., 559). Though he had composed portions of the Khamsah, the
    original plan was not carried out, and in the 39th year, Akbar urged him to persevere,
    and recommended the completion of the Nal-Daman . Faizí thereupon finished the
    poem, and presented, in the same year, a copy of it to his imperial master.
    Faizí suffered from asthma, and died on the 10th Çafar 1004 (40th year) . The
    táríkh of his death is Fayyáz i ' Ajam. It is said that he composed 101 books . The
    best known, besides his poetical works, are the Sawáți' ul Ilhám, and the Mawárid ul
    kilam, regarding which vide below the poetical extracts. His fine library, consisting
    of4300 choice MSS., was embodied with the imperial library.
    Faizí had been employed as teacher to the princes ; sometimes, he also acted as
    ambassador. Thus, in 1000, he was in the Dak'hin, from where he wrote the letter
    to the historian Badáoní, who had been in temporary disgrace at court.
    Vide also pp. 105, 106, 183, 185, 197 , 207 , 209 ; and Journal, Asiatic Society,
    Bengal, for 1869, pp. 137, 142 .
    254. Haki'm Misri'.
    According to Badáoní (III., 165 ) , Hakím Miçrí was a very learned man and a
    clever doctor. He also composed poems . A satire of his is mentioned which he wrote
    against Khwajah Shamsuddin Khawáfí (No. 159) . He died in Burhanpúr, and was
    buried there.
    Miçrí is mentioned in the Akbarnámah, III. , p. 629, and p. 843. In the latter
    passage, Abulfazl mentions his death ( middle of 1009), and states that he saw his
    friend on the deathbed . It is impossible to reconcile Abulfazl's date with Badáoní's
    statement ; for Badáoní died in 1004 (Journal, Asiatic Society, Bengal, for 1869 ,
    p. 143). But both Abulfazl and Badáoní speak of the Hakim as a man of a most
    amiable and unselfish character.
    255. I'rij , son of Mírzá Khánkhánán ( No. 29).
    He was mentioned on p. 339. During the reign of Jahángír, he was made
    Cúbahdár of Barár and Ahmadnagar. He greatly distinguished himself during
    several fights with Malik ' Ambar, especially at K'harki,' for which victories he was

    1 5. Lachmí Naráin Shafiq, the 1024, a canal was dug from K'harki to
    Daulatábád. Its name was Chahárnahrí,
    author of the Haqiqat i Hindústán,
    says that it was called K'harkí from the and the táríkh of its completion is khair
    Dak'hin words, which means ' stony,' i járí (pr. a running benefit) . Later
    6 a stony place .' It lies 5 kos S.E. of Aurangzib changed the name of K’harkí
    to Aurangábád, under which name it is
    Daulatabád (the old Dhárágarh and now known. K'harki was the seat of
    Deogír of ' Aláuddín Khiljí). K'harkí Malik ' Ambar.
    under Jahangir was called Fathábád. In
    492

    made a commander of 5000. In the 12th year, he served under Prince Shahjahán
    in the Dak'hin.
    It is said that he was a good soldier, but stingy, and careless in his dress. A
    daughter of his was married (2nd Ramazán , 1026) to Prince Sháhjahán . The off-
    spring of this marriage, Prince Jahán-afroz, was born at Agrah on the 12th Rajab,
    1028, and died at Burhánpúr, at the age of 1 year, 9 months (Pádisháhnámah) .
    According to Grant's Gazetteer of the Central Provinces (2nd edition , p . 128) ,
    Irij's tomb is at Burhánpúr. " The tomb was built during his lifetime, and is really
    a handsome structure." The statement of the Gazetteer that Irij , towards the end
    of his life, "lived as a recluse" at Burhanpúr, is not borne out by the histories ; for
    according to the Tuzuk ( p. 270), he died of excessive wine drinking .
    At his death ( 1028), he was only thirty-three years of age. The mançab of
    400, which Abulfazl assigns him, must therefore have been conferred upon him, when
    he was a mere child.
    256. Sakat Singh, son of Rájah Mán Singh (No. 30) .
    Vide above, under No. 244.
    257. 'Abdullah [ Sarfaráz Khán ], son of Khán i A'zam Mírzá Kokah
    (No. 21 ).
    Vide p. 328.
    It was stated ( p. 328) on the authority of the Maásir that he received the title
    of Sardár Khán, which had become vacant by the death of Takhtah Beg (No. 195 ).
    But the Tuzuk (p . 71 ) gives him the title of Sarfaráz Khán. This is evidently a
    mistake of the author of the Maásir ; for the title of Sardár Khán was in the 8th year
    (1022) conferred on Khwajah Yádgár, brother of 'Abdullah Khán Fírúz-jang (Tuzuk,
    p. 116 ) , when ' Abdullah Sarfaráz Khán was still alive.
    The Maásir also says that ' Abdullah accompanied his father to Gwáliár (p. 317) ;
    but the Tuzuk (p . 141 ) states that he was imprisoned in Rantanbhúr, from where, at
    the request of his father, he was called to court.
    258. 'Ali' Muhammad Asp .
    Badáoní says ( II ., p. 57) that "'Alí Muhammad Asp, who is now in the service
    ofthe emperor, at the instigation of Jújak Begum , killed Abul Fath Beg (p . 318 ) ."
    In the 9th year, he was in the service of Mírzá Muhammad Hakím , king of Kábul.
    Afterwards, he came to India. In the 26th year (989 ) , he served under Prince Murád
    against his former master (Akbarnámah, III. , 345) ; in the 30th year (993 ) , he served
    in Kábul ( III. , 487, 490) . In the 32nd year, he distinguished himself under ' Abdul
    Matlab (No. 83) against the Táríkís ( III. , p. 541 ) .
    In the Lucknow edition of the Akbarnámah , he is wrongly called ' Alí Muham-
    mad Alif.
    259. Mi'rza' Muhammad .
    A Mírzá Muhammad was mentioned on p . 370.
    260. Shaikh Ba'yazid [ Mu'azzam Khán] , grandson of Shaikh Salím
    of Fathpur Sikri.
    Báyazíd's mother nursed Prince Salím (Jahángír) on the day he was born
    (Tuzuk, p. 13) . In the 40th year of Akbar's reign, B. was a commander of 400,
    493

    and gradually rose to a command of 2000. After Jahángír's accession, he received


    a mançab of 3000, and the title of Mu'azzam Khán . Soon after, he was made
    Çúbahdár of Dihlí (l. c., p. 37) , and in the 3rd year, a commander of 4000, 2000
    horse. On his death , he was buried at Fathpúr Síkrí (l. c ., p . 262) .
    His son Mukarram Khán was son-in-law to Islám Khán Shaikh ' Aláuddín
    (another grandson of Shaikh Salím), under whom he served in Bengal.' He
    distinguished himself in the expedition to Kúch Hájú, and brought the zamíndár
    Parích'hat before the governor. At the death of his father-in-law, Muhtashim
    Khán Shaikh Qasim, brother of Islám Khán , was made governor of Bengal, and
    Mukarram Khán continued for one year in his office as governor of Kúch Hájú ;
    but as he could not agree with Qásim, he went to court.
    Later, he was made governor of Orísá, and conquered the province of Khurdah
    (l. c., pp. 214, 215), for which he was made a commander of 3000, 2000 horse.
    He seems to have remained in Orísá till the 11th year (1029), when Hasan ' Alí
    Turkmán was sent there as governor (Tuzuk, p. 308). In the 16th year, M. Kh.
    came to court, and was made Çúbahdár of Dihlí and Faujdár of Mewát (7. c ., p. 332) .
    In the 21st year, he was sent to Bengal as governor, vice Khánahzád Khán .
    He travelled by boat. One day he ordered his ship to be moved to the bank, as he wished
    to say the afternoon prayer, when a sudden gale broke forth, during which he and
    his companions were drowned.
    261. Ghazni'n Kha'n , of Jálor.
    Ghaznín Khán was in the 40th year of Akbar's reign a commander of 400.
    He is mentioned in the Pádisháhnámah ( I. , 167) as having served during the reign
    ofJahángír against the Ráná.
    Bird in his History of Gujrat (pp . 124, 405) calls him Ghaznawí Khán and
    Ghazní Khán , and says, he was the son of Malik Khanji Jálorí . Ghaznín Khán
    seems to have been inclined to join the insurrection of Sultán Muzaffar. The Khán-
    khánán, on the 9th Muharram, 998, sent a detachment against Jálor ; but perceiving

    1 Islám Khán was married to a sister Tuzuki Jahángírí (pp . 147, 220, 221 ,
    of Abulfazl, by whom he had a son called 223) ; in the Pádisháhnámah I., 496 ;
    Hoshang. Islám Khán died as governor II., 64 to 79, 87, 88, 94 ; and in the
    of Bengal on the 5th Rajab, 1022. Fathi A'shám ; vide also Journal, Asia-
    Tuzuk, p. 126. tic Society, Bengal, Vol. VII ; Stewart's
    2 The Pádisháhnámah ( II . , 64 ), where History of Bengal, p. 96 ; and above,
    Mukarram Khán's expedition is related, pp. 315, 340, 343.
    distinguishes between Kúch Hájú and Wrongly called in the Bibl. Indica
    Kúch Bihár. The former was in the Edition of the Pádisháhnámah (I., 167),
    beginning of Jahángír's reign under Ghazalí Khán .
    Parichhat, the latter under Lachmí Ghaznín's jágir before Akbar's con-
    Naráin. Hájú is the name of a famous quest of Gujrát, as detailed by Bird
    leader of the Kúch people, who in ethno- (p. 124) includes portions of Nágor and
    logical works is said to have expelled the Mírt'ha, and fixes the revenue at nearly
    Kachárís and founded a dynasty which 10 lacs of rupees, with 7,000 horse . This
    lasted two hundred years, His descen- can only have been nominal. Abulfazl,
    dants still exercise jura regalia in Kúch in his description of Cúbah Ajmír, IIIrd
    Bihár Proper. Materials for a history book, mentions 3 lacs of rupees, with
    of Kúch Bihár will be found in the 2000 horse, as the jama' of Jálor and
    Akbarnámah (Lucknow Edition, III ., Sánchor (S. W. of Jálor).
    p. 208, annals of the 41st year) ; in the
    494

    that he was not in a fit condition to offer resistance, Ghaznín went submissively to
    court. The emperor took compassion on him, and confirmed him in his hereditary
    possessions.
    His son Pahár was executed by Jahángír. " When I came to Dih Qáziyán ,
    near Ujjain, I summoned Pahár. This wretch had been put by me, after the death
    of his father, in possession of the Fort and the district of Jálor, his ancestral home.
    He is a young man, and was often checked by his mother for his bad bahaviour.
    Annoyed at this, he entered with some of his companions her apartments, and killed
    her. I investigated the case, found him guilty, and had him executed." (Çafar,
    1026 ; Tuzuk, p. 174).
    Another son of Ghaznín Khán is Nizám, who died in the 6th year of Sháhjahán's
    reign. He was a commander of 900, 550 horse ( Pádisháhn ., I,, b., 313).
    Gháznín's brother Fírúz was a commander of 600, 400 horse, and died in the
    4th year (Pádisháhn ., I. , b , 319 ) .
    The Pádisháhnámah (II., 739) mentions also a Mujahid of Jálor, who in the 20th
    year of Shahjahan's reign was a commander of 800 , 800 horse.
    262. Ki'jak Khwa'jah, son of Khwajah ' Abdullah.
    The first volume of the Akbarnámah (p. 411 ) mentions a Kíjak Khwajah among
    the grandees who accompanied Humáyún to India. The third volume of the same
    work (p. 470) mentions a Kíjak Khwajah, who in 993 served against Qutlú Lohání
    in Bengal. Vide No. 109.
    263. Sher Kha'n Mughul.
    264. Fathullah, son of Muhammad Wafá.
    He appears to be the Fathullah mentioned in the Akbarnámah ( III . , 825 ) as the
    sharbatdár of the emperor. Akbar made him an Amír. For some fault he was
    sent to the Dak'hin ; but as he got ill, he was recalled . He recovered, and went on
    sick leave to Mándú, where he died ( 1008 ) .
    265. Ra'i Manohar, son of Rájah Loņkaran .
    Rájah Lonkaran belonged to the Shaikháwat branch of the Kachhwáhahs.
    He served , in the 21st year, under Mán Singh against the Ráná, and went in the
    same year with Rájah Bír Bar to Dongarpúr, ' the zamíndár of which wished to
    send his daughter to Akbar's harem. In the 24th year, he served under Todar Mall
    in Bihár, and in the 24th year, under the Khán Khánán in Gujrát.
    Manohar, in the 22nd year, reported to the emperor on his visit to Amber, that
    in the neighbourhood an old town existed, the site of which was marked by
    huge maunds of stone. Akbar encouraged him to rebuild it, and laid the foundation
    himself. The new settlement was called Mol Manoharnagar." In the 45th year,

    The word dongar which occurs in Jhárkand, or jungle region, the general
    the names of places from Sorath to Mál- name of Chutiá Nágpúr. The above-
    wah and Central India, is a Gond word mentioned Dongarpúr lies on the N. W.
    meaning a forest. There are many frontier of Gujrát (Akbarn,. III. , 169,
    Dongarpúrs, Dongargánws, Dongartáls, 170, 477).
    Dongars, &c. Similarly, the word bir The maps give a Manoharpúr, north
    in Mundárí signifies a jungle, whence of Amber, about Lat. 27° 20'.
    Birbhum (Western Bengal) . Thus also
    495

    he was appointed with Rái Durgá Lál (No. 103) to pursue Muzaffar Husain Mírzá
    (p. 464), who was caught by Khwajah Waisí,
    In the 1st year of Jahángír's reign, he served under Prince Parwíz against the
    Ráná, and was made, in the 2nd year, a commander of 1500, 600 horse (Tuzuk,
    p. 64) . He served long in the Dak ' hin, and died in the 11th year.
    His son Prit❜hí Chánd received after the death of his father the title of Rái, and
    was made a commander of 500, 300 horse ( l . c., p . 160).
    Manohar wrote Persian verses, and was called at court Mírzá Manohar ; vide
    my article A chapter from Muhammadan History, Calcutta Review, April, 1871.
    266. Khwajah 'Abdussamad, Shirin-qalam (sweet-pen).
    He is not to be confounded with No. 353.
    Khwajah ' Abduççamad was a Shírází. His father Khwajah Nizámul Mulk
    was Vazír to Sháh Shujá' of Shíráz. Before Humáyún left Irán, he went to
    Tabriz, where ' Abduççamad paid his respects. He was even at that time known as
    painter and calligraphist. Humáyún invited him to come to him, and though then
    unable to accompany the emperor, he followed him in 956 to Kábul.
    Under Akbar, ' A. was a commander of 400 ; but low as his mançab was, he had
    great influence at court. In the 22nd year, he was in charge of the mint at
    Fathpúr Síkrí (Akbarnámah, III . , 195 ) ; and in the 31st year, when the officers were
    redistributed over the several çúbahs, he was appointed Díwán of Multán.
    As an instance of his skill it is mentioned that he wrote the Súratulikhláç
    (Qorán, Sur. CXII) on a poppy seed (dánah i khashkhásh). Vide p . 107.
    For his son vide No. 351.
    267. Silhadı', son of Rájah Bihárí Mall (No. 23).
    268. Ra'm Chand Kachhwáhah.
    Vide p. 387.
    [Ra'm Chand Chauha'n ]. The Maasír says that he was the son of Badal
    Singh, and a commander of 500. In the 17th year, he served under M. ' Azíz Kokah
    (No. 21) in Gujrát, and in the 26th year, under Sultán Murád against M.
    Muhammad Hakím , king of Kábul. In the 28th year, he was under M. Sháhrukh
    in the Dak'hin. In the fight, in which Rájah ' Alí of Khandesh fell, R. Ch. received
    twenty wounds and fell from his horse. Next day he was found still alive . He
    died a few days later (41st year, 1005) .
    269. Baha'dur Kha'n Qúrdár.
    He served in the beginning of the 18th year in Gujrát (Akbarnámah, III., 25),
    in the 26th in Kábul ( 1. c. , 333), and in the siege of Asír ( 1008).
    The Pádisháhnámah ( I., b . , pp . 311 , 315) mentions Abábakr and ' Usmán , sons of
    Bahadur Khán Qúrbegí, who seems to be the same officer. They died in the 8th and
    9th years of Shahjahán.
    270. Ba'nka', the Kachhwáhah.
    He served in the 26th year in Kábul ( Akbarn . , III., 333 ) . His son Haridí
    Rám was under Sháhjahán a commander of 1500, 1000 horse, and died in the 9th
    of his reign.
    496

    XIX. Commanders of Three Hundred and Fifty.

    271. Mirza' Abu' Sa'i'd, } sons of Sultán Husain Mírzá.


    Mirza' Sanjar.
    They were mentioned above on p. 314. Mírzá Sanjar is not to be confounded
    with the Mírzá Sanjar mentioned on p. 477, note 2.
    273. ' Ali' Marda'n Baha'dur.
    The Tabaqát mentions him as having been in 984 (21st year) at court, from
    where he was sent to Qulij Khán (No. 42) at Idar, who was to go to Gujrát to see
    the ships off which under Sultán Khwajah (No. 108 ) were on the point of leaving
    for Makkah. Later he served under the Khán Khánán in Sind,' and in the 41st year,
    in the Dak'hin. Subsequently, he commanded the Talingánah corps. In the 46th
    year, he marched to Páť'hrí to assist Sher Khwajah (No. 176 ), when he heard that
    Bahadur Khán Gílání, whom he had left with a small detachment in Talingánah,
    had been defeated. He returned , and attacked the enemies who were much stronger
    than he ; his men fled, and he himself was captured. In the same year, Abulfazl
    made peace, and ' Alí Mardán was set at liberty. In the 47th year, he served with
    distinction under Mírzá Irij (No. 255 ) against Malik ' Ambar.
    In the 7th year of Jahángír's reign, he was attached to the corps commanded
    by 'Abdullah Khán Fírúz-jang, who had been ordered to move with the Gujrát
    army over Násik into the Dak'hin , in order to co-operate with the second army corps
    under Khán Jahán Lodí. 'Abdullah entered the hostile territory without meeting
    the second army, and returned towards Gujrát, now pursued by the enemies. In
    one of the fights which ensued, 'A. M. was wounded and captured . He was taken
    before Malik ' Ambar, and though the doctors did everything to save him, he died
    two days later of his wounds, in 1021 A. H. (Tuzuk, p . 108 ).
    His son Karamullah served under Jahángír ( Tuzuk, p . 269), and was under
    Shahjahán a commander of 1000, 1000 horse. He was for some time commandant
    of Fort Odgír, and died in the 21st year of Sháhj ,'s reign.
    274. Raza' Quli', son of Khán Jahán (No. 24) .
    Vide above p. 331 .
    275. Shaikh Khu'bu' [ Qutbuddín Khán i Chishti] of Fathpur Sikri.
    His father was a Shaikhzádah of Badáon , and his mother a daughter of Shaikh
    Salím . Khúbú was a foster-brother of Jahángír. When the prince was at Iláhábád
    in rebellion against Akbar, he conferred upon Khúbú the title of Qutbuddín Khán,
    and made him Çúbahdár of Bihár. On his accession, he made him Çúbahdár of
    Bengal, vice Mán Singh ( 9th Jumáda I. , 1015 ; Tuzuk, p. 37).
    At that time, Sher Afkan ' Alí Qulí Istajlú (vide No. 394) was tuyúldár of
    Bardwán, and as his wife Mihrunnisa [ Núr Jahán ] was coveted by the emperor, Quțb
    was ordered to send Sher Afkan to court, who, however, refused to go. Qutb,
    therefore, went to Bardwán, sending Ghiásá, son of his sister, before him, to persuade
    Sher Afkan that no harm would be done to him . When Qutb arrived, Sher Afkan
    went to meet him, accompanied by two men. On his approach, Q. lifted up his

    1 2 Jahángír says that Khúbú's mother


    Vide Dowson, Elliot's Historians,
    I., p. 248. was dearer to him than his own mother.
    497

    horse-whip as a sign for his companions to cut down Sher Afkan. "What is all this ?"
    exclaimed Sher. Qutb waved his hand to call back his men, and advancing towards
    Sher, upbraided him for his disobedience. His men mistaking Qutb's signal to with-
    draw, closed round Sher, who rushed with his sword against Qutb, and gave him a
    deep wound in the abdomen. Qutb was a stout man, and seizing his protruding bowels
    with his hands, called out to his men to cut down the scoundrel. Ambah Khán,
    a Kashmírí noble of royal blood, thereupon charged Sher Afkan, and gave him a
    sword cut over the head ; but he fell at the same time pierced through by Sher's
    sword (p. 474, note 1) . The men now crowded round him and struck him to the
    ground. Qutbuddín was still on horseback, when he heard that Sher Afkan had been
    killed, and he sent off Ghiásá to bring his effects and his family to Bardwán. He then
    was removed in a palkee. He died whilst being carried away. His corpse was taken
    to Fathpúr Síkri and buried.
    In 1013, he built the Jámi ' mosque of Badáon.
    His son, Shaikh Ibráhím, was, in 1015, a commander of 1000, 300 horse, and
    had the title of Kishwar Khán. He was for some time governor of Rohtás, and
    served in the beginning of 1021 against 'Usmán.
    Ilahdiah, son of Kishwar Khán, is mentioned in the Pádisháhnámah (I. , b. ,
    100, 177, 307 ; II, 344, 379, 411 , 484).
    276. Zia -ul Mulk, of Káshán.
    The Akbarnámah ( III, 490, 628) and the Tuzuk (p. 11) mention a Ziáuddín.
    The Hakím Ziáuddín of Káshán, who under Shahjahan held the title of Rahmat
    Khán, can scarcely be the same.
    277. Hamzah Beg Ghatra'ghali'.
    He may be the brother of No. 203. The Akbarnámah ( III. , 255) mentions also
    a Husain Beg Ghatrághalí.
    278. Mukhta'r Beg, son of Aghá Mullá .
    Mukhtár Beg served under A'zam Khán Kokah (No. 21) in Bihár, Gadha- Ráisín
    (Akbarn., III., 276, 473), and in the 36th year, under Sultán Murád in Málwah.
    Naçrullah, son of Mukhtár Beg, was under Shahjahán a commander of 700, 150
    horse, and died in the 10th year.
    Fathullah, son of Naçrullah, was under Shahjahán a commander of 500, 50 horse
    (Pádisháhn., I., b, 318 ; II., 752).
    Abulfazl calls Mukhtár Beg the son of Aghá Mullá. This would seem to be the
    Aghá Mullá Dawátdár, mentioned on p. 369. If so, Mukhtár Beg would be the
    brother of Ghiásuddín 'Alí (No. 126). The Aghá Mullá mentioned below (No. 376),
    to judge from the Tuzuk (p. 27), is the brother of Açaf Khán III. (No. 98), and had a
    son of the name of Badí'uzzamán, who under Sháhjahán was a commander of 500,
    100 horse (Pád., I., b., 327 ; II., 751 ). In Muhammadan families the name of the
    grandfather is often given to the grandchild.
    279. Haidar ' Ali' ' Arab.
    He served, in the 32nd year, in Afghánistán (Akbarn., III., 540, 548).
    280. Peshrau Kha'n [ Mihtar Sa'ádat ].
    Mihtar Sa'ádat had been brought up in Tabríz, and was in the service of Sháh
    Tahmásp, who gave him as a present to Humáyún. After Humayun's death , he was
    63
    498

    promoted, and got the title of Peshrau Khán. In the 19th year, Akbar sent him on
    a mission to Bihár, where he was caught on the Ganges by Gajpatí, the great
    zamíndár (p. 399, note 2). When Jagdespúr, the stronghold of the Rájah, was
    conquered, Gájpatí ordered several prisoners to be killed, among them Peshrau. The
    executioner, however, did not kill him, and told another man to do so. But the
    latter accidentally could not get his sword out of the scabbard ; and the Rájah, who
    was on the point of flying, having no time to lose, ordered him to take P. on his
    elephant. The elephant was wild and restive, and the man who was in charge of P. ,
    fell from the animal and got kicked, when the brute all at once commenced to roar in
    such a manner, that the other elephants ran away frightened. Although P.'s hands
    were tied, he managed to get to the kaláwah (p. 127) of the driver, and thus sat firm ;
    but the driver unable to manage the brute, threw himself to the ground and ran away,
    leaving P. alone on the elephant. Next morning it got quiet, and P. threw himself
    down, when he was picked up by a trooper who had been searching for him .
    In the 21st year, he reported at court the defeat of Gajpatí ' (Akbarn ., III., 163 ) .
    In the 25th year, he served in Bengal ( 1. c., p. 289) . Later he was sent to Nizámulmulk
    of the Dak'hin, and afterwards to Bahádur Khán , son of Rájah ' Alí Khán of Khándesh .
    His mission to the latter was in vain, and Akbar marched to A'sír. P. distinguished
    himself in the siege of Málígaḍh.
    Jahángír made him a commander of 2000, and continued him in his office as
    superintendent of the Farrásh-khánah (Quarter-Master) .
    P. died in the 3rd year, on the 1st Rajab, 1017. Jahángír says (Tuzuk, p. 71),
    "He was an excellent servant, and though ninety years old, he was smarter than many
    a young man , He had amassed a fortune of 15 lacs of rupees. His son Riáyat is
    unfit for anything ; but for the sake of his father, I put him in charge of half the
    Farrásh-khánah.
    281. Qaʼzi' Hasan Qazwíní.
    In the 32nd year (995), he served in Gujrát (Akbarn ., III., 537, 554, where the
    Lucknow edition has Qází Husain), and later in the siege of Asír ( l. c., III., 825).
    282. Mi'r Mura'd i Juwainí.
    He is not to be confounded with No. 380, but may be the same as mentioned
    on p. 354.
    Juwain is the Arabic form of the Persian Gúján, the name of a small town, in
    Khurásán, on the road between Bistám and Níshápúr. It lies , according to the
    Maásir, in the district of Baihaq, of which Sabzwár is the capital, and is renowned
    as the birth-place of many learned men and poets.
    Mír Murád belongs to the Sayyids of Juwain. As he had been long in the
    Dak'hin, he was also called Dak'hiní. He was an excellent shot, and Akbar appointed
    him rifle-instructor to Prince Khurram. He died, in the 46th year, as Bakhshí of
    Láhor. He had two sons, Qasim Khán and Háshim Khán.
    Qasim Khán was an excellent poet, and rose to distinction under Islám
    Khán, governor of Bengal, who made him treasurer of the çúbah. Later, he married

    Gajpatí's brother, Bírí Sál, had been 2 Vide Wüstenfeld's Yacut, II., 164.
    killed (Akbarn ., III., 162) .
    499

    Maníjah Begum, sister of Núr Jahán, and thus became a friend of Jahángír . An
    example of a happy repartee is given . Once Jahángír asked for a cup of water.
    The cup was so thin, that it could not bear the weight of the water, and when handed
    to the emperor, it broke. Looking at Qásim, J. said (metre Ramal)—
    ‫کاسه نازک بود آب آرام نتوانست کرد‬
    The cup was lovely, and the water lost its rest-
    when Qasim, completing the verse, replied :
    ‫دید حالم را و چشمش ضبط اشك خود نکرد‬
    It saw my love grief, and could not suppress its tears.
    In the end of J.'s reign, he was Cúbahdár of Agrah, and was in charge of the
    treasures in the fort. When the emperor died, and Shahjahán left the Dak'hin,
    Qasim paid his respects in the Bágh i Dahrah (Agrah), which in honor ofJahángír had
    been called Núr Manzil, and was soon after made a commander of 5000 , 500 horse, and
    appointed governor of Bengal, vice Fidáí Khán.
    As Shahjahan when prince, during his rebellion, had heard of the wicked practices
    of the Portuguese in Bengal, who converted natives by force to Christianity, he
    ordered Qasim to destroy their settlement at Húglí. In the 5th year, in Sha'bán,
    1041, or February, 1632, A. D. (Pádisháhn., I., 435, 437) , Q. sent a corps under his
    son 'Inayatullah and Allah Yár Khán to Húglí. The Portuguese held out for three
    months and a half, when the Muhammadans succeeded in layiug dry the ditch in
    front of the Church, dug a mine, and blew up the church. The fort was taken. Ten
    thousand Portuguese are said to have perished during the siege, and 4400 were taken
    prisoners. About 10,000 natives whom they had in their power, were liberated . One
    thousand Musalmáns died as martyrs for their religion.¹
    Three days after the conquest of Húglí, Qásim died (1. c., p. 444 ). The Jami'
    Masjid in the Atgah Bázár of Agrah was built by him.
    283. Mi'r Qa'sim Badakhshí.
    He served in the Dak'hin (Akbarn ., III ., 830).
    284. Bandah ' Ali' Maidání.
    Maidání is the name of an Afghán clan ; vide No. 317. Bandah ' Ali served in
    the 9th year with Muhammad Hakím of Kábul, who was attacked by Mírzá Sulaimán
    of Badakhshán (No. 5), and had applied to Akbar for help. In the 30th and 32nd
    years, he served in Kábul (Akbarn , II., 299 ; III., 477, 540).
    The Akbarnámah (II ., 209) also mentions a Bandah ' Alí Qurbegí.
    285. Khwa'jagi' Fathullah, son of Hájí Habibullah of Káshán.
    He was mentioned above on pp. 359, 464. He served in the 30th year under
    Mírzá ' Aziz Kokah (No. 21 ). Akbarn ., III ., 473.
    286. Za'hid
    287. Dost [ Muhammad] sons of Çádiq Khán ( No. 43) .
    288. Ya'r Muhammad]

    The siege of Húglí commenced on for some time been the head quarters of
    the 2nd Zí Hajjah, 1011, or 11th June, the Mughul army, is called on our maps
    1632, and the town was taken on the Holodpur, and lies N. W. of Húglí.
    14th Rabi' I, 1042, or 10th September, The Portuguese church at Bandel (a
    1632. The village of Haldípúr, men- corruption of bandar ?) bears the year
    tioned in the Pádisháhnámah as having 1599 on its keystone.
    500

    They have been mentioned above on p. 357. Záhid , in the end of 1015 , served
    against Dalpat (No. 252 ).
    Regarding Záhid , vide also a passage from the Táríkh i Ma'çúmí, translated in
    Dowson's edition of Elliot's Historians, I., 246.
    289. ' Izzatullah Ghujduwání.
    Ghujduwán is a small town in Bukhárá.
    The Akbarnámah (III ., 548) mentions a Qází 'Izzatullah, who, in the 32nd year,
    served in Afghánistán .

    XX. Commanders of Three Hundred.

    290. A'ltu'n Qulij .


    291. Ja'n Qulij .
    Two MSS. have Altún Qulij , son of Khán Qulij , which latter name would be an
    unusual transposition for Qulij Khán. They are not the sons of Qulij Khán (No. 42),
    vide Nos. 292 and 293.
    Altún Qulij is mentioned in the Akbarnámah (III., 554) as having served in
    Baglánah with Bharjí, the Rájah, who was hard pressed in Fort Molher by his relations.
    Bharjí died about the same time ( beginning of the 33rd year).

    292. Saifullah (Qulijullah] } sons of Qulij Khán (No. 42 ) .


    Saif is Arabic, and means the same as the Turkish qulij, a sword. Saifullah
    was mentioned under No. 203. In the beginning of the 33rd year, he served under
    Cádiq Khán (No. 43) in Afghánistán.
    Regarding Mírzá Chín Qulij , the Maásir says that he was an educated , liberal,
    man, well versed in government matters. He had learned under Mullá Muçṭafă of
    Jaunpúr, and was for a long time Faujdár of Jaunpúr and Banáras.
    At the death of his father, his younger brother Mírzá Láhaurí, the spoiled pet son
    of his father, joined Chín Qulij in Jaunpúr. He had not been long there, when he
    interfered in government matters, and caused disturbances, during which Chín Qulij
    lost his life. His immense property escheated to the state ; it is said that it took
    the clerks a whole year to make the inventory.
    In 1022, when Jahángír was in Ajmír, he summoned Mullá Muçṭafá, who had
    been the Mírzá's teacher, with the intention of doing him harm. While at court, he
    got acquainted with Mullá Muhammad of T'hat'hah, a teacher in the employ of
    Açafjáh (or Açaf Khán IV.; vide p. 369), who had scientific discussions with him ,
    and finding him a learned man, interceded on his behalf. Muçtafá was let off, went
    to Makkah and died.
    Mírzá Láhauri was caught and imprisoned . After some time, he was set at
    liberty, and received a daily allowance (yaumiyyah). He had a house in Agrah,
    near the Jamnah, at the end of the Darsan, and trained pigeons. He led a miserable
    life.
    The Maásir mentions a few instances of his wicked behaviour. Once he buried
    one of his servants alive, as he wished to know something about Munkir and
    Nakír, the two angels who , according to the belief of the Muhammadans, examine the
    dead in the grave, beating the corpse with sledge hammers, if the dead man is found
    501

    wanting in belief. When the man was dug out, he was found dead . Another time,
    when with his father in Láhor, he disturbed a Hindú wedding-feast, and carried off
    the bride ; and when the people complained to his father, he told them to be glad that
    they were now related to the Çúbahdár of Láhor.
    The other sons of Qulij Khán, as Qulijullah, Chín Qulij , Báljú Q., Bairam Q.,
    Ján Q., held mostly respectable mançabs.
    The Tuzuk i Jahangirí relates the story differently. Both M. Chín Qulij and
    M. Láhaurí are described as wicked men. Chín Q., after the death of his father, came
    with his brothers and relations to court (Cafar, 1023 ; Tuzuk, p. 127), and received
    Jaunpúr as jágír. As the emperor heard of the wicked doings of M. Láhaurí,
    from whom no man was safe, he sent an Ahadí to Jaunpúr to bring him to court,
    when Chín Qulij fled with him to several Zamíndárs. The men of Jahángír Qulí
    Khán, governor of Bihár, at last caught him ; but before he was taken to the
    governor, Chín died, some say, in consequence of an attack of illness, others
    from wounds he had inflicted on himself. His corpse was taken to Jahángír Qulí
    Khán, who sent it with his family and property to Iláhábád . The greater part of his
    property had been squandered or given away to zamíndárs ( 1024 ; Tuzuk, p. 148).
    294. Abul Fatta'h Ata'li'q,
    295. Sayyid Ba'yazi'd of Bárha.
    He served in the 33rd year (996 ) in Gujrát ( Akbarn. , III ., 553) . In the beginning
    of the 17th year of Jahángír's reign ( 1031 ) , he received the title of Muçṭafá Khán
    (Tuzuk, p. 344) .
    In the 1st year of Shahjahan's reign, he was made a commander of 2000, 700
    horse ( Pád., I., 183). His name is not given in the list of grandees of the Pádisháh-
    námah.
    296. Balbhadr, the Ráthor.
    297. Abul Ma'a'li', son of Sayyid Muhammad Mír ' Adl (No. 140) .
    298. Ba'qir Ançárí.
    He was in Bengal at the outbreak of the military revolt. In the 37th year, he
    served under Mán Singh in the expedition to Orísá (Akbarn., III., 267, 641 ).
    299. Ba'yazi'd Beg Turkmán .
    He was at first in Mun'im's service ( Akbarn . , II. , 238, 253). The Pádisháhnámah
    (I., b., 328 ) mentions Mahmud Beg, son of Báyazíd Beg. Vide No. 335 .
    300. Shaikh Daulat Bakhtyár.
    301. Husain, the Pak'hlíwál.
    The story of the origin of his family from the Qárlüqs under Timur (vide p. 454) is
    given in the Tuzuk (p. 290). Jahángír adds, " but they do not know who was then
    their chief. At present, they are common Panjábís (Láhaurí i mahaz), and speak
    Panjábí. This is also the case with Dhantúr" (vide No. 396 ).
    Sultán Husain , as he called himself, is the son of Sultán Mahmúd. His
    rebellious attitude towards Akbar has been mentioned above, on p. 454. When Jabángír
    in the 14th year (beginning of 1029) paid him a visit, Husain was about seventy years
    old, but still active. He was then a commander of 400, 300 horse, and Jahángír
    promoted him to a mançab of 600, 350 horse.
    502

    Husain died in the 18th year (end of 1032 ; Tuzuk, p. 367) . His command and
    the district of Pak'hlí were given to his son Shádmán.
    Shádmán served under Dárá Shikoh in Qandahár (beginning of 1052), and was
    in the 20th year of Shahjahan's reign a commander of 1000, 900 horse. Pádisháh-
    námah, II., 293, 733.
    The Tuzuk (p. 290) mentions a few places in the district of Pak'hlí, and has a
    remark on the thick, strong beer which the inhabitants make from bread and rice.
    302. Kesu' Da's, son of Jai Mall .
    Vide No. 408. One MS. has Jait Mall, instead of Jai Mall. The Pádisháh-
    námah ( I., b., 310) mentions a Rájah Girdhar, son of Kesú Dás, grandson of Jat
    Mall of Mirtha. The Tuzuk frequently mentions a Kesú Dás Márú (Tuzuk,
    pp. 9, 37, 203).
    303. Mirza' Kha'n of Níshápúr. One MS . has Ján for Khán.
    304. Muzaffar , brother of Khán ’Alam (No. 58 ) .
    My text edition has wrongly Khán i A’zam , for Khán’Alam .
    305. Tulsi' Da's Ja'don.
    He served in 992 against Sultán Muzaffar of Gujrát (Akbarn ., III., 422).
    The Akbarnámah ( III ., 157 , 434, 598) mentions another Jádon , Rájah Gopál. He
    died in the end of the 34th year, and is mentioned in the Tabaqát as a commander
    of 2000.
    306. Rahmat Kha'n, son of Masnad i ' Alí.
    Masnad i'Ali is an Afghán title, as Majlis ul Majális, Majlis i Ikhtiyár, &c.
    It was the title of Fattú Khán, or Fath Khán, a courtier of Islem Shah, who
    afterwards joined Akbar's service. He served under Husain Qulí Khán Jahán
    (No. 24) in 980 against Nagarkot ( Badáoní II, 161 ) . The Tabaqat makes him a
    commander of 2000. He seems to be the same Fath Khán whom Sulaimán Kararání
    had put in charge of Rohtás in Bihár (Bad., II ., 77) .
    He died in the 34th year in Audh ( Akbarn. , III., 599).
    A Rahmat Khán served in the 45th year in the Dak'hin. Rahmat Khán’s
    brother, Sháh Muhammad, is mentioned below, No. 395.
    307. Ahmad Qa'sim Kokah.
    He served in 993 against the Yúsufzaís , and in 996, under Çádiq Khán, against
    the Táríkís ( Akbarn ., III., 490, 552).
    The Tuzuk (p. 159) mentions a Yár Beg, son of A. Q.'s brother.
    308. Baha'dur Gohlot.
    309. Daulat Kha'n Lodí.
    He was a Lodí Afghán of the Sháhú-khail clan, and was at first in the service
    of ' Aziz Kokah (No. 21) . When ' Abdurrahím (No. 29) married the daughter of
    'Azíz, Daulat Khán was transferred to ' Abdurrahím's service, and ' Azíz in sending
    him to his son-in-law, said, " Take care of this man, and you may yet get the title of
    your father (Khán Khánán).” Daulat distinguished himself in the wars in Gujrát
    (p. 335, 1., 1 , where for Dost Khán, as given in the Maásir, we have to read
    Daulat Khán), in That'hah, and the Dak'hin . His courage was proverbial. In his
    master's contingent he held a command of 1000. Sultán Dányál won him over,
    and made him a commander of 2000.
    503

    He died in the end of the 45th year ( Sha'bán, 1009) at Ahmadnagar (Akbarn.,
    III. , 846) . It is said that Akbar stood in awe of him, and when he heard of his
    death, he is reported to have said, " To-day Sher Khán Súr died ."
    Daulat Khán's eldest son, whom the Maásír calls Mahmúd, was half mad . In
    the 46th year, on a hunting tour, he left his companions, got into a quarrel with some
    Kolís near Pál, and perished .
    Daulat's second son is the renowned Pír Khán , or Pírú, better known in history
    under his title Khán Jahán Lodí. If Akbar's presentiments were deceived in the
    father, they were fulfilled in the sou.
    Pír Khán, when young, fell out with his father, and fled with his elder brother,
    whom the Maásir here calls Muhammad Khán , to Bengal, where they were assisted
    by Mán Singh . Muhammad Khán died when young .
    Like his father, P. Kh. was in the service of Sultán Dányál, who treated him
    like a friend and called him son.' On the death of the Prince, Pír, then twenty
    years old, joined Jahángír's service, was made in the second year a commander of
    3000, and received the title of Calábat Khán (Tuzuk, p . 42 ) . He gradually rose
    to a mançab of 5000, and received the title of Khán Jahán , which was looked upon
    as second in dignity to that of Khán Khánán . Although Jahángír treated him like
    an intimate friend rather than a subject, Khán Jahán never forgot his position and
    formed no ambitious plans.
    When Prince Parwíz, Rájah Mán Singh and Sharif Khán ( No. 351 ) were
    sent to the Dak'hin to reinforce the Khán Khánán, and matters took an unfavorable
    turn, Khán Jahán, in 1018, was sent with 12000 troopers to their assistance . At
    the review, Jahángír came down from the state window, put his turban on Kh . J.'s head,
    seized his hand , and helped him in mounting. Without delaying in Burhánpúr,
    Kh. J. moved to Bálághát, where the imperial army was. At Mulkápúr, a great fight
    took place with Malik ' Ambar, and the imperialists, unaccustomed to the warfare of
    the Dak❜hinís, lost heavily. The Khán Khánán met him with every respect, and
    took him to Bálághát . According to the original plan, Kh. J. was to lead the
    Dak'hin corps, and ' Abdullah Khán the Gujrát army, upon Daulatábád (p . 496) .
    Malik ' Ambar afraid of being attacked from two sides, succeeded in gaining over the
    Khán Khánán, who managed to detain Kh. J. in Zafarnagar ; and 'Abdullah, when
    marching forward, found no support, and had to retreat with heavy losses. Kh . J.
    got short of provisions ; his horses died away, and the splendid army with which he
    had set out, returned in a most disorderly state to Burhánpúr.
    Kh. J. accused the Khán Khánán of treason , and offered to conquer Bíjápúr
    in two years, if the emperor would give him 30000 men and absolute power. This
    Jahángír agreed to, and the Khán i Azam (No. 21 ) and Khán ’Alam (No. 328)
    were sent to his assistance. But though the Khán Khánán had heen removed, the
    duplicity of the Amírs remained what it had been before, and matters did not improve.
    The command was therefore given to the Khán i A'zam, and Kh. J. received T'hálner
    as jágír, and was ordered to remain at Ilichpúr. After a year, he returned to court,
    but was treated by the emperor in as friendly a manner as before.
    In the 15th year, when the Persians threatened Qandahár, Kh. J. was made
    governor of Multán. Two years later, in the 17th year, Sháh ' Abbás took Qandahár
    504

    after a siege of forty days. Kh. J. was called to court for advice, having been
    forbidden to attack Sháh ' Abbás, because kings should be opposed by kings . When
    he came to court, Prince Khurram was appointed to reconquer Qandahár, and Kh. J.
    was ordered back to Multán, to make preparations for the expedition . It is said that
    the Afghán tribes from near Qandahár came to him in Multán, and declared themselves
    willing to be the vanguard of the army, if he would only promise every horseman
    five tankahs, and each foot soldier two tankahs per diem, to keep them from starving ;
    they were willing to go with him to Içfahán, and promised to be responsible for the
    supplies. But Kh. J. refused the proffered assistance, remarking that Jahangir would
    kill him, if he heard of the attachment of the Afgháns to him.
    In the meantime matters changed. Shahjahan rebelled, and the expedition
    to Qandahár was not undertaken, The emperor several times ordered Kh. J. to
    return, and wrote at last himself, adding the curious remark that even Sher Khán
    Súr, in spite of his enmity, would after so many requests have obeyed . The delay,
    it is said, was caused by severe illness. On his arrival at court, Kh. J. was made
    commandant of Fort Agrah and was put in charge of the treasures.
    In the 19th year, on the death of the Khán i A'zam, he was made governor of
    Gujrát, and when Mahábat Khán was sent to Bengal, he was appointed atálíq to
    Prince Parwíz, whom he joined at Burhánpúr.
    In 1035 , the 21st year, Parwíz died, and the Dak'hin was placed under Kh. J.
    He moved against Fath Khán, son of Malik ' Ambar, to Bálághát. His conduct was
    now more than suspicious : he accepted proposals made by Hamíd Khán Habshí, the
    minister of the Nizám Sháh, to cede the conquered districts for an annual payment
    of three lacs of húns, though the revenue was 55 krors of dáms ( Pádisháhn., I., 271),
    and ordered the imperial Faujdárs and Thánahdárs to give up their places to the
    agents of the Nizám Sháh and repair to Burhánpúr. Only Sipahdár Khán who
    stood in Ahmadnagar, refused to do so without express orders from the Emperor.
    Soon after, Mahábat Khán joined Sháhjahán at Junír, and was honored with
    the title of Sipahsálár . On the death of Jahángír, which took place immediately
    afterwards , Shahjahán sent Ján Nisár Khán to Kh. J., to find out what he intended
    to do, and confirm him at the same time in his office as Çúbahdár of the Dak'hin ;
    but as he in the meantime had formed other plans , he sent back Ján Nisár without
    answer. He intended to rebel . It is said that he was misled by Daryá Khán Rohílah
    and Fázil Khán, the Díwán of the Dak'hin : Dáwar Bakhsh, they insinuated , had
    been made emperor by the army, Shahryár had proclaimed himself in Láhor, whilst
    Sháhj . had offended him by conferring the title of Sipahsálár on Mahábat Khán, who
    only lately had joined him ; he, too, should aim at the crown, as he was a man of
    great power, and would find numerous adherents .
    Sháhj . sent Mahábat to Mándú, where Kh . J.'s family was . Kh . J. renewed
    friendly relations with the Nizám Sháh, and leaving Sikandar Dutání in Burhánpúr,
    he moved with several Amírs to Mándú, and deposed the governor Muzaffar Khán
    Ma'múrí. But he soon saw how mistaken he was . The Amirs who had come
    with him, left him and paid their respects to Sháhj .; the proclamation of Dáwar
    Bakhsh proved to be a scheme made by Açaf Khán in favor of Sháhj . , and Kh. J.
    sent a vakíl to court and presented, after Sháhj.'s accession, a most valuable present.
    505

    The Emperor was willing to overlook past faults, and left him in possession of
    the government of Málwah.
    In the second year, after punishing Jhujhár Singh, Kh. J. came to court, and
    was treated by the Emperor with cold politeness. Their mutual distrust soon showed
    itself. Sháhj. remarked on the strong contingent which he had brought to Agrah,
    and several parganahs of his jágírs were transferred to others. One evening, at a
    darbár, Mírzá Lashkarí, son of Mukhlię Khán , foolishly said to the sons of Kh. J.,
    " He will some of these days imprison your father." Kh. J. on hearing this, shut
    himself up at home, and when the Emperor sent Islám Khán to his house to enquire,
    he begged the messenger to obtain for him an amán-námah , or letter of safety, as he
    was hourly expecting the displeasure of his master. Sháhj . was generous enough to
    send him the guarantee ; but though even Açaf Khán tried to console him, the old
    suspicions were never forgotten. In fact it would seem that he only feared the
    more for his safety, and on the night from the 26th to the 27th Çafar, 1039, after a
    stay at court of eight months, he fled from Agrah. When passing the Hatiápul '
    Darwázah, he humbly threw the reins of his horse over his neck, bent his head
    forward on the saddle, and exclaimed, " O God, thou knowest that I fly for the
    preservation of my honor ; to rebel is not my intention." On the morning before his
    flight, Açaf had been informed of his plan, and reported the rumour to the emperor.
    But Shábj . said that he could take no steps to prevent Kh . J. from rebelling ; he had
    given him the guarantee, and could use no force before the crime had actually been
    committed.
    An outline of Kh . J.'s rebellion may be found in Elphinstone's history, where the
    main facts are given.
    When he could no longer hold himself in the Dak'hin , he resolved to cut his
    way to the Panjáb. He entered Málwah, pursued by 'Abdullah Khán and Muzaffar
    Khán Bárba. After capturing at Sironj fifty imperial elephants, he entered the
    territory of the Bundelah Rájah. But Jagráj Bikramájít, son of Jhujhár Singh, fell
    upon his rear ( 17th Jumáda II, 1040 ), defeated it, and killed Daryá Khán (a com-
    mander of 4000) and his son, Kh. J.'s best officers (Pádisháhn ., I. , 339 ; I., b. , 296.)
    2
    On arriving in Bhánder, Kh . J. met Sayyid Muzaffar, and sending off his baggage
    engaged him with 1000 men. During the fight Mahmúd Khán , one of Kh . J.'s sons,
    was killed . On approaching Kálinjar, he was opposed by Sayyid Ahmad, the
    commandant of the Fort, and in a fight another of his sons, Hasan Khán, was
    captured . Marching farther, he arrived at the tank of Sehondá, where he resolved
    to die. He allowed his men to go away, as his cause was hopeless. On the 1st
    Rajab, 1040, he was again attacked by ' Abdullah Khán and S. Muzaffar, and was
    mortally wounded by Mádhú Singh with a spear. Before Muzaffar could come up,
    the soldiers had cut him and his son ' Azíz to pieces (Pádisháhn . I. , 351 ) . Their

    ' The two large stone elephants which Bándhú. So likewise for Salwání (Pád.
    stood upon the gate were taken down by I., 290) , the Maásir has Lánjhí (Gond-
    Aurangzib in Rajab, 1079, because the wánah) , where Kh. J. after the fight
    Muhammadan law forbids sculpture. near Dholpur and his march through the
    Maás. 'A'lamgiri, p. 77. Bundelah State for the first time rested .
    So the Maásir . The Bibl . Ind . Bhánder lies N. E. of Jhánsí. Sehondá
    Edition of the Pádisháhnámah, I. , 348, has lies N. of Kálinjar, on the Ken .
    64
    506

    heads were sent to Sháhjahán at Burhánpúr, fixed for some time to the walls of the
    city, and then buried in the vault of Daulat Khán , Kh. J.'s father.
    Kh. J. had been a commander of 7000 (Pádisháhn., I., b., 293).
    Several of Kh. J.'s sons, as Husain, 'Azmat, Mahmúd, and Hasan, had perished
    during the rebellion of their father. Another, Açálat Khán, a commander of 3000,
    died during the rebellion at Daulatábád, and Muzaffar had left his father, and gone to
    court. Faríd and Ján Jahán were captured ; ' A'lam and Ahmad had fled, and went
    after some time to court. But none of his sons ever prospered.'
    The historical work entitled Makhzan i Afghání, or some editions of it, contain
    a chapter in praise of Khán Jahán, after whom the book is sometimes called Táríkh
    i Khán Jahán Lodi .
    310. Sha'h Muhammad , son of Quraish Sultán (No. 178 ) .
    311. Hasan Kha'n Miyánah.
    He was at first a servant of Cádiq Khán (No. 43) , but later he received a mançab.
    He died in the Dak'hin wars .
    Of his eight sons, the eldest died young (Tuzuk, p. 200). The second is Buhlúl
    Khán. He rose to a mançab of 1500 under Jahángír (l . c., pp . 184, 200), and received
    the title of Sarbaland Khán. He was remarkable for his courage and his external
    appearance. He served in Gondwánah.
    At the accession of Sháhjahán, B. was made a commander of 4000 , 3000 horse
    and jágírdár of Bálápúr. He joined Khán Jahán Lodí on his march from Gondwánah
    to Bálághát. When he saw that Khán Jahán did not succeed, he left him, and
    entered the service of the Nizám Sháh.
    A grandson of Buhlúl, Abul Muhammad, came in the 12th year of Aurangzíb's
    reign to court, was made a commander of 5000, 4000, and got the title of Ikhláç
    Khún ( Muás.’A’lamgiri , p. 81 ).
    For other Miyánah Afgháns, vide Pádisháhn . , I., 241 ; Maás. 'Alamgirí, p- 225.
    312. Tahir Beg , son of the Khán i Kalán (No. 16 ) .
    313. Kishn Da's Tunwar.
    He was under Akbar and Jahángír accountant (mushrif) of the elephant and
    horse stables. In the 7th year of J., he was made a commander of 1000. A short
    time before, he had received the title of Rájah ( Tuzuk, p. 110) .
    314. Ma'n Singh Kachhwáhah.
    The Akbarnámah ( III., 333 , 335 ) mentions a Mán Singh Darbárí.
    315. Mi'r Gada'i', son of Mír Abú Turáb.
    Abú Turáb belonged to the Salámí Sayyids of Shíráz . His grandfather, Mir
    Ghiásuddín, had come to Gujrát during the reign of Qutbuddín, grandson of Sultán
    Ahmad (the founder of Ahmadábád) ; but he soon after returned to Persia. The
    disturbances, however, during the reign of Sháh Ismá'íl i Cafawíobliged him to
    take again refuge in Gujrát, where he arrived during the reign of Sultán Mahmúd
    Bígarah. He settled with his son Kamáluddín (Abú Turáb's father) in Champánír-

    1 because Mahmúd's army conquered on


    ‫بيكره‬. -This
    word is generally pro
    nounced , and is said to mean one day the forts of Champánír and
    Júnágarh. But Jahángírin his • Memoirs'
    having conquered two forts (garh),
    507

    Mahmúdábád, and set up as a teacher and writer of school books (darsiyah kitáb).
    Kamáluddín also was a man renowned for his learning.
    The family had for a long time been attached to the Salsalah i Maghribiyah,
    or Maghribí (Western) Sect, the " lamp" of which was the saintly Shaikh Ahmad
    i Khaṭṭú. The name Salámí Sayyids ' is explained as follows. One of the ancestors of
    the family had visited the tomb of the Prophet. When coming to the sacred spot, he
    said the customary salám, when a heavenly voice returned his greeting.
    Abú Turáb was a highly respected man . He was the first that paid his respects
    to Akbar on his march to Gujrát, and distinguished himself by his faithfulness
    to his new master. Thus he was instrumental in preventing I'timád Khán (No. 67)
    from joining, after Akbar's departure for Kambháyat, the rebel Ikhtiyár ul- Mulk ,
    Later, Akbar sent him to Makkah as Mír Hajj , in which quality he commanded
    a large party of courtiers and begums. On his return, he brought a large stone
    from Makkah, which bore the footprint of the prophet (qadam i sharif, or qadam i
    mubárak) ; vide p . 198. The ' táríkh* of his return is khair ul aqdám (A. H. 987),
    or the best of footprints.' The stone was said to be the same which Sayyid Jalál
    i Bukhárí at the time of Sultán Fírúz had brought to Dihlí. Akbar looked upon the
    whole as a pious farce, and though the stone was received with great éclat, Abú
    Turáb was graciously allowed to keep it in his house .
    When I'timád was made governor of Gujrát, Abú Turáb followed him as Amín
    of the Cúbah, accompanied by his sons Mír Muhibbullah and Mír Sharafuddín ,
    Abú Turáb died in 1005 , and was buried at Ahmadábád .
    His third son Mír Gadáí, though he held a mançab, adopted the saintly mode
    of life which his ancestors had followed. In the 46th year, he served in the Dak❜hin.
    316. Qaʼsim Khwa'jah, son of Khwajah ' Abdul Bárí . Vide No. 320 .
    317. Na'di ' Ali' Maidání.
    In MSS. he is often wrongly called Yád ' Alí.
    The word nádi is an Arabic Imperative, meaning call. It occurs in the following
    formula used all over the East for amulets.
    Nádi 'Aliyan mazharal'ajáib,
    Tajidhu 'aunan fi kulli-lmaçáib.
    Kullu hammin wa ghammin sayanjalí
    Binubuwwatika ya Muhammad, biwiláyitika yá ' Alí.
    Yá'Alí, yá 'Alí, yá ’Alí.
    Call upon 'Alí, in whom all mysteries reveal themselves,

    says that means burút i bargashtah, phical works on Saints give many parti
    ' having a turned up, or twisted, mous- culars regarding this personage, and the
    tache,' which Sultán Mahmúd is said share which he had, as one of the four
    to have had ( Tuzuk, p . 212) . Gujráti Ahmads, in the foundation of
    Champánír, according to Bird, is also Ahmadábád (founded 7th Zí Qa'dah,
    called Mahmúdábád. The Maásir has 813). Khazinatul Açfiá (Láhor) , p . 957 ,
    Champánír- Muhammadábád . Khaṭṭú, where Shaikh Ahmad was
    Born A. H. 738, died at the age of educated by his adoptive father Shaikh
    111 (lunar) years, on the 10th Shawwál, Is-háq i Maghribí (died 776, A, H. ) lies
    849. Shaikh Ahmad lies buried at east of Nágor.
    Sark'hej near Ahmadábád. The biogra-
    508

    Thou wilt find it a help in all afflictions.


    Every care and every sorrow will surely vanish
    Through thy prophetship, O Muhammad, through thy saintliness, O ' Alí .
    O ' Alí, O ' Alí , O ' Alí !
    The beginning of the amulet suggested the name.
    In the 26th year, Nádi ' Alí served against M. Muhammad Hakím, in 993 (the
    30th year) in Kábul, and two years later under Zain Kokah (No. 34) against the
    Táríkís.
    In the 6th year of Jahángír's reign, he was made a commander of 1500, chiefly for
    his services against the Kábul rebel Ahdád. In the 10th year, he served in Bangash,
    when he was a commander of 1500, 1000 horse. He died in the following year
    ( 1026) ; vide Tuzuk, p. 172. His sons were provided with mançabs .
    His son Bízan ( or Bízhan) distinguished himself, in the 15th year, in Bangash,
    and was made a commander of 1000, 500 horse ( l . c., pp. 307, 309) .
    The Pádisháhnámah (I., b., 322) mentions a Muhammad Zamán, son of Nádi
    'Alí Arlát, who in the 10th year of Shahjahan was a commander of 500, 350 horse.
    Nádi ' Alí is not to be confounded with the Háfiz Nádi ' Alí, who served under
    Jahángír as Court Háfiz ( Tuzuk, p. 155 , and its Díbájah, p . 19), nor with the Nádi
    'Alí who served under Sháhjahán ( Pádisháhn. , II., 749) as a commander of 500, 200
    horse.
    318. Ni'l Kant'h, Zamíndár of Orísá.
    319. Ghia's Beg of Tahrán [ I'timád-uddaulah ].
    His real name is Mírzá Ghiásuddín Muhammad. In old European histories
    his name is often spelled Ayás, a corruption of Ghiás, not of Ayáz (j↳t ) .
    Ghiás Beg's father was Khwajah Muhammad Sharif, who as poet wrote under
    the assumed name of Waçli. He was Vazír to Tátár Sultán, son of Muhammad
    Khán Sharafuddín Ughlú Taklú , who held the office of Beglar Begí of Khurásán.
    After Tátár Sultán's death, the Khwajah was continued in office by his son Qazáq
    Khán, and on Qazáq's death, he was made by Sháh Talmásp Vazír of Yazd.'
    Khwajah Muhammad Sharif is said to have died in A. H. 984. He had two
    brothers, Khwajah Mírzá Ahmad , and Khwajagí Khwajah. The son of Kh . Mírzá
    Ahmad was the well known Khwajah Amín Rází (¿jl , i. e. of the town of Rai,
    of which he was kalántar, or magistrate) , who travelled a good deal and composed
    the excellent work entitled Haft Iqlim, A. H. 1002. Khwajagí Khwajah had a
    son of the name of Khwajah Shápúr, who was likewise a literary man .
    Ghiás Beg was married to the daughter of Mírzá ' Alá- uddaulah , son ofª Ághá
    Mullá. After the death of his father, in consequence of adverse circumstances, Gh. B.
    fled with his two sons and one daughter from Persia. He was plundered on the

    ' The Dibájah (preface) of the Tuzuk Indica edition of the Iqbálnámah hass
    (p. 20) and the Iqbálnámah (p. 54) agree ' he made him his own Vazír.'
    verbatim in Ghiás Beg's history. They 2 The words son of are not in the
    do not mention Quáq Khán . For Yazd Maásir, but in the Tuzuk and the
    of the Maásir, Sayyid Ahmad's text of Iqbálnámah. Two Aghá Mullás have
    the Tuzuk has Marw ; and the Bibl. been mentioned on p . 369, and under
    No. 278, p. 497.
    509

    way, and had only two mules left , upon which the members of the family alternately
    rode. On his arrival at Qandahár, his wife gave birth to another daughter, who
    received the name of Mihrunnisá ( the Sun of Women') , a name which her future title
    of Núr Jahán has almost brought into oblivion. In their misfortune, they found
    a patron in Malik Mas'úd , leader of the caravan, who is said to have been known to
    Akbar. We are left to infer that it was he who directed Ghiás Beg to India. After
    his introduction at Court in Fathpúr Síkrí, Gh . rose, up to the 40th year, to a command
    of 300. In the same year, he was made Díwán of Kábul, and was in course of time
    promoted to a mançab of 1000, and appointed Díwán i Buyútát.
    Regarding Mihrunnisa's marriage with ' Alí Qulí, vide No. 394 .
    In the beginning of Jahangir's reign, Ghiás Beg received the title of I'timád-
    uddaulah. In the second year, his eldest son, Muhammad Sharif joined a conspiracy,
    to set Khusrau at liberty and murder the emperor ; but the plot being discovered,
    Sharif was executed, and I'timád himself was imprisoned. After some time, he was
    let off on payment of a fine of two lacs of rupees . At the death of Sher Afkan
    (p. 497), Mihrunnisa was sent to court as a prisoner " for the murder of Qutbuddín,”
    and was handed over to Ruqaiyah Sultán Begum, with whom she lived unnoticed
    (banákámí) and rejected.' In the 6th year ( 1020), she no longer slighted the emperor's
    proposals, and the marriage was celebrated with great pomp. She received the title
    of Núr Mahall, and a short time afterwards that of Núr Jahán."
    Ghiás, in consequence of the marriage, was made Vakil i kul, or prime-minister,
    and a commander of 6000, 3000 horse. He also received a flag and a drum, and was
    in the 10th year allowed to beat his drum at court, which was a rare privilege. In
    the 16th year, when J. was on his way to Kashmír, Ghiás took ill. The imperial
    couple were recalled from a visit to Kángrah Fort, and arrived in time to find him
    dying . Pointing to the Emperor, Núr Jahán asked her father whether he recognized
    him. He quoted as answer a verse from Anwarí—
    ‫در جدین عالمآرا پس به بیند مهتری‬ ‫آنکه نابيناي مادرزاد اگر حاضربود‬
    ' If one who is blind from birth stood here, he would recognize his majesty by
    his august forehead.' .
    He died after a few hours. The Tuzuk (p. 339) mentions the 17th Bahman,
    1031 , (Rabí' I, 1031 ) as the day of his death, and says that he died broken -hearted
    three months and twenty days after his wife, who had died on the 29th Mihr, 1030,
    i. e., 13th Zí Qa'dah, 1030) .
    Ghiás Beg was a poet. He imitated the old classics , which ruling passion , as we

    It is said that Núr Jahán at her 2 Where he had some distant relations,
    death in 1055 was in her seventy-second as Ja'far Beg (No. 98) .
    year. She would thus have been born Who according to custom had the
    in A. H. 984 ; hence Ghiás Beg's flight same name as his grandfather ; vide
    from Persia must have taken place imme- p. 497, No. 278,
    diately after the death of his father. The Tuzuk and the Iqbálnámah
    It is well to bear this in mind ; for when have Ruqaiyah Sultán Begum (p. 309).
    Núr Jahan was married by Jahángír (in The Maásir has Salimah Sultán Begum
    1020), she must have been as old as 34 (p. 309). The Iqbálnámah (p. 56) has
    (solar) years, an age at which women wrong ‫ رقبه‬for ‫رقية‬
    in the East are looked upon as old In accordance with the name of
    women. her husband Núruddin Jahángír.
    510

    saw, shewed itself a few hours before he died . He was a clever correspondent, and is
    said to have written a beautiful Shikastah hand. Jahángír praises him for his social
    qualities, and confessed that his society was better than a thousand mufarrih i
    •
    yáqúts. He was generally liked, had no enemies, and was never seen angry. Chains ,
    the whip, and abuse, were not found in his house.' He protected the wretched ,
    especially such as had been sentenced to death. He never was idle, but wrote a great
    deal ; his official accounts were always in the greatest order. But he liked bribes,
    and shewed much boldness in demanding them.2
    His mausoleum near Agrah has often been described .
    Núr Jahan's power over Jahángír is sufficiently known from the histories. The
    emperor said, " Before I married her, I never knew what marriage really meant, " and,
    " I have conferred the duties of government on her ; I shall be satisfied, if I have a
    ser of wine and half a ser of meat per diem. With the exception of the khutbah
    (prayer for the reigning monarch) , she possessed all privileges of royalty. Thus her
    name was invariably mentioned on farmáns, and even on coins. The jágírs which
    she held, would have conferred on her the title of a commander of 30000. A great
    portion of her zamíndárís lay near Rámsir, S. E. of Ajmír (Tuzuk, p. 169). She
    provided for all her relations ; even her nurse, Dáí Dilárám, enjoyed much influence,
    and held the post of ' Çadr of the Women' (Çadr i anás) , and when she conferred lands
    as sayúrgháls, the grants were confirmed and sealed by the Çadr of the empire. Núr
    Jahán is said to have particularly taken care of orphan girls, and the number whom
    she betrothed or gave outfits to, is estimated at five hundred. She gave the tone to
    fashion , and is said to have invented the ' atri Jahángírí (a peculiar kind of
    rosewater) . She possessed much taste in adorning apartments and arranging feasts. For
    many gold ornaments she laid down new patterns and elegant designs, and her
    Dudámi for peshwáz (gowns), her pánchtoliah for orhnís (veils), her bádlah (brocade),
    kinárí (lace), and farsh i chandani,³ are often mentioned.
    Her influence ceased with Jahángír's death and the capture of Shahryár, fifth
    son of the emperor, to whom she had given her daughter (by Sher Afkan), Láḍlí
    Begum, in marriage. She had no children by Jahángír. Sháhjahán allowed her a
    pension of two lacs per annum.*
    She died at Láhor at the age of 72, on the 29th Shawwál, 1055, and lies buried
    near her husband in a tomb which she herself had built (Pádisháhn ., II. , 475 ) . She
    composed occasionally Persian poems, and wrote like Salímah Sultán Begum and
    Zebunnisa Begum under the assumed name of Makhfi.
    Ghiás Beg's sons. The fate of his eldest son Muhammad Sharif bas been alluded
    to. His second son , Mírzá Abul Hasan Açaf Khán (IV. ), also called Açaf-jáh or

    As the diamond when reduced to chandani, carpets of sandalwood colour.


    4
    powder was looked upon in the East as a Elphinstone has by mistake 2 lacs
    deadly poison, so was the cornelian (yáqút) per mensem. The highest allowance of
    supposed to possess exhilarating proper- Begums on record is that of Mumtáz
    ties. Mufarrih means an exhilarative. Mahall, viz. 10 lacs per annum. Vide
    2 So the Tuzuk and the Iqbálnámah. Pádisháhn., I., 96.
    Dudámi, weighing two dáms ; In the Pádisháhnámah Núr Jahán
    pánchtoliyah, weighing five tolahs . The is again called Núr Mahall.
    latter was mentioned on p. 94, Farsh i
    511

    A'çafjáhi, is the father of Mumtaz Mahall (Táj Bíbí), the favorite wife of Shahjahan,
    whom European Historians occasionally call Núr Jahán II . He received from
    Shahjahan the title of Yamínuddaulah and KhánKhánán Sipahsálár, and was a
    commander of 9000. He died on the 17th Sha'bán, 1051 , and was buried at Láhor,
    north of Jahangir's tomb. As commander of 9000 duaspah, sihaspah troopers, his
    salary was 16 krors , 20 lacs of dáms, or 4,050,000 Rupees, and besides, he had jágírs
    yielding a revenue of five millions of Rupees. His property at his death, which is
    said to have been more than double that of his father, was valued at 25 millions of
    Rupees, and consisted of 30 lacs of jewels, 42 lacs of Rupees in gold muhurs, 25 lacs of
    Rupees in silver, 30 lacs of plate, &c., and 23 lacs of other property. His palace
    in Láhor, which he had built at a cost of 20 lacs, was given to Prince Dárá Shikoh,
    and 20 lacs of rupees, in cash and valuables, were distributed among his 3 sons and
    5 daughters. The rest escheated to the state.
    Açáf Khán was married to a daughter of Mírzá Ghíasuddín ' Alí Açaf Khán II.,
    p. 369).
    His eldest son is the renowned Mírzá Abú Tálib Sháistah Khán, who, as
    governor of Bengal, is often mentioned in the early history of the E. I. Company.
    Sháistah was married to a daughter of Irij Shahnawáz Khán (No. 255) , son of 'Abdur-
    rahim Khán Khánán, by whom he had however no children. He died at Agrah in
    1105 , the 38th year of Aurangzíb's reign . His eldest son , Abú Tálib, ' had died before
    him. His second son was Abul Fath Khán. One of his daughters was married to
    Rúhullah ( I. ), and another to Zulfaqar Khán Nugratjang .
    Açaf Khan's second son, Bahmanyár, was in the 20th year of Sháhj . a commander
    of2000, 200 horse (Pádisháhn . , II., 728 ),
    Ghiás Beg's third son is Ibráhím Khán Fath-jang, who was governor of Bihár
    (p. 480, note ) and Bengal. He was killed near his son's tomb during Shahjahan's
    rebellion. His son had died young, and was buried near Rájmahall, on the banks
    of the Ganges (Tuzuk, p . 383) . Ibrábím Khán was married to Hájí Húr Parwar
    Khánum, Núr Jahán's maternal aunt (khálah). She lived up to the middle of
    Aurangzíb's reign, and held Kol Jalálí as áltamghá.
    An Ahmad Beg Khán is mentioned in the histories as the son of Núr Jahán's
    brother. He was with Ibráhím Fath-jang in Bengal, and retreated after his death to
    Dháká, where he handed over to Shahjahán 500 elephants and 45 lacs of rupees
    (Tuzuk, p. 384). On Shábj.'s accession , he received a high mançab, was made governor
    of That'hah and Síwistán, and later of Multán. He then returned to court, and
    received as jágír the Parganahs of Jáis and Amețhí, where he died . In the 20th
    year of Shábj ., he was a commander of 2000, 1500 horse ( Pádisháhn . , II. , 727) .
    A sister of Núr Jahán , Maníjah Begum, was mentioned on p. 499.
    A fourth sister, Khadijah Begum, was married to Hákim Beg, a nobleman of
    Jahangir's court.
    The following tree will be found serviceable-

    Also called Muhammad Tálíb. Vide 2 It seems therefore that he was the
    Pádisháhu., II., 248. son of Muhammad Sharif.
    512

    1. Khwajah Muhammad Sharif...2. Khwajah Mírzá Ahmad ... 3 . Khwajagí Khwajah


    (d. 984)
    Mírzá Amín i Rází Khwajah Shápúr.
    (author of the
    1. Aghá Muham- 2. Mírzá Ghiás Haft Iqlim).
    mad Tahir, Beg I'timád-
    Wagli. uddaulah .
    (d. 1031.)

    1. Muhammad Sharif 2. Mírzá Abul 3. 4. Two 4. Núr Jahán 5. Ibráhím


    (executed) Hasan Açaf daughters (wife of Khán Fath-
    Khán ( IV.) Manijah and Jahángír, jang (left
    (d. 1051.) Khadijah. (d. 1055). no children).
    Ahmad Beg Khán .

    1. Mírzá Abú Tálib 2. Bahmanyár. 3. A son . 4. Mumtáz 5. 6. Two


    Sháistah Khán Mahall, daughters.
    (d. 1105. ) wife of
    Sháh Ja-
    1. Abú Tálib. hán ( died
    2. Abul Fath Khán. 1040).

    320. Khwa'jah Ashraf, son of Khwajah ' Abdul Bárí.


    One MS. has Sharaf for Ashraf. Vide No. 316.
    321. Sharaf Beg, of Shíráz.
    322. Ibra'hi'm Quli ' , son of Ismá'íl Qulí Khán (No. 46).

    XXI. Commanders of Two Hundred and Fifty.

    323. Abul Fath, son of Muzaffar, the Mughul.


    324. Beg Muhammad Toqbái.
    He served in the end of the 28th year in Gujrát, and was present in the fight
    near Maisánah, S. E. of Patan, in which Sher Khán Fúládí was defeated, and also
    against Muzaffar of Gujrát ( Akbarn ., III., 423).
    Regarding Toqbái, vide No. 129.
    325. Ima'm Quli' Shighálí.
    The Akbarnámah ( III., 628) mentions an Imám Qulí, who, in the 37th year,
    served under Sultán Murád in Málwah.
    The meaning of Shighálí is unclear to me. A Muhammad Qulí Shighálí played
    a part in Badakhshán history ( Akbarn., III . , 132, 249 ) .
    326. Safdar Beg, son of Haidar Muhammad Khán Akhtah Begi (No.66) .
    A Cafdar Khán served, in the 21st year, against Daudá of Bundí (p . 410) .
    327. Khwa'jah Sulaimaʼn of Shíráz.
    He has been mentioned on pp. 356, 457.
    328. Barkhurda'r [ Mírzá Khán ' Alam] , son of ' Abdurrahmán Duldai

    (No. 186).
    Mírzá Barkhurdár was in the 40th year of Akbar's reign a commander of 250.
    513

    His father (No. 186) had been killed in a fight with the rebel Dalpat.' This Bihár
    Zamíndár was afterwards caught and kept in prison till the 44th year, when , on the
    payment of a heavy peshkash, he was allowed to return to his home. But B. wished
    to avenge the death of his father, and lay in ambush for Dalpat, who, however,
    managed to escape. Akbar was so annoyed at this breach of peace, that he gave orders
    to hand over B. to Dalpat ; but at the intercession of several countries, B. was
    imprisoned.
    As Jahangir was fond of him, he released him after his accession, and made him
    Qushbegi, or superintendent of the aviary. In the fourth year (beginning of 1018 ),
    B. received the title of Khán 'Alam (Tuzuk, p . 74) . Two years later, in 1020, Sháh
    'Abbás of Persia sent Yádgár ' Alí Sultán Tálish as ambassador to A'grah, and B.
    was selected to accompany him on his return to Persia. The suite consisted of about
    twelve hundred men, and was according to the testimony of the ' Alamárá i Sikandarí
    the most splendid embassy that had ever appeared in Persia. In consequence of a long
    delay at Harát and Qum, caused by the absence of the Sháh in Azarbaijan on an expedi-
    tion against the Turks, nearly one half of the suite were sent back. In 1027 , the Sháh
    returned to Qazwín, and received the numerous presents, chiefly elephants and other
    animals, which B. had brought from India. The embassy returned in 1029 (end of
    the 14th year), and B. met the emperor at Kalánúr on his way to Kashmír.
    Jahangir was so pleased, that he kept B. for two days in his sleeping apartment,
    and made him a commander of 5000, 3000 horse.
    The author of the Pádisháhnámah (I., 427), however, remarks that B. did not
    possess the skill and tact of an ambassador, though he has not stated his reasons or
    the source of his information.
    On Shahjahan's accession, B. was made a commander of 6000, 5000 horse,
    received a flag and a drum, and was appointed governor of Bihár, vice M. Rustam
    Çafawi. But as he was given to koknár (opium and hemp), he neglected his duties,
    and was deposed before the first year had elapsed. In the fifth year (end of 1041 ),
    when Sháhj . returned from Burhánpúr to Agrah, B. was pensioned off, as he was old

    Dalpat is called in the Akbarnámah this conquest will be found in the


    , Ujjainiah, for which the MSS.have Pádishálnámah (I., b., pp. 271 to 274).
    various readings , as ‫ اوجينية اجنية‬, & .c The maps shew a small place of the
    name of Pratáb near Bhojpúr.
    Under Shahjahán, Dalpat's successor was It is said that the Bhojpúr Rájahs call
    RájahPratáb, who in the 1st year received
    a mançab of 1500, 1000 horse (Púdisháhn. themselves Ujjainiahs, because they claim
    descent from the ancient Rájabs of Ujjain
    I., 221 ). From the same work we see in Málwah.
    that the residence of the Ujjainiah Rájahs In the 17th year of Shahjahán,
    was Bhojpur, west of Arah and north of
    Sahausrám (Sasseram), a parganah in Dharnídhar Ujjainiah is mentioned to
    Sirkár Rohtás, Bihár. Pratáb rebelled have several in the second expedition
    against Palámau ; Journal, As. Soc.,
    in the 10th year of Shahjahan's reign, Bengal, for 1871 , No. II, p. 123.
    when ’Abdullah Khán Firuz- jang besieged 2 If we can trust the Lucknow edition
    and conquered Bhojpúr (8th Zí Hajjah, of the Akbarnámah, B. could not have
    1046) . Pratáb surrendered, and was at
    Sháhj.'s order executed . His wife was been imprisoned for a long time ; for in
    the end of the 44th year of Akbar's reign,
    forcibly converted , and married to ' Ab-
    he served again at court (Akburn., III.,
    dullah's grandson. The particulars of 825).
    65
    514

    and given to opium, and received an annual pension of one lac of rupees ( Pádisháhn.
    I. , 426) . He died a natural death at Agrah. He had no children .
    B. is not to be confounded with Khwajah Barkhurdár, a brother of ' Abdullah
    Khán Fírúz-jang .
    B. ' s brother Mírzá ' Abdussubhán (No. 349) was Faujdár of Iláhábád . He was
    then sent to Kábul, where he was killed, in 1025 , in a fight with the Afrídís (Tuzuk,
    beginning of the 11th year, p . 158).
    'Abdussubhán's son, Sherzád Khán Bahadur, was killed in the last fight with
    Khán Jahán Lodí at Sehondah (p. 505 ) . Pádisháhn., I., 349.
    329. Mi'r Ma'su'm of Bhakkar.
    Mír Ma'çúm belongs to a family of Tirmizí Sayyids, who two or three generations
    before him had left Tirmiz in Bukhárá, and settled at Qandahár, where his ancestors
    were mutawallis (trustees) of the shrine of Bábá Sher Qalandar.
    His father, Mír Sayyid Çafaí, settled in Bhakkar, and received favors from Sultán
    Mahmúd (p. 362). He was related by marriage to the Sayyids of in
    Síwistán . Mír Ma'çúm and his two brothers were born at Bhakkar.
    After the death of his father, M. M. studied under Mullá Muhammad of Kingú,
    , S. W. of Bhakkar, and soon distinguished himself by his learning. But poverty
    compelled him to leave for Gujrát, where Shaikh Is-háq i Fárúqí of Bhakkar introduced
    him to Khwajah Nizamuddín Ahmad, then Díwán of Gujrát . Nizám was just
    engaged in writing his historical work, entitled ' Tabaqát i Akbarí,' and soon became
    the friend of M. M. , who was likewise well versed in history. He was also introduced
    to Shihab Khán (No. 26 ), the governor of the province, and was at last recommended
    to Akbar for a mançab. In the 40th year, he was a commander of 250. Akbar
    became very fond of him, and sent him in 1012 as ambassador to Irán , where he was
    received with distinction by Sháh 'Abbás.
    On his return from Irán , in 1015 , Jahángír sent him as Amín to Bhakkar, where
    he died. It is said that he reached under Akbar a command of 1000.
    From the Akbarnámah ( III ., 416, 423, 546) and Bird's History of Gujrat (p. 426)
    we see that M. M. served in 992 ( end of the 28th year) in Gujrát, was present in the
    fight of Maisánah, and in the final expedition against Muzaffar in Kachh.
    M. M, is well-known as poet and historian. He wrote under the poetical
    name of Námi. He composed a Díwán, a Masnáwí entitled Ma'dan-ulafkár in the
    metre of Nizámí's Makhzan, the Táríkh i Sindh, dedicated to his son, and a short
    medical work called Mufridát i Ma'çúmi. The author of the Riyázushshu'ará says
    that he composed a Khamsah (p. 491 ), and the Tazkirah by Taqí ( vide under No. 352)
    says the same, viz. one masnawí corresponding to the Makhzan, the Husn o Náz to the
    Yusuf Zalíkhá, the Parí Cúrat to the Lailí Majnún, and two others in imitation of the
    Haft Paikar and Sikandarnámah. Badáoní ( died 1004) only alludes to the ' Husn o
    Náz,' though he gives no title (III., 366 ) .
    M. M. was also skilled as a composer and tracer of inscriptions, and the Riyázush-
    shu'ará says that on his travels he was always accompanied by sculptors . From India
    to Içfahan and Tabríz, where he was presented to Sháh ' Abbás, there are numerous
    mosques and public buildings, which he adorned with metrical inscriptions. Thus
    the inscriptions over the gate of the Fort of Agrah, on the Jámi' Mosque of Fathpúr
    515

    Síkrí, in Fort Mándú (vide p . 372, and Tuzuk, p. 189) are all by him. Sayyid
    Ahmad in his edition of the Tuzuk ( Díbájah, p . 4, note) gives in full the inscription
    which he wrote on the side of the entrance to Salím i Chishti's shrine at Fathpúr
    Sikri, the last words of which are-" Said and written by Muhammad Ma'çúm
    poetically styled Námí, son of Sayyid Çafáí of Tirmiz, born at Bhakkar, descended
    from Sayyid Sher Qalandar, son of Bábá Hasan Abdál, who was born at Sabzwár
    and settled at Qandahár. Dowson , in his edition of Elliot's Historians, mentions
    Kirmán as the residence of Sayyid Çáfáí, and gives (I, 239 ) a few particulars from
    the Táríkh i Sindh regarding the saint Bábá Hasan Abdál, who lived under Mírzá
    Shahrukh, son of Timur. The town of Hasan Abdál in the Panjáb, east of Aṭak,
    is called after him.
    M. M. built also several public edifices, especially in Suk'har opposite to Bhakkar,
    and in the midst of the branch of the Indus which flows round Bhakkar he built a
    dome, to which he gave the name of Satiásur ( w ). " It is one of the wonders
    of the world, and its Táríkh is contained in the words , water-dome, which
    gives 1007, A.H.
    He was a pious man, and exceedingly liberal ; he often sent presents to all the
    people of Bhakkar, great and small. But when he retired, he discontinued his
    presents, and the people even felt for some cause oppressed (mutaazzí). It is especially
    mentioned of him that on his jágír lands he laid out forests for hunting .
    His eldest son, for whose instruction he wrote the Táríkh i Sindh, was Mír Buzurg,
    He was captured in full armour on the day Prince Khusrau's rebellion was suppressed ,
    but he denied having had a share in it. Jahángír asked him why he had his armour
    on. " My father," replied he, " advised me to dress in full armour when on guard,"
    and as the Chaukinawis, or guard writer, proved that he had been on guard that day,
    he was let off.
    On the death ofhis father, Jahángír is said to have left Mír Buzurg in possession
    of his father's property. He was for a long time Bakhshí of Qandahár, but he was
    haughty and could never agree with the Cúbahdárs. He spent the 30 or 40 lacs
    of Rupees which he had inherited from his father. His contingent was numerous and
    well mounted. He subsequently served in the Dak'hin ; but as his jágír did not
    cover his expenses, he resigned and retired to Bhakkar, contenting himself with the
    landed property which he had inherited . He died in 1044. Some of his children
    settled in Multán.
    330. Khwa'jah Malik Ali', Mír Shab.
    His title of Mír Shab implies that he was in charge of the illuminations and the
    games and animal fights held at night (p. 222).
    331. Ra'i Ra'm Da's Di'wa'n. Vide No. 238 .
    332. Shah Muhammad, son of Saíd Khán , the Gak’khar .
    For his relations vide under No. 247.
    333. Rahi'm Quli', son of Khán Jahán (No. 24) .
    334. Sher Beg, Yasáwulbáshí
    Karam Beg, son of Sher Beg, is mentioned in the Akbarnámah ( III. , 623 )
    516

    XXII. Commanders of two Hundred.


    335. Iftikha'r Beg, son of Báyazíd Beg (No. 299) .
    He was alive in the end of 1007 A. H. (Akbarn ., III ., 804) .
    336. Prata'b Singh. son of Rájah Bhagwán Dás (No. 27) .
    He was mentioned on p. 447, under No. 160.
    337. Husain Kha'n Qazwi'ni'. Vide No. 281 .
    338. Ya'dga'r Husain, son of Qabúl Khán (No. 137).
    He was mentioned on p. 437. In the 31st year, he served under Qásim Khán in
    Kashmir. The Yádgár Husain mentioned in the Tuzuk (p. 146) may be the same.
    He was promoted , in the 10th year of Jahángír's reign, to a command of 700, 500
    horse, for his services in the Dak'hin . Vide also Pádisháhnámah I. , b ., p. 323 , 1. 2
    from below.
    He is not to be confounded with Khwajah Yádgár, a brother of ' Abdullah Khán
    Fírúz-jang.
    339. Ka'mra'n Beg of Gilán .
    He served in the 33rd year (996) in Gujrát and Kachh against Fath Khán, the
    younger son of Amín Khán Ghorí, and Muzaffar, and in the 36th year, against
    Muzaffar and the Jám. Akbarn., III., 553, 621 .
    340. Muhammad Kha'n Turkmán.
    341. Nizamuddin Ahmad, son of Sháh Muhammad Khán (No. 95).
    He is not to be confounded with the author of the Tabaqát .
    342. Sakat Singh, son of Rájah Mán Singh ( No. 30) .
    Vide No. 256.
    343. 'Ima'd ul Mulk.
    The Akbarnámah mentions a Qází ' Imád ul Mulk, who in the end of 984 (21st
    year) accompanied a party of courtiers to Makkah .
    344. Shari'f i Sarmadi'.
    He was a poet. Vide below, among the poets of Akbar's reign.
    345. Qara Bahri', son of Qarátáq.
    Qarátáq, whose name in the Akbarnámah is spelled Qaráṭág, was killed by
    Gajpatí in the same fight in which Farhang Khán, son of Farhat Khán ( No. 145 ), was
    slain (p . 441) .
    346. Ta'ta'r Beg, son of ' Ali Muhammad Asp . (No. 258).
    347. Khwa'jah Muhibb ’ Ali' of Khawáf.
    Vide p. 445, note.
    348. Haki'm [Jalaluddín ] Muzaffar of Ardistán.
    Ardistán is a Persian town which lies between Káshán and Içfahán. He was
    at first a doctor at the court of Sháh Tahmásp, and emigrated when young to India,
    where he was looked upon as a very experienced doctor, though his theoretical reading
    is said to have been limited . Badáoní ( III , 169) and the Tuzuk (p. 59) praise the
    purity of his character and walk of life.
    He served in 988 ( 25th year) in Bengal, returned in the end of the 28th
    year with Mírzá 'Azíz Kokah (No. 21 ) to court, and served subsequently under
    him in Gujrát and Kachh. Akbarn., III, 283, 418, 620. Under Jahángír, he was
    517

    made a commander of 3000, 1000 horse ( Tuzuk, p. 37) . The emperor was fond of
    him, as he had been with him in Iláhábád, when as prince he had rebelled against
    Akbar. The news of the Hakím's death reached J. on the 22nd Jumáda I, 1016 .
    For about twenty years before his death, he had suffered from qarhah i shush, or
    disease of the lungs, but his uniform mode of living (yakṭauri) prolonged his life.
    His cheeks and eyes often got quite red, and when he got older, his complexion turned
    bluish. He was accidentally poisoned by his compounder.
    349. 'Abdussubha'n, son of ' Abdurrahmán Duldai (No. 186 ).
    He was mentioned under No. 328, p. 514 .
    350. Qasim Beg of Tabríz.
    He served in the 36th year under Sultán Murád in Málwah , and died on the 23rd
    Abán, (end of) 1007 ; vide Akbarn., III., 623 , 803. Vide below under the learned
    men of Akbar's reign.
    351. Shari'f [ Amír ul Umará], son of Khwajah ' Abduççamad (No. 266 ) .
    Muhammad Sharif was the school companion of Prince Salím , who was much
    attached to him. When the prince had occupied Iláhábád in rebellion against
    Akbar, Sharif was sent to him to advise him ; but he only widened the breach between
    the prince and his father, and gained such an ascendancy over Salím, that he made the
    rash promise to give him half the kingdom, should he obtain the throne. When a
    reconciliation had been effected between Salím and Akbar, Sh . had to fly for his life,
    and concealed himself in the hills and jungles. He was reduced to starvation, when
    he heard of Akbar's death. He went at once to court, and Jahángír, true to his
    promise, made him Amír ul Umará, Vakíl, entrusted him with the great seal ( úzuk)
    and allowed him to select his jágír lands. The emperor says in his Memoirs, He
    is at once my brother, my friend, my son, my companion. When he came back, I
    felt as if I had received new life. I am now emperor, but consider no title sufficiently
    high to reward him for his excellent qualities, though I can do no more than make
    him Amír ul Umará and a commander of 5000. My father never did more.'
    Sharif seems to have advised the emperor to drive all Afgháns from India ; but
    the Khán i A'zam (No. 21 ) warned Jahángír against so unwise a step. Though Sh.'s
    position at court was higher than that of Mírzá ' Azíz, the latter treated him
    contemptuously as a mean upstart, and Sh. recommended the emperor to kill 'Azíz for
    the part he had played in Khusrau's rebellion . But ' Azíz was pardoned, and
    advised to make it up with Sharíf, and invite him to his house. The Khán i A'zam
    did so, and invited him and the other Amírs. At the feast, however, he said to him,
    in the blandest way, " I say, Nawáb, you do not seem to be my friend. Now your
    father ' Abduççamad, the Mullá, was much attached to me. He was the man that
    painted the very walls of the room we sit in." Khán Jahán (p. 503) and Mahabat
    Khán could not stand this insolent remark, and left the hall ; and when Jahángír
    beard of it, he said to Sh., " The Khán cannot bridle his tongue ; but don't fall out
    with him."
    In the second year, Sh. accompanied the emperor on his tour to Kábul, but fell
    so ill, that he had to be left in Láhor, Açaf Khán ( No. 98, p. 412) being appointed
    to officiate for him. On his recovery, he was sent to the Dak'hin, but was soon
    afterwards called to court, as he could not agree with the KhánKhánán (No. 29).
    518

    It is said that illness deprived him of the faculty of memory, and Jahangir was on
    the point of making him retire, when Khán Jahán interceded on his behalf. He was
    again sent to the Dak'hin, and died there a natural death.
    Like his father, Sh. was a good painter. He also made himself known as a poet ,
    and composed a Díwán. His takhalluç is Fárisí (Badúoní, III ., 310) .
    Sh.'s eldest son, Shahbáz Khán, died when young. A Sarái near Lak’hnau, about
    a kos from the town, bears his name.
    His two younger sons, Mírzá Gul and Mírzá Járullah, used to play with Jahángír
    at chess and nard ; but this ceased at the death of their father. M. Járullah was
    married to Miçrí Begum, a daughter of Açaf Khán (No. 98) ; but from a certain
    aversion, the marriage was never consummated . At Açaf's death, Jahángír made
    him divorce his wife, and married her to Mírza Lashkarí (No. 375), son of Mírzá
    Yúsuf Khán ( p. 347 ).
    Both brothers followed Mahábat Khán to Kábul, where they died .
    352. Taqiya' of Shustar.
    Taqiyá is the Irání form for Taqi The Tabaqát calls him Taqi Muhammad.
    Badáoní (III., 206) has Taqiuddin , and says that he was a good poet and a
    well educated man. At Akbar's order he undertook a prose version of the Sháhnámah .
    He is represented as a ' muríd,' or disciple of Akbar's Divine Faith .
    He was still alive in the 3rd year of Jahángír's reign ( 1017 ), when he received
    for his attainments the title of Muarrikh Khán (Tuzuk, p. 69, where in Sayyid
    Ahmad's edition we have to read Shushtari for the meaningless Shamsherí).
    Taqiyá is not to be confounded with the more illustrious Taqiyá of Balbán (a
    village near Içfahán), who, according to the Mir-át ul ' Alam came in the beginning
    of Jahángír's reign to India. He is the author of the rare Tazkirah, or Lives of
    Poets, entitled ' Arafát o ' Araçát, and of the Dictionary entitled Surmah i Sulaimání,
    which the lexicographer Muhammad Husain used for his Burhán i Qáți.'
    353. Khwa jah Abdussamad of Káshán.
    354. Haki'm Lutfullah, son of Mullá ' Abdurrazzáq of Gílán.
    He is the brother of Nos . 112 and 205, and arrived in India after his brothers.
    Badáoní (III., 169) calls him a very learned doctor.
    355. Sher Afkan } sons of Saif Khán Kokah (No. 38, p. 350).
    356. Amaʼnullah S
    Amánullah died in the 45th year of Akbar's reign at Burhánpúr . " He was an
    excellent young man, but fell a victim to the vice of the age, and died from excessive
    wine-drinking." Akbarnámah, III., 835.
    357. Sali'm Quli,
    358. Khali'l Quli ' } sons of Ismá'íl Qulí Khán (No. 46).

    359. Wali' Beg, son of Páyandah Khán (No. 68) .


    He served under Qásim Khán ( No. 59) in the conquest of Kashmír.
    360. Beg Muhammad Uighúr.
    381. Mi'r Kha'n Yasáwul.
    When Akbar during the first Gujrátí war (p . 434, note 2 ) had left Patan for
    Chotánah ( Rajab, 980 ), it was reported that Muzaffar of Gujrát had fled from Sher
    Khán Fúládí , and was concealed in the neighbourhood ; vide p. 386. Akbar, therefore,
    519

    sent Mír Khan the Yasáwul and Faríd the Qaráwul, and afterwards Abul Qásim
    Namakín ( No. 199 ) and Karam ' Alí in search of him. Mír Khán had not gone far,
    when he found the chatr and saibán (p . 50) which Muzaffar had dropped, and soon
    after captured Muzaffar himself in a field . Mír Khán took him to Akbar.
    362. Sarmast Kha'n , son of Dastam Khán ( No. 79) .
    363. Sayyid Abul Hasan, son of Sayyid Muhammad Mír ' Adl ( No.
    140).
    384. Sayyid ' Abdul Wa'hid, son of the Mír ' Adl's brother.
    385. Khwajah Beg Mi'rza', son of Ma'çúm Beg..
    366. Sakra', brother of Ráná Pratáb.
    Sakrá is the son of Ráná Udai Singh , son of Ráná Sánká ( died 934, A. H.).
    When his brother Pratáb, also called Ráná Kíká, was attacked by Akbar (p. 418,
    note 2), he paid his respects at court, and was made a commander of 200.
    In the 1st year of Jahángír's reign, he got a present of 12000 Rupees, and joined
    the expedition led by Prince Parwíz against Ráná Amrá, Pratáb's successor . In the
    end of the same year, he served against Dalpat ( p. 359) , and was in the 2nd year made
    a commander of 2500 , 1000 horse. He received, in the 11th year, a mançab of
    3000, 2000 horse.
    The Akbarnámah mentions another son of Udai Singh, of the name of Sakat
    Singh, who in the 12th year of Akbar's reign was at court. The emperor had just
    returned from the last war with Khán Zamán, when he heard that Udai Singh had
    assisted the rebellious Mírzás. He therefore resolved to punish the Ráná, and on a
    hunting tour in Parganah Bárí told Sakat Singh of his intentions, and expressed a
    hope that he would accompany him. Sakat, however, fled to his father, and told him
    ofAkbar's intentions . This determined the emperor to carry out his plan without delay.
    Udaipur was invaded, and Chítor surrendered .
    367. Sha'di' Be Uzbak
    sons of Nazar Be (No. 169) .
    368. Ba'qi' Be Uzbak
    They have been mentioned above on p. 455. From the Akbarnámah (III ., 628)
    we see that Nazar Be received a jágír in Handiah, where he rebelled and perished
    ( 36th year).
    369. Yu'na'n Beg , brother of Murád Khán (No. 54 ).
    Some MSS. have Mírzá Khán for Murád Khán.
    370. Shaikh Kabir i Chishti′ [ Shujá’at Khán , Rustam i Zamán ]
    The Maásir calls him " an inhabitant of Mau ." He was a relation of Islám
    Khán (p . 493 ) i Chishtí, and received the title of Shujá'at Khán from Prince Salím,
    who on his accession made him a commander of 1000 ( Tuzuk, p. 12) . He served
    under Khán Jahán ( p. 503 ) in the Dak'hin as haráwal, an office which the Sayyids

    He is not to be confounded with Jám and Muzaffar of Gujrát (Akbarn.,


    another Shaikh Kabír, who in the 25th III., 283 , 408, 541 , 621, where the
    year served in Bengal at the outbreak of Lucknow edition calls him the son of
    the military revolt ; in the 26th year, in Mukammal Khán .
    Kábul ; and in the 32nd year against the * Khái Khán calls him wrongly (I,
    Tárilis under Matlab Khán ( No. 83). He 273) Shuj @ Khán and Rustam Khan .
    died in the 36th year, in the war with the
    520

    of Bárha claimed as hereditary in their clan. Afterwards, he went to Bengal, and


    commanded the imperialists in the last war with ' Usmán. During the fight, he
    wounded ' U.'s elephant, when the Afghán chief received a bullet, of which he died the
    night after the battle. The day being lost, Walí Khán , 'Usmán's brother, and
    Mamrez Khán, ' Usmán's son , retreated to a fort with the dead body of their relation,
    and being hotly pursued by Shaikh Kabír, they submitted with their families, and
    received his promise of protection . The 49 elephants which they surrendered, were
    taken by Sh. K. to Islám Khán in Jahángírnagar (Dháká) , 6th Çafar, 1021. Tuzuk,
    P. 104.
    Jahangir gave him for his bravery the title of Rustam i Zamán. The Maásir says
    that Islám Khán did not approve of the promise of protection which Sh. K, had given
    the Afgháns, and sent them prisoners to court. On the road, they were executed by
    'Abdullah Khán at the emperor's orders. Sh. K., annoyed at this breach of faith , left
    Bengal. While on the way, he received an appointment as governor of Bihár, At his
    entry in Patna , he sat upon a female elephant, when another elephant suddenly came
    up against his. Sh. K. jumped down , and broke his neck.
    The Tuzuk tells the story differently, and says that Islám Khán appointed Sh. K.
    to Orísá, and that on his way to that province the accident took place. Nothing is
    said about Usmán's relations,

    Note on the death of ' Usmán Lohání.


    There are few events in Indian history so confused as the details attending the
    death of 'Usmán . Khwajah ' Usmán, according to the Makhzan i Afghání, was the
    second son of Miyán ' Isá Khán Lohání, who after the death of Qutlú Khán was the
    leader of the Afgháns in Orísá and Southern Bengal. Qutlú left three sons- s- Naçíb
    Sháh , Lodí Khán , Jamál Khán . ’Isá Khán left five sons, Khwájah Sulaiman ,
    'Usmán, Walí, Ibráhím. Stewart makes ' Usmán a son of Qutlú (History of Bengal,
    p. 133) . Sulaimán reigned' for a short time. He killed in a fight with the
    imperialists, Himmat Singh, son of Rájah Mán Singh (vide p. 485, No. 244), held lands
    near the Brahmaputra, and subjected the Rájahs of the adjacent countries. 'Usmán
    succeeded him , and received from Mán Singh lands in Orísá and Sátgánw, and later in
    Eastern Bengal , with a revenue of 5 to 6 lacs per annum. His residence is described to
    have been the Kohistán i Dháká, or hills of Dháká' ( Tipárah ?) , the viláyati Dháká,
    or District of Dháká, and Dháká itself. The fight with Usmán took place on Sunday,
    9th Muharram, 1021 , or 2nd March, 1612 ,' at a distance of 100 kos from Dháká. My
    MS. of the Makhzan calls the place of the battle Nek Ujyál.2 Stewart (p. 134) places
    the battle " on the banks of the Subarnríkhá river ” in Orísá, which is impossible, as
    Shujá'at Khán arrived again in Dháká on the 6th Cafar, or 26 days after the battle.
    According tothe Tuzuk, Islám Khán was in Dháká, when the fight took place, and
    Walí Khán submitted to Shujá'at, who had been strengthened by a corps under

    1 According to Prinsep's Useful Tables , 2 There are several Ujyáls mentioned


    the 9th Muharram was a Monday, not a below among the Parganals of Sirkár
    Sunday, Tuzuk, p. 102. Mahmúdábád (Bosnah) and Sirkár Bázúhá
    (Mymensing- Bogra).
    521

    'Abdussalám, son of Mu'azzam Khán (No. 260) ; but the Makhzan says that Islám
    besieged Walí in the Mahalls where ' Usmán used to live, between the battle-field and
    Dháká, and afterwards in the Fort of Dháká itself. Walí, on his submission , was sent
    to court, with 7 lacs of rupees and 300 elephants taken from 'Usmán, received a title,
    a jágír, and was made a commander of 1000 , after which he lived comfortably.
    According to the Maásir, as said above, he was murdered before he came to court .
    The Tuzuk says nothing about him.
    Stewart says (p . 136) that he was taken to court by Hoshang, Islám Khán's
    son ; but the Tuzuk, p. 115 , though it has a long passage on the Mugs which he brought
    with him , does not mention the Afghán prisoners .
    The Makhzan also says that ' Usmán, after receiving his wound at the time when
    the battle was nearly decided in his favor, was carried off by Walí in a litter, and
    buried on the road. When Shujá'at came up to the place where he had been buried ,
    he had ' Usmán's corpse taken out, cut off the head, and sent it to court.
    'Usmán is said to have been so stout, that he was obliged to travel on an elephant.
    At his death, he was forty-two years of age,
    The Dutch traveller De Laët (p. 488, note) has the following interesting passage :
    Rex (Jahangir) eodem tempore misit Tseziad ghanum Chiech zaden (Shujá'at Khán
    Shaikhzádah ) ad Tzalanghanum ( Islám Khán) qui Bengalae praeerat, ut illum in
    praefecturam Odiae (Orísá) mitteret. Sed Osmanchanus Patanensis, quijam aliquot
    annis regionem quae Odiam et Daeck (between Orísá and Dháká, i. e. the Sunderban)
    interjacet, tenuerat et limites regni incursaverat, cum potentissimo exercitu advenit,
    Daeck oppugnaturus. Tzalanchanus autem praemisit adversus ipsum ( Usmán )
    Tzesiad chanum , una cum Mirza Ifftager et Ethaman chano (Iftikhár Khán and
    Ihtimám Khán¹) et aliis multis Omerauvvis, cum reliquis copiis X aut XV
    cosarum intervallo subsequens, ut suis laborantibus subsideo esset. Orto dein
    certamine inter utrumque exercitum, Efftager et Mierick Zilaier (Mírak Jaláir—
    not in the Tuzuk) tam acrem impressionem fecerunt, ut hostes loco moverent ; sed
    Osman inter haec ferocissimum elephantum inillos emisit, ita ut regii vicissim
    cedere cogerentur, et Efftager caederetur ; Tzesiad gaunus autem et ipse elephanto
    insidens, ut impetum ferocientis belluae declinaret, se e suo dejecit, et crus prefregit, ita
    ut aegre a suis e certamine subduceretur, et regii passim fugam capescerent ; actumque
    fuisset de regiis, nisi inopinatus casus proelium restituisset ; miles quidem saucius
    humi jacens, casu Osmano, qui elephanto vehebatur, oculum globo trajecit, e quo
    vulnere paulo post expiravit, cujus morte milites illius ita fuerunt consternati, ut
    statim de fuga cogitarent. Regii vero ordinibus sensim restitutis , eventum proelii
    Tzalanchano perscripsere : qui biduo post ad locum venit ubi pugnatum fuerat, et
    Tzedsiatgano e vulnere defuncto, magnis itineribusfratrem (Wali Khán) et biduam
    atque liberos Osmanis assecutus , vivos cepit, eosque cum elephantis et omnibus thesauris
    defuncti, postquam Daeck Bengalae metropolim est reversus, misit ad regem Anno ….....
    (the year is left out).
    The Tuzuk (p. 102) mentions Kishwar mand. Sayyid Adam (the Tuzuk, p. 132 ,
    Khán ( p. 497 ), Iftikhár Khán , Sayyid 1. 4 from below has wrong Sayyid A'zam),
    Adam Bárha, Shaikh Achhe, brother's son Iftikhár, and Shaikh Achhe were killed.
    of Muqarrab Khán , Mutamid Khán , and Later, 'Abdussalám , son of Mu'azzam
    Intimẩm Khán , as under Shuja at’s com- Khán(No.260 ) joined, and pursued ' Usmán .
    66
    522

    De Laët says that Shujá'at Khán died from a fall from his elephant during the
    battle ; but the accident took place some time later. The Maásir says that he was on
    horseback, when Usmán's elephant, whom the Tuzuk calls Gajpatí, and Stewart
    Bukhtah (?), knocked him over, but Sh. quickly disentangled himself, and stuck his
    dagger into the animal's trunk.
    The Makhzan says that the plunder amounted to 7 lacs of rupees and 300 elephants.
    371. Mi'rza' Khwa'jah, son of Mírzá Asadullah . Vide No. 116 .
    372. Mi'rza' Shari'f, son of Mírzá ' Alá-uddín.
    373. Shukrullah [ Zafar Khán ], son of Zain Khán Kokah ( No. 34).
    He was mentioned above on p. 346. On the death of his father, he was made a
    commander of 700 , and appears to have received, at the end of Akbar's reign, the title
    of Zafar Khán.
    As his sister was married to Jahángír (p. 345 , and p. 477, note 2 ) , Z. Kh. was
    rapidly promoted. When the emperor, in the second year of his reign, left Láhor
    for Kábul, he halted at Mauza ' Ahroí, ' near Fort Aṭak, the inhabitants of which
    complained of the insecurity of the district arising from the predatory habits of the
    K'hatar (p. 456 , note 2) and Dilahzák tribes (p . 487 , note) . Zafar was appointed to
    Aṭak, vice Ahmad Beg Khán (No. 191) , and was ordered to remove the tribes to
    Láhor, keep their chiefs imprisoned, and restore all plunder to the rightful owners.
    On Jahangir's return from Kábul, he joined the emperor, and was in the following
    year promoted to a mançab of 2000, 1000 horse. In the 7th year, he was made a
    commander of 3000, 2000 horse, and governor of Bihár. In the 10th year, he was
    removed, went back to court, where he received an increase of 500 horse, and then
    served in Bangash. ' Nothing else is known of him.' Maásir.
    From the Tuzuk (p . 343) we see that Zafar Khán died in the beginning of 1031,
    when Jahángír made his son Sa'ádat a commander of 800, 400 horse.
    Sa ádat Khán , his son . He served in Kábul, and was at the end of Jahangir's
    reign a commander of 1500, 700 horse . In the 5th year after Sháhjahán's accession,
    he was made a commander of 1500, 1000 horse, and was promoted up to the 25th year
    to a full command of 3000 horse. He again served in Kábul, and under Murád
    Bakhsh in Balkh and Badakhshan, was made commandant of Tirmiz, and distinguished
    himself in repelling a formidable night attack made by Subhán Qulí Khán, ruler of
    Bukhárá ( 19th year). Later he served in the Qandahár wars, was in the 29th year
    Faujdár of Upper and Lower Bangash, and two years later commandant of Fort Kábul.
    In 1069, the second year of Aurangzíb's reign, he was killed by his son Sherullah.
    Mahábat Khán, çúbahdár of Kábul, imprisoned the murderer.
    374. Mi'r ' Abdul Mu'min, son of Mír Samarqandí .
    Mír Samarqandí was a learned man who came during Bairam's regency to Agrah.
    Baddoni III. , 149 .
    375. Lashkari' , son of Mírzá Yúsuf Khán (No. 35) .
    Vide above p. 374, and for his wife under No. 351 .

    The Maásir has ; the Tuzuk, The K'hatars and Dilahzáks are estimated
    p. 48,. I cannot find it on the in the Tuzuk at 7 to 8000 families.
    maps. It is described as a green flat spot.
    523

    376. A'gha' Mulla, Qazwíní . Vide No. 278.


    377. Muhammad ' Ali' of Jám .
    Jám is a place in Khurásán, famous for its Bábá Shaikhí melons. It has given
    name to the two poets Púr Bahá and the renowned ' Abdurrahmán Jámí.
    378. Mat'hura' Da's, the K'hatrí.
    379. Sat❜hura' Da's, his son.
    The latter served in the 26th year (989) under Sultán Murád in Kábul, Akbarn. ,
    III., 333.
    380. Mi'r Mura'd, brother of Sháh Beg Kolabí ( No. 148 ) . Vide
    No. 282 .
    381. Kalla', the Kachhwáhah.
    He served in 989 under Prince Murád in Kábul .
    382. Sayyid Darwi’sh, son of Shams i Bukhárí.
    383 . Junaid Murul.
    A Shaikh Junaid served under Shiháb Khán (No. 26) in Gujrát. He was killed
    in the Khaibar catastrophe ( Akbarn., III ., 190, 498).
    384. Sayyid Abu' Is-ha'q, son of Mírzá Rafí'uddín i Çafawí.
    He was mentioned on p. 439. In the 36th year, he served against the Jám and
    Muzaffar of Gujrát.
    His father Rafi'uddín was a learned man of saintly habits, and died at Agrah in
    954 or 957. One of his ancestors was Mu'ínuddín , author of a commentary to the
    Qorán, entitled Tafsir i Ma'ání.
    385. Fath Kha'n, superintendent of the leopards.
    In 985, Akbar cured his sore eyes by blood letting, which Abulfazl describes ,
    according to his custom, as a miracle. F. K. was in change of the hunting leopards .
    There is some confusion in the histories regarding the Fath Kháns of Akbar's
    reign. First, there is Fattú Khán Afghán. Fattú is the same as Fath. His title
    is Masnad i ' Ali, and his son was mentioned above, No. 306. Secondly, Fath Khán
    Filbán, who when young was Akbar's elephant driver (filbán). He was subsequently
    made Amír, and according to my two MSS. of the Tabaqát, died in 990. But Badáoní
    (II, 353 ) mentions Fath Khán Fílbán as alive in 994, when he accompanied Qásim
    Khán (No. 59) on his march to Kashmir ; but the Akbarnámah , in the corresponding
    passage (III., 512) calls him Fath Khán Masnad i ' Alí. Dowson's edition of Elliot's
    Historians ( I, 244 , 250 ) mentions a Fath Khán Bahádur. A Fath Khán Tughluq
    was mentioned under No. 187, p. 465.
    386. Muqim Khan , son of Shujaat Khán (No. 51 ) . Tide p . 371 .
    He served in the siege of Asír, and in the 46th year in the Dak'hin. Akbarn.,
    III., 825, 865.
    387. La'lah, son of Rájah Bír Bar (No. 85).
    The Akbarnámah ( III . , 865) calls him the eldest son of Rájah Bír Bar. Vide
    p. 405.
    388. Yu'suf i Kashmi'ri'. Vide No. 228.
    389 . Habi' Yasa'wul.
    Habí is an abbreviation of Habib.
    524

    390. Haidar Dost, brother of Qásim ' Alí Khán (No. 187).
    391. Dost Muhammad, son of Bábá Dost.
    392. Shahrukh Dantúrí.
    Dantúr, Dhantúr, or Dhantáwar, is a district near the Kashmir' frontier. The
    Tuzuk (pp. 287, 291 ) says that Dhantúr, during Akbar's reign, was ruled over by
    Shahrukh, but now (in 1029, 14th year of Jahángír) by his son Bahádur. Bahádur
    was a commander of 200, 100 horse, and served under Mahábat in Bangash.
    393. Sher Muhammad.
    He served in 993 in the Dak'hin. Akbarn., III., 472.
    A Sher Muhammad Díwánah was mentioned on p. 316. He had at first been
    in the service of Khwajah Mu'azzam, brother of Akbar's mother. When Akbar, in
    the 10th year, was at Jaunpúr, engaged with the rebellion of Khán Zamán , Sher
    Muhammad Díwánah plundered several places in Parganah Samánah, the faujdár of
    which was Mullá Núruddín Tarkhán. The Mullá had left his vakil Mír Dost Muham-
    mad in Samánah. Sh. M. D. invited him and treacherously murdered him at the
    feast. Plundering several places he went to Máler, when he was surprised by the Mullá
    at a place called Dhanúrí in Samánah . Sh . M. D. fled, but his horse ran against the
    trunk of a tree and threw him down. He was captured and executed, A. H. 973.
    Akbarn., II., 332.
    394. ’Ali′ Quli ′ [ Beg, Istajlú , Sher Afkan Khánh .
    He was the safarchi, or table-attendant, of Ismá'íl II, king of Persia, After his
    death, he went over Qandahár to India, and met at Multán the Khán Khánán
    (No. 29), who was on his march to That'hah. At his recommendation, he received
    a mançab. During the war he rendered distinguished services . Soon after his arrival
    at court, Akbar married him to Mihrunnisá (the future Núr Jahán ), daughter of
    Mírzá Ghiás Tahrání (No. 319) . Ghiás's wife had accession to the imperial harem,
    and was on her visits often accompanied by her daughter. Prince Salím saw her, and
    fell in love with her, and Akbar, to avoid scandal, married her quickly to 'Alí Qulí.
    'Alí Qulí accompanied the prince on his expedition against the Ráná, and received
    from him the title of Sher Afkan Khán. On his accession, he received Bardwán
    as tuyúl. His hostile encounter with Shaikh Khúbú (No. 275) was related on p. 496.
    The Maásir says that when he went to meet the Cúbahdár, his mother put a
    helmet (dubalghah ) on his head, and said, " My son make his mother cry, before
    he makes your mother weep," then kissed him, and let him go.
    'Alí Q.'s daughter, who, like her mother, had the name of Mihrunnisa, was later
    married to Prince Shahryár, Jahángír's fifth son.
    Jahángír in the Tuzuk expresses his joy at ' A. Q.'s death, and hopes that “ the
    blackfaced wretch will for ever remain in hell." Kháfí Khán ( I., p. 267) mentions
    an extraordinary circumstance, said to have been related by Núr Jahán's mother.
    According to her, Sher Afkan was not killed by Quṭbuddín's men, but, wounded as
    he was, managed to get to the door of his house, with the intention of killing his
    wife, whom he did not wish to fall into the emperor's hands. But her mother would not

    Vide Cunningham's Geography of Dor River, near Naushahrah.


    Ancient India, ' p. 131. It lies on the 1
    525

    let him enter, and told him to mind his wounds, especially as Mihrunnisá had
    66
    committed suicide by throwing herself into a well. Having heard the sad news ,
    Sher Afkan went to the heavenly mansions."
    His body was buried in the shrine of the poet Bahrám Saqqá (vide below among
    the poets) ; the place is pointed out to this day at Bardwán.
    A verse is often mentioned by Muhammadans in allusion to four tigers which Núr
    Jahán killed with a musket. The tigers had been caught (Tuzuk, p. 186 ) , and Núr
    Jahán requested Jahángír to let her shoot them . She killed two with one ball each,
    and the other two with two bullets, without missing, for which the emperor gave her a
    present of one thousand Ashrafis. One of the courtiers said on the spur of the
    moment--
    ‫در صف مردان زن شیر افکن است‬ ‫نور جهان گرچه بصورت زن است‬
    66
    ' Though Núr Jahán is a woman, she is in the array of men a zan i sher afkan ,”
    i. e. either the wife of Sher Afkan, or a woman who throws down (afkan) tigers (sher).
    395. Sha'h Muhammad, son of Masnad i ' Alí .
    Vide Nos. 306 and 385.
    396 . Sanwalda's Ja'don .
    He accompanied Akbar on his forced march to Patan and Ahmadábád (p . 416,
    note), and served in 989 under Prince Murád in Kábul. In 992 , he was assaulted
    and dangerously wounded by some Bhátí. Akbar visited him, as he was given up by
    the doctors ; but he recovered after an illness of three years.
    He was the son of Rájah Gopál Jádon's brother ( vide No. 305 ), and Abulfazl
    calls him a personal attendant of the emperor. Akbarn., III,, 24, 333, 435 .
    397. Khwa'jah Zahi'ruddi'n, son of Shaikh Khalilullah.
    He served in the 31st year under Qásim Khán (No. 59) in the conquest of
    Kashmir, and in the 46th year in the Dak'hin .
    His father is also called Shah Khalilullah . He served in the 10th year against
    Khán Zamán, and under Mun'im Khán in Bengal and Orisa, and died in 983 at
    Gaur of fever (p. 376) .
    Father and son are not to be confounded with the more illustrious Mír
    Khalilullah of Yazd and his son Mír Zahíruddín , who in the 2nd year of Jahángír
    came as fugitives from Persia to Láhor. The history of this noble family is given in
    the Maásir.
    398. Mi'r Abul Qaʼsim of Nishápúr.
    399. Ha'ji' Muhammad Ardistání.
    400. Muhammad Kha'n , son of Tarson Khán's sister (No. 32) .
    401. Khwajah Muqi'm, son of Khwajah Míraki.
    He served under ' Aziz Kokah in Bengal, and returned with him to court in the
    29th year. In 993 , he served again in Bengal, and was besieged, together with Táhir
    Saiful Mulúk (No. 201 ) in Fort G'horág hát by several Bengal rebels. In the end of
    the 35th year (beginning of 999) , he was made Bakhshi, Akbarn. , III., 418 , 470 , 610 .
    Vide Dowson's edition of Elliot's Historians, I., pp . 248 , 251 .
    402. Qa'dir Quli', foster brother of Mírzá Shahrukh (No. 7) .
    He served in the 36th year in Gujrát. Akbarn ., III . , 621 .
    526

    403. Fi'ru'zah, a slave of the emperor Humáyún.


    Badáoní (III, 297) says that he was captured, when a child, by a soldier in one
    of the wars with India, and was taken to Humáyún, who brought him up with
    Mírzá Muhammad Hakim, Akbar's brother. He played several musical instruments
    and composed poems . He came to India with Ghází Khán i Badakhshí ( No. 144) .
    Badáoní also says that he was a Langá.
    404. Ta'j Kha'n K'hatriah . Vide No. 172.
    405. Zainuddi'n ' Ali'.
    He served in the 25th year (end of 988) under Mán Singh against M. Muhammad
    Hakim .
    406. Mi'r Shari'f of Koláb.
    407. Paha'r Kha'n, the Balúch.
    He served in the 21st year against Daudá, son of Surjan Háḍá (No. 96), and
    afterwards in Bengal. In 989, the 26th year, he was tuyúldár of Gházípúr, and
    hunted down Ma'çúm Khán Farankhúdí, after the latter had plundered Muhammadábád
    (p. 444) . In the 28th year, he served in Gujrát, and commanded the centre in the
    fight at Maisánah, S. E. of Patan, in which Sher Khán Fuládí was defeated. Akbarn .,
    III., 160, 355 , 416 .
    Dr. Wilton Oldham, C. S., states in his ' Memoir of the Ghazeepoor District' (p . 80)
    that Faujdár Pahár Khán is still remembered in Gházípúr, and that his tank and
    tomb are still objects of local interest.
    408. Keshu' Da's, the Rát'hor.
    In the beginning of 993 ( end of the 29th year), he served in Gujrát. A daughter
    of his was married to Prince Salím (p . 310) . From the Akbarnámah , III ., 623, it
    appears that he is the son of Rái Rái Singh's brother (No. 44), and perished, in the
    36th year, in a private quarrel.
    409. Sayyid La'd Ba'rha.
    In 993, Sayyid Lád served with the preceding in Gujrát, and in the 46th year,
    in the Dak'hin.
    410 . Nasi'r Maín.
    Main ( ), or Munj , is the name of a subdivision of Rang'har Rájpúts, chiefly
    inhabiting Sarhind and the Bahat Duáb. " The only famous man which this tribe
    has produced, is 'Isá Khán Maín . He served under Bahadur Sháh and Jahándár
    Sháh ." Maásir.
    411. Sa'ngah, the Punwar.
    412. Qa'bil, son of ' Atíq.
    413. Adwand Zamíndárs of Orísá .
    414. Sundar
    415. Nu'ram, foster brother of Mírzá Ibráhím.
    He served in the 31st year against the Afgháns on Mount Teráh, and in 1000,
    under Mán Singh in the expedition to Orísá. Akbarn ., III., 532, 642 .
    Mírzá Ibráhím was Akbar's youngest brother, who died as an infant.
    527

    The above list of Grandees includes the names of such Mançabdárs above
    the rank of commanders of Five hundred as were alive and dead in the 40th
    year of his Majesty's reign, in which this book was completed ; but the list of
    the commanders from Five hundred to Two hundred only contains such as were
    alive in that year. Of those who hold a lower rank and are now alive, I shall
    merely give the number. There are at present
    of Commanders of 150 ..... 53
    Do. of 120 1
    Do. of 100 , or Yuzbáshis, 250
    Do. ....
    of 80 ....... 91
    Do. of 60 ..... 204
    Do. of 50 ..... 16
    Do. of 40 ..... 260
    Do. of 30, or Tarkashbands, .... 39
    Do. of 20 ...... 250
    Do. of 10 ......... 224
    [Total, 1388 Mançabdárs below the rank of a Commander of 200. ]
    Scarcely a day passes away on which qualified and zealous men are not
    appointed to mancabs or promoted to higher dignities . Many Arabians and
    Persians also come from distant countries, and are honoured with commissions
    in the army, whereby they obtain the object of their desires. A large number
    again, both of old and young servants, receive their discharge, and are rewarded
    by his Majesty with daily allowances or grants of land , that render them
    independent.
    As I have mentioned the Grandees of the state, both such as are still alive
    and such as have gone to their rest , I shall also give the names of those who
    have been employed in the administration of the government, and thus confer
    upon them everlasting renown .
    The following have been Vakils, or prime-ministers , -¹
    Bairám Khán ( No. 10) ; Mun’im Khán (No. 11 ) ; Atgah Khán ( No. 15) ;
    Bahadur Khán ( No. 22) ; Khwajah Jahán (No. 110 ) ; KhánKhánán Mírzá
    Khán (No. 29 ) ; Khán i A'zam Mírzá Kokah (No. 21 ).
    The following have been Vazirs, or ministers of finances-
    Mír ' Azizullah Turbati ; Khwajah Jaláluddín Mahmúd of Khurásán
    (No. 65) ; Khwajah Mu'ínuddín i Farankhúdí (No. 128 ) ; Khwajah ' Abdul
    Majíd Agat Khán ( No. 49 ) ; Vazir Khán ( No. 41 ) ; Muzaffar Khán ( No. 37 ) ;
    Rajah Todar Mall ( No. 39) ; Khwajah Shah Mançúr of Shíráz ( No. 122 ) ;
    Qulij Khán (No. 42 ) ; Khwajah Shamsuddin Khawáfí ( No. 159 ) .

    Abulfazl's list is neither complete, 2 The MSS. and my text have wrong
    nor chronologically arranged. Mas'ud, for Mahmúd .
    528

    The following have been Bakhshis-


    Khwajah Jahán (No. 110 ) ; Khwajah Táhir of Sijistán (No. 111 ) ;
    Mauláná Habí Bihzádí,' Mauláná Darwish Muhammad of Mashhad ; Mauláná
    'Ishqí," Muqim of Khurásán (No. 401 ) ; Sultán Mahmúd of Badakhshan ;
    Lashkar Khán ( No. 90 ) ; Shahbáz Khán ( No. 80 ) ; Rái Puruk’hotam ;
    Shaikh Farid i Bukhárí ( No. 99) ; Qází ' Alí of Baghád ; Ja'far Beg Açaf
    Khán (No. 98 ) ; Khwajah Nizamuddin Ahmad ; Khwajagi Fathullah (No. 258) .
    The following have been Çadrs -ª
    Mír Fathullah ; Shaikh Gadií, son of Shaikh Jamál i Kambú ; Khwájagí
    Muhammad Çálih, descendant in the third generation from Khwajah ' Abdullahı
    Marwárid ; Mauláná ' Abdul Báqí ; Shaikh ' Abdunnabí ; Sultán Khwajah
    (No. 108 ) ; Çadr Jahán (No. 194 ) .

    Concluding Note by the Translator on Akbar's Mançabdárs.

    The principal facts which Abulfazl's list of Grandees discloses are , first,
    that there were very few Hindústání Musulmáns in the higher ranks of the
    army and the civil service , most of the officers being foreigners , especially
    Persians and Afgháns ; secondly, that there was a very fair sprinkling of Hindú
    Amirs, as among the 415 Mançabdárs there are 51 Hindús.
    The Mançabdárs who had fallen into disgrace, or had rebelled, have mostly
    been excluded . Thus we miss the names of Mir Sháh Abul Ma'álí ; Khwajah
    Mu’azzam , brother of Akbars mother ; Bábá Khán Qâqshát ; Magum i
    Kábulí (p . 431 , note) ; ' Arab Bahádur ; Jabárí, &c. But there are also
    several left out, as Khizr Khwajah (p. 365 , note 2 ) , Sultán Husain Jaláir
    (vide under No. 64), Kamál Khán the Gak'khar (vide p . 456), Mír Gesú
    (p. 421 ), Naurang Khán , son of Qutbuddín Khán (p . 334), Mírzá Qulí
    (p. 385 ) , Rájah Askaran ( p . 458 ) , and others, for whose omission it is difficult
    to assign reasons.
    Comparing Abulfazl's list with that in the Tabaqát, or the careful lists of
    Shahjahan's grandees in the Pádisháhnámah, we observe that Abulfazl has
    only given the mançab, but not the actual commands, which would have shewn
    the strength of the contingents (tábínán). In • other words, Abulfazl has
    merely given the zátí rank (p . 241 ) . This will partly account for the discre-
    pancies in rank between his list and that by Nizamuddín in the Tabaqát, which

    ¹ Some MSS. have Hai instead of a The Historian.


    Habi (an abbreviation for Habib). Vide pp. 270 to 274. Regarding
    2
    Regarding him vide Akbarnámah, Mauláná ' Abdul Báqí. , who was Çadr in
    III., 210. He was of Ghazní. the fifth year, vide Akbarnámah, II., 143 ,
    529

    may advantageously be given here. Nizám only gives mançabdárs of higher


    rank, viz.
    In the Tabaqát.¹ In Abulfazl's list.
    1. KhánKhánán Bairám Kháng No. 10. Mançab, 5000 .
    2. Mírzá Shahrukh, 5000, "" 7 ; 5000.
    3. Tardi Beg Kháng 99 12 ; do.
    4. Mun’im Khán, "" 11 ; do.
    5. Mírzá Rustam, 5000 , "" 9 ; do .
    6. Mírzá KhánKhánán, 99 29 ; do .
    7. ’ Ali Ouli Khán Zamán ,. "" 13 ; do .
    8. Adham Khán , ... .... "" 19 ; do.
    9. Mírzá Sharafuddín Husain, 17 ; do.
    10. Shamsuddin Muhammad Atgah Khán , ... "" 15 ; do .
    11. Muhammad ' Aziz Kokultash , 5000,. 39 21 ; do.
    12. Khizr Khwajah , ………………………. .. "" not in theAín; vide p . 365.
    13. Bahádur Khán , 5000 ....... "" 22 ; 5000.
    14. Mír Muhammad Khán Atgah , .... 19 16 ; do .
    * 31 ; do.
    15. Muhammad Qulí Khán Barlás,* ""
    16. Khán Jahán , 5000, "" 24 ; do.
    17. Shihabuddin Ahmad Khán , 5000, ......... "" 26; do.
    18. Saíd Khán , 5000 ,... "" 25 ; do.
    19. Pír Muhammad Khán, 99 20 ; do.
    20. Rájah Bihárá Mall,* 23 ; do.
    21. Rájah Bhagwán Dás, 5000 , ... 99 27 ; do.
    22. Mán Singh , 5000 , ..... 30; do.
    23. Khwajah ' Abdul Majid Açaf Khán , main-
    tained 20,000 horse, "" 49 ; 3000.
    24. Sikandar Khán Uzbak ,* 19 48 ; 3000.
    25. ’Abdullah Khán Uzbak, .... "" 14 ; 5000.
    * ........... • 33 ; 5000.
    26. Qiyá Khán Gung ,
    27. Yúsuf Muhammad Khán Kokah, 5000, ... 18 ; 5000.
    28. Zain Khán Kokah , 5000, ... "" 34 ; 4500.
    29. Shujá’at Khán , 5000 , .... "" 51 ; 3000.
    30. Sháh Budágh Khán "" 52 ; 3000.

    31. Ibráhím Khán Uzbak , 4000 ,.. 64 ; 2500.


    32. Tarson Muhammad Khán , 5000 , 32 ; 5000.

    1 the names are mostly traceable to Ak-


    According to MS. No. 87 of the
    Library of the As. Soc. , Bengal, and my bar's hatred, which Abulfazl shared, of
    own MS. The occasional differences in the names Muhammad ,' ' Ahmad .'

    * Mentioned in the Tabaqát as belonging to the Umará i kibár, ' the great
    Amírs', i. e., probably, the commanders of 5000.
    67
    530

    In the Tabagát. In Abulfazl's list.


    33. Vazir Khán , 5000 ,...... No. 41 ; 4000.
    34. Muhammad Murád Khán , * ... 19 54 ; 3000.
    *
    35. Ashraf Khán 74 ; 2000.
    36. Mahdi Qásim Khán ,* ...... ... 36 ; 4000.
    37. Muhammad Qisim Khán , "" 40 ; 4000.
    38. Khwajah Sultán ' Alí , ...... "9 56 ; 3000 .
    39. Rájah Todar Mall, 4000 , ‫دو‬ 39 ; 4000.
    40. Mírzá Yusuf Khán Razawí, 4000 , 99 35 ; 4500.
    41. Mírzá Qulí Khán, *. not in the Aín ; vide p . 385.
    42. Muzafiar Kháng ......... ........ No. 37 ; 4000.
    43. Haidar Muhammad Khán , 2000, 29 66 ; 2500.
    44. Shaham Khán Jaláir, 2000 , 99 97 ; 2000.
    45. Ismá'íl Sultán Duldai, 99 72 ; 2000.
    46. Muhammad Khán Jaláir , not in the Aín.
    47. Khán i’Alam , 3000 ,. No. 58 ; 3000.
    48. Qutbuddin Muhammad Khán , maintained
    5000 horse, "" 28 ; 5000.
    49. Muhibb ' Alí Khán, 4000 , .... "" 107 ; 1000.
    50. Qulij Khán , 4000 , ....... ........ 42 ; 4000.
    51. Muhammad Cádiq Khán , 4000 , ...... "" 43 ; 4000.
    52. Mírzá Jání Beg, 3000, ...... "" 47 ; 3000 .
    53. Isma íl Qulí Khán , 3000 , 46 ; 3500.
    54. Itimad Khán Gujratí , 4000 , ......... 67 ; 2500.
    55. Rájah Rái Singh , of Bíkánír and Nágor, 4000, 99 44 ; 4000 .
    56. Sharif Muhammad Khán , 3000 ,........... 99 63 ; 3000.
    57. Sháh Fakhruddín , Naqábát Khán , 1000, ... "" 88 ; 2000 .
    58. Habib ' Alí Khán, 99 133 ; 1000 .
    59. Sháh Qulí Mahram, 1000, ...... 99 45 ; 3500.
    60. Muhibb ' Alí Khán Rahtásí, 4000, ... not in the Aín ; vide P 422.
    61. Mu'ínuddin Ahmad, No. 128 ; 1000.
    62. Itimad Khán Khwajahsard , "" 119 ; 1000 .
    63. Dastam * Kháng ... 99 79 ; 2000.
    64. Kamál Khán , the Gakk’har , 5000 , ........... not in the Aín ; ride pp . 456 ,
    486.
    65. Táhir Khán Mir Farághat , 2000, ..... ..... No. 94 ; 2000.

    He got insane. Tabaqát. The MSS. of the Tabaqát also have


    2 MS., 1000 . I wrong Rustam khủn

    * Mentioned in the Tabaqát as belonging to the Umará i kibár, ' the great
    Amírs', i. e., probably, the commanders of 5000 .
    531

    In the Tabaqát. In Abulfazl's list.


    66. Sayyid Hamid of Bukhárá , 2000 , ............ No. 78 ; 2000 .
    67. Sayyid Mahmúd Khán, Bárha, 4000 , ...... 27 75 ; 2000.
    68. Sayyid Ahmad Khán , Bácha , 3000 , ........ 99 91 ; 2000.
    69 , Qará Bahadur Khán , ' 4000 , ( ?) ............ "" 179 ; 700.
    70. Báqí Muhammad Khán Kokah , 4000, ...... 99 60 ; 3000.
    71. Sayyid Muhammad Mír ' Adl, .... ,, 140 ; 1000 .
    72. Macúm Khán Farankhúi, 2000 , 99 157 ; 1000 .
    73. Naurang Khán , 4000 ,..... not in the Aín ; vide p. 334 .
    74. Sháh Muhammad Khán Atgah , younger
    brother of Shamsuddin Atgah ," ....... not in the Aín.
    75. Matlab Khán , 2000 , No. 83 ; 2000.
    76. Shaikh Ibráhím, 2000, ...... "" 82 ; 2000.
    77. ’ Alí Quli Khán, 2000 , ..... 39 124 ; 1000.
    78. Tolak Khán Qúchín , 2000 , 158 ; 1000.
    79. Sháh Beg Khán Kábulí , 3000 , ... 57 ; 3000.
    80. Fattú Khán Aighán , 2000 ,...... not in the Aín ; vide p. 523 .
    81. Fath Khán , Filbán , 2000 , . not in the Aín ; vide p . 523.
    82. Samánjí Khán Mughal, 2000 , No. 100 ; 1500.
    83. Bábú Mankli, 1000, "" 202 ; 700.
    84. Darwish Muhammad Uzbak, 2000, 81 ; 2000.
    85. Shahbáz Khán Kambú , 2000, ........ 80; 2000.
    86. Khwajah Jahán Khurásání, ... ,, 110 ; 1000.
    87. Majnún Khán Qáqshál , kept 5000 horse , ... 50 ; 3000.
    88. Muhammad Qásim Khán ,® 3000, "" 40 ; 4000 .
    89. Muzaffar Husain Mírzá, 1000, ... "" 180 ; 700.
    90. Rájah Jagannath, 3000 , "" 69 ; 2500.
    91. Rájah Askaran , 3000 , not in the Kín ; vide p . 458 .
    92. Rái Lonkaran, 2000 , not in the Kín ; vide p. 494 .
    93. Mádhú Singh, " brother of R. Mán Singh, "
    2000, No. 104 ; 1500 .
    94. Saif Khán Kokah , .... 29 38 ; 4000.
    95. Ghiásuddín ’ Alí Açaf Khán , ... "" 126 ; 1000.
    96. Páyandah Khan Mughul, 2000 , ... "" 68 ; 2500.
    97. Mubárak Khán , the Gak’khar, 1000 ,..... 22 171 ; 1000 .
    98. Báz Baládur Afghán, 2000 , 29 120 ; 1000 .
    99. Mirak Khán Jinkjank ( ? ) , not in the Ain.
    100. Sayyid Qasim Bárha, 2000, 99 105 ; 1500.
    101. Rájah Kangár , 2000 , ... not in the Aín ; vide p . 436 .
    1
    MS. , Bahádur Khán . author ofthe Tabaqút.
    2 This is probably a mistake of the The same as No. 37 on p. 530.
    532

    In the Tabaqát. In Abulfazl's list.


    102. Muhammad Husain Lashkar Khán, kept
    2000 horse, No. 90 ; 2000.
    103. Husain Khán Tukriyah, 2000, ..... 99 53 ; 3000.
    104. Jalál Khán , the Gakk’har , 1500 , ..... "" 170 ; 1000.
    105. Saíd Khán, the Gakk’har , 1500, not in the Ain ;
    vide pp. 457, 486.
    106. Itibár Khán , the Eunuch , 2000 . ... No. 84 ; 2000 .
    107. Khwajah Tahir Muhammad Tátár Khán, ... "" 111 ; 1000.
    108. Mot'h Rájah, 1500 , ...... ..... 121 ; 1000 .
    109. Mihtar Khán, Kháçah Khail , 2000, ... 99 102 ; 1500.
    1 not in the Aín.
    110. Çafdar Khán , Kháçah Khail, 2000 , ........
    111. Bahár Khán, Kháçah Khail , 2000 , ............ No. 87 (?) ; 2000.
    112. Farhat Khán, Kháçah Khail, 2000 , ......... 77 145 ; 1000.
    113. Rái Sál Darbárí, 2000 ,... ,, 106 ; 1250 .
    1 .......
    114. Rái Durga , 1500 , 103 ; 1500.
    115. Mirak Khán Bahádur, 2000, "" 208 ; 500.
    116. Shah Muhammad Qalátí, ... "" 95 ; 2000.
    117. Maqçúd 'Alí Kor, ……………………. "" 136 ; 1000.
    118. Ikhlác Khán , the Eunuch, 1000, ,, 86 ; 2000.
    119. Mihr ' Alí Sildoz, 1500 , 99 130 ; 1000.
    120. Khudáwand Khán Dak’hiní, 1500 ,......... "" 151 ; 1000.
    121. Mír Murtazá Dak'hiní, 1000 , .....
    .... ... ...... "" 162 ; 1000.
    122. Hasan Khán, a Bataní Afghán , 1000 , ...... "" 220 ; 500.
    123. Nazar Beg, son of Sa'id, the Gakk'har, 1000, 247 ; 500.
    124. Rájah Gopál, 2000,. not in the Aín ; vide p. 502.
    125. Qiyá Khán, 1000, No. 184 ; 700.
    126. Sayyid Háshim Bárha, 2000,. ,, 143 ; 1000.
    127. Razawí Khán, 2000 , 141 ; 1000.
    128. Rájah Bír Bal, 2000 , 99 85 ; 2000.
    129. Shaikh Faríd i Bukhárí, 1500 , ........ 99 ; 1500.
    130. Rájah Surjan, 2000, 96; 2000.
    131. Ja’far Beg Açaf Khán, 2000, "" 98 ; 2000.
    132. Rájah Rúpsí Bairágí, 1500, "" 118 ; 1000.
    133. Fázil Khán , 1500 , "" 156 ; 1000.
    134. Sháh Qulí Khán Náranjí, 1000 , 99 231 ; 500.
    135. Shaikh Muhammad Khán Bukhárí, 2000 , ... "9 77 ; 2000.
    136. Lal Khán Badakhshí, "" 209 ; 500.

    ¹ MS., 1000. 2 He died in the explosion of a mine


    before Chítor.
    533

    In the Tabagát. In Abulfazl's list.


    137. Khanjar Beg Chaghtá ,' not in the Aín.
    138. Makhçúç Khán , 2500, ... No. 70 ; 2500 .
    139. Sání Khán Arlát, 216 ; 500.
    140. Mírzá Husain Khán, "" 149 ; 1000.
    141. Jagat Singh, 1500, 99 160 ; 1000.
    142. Mírzá Naját Khán, ..... "" 142 ; 1000.
    143. ’Alí Dost Khán , 1000 , not in the Aín.
    144. Sulţán Husain Khán ,....... .... not in the Aín.
    145. Khwajah Sháh Mançúr Shírází,. No. 122 ; 1000 .
    146. Salim Khán, 1000 , ....... 132 ; 1000.
    147. Sayyid Chhajhú Bárha, ..... "" 221 ; 500.
    148. Darbár Khán, 1000, 99 185 ; 700.
    149. Hájí Muhammad Sístání, 1000 (?) 77 55 ; 3000.
    150. Muhammad Zamán , ³ not in the Ain.
    151. Khurram Khán , 2000,. not in the Ain.
    152. Muhammad Qulí Toqbái, 1000 , ...... No. 129 ; 1000.
    153. Mujáhid Khán , 1000 , not in the Aín.
    154. Sultán Ibráhím Aubahí, " not in the Aín.
    155. Shah Ghází Khán Turkman , not in the Aín.
    156. Sheroyah, 1000 , .... No. 168 ; 1000.
    157. Kákar ’ Alí Khán , 1000 .
    , . "" 92 ; 2000 .
    158. Naqíb Khán , 1000,........ "" 161 ; 1000.
    159. Beg Núrín Khán, 1000,.... "" 212 ; 500 .
    160. Qutlú Qadam Khán , 1000 , "" 123 ; 1000 .
    161. Jalál Khán Qurchí , 1000, "" 213 ; 500.
    162. Shimal Khán Qurchí, 1000, 154 ; 1000.
    163. Mirzadah ’ Alí Khán , 99 152 ; 1000 .
    164. Sayyid’Abdullah Khán ,... ,, 189 ; 700.

    " He belongs to the old Amírs of belonged to the commanders of 1000,


    the present dynasty. He was an accom- and was killed in Gadha." Tabaqát.
    plished man, excelled in music, and 4
    According to the Tabaqát, he was
    composed poems. There exists a well dead in 1000. Vide Akbarnámah, II.,
    known Masnawi by him, dar báb i 98, 108, 200, 284, 287.
    ak hárah, on the subject of dancing He is not to be confounded with Mírzá
    girls." Tabaqát. Vide Akbarnámah, Khurram (No. 177).
    II., 82. 5
    Mujahid Khán was the son of Muçá-
    " He was a servant of Humáyún. hib Khán , one of Humáyúns courtiers.
    In Akbar's service he rose to a command He was killed at Konbhalmír. Akbarná-
    of 1000, and died at Láhor ." One MS. mah , III. , 146, 168.
    calls him ' Alí Dost Khán Nárangi, the He was the khál, or maternal uncle,
    other has Bárbegí, an unusual title for of the author of the Tabaqát, and dis-
    the Mughul period . tinguished himself in leading a successful
    "Muhammad Zamán is the brother expedition into Kamáon.
    of Mírzá Yusuf Khán (No. 35) . He
    534

    In the Tabaqát. In Abulfazl's list.


    165. Mír Sharif i Amulí, 1000 , ..... No. 166 ; 1000.
    166. Farrukh Khán , ..... "" 232 ; 500.
    167. Dost Khán not in the Aín.
    168. Jafar Khán Turkmán , 1000 , .. ... No. 114 ; 1000.
    169. Rái Manohar, "" 265 ; 400 .
    170. Shaikh ' Abdurrahím of Lak’hnau,……………. 197 ; 700.
    171. Mírzá Abul Muzaffar, "" 240 ; 500.
    172. Ráj Singh, son of Rájah Askaran,…………. "" 174 ; 1000.
    173. Rái Patr Dás, . 196 ; 700 .
    174. Jánish Bahadur,.. 99 235 ; 500 .
    175. Muhammad Khán Niyází , ...... "" 239 ; 500.
    176. Rám Dás Kachhwáhah , ... .. "" 238 ; 500.
    177. Mír Abul Qásim ,. "" 251 ; 500.
    178. Khwajah ' Abdul Hai, Mír ' Adl, 99 230 ; 500.
    179. Shamsuddin Husain , son of A’zam Kháng "" 163 ; 1000.
    180. Khwajah Shamsuddin Khawáfí, ..... "" 159 ; 1000.
    181. Mír Jamaluddín Husain Injú, 1000 , .... "" 164 ; 1000.
    182. Shaikh ' Abdullah Khán , son of Muhammad
    Ghaus, 1000 , 99 173 ; 1000.
    183. Sayyid Rájú Bárha, 1000 , ... "" 165 ; 1000.
    184. Mední Rái Chanhán , 1000 , .... "" 198 ; 700.
    185. Mír Tahir Razawí, brother of M. Yusuf Khán , "" 236 ; 500.
    186. Tásh Beg Kábulí, ... "" 172 ; 1000.
    187. Ahmad Beg Kábulí, keeps 700 horse, .... "" 191 ; 700.
    188. Sher Khwajah,. 99 176 ; 800.
    189. Muhammad Qulí Turkmán ,. "" 203 ; 600.
    190. Mírzá ' Alí 'Alamsháhí,2 99 237 ; 500 .
    191. Wazír Jamil, 99 200 ; 700.
    192. Rái Bhoj , 1000, 175 ; 1000.
    193. Bakhtyár Beg Turkmán , 99 204 ; 600.
    194. Mír Çadr Jahán, .... "" 194 ; 700.
    195. Hasan Beg Shaikh ' Umarí, ... 29 167 ; 1000 .
    196. Shádmán , son of ' Aziz Kokah, 233 ; 500.
    197. Rájah Mukaṭmán Bhadauriah, 99 249 ; 500.
    198. Báqí Safarchí , son of Tahir Khán Farághat , not in the Kín ; vide p. 408.

    ' One MS. calls his , the other 2 " He is the brother of ' Alamsháh,
    a courageous man, skilful in the use of
    ، ‫ " سهاره‬He belonged to the command- arms." Tabaqát. This remark is scarcely
    ers of 1000, and is now (A. H. 1001 ) in harmony with the facts recorded on
    dead."
    p. 482.
    535

    In the Tabaqát. In Abulfazl's list.


    199. Farídún Barlás, No. 227 ; 500.
    200. Bahadur Khán Qurdár, a Tarín Afghán, .... 39 269 ; 400.
    201. Shaikh Báyazíd i Chishtí, .... .... "" 260 ; 400.
    In this above list, a few grandees are mentioned whom Abulfazl classes
    among the commanders of 400 . Nizám, however, adds the following note to
    his own list " Let it be known that the title of Amir is given to all such
    as hold Mançabs from 500 upwards. None of those whom I have enumerated
    holds a less rank."
    The Historian Badáoní has not given a list of Amirs, but has compiled
    instead a very valuable list of the poets, doctors, learned men , and saints of

    Akbar's reign, together with biographical notices, which make up the third
    volume of the edition printed by the Asiatic Society of Bengal. With his
    usual animus he says (III. 1 , ) - " I shall not give the names of the Amirs , as
    Nizám has given them in the end of his work, and besides, most of them have
    died without having obtained the pardon of God.
    I have seen none that is faithful in this generation
    If thou knowest one, give him my blessing."
    Of the Mançabdárs whose names Abulfazl has not given, because the
    Aín list refers to the period prior to the 40th year of Akbar's reign, the most
    famous are Mahábat Khán , Khán Jahán Lodí (p . 503 ) , and ’Abdullah Khán
    Fírúz-jang.
    We have no complete list of the grandees of Jahángír's reign ; but the
    Dutch traveller De Laët, in his work on India (p . 151 ) , has a valuable note on
    the numerical strength of Jahangir's Mançabdárs, which may be compared
    with the lists in the Aín and the Pádisháhnámah (II., 717). Leaving out
    the princes, whose mançabs were above 5000 , we have―
    Commanders Under Akbar. Under Jahúngir. Under Shahjahan
    of ( Aín ) (De Laët) (Pádisháhnámah )
    5000 30 8 20
    4500 .... 2 9 0
    4000 .... 9 25 20
    3500 2 30 0
    3000 .... 17 36 .... 44
    2500 ..... 8 42 11
    2000 27 ... 45 51
    1500 ... 7 51 52
    1250 1 ... 0 0
    1000 31 55 97
    900 ....
    . 38 0 23
    800 2 0 40
    536

    700 25 58 61
    600 ... 4 0 30
    500 46 80 114

    Total, .. 249 439 563

    400 ....... 18 73
    350 ..... 19 58
    300 .... 33 72 not specified.
    250 .... 12 85
    200 81 150

    Total, 163 438

    150 53 .... 242


    120 1 ... 0
    100 ... 250 300
    80 ... 91 ... 245 not specified.
    60 ... 204 397
    50 ..... 16 0
    40 ... .... 260 ... 298
    30 39 240
    20 .... 250 ... 232
    10 ...... 224 110

    Total, ..1388 2064

    The number of Ahadis under Jahángír, De Laët fixes as follows—


    Chaháraspahs ,. 741
    Sihaspahs, 1322
    Duaspahs, 1428
    Yakaspahs, 950

    4441 Ahadís.
    Under Shahjahán, 17 Grandees were promoted, up to the 20th year of
    his reign, to mançabs above 5000. There is no Hindú among them .
    De Laët has not mentioned how many of the Amírs were Hindús . But
    we may compare the lists of the Aín and the Pádisháhnámah.
    We find under Akbar-
    among 252 mançabdárs from 5000 to 500 ...... 32 Hindús
    "" 163 "" from 400 to 200 ... 25 Do.
    537

    Under Shahjahán ( 20th year of his reign) , we have-


    among 12 mançabdárs above 5000 no Hindús .
    "" 580 from 5000 to 500 ........ 110 Do.
    The names of commanders below 500 are not given in the Pádisháh-
    námah. Regarding other facts connected with the relative position of Hindús
    and Muhammadans at the Mughul court, I would refer the reader to my
    ' Chapterfrom Muhammadan History,' Calcutta Review, April, 1871 .

    AI'N 30 (continued).

    THE LEARNED MEN OF THE TIME .

    I shall now speak of the sages of the period and classify them according
    to their knowledge, casting aside all differences of creed . His Majesty who
    is himself the leader of the material and the ideal worlds, and the sovereign
    over the external and the internal, honours five classes of sages as worthy of
    attention. And yet all five, according to their light, are struck with his
    Majesty's perfection, the ornament of the world. The first class, in the lustre
    of their star, perceive the mysteries of the external and the internal , and in
    their understanding and the breadth of their views fully comprehend both
    realms of thought, and acknowledge to have received their spiritual power
    from the throne of his Majesty. The second class pay less attention to the
    external world ; but in the light of their hearts they acquire vast knowledge .
    The third class do not step beyond the arena of observation (nazar), and possess
    a certain knowledge of what rests on testimony. The fourth class look upon
    testimony as something filled with the dust of suspicion , and handle nothing
    without proof. The fifth class are bigoted, and cannot pass beyond the
    narrow sphere of revealed testimony . Each class has many subdivisions.
    I do not wish to set up as a judge and hold forth the faults of people .
    The mere classification was repugnant to my feelings ; but truthfulness helps on
    the pen.

    First Class. - Such as understand the mysteries of both worlds.

    1. Shaikh Mubárak of Nágor .'


    Vide p. 490. The Tabaqát also mentions a Shaikh Mubárak of Alwar, and a
    Sayyid Mubarak of Gwáliár.

    The notes are taken from the Tabá- the Mir-átul 'Alam.
    qat, the third volume of Badáoní, and
    68
    538

    2 Shaikh Nizám .
    Abul Fazl either means the renowned Nizamuddín of Amet’hí, near Lak’hnau,
    of the Chishti sect, who died A. H., 979 ; or Nizámuddín of Nárnaul, of the same
    sect, who died in 997.
    3. Shaikh Adhan.
    He also belonged to the Chishtís, and died at Jaunpúr in 970.
    4. Miyán Wajíhuddín.
    Died at Ahmadábád in 998. The Tabaqát mentions a contemporary, Shaikh
    Wajihuddín Gujrátí, who died in 995.
    5. Shaikh Ruknuddín .

    He was the son of Shaikh ' Abdul Quddús of Gango. Badáoní saw him at
    Dihlí at the time of Bairám's fall.

    6. Shaikh ' Abdul ' Azíz ( of Dihlí) .


    7. Shaikh Jaláluddín .

    He belongs to Thanesar, and was the pupil and spiritual successor (khalifah)
    of ' Abdul Quddús of Gango. Died 989.
    8. Shaikh Iláhdiyah .
    Iláhdiyah is Hindústání for the Persian Iláhdád, ' given (diyá) by God,'
    ' Theodore.' He lived at Khairábád , and died in 993.

    9. Mauláná Husámuddín.
    "Mauláná Husámuddín Surkh of Láhor. He differed from the learned of Láhor,
    and studied theology and philosophy. He was very pious." Tabaqát.
    10, Shaikh ' Abdul Ghafúr,

    He belongs to A'zampúr in Sambhal, and was the pupil of ' Abdul Quddús.
    died in 995.

    11. Shaikh Panjú.


    He was wrongly called Bechú on p . 104, note 2. He died in 969. Badáoní
    II. , 53.

    12. Mauláná Ismá'il.

    He was an Arabian, and the friend of Shaikh Husain, who taught in Humá yún's
    Madrasah at Dillí . He was a rich man, and was killed by some burglars that
    had broken into his house.
    13. Madhú Sarsutí. 18. Rámtírt'h.
    14. Madhúsúdan. 19. Nar Sing .
    15. Náráin Asram. 20. Parmindar.
    16. Harijí Súr. 21. Adit.
    17. Damúdar Bhat.
    539

    Second Class. - Such as understand the mysteries of the heart.


    22. Shaikh Ruknuddín Mahmúd' Kamángar (the bow maker) .
    23. Shaikh Amánullah.
    24. Khwajah ' Abdushshahíd .
    He is the son of Khwájagán Khwajah, son of the renowned Khwajah Ahrár .
    Vide No. 17, p. 322 , and No. 108 , p . 423. He died in 982 , and was buried at Samar-
    qand . He had been for twenty years in India, and held a jágír in Parganah
    in the Bárí Duáb, where he maintained two thousand poor.
    25, Shaikh Músá.

    He was a smith (áhangar), and performed many miracles. He died in the


    beginning of Akbar's reign, and was buried at Láhor. The elder brother of
    Shaikh Salim i Chishti also was called Shaikh Músá ; vide p. 402. Vide also
    below, No. 102.
    26. Bábi Balás.
    27. Shaikh ' Aláuddín Majzúb. Vide Badáoní III. , 61.
    28. Shaikh Yusuf Harkun.

    The Tabaqát calls him Shaikh Yusuf Harkun Majzúb of Láhor.


    29. Shaikh Burhán.
    He lived as a recluse in Kálpí, and subsisted on milk and sweetmeats, denying
    himself water. He knew no Arabic, and yet explained the Qurán. He was a
    Mahdawí. He died in 970 at the age of one hundred years, and was buried in
    his cell.
    30. Bábá Kapúr.
    Shaikh Kipúr Majzúb of Gwáliár, a Husainí Sayyid, was at first a soldier,
    then turned a bhishtí, and supplied widows and the poor with water . He died in
    979 from a fall from his gate.
    31. Shaikh Abú Is-háq Firang. Vide Badáoní III. , 48 .
    32. Shail Dáúd.
    He is called Jhanníwál from Jhanní near Láhor. His ancestors had come
    from Arabia and settled at Sítpúr in Multán, where Dáúd was born . Badaoní
    (III., p. 28) devotes eleven pages to his biography. He died in 982.
    33. Shaikh Salím i Chishtí.
    He was a descendant of Shaikh Farid i Shakarganj , and lived in Fathpúr
    Síkrí, highly honoured by Akbar, Jahángír was called after him Salím. He
    died in 979. Several of his relations have been mentioned above, pp. 402 , 482 .
    34. Shaikh Muhammad Ghaus of Gwáliár.
    Vide No. 173, p . 457 .
    35. Rám Bhadr. 36. Jadrúp .

    ¹ Badáoní (III., p. 151 ) mentions a Zainuddin Mahmud Kamángar.


    540

    Third Class. Such as know philosophy and theology.¹


    37. Mir Fathullah of Shíráz.

    Vide pp. 33, 104, 199, 274. His brother was a poet and wrote under the
    takhalluç of Fáright ; vide Badáoní III ., 292. His two sons were Mir Taqi
    and Mír Sharif.
    38. Mír Murtazá.

    He is not to be confounded with Mír Murtazá, No. 162, p. 449. Mír Murtazá
    Sharíf of Shíráz died in 974 at Dihlí, and was buried at the side of the poet Khusrau,
    from where his body was taken to Mashhad. He had studied the Hadís under
    the renowned Ibn Hajar in Makkah, and then came over the Dak’hin to Agrah.
    Vide Akbarnámah II., 278, 337.
    39. Mauláná Sa'id of Turkistán .
    He came in 968 from Máwará-lnahr to Agrah . Bad . II. , 49. He died in
    Kábul in 970 ; l. c., III., 152.
    40. Háfiz of Táshkand .
    He is also called Háfiz Kumakí. He came in 977 from Táshkand to India,
    and was looked upon in Máwará-lnahr as a most learned man. He had some-
    thing of a soldier in him, and used to travel about, like all Turks, with the
    quiver tied to his waist. He went over Gujrát to Makkah, and from there to
    Constantinople, where he refused a vazírship. Afterwards he returned to his
    country, where he died. Vide Badáoní II., 187.
    41. Mauláná Sháh Muhammad.
    Vide p. 106 ; Bad. II ., 295, l. l.
    42. Mauláná ' Aláuddín .
    He came from Láristán, and is hence called Lárí. He was the son of Mauláná
    Kamaluddin Husain, and studied under Mauláná Jalál Dawwání Shafi'í. He was
    for some time Akbar's teacher. Once at a darbár he placed himself before the
    Khán i A'zam, when the Mir Tozak told him to go back. " Why should not a
    learned man stand in front of fools, " said he, and left the hall, and never came
    again. He got 4000 bíghahs as sayúrghál in Sambhal, where he died.
    43. Hakim Miçrí. Vide No. 254, p. 491 .
    44. Mauláná Shaikh Husain (of Ajmír).
    He was said to be a descendant of the great Indian saint Mu'ín i Chishtí of
    Ajmír, was once banished to Makkah, and had to suffer, in common with other
    learned men whom Akbar despised , various persecutions. Badáoní III., 87 .
    45. Mauláná Mír Kalán.
    He died in 981 , and was buried at Agrah. He was Jahángír's first teacher.
    Bad. II., 170.
    40. Ghází Khán . Vide No. 144, p . 440 .

    1 testimony (naql),
    Ma'qul o manqúl, pr. that which
    is based on reason ( aq ) and traditional
    541

    47. Mauláná Çádiq.


    He was born in Samarqand, came to India, and then went to Kábul, where he
    was for some time the teacher of Mírzá Muhammad Hakím, Akbar's brother. He
    then went back to his home, where he was alive in 1001. The Tabaqát calls him
    Mullá Cádiq Halwáí. Badáoní (III . , 255, where the Ed . Bibl . Indica has wrong
    Halwání) puts him among the poets .
    48. Mauláná Sháh Muhammad.
    Vide No. 41. This seems to be a mere repetition. Other Histories only
    mention one Mauláná of that name.

    Fourth Class. Such as know philosophy (' aqlí kalám¹) .


    49. Mauláná Pír Muhammad. Vide No. 20, p. 324 .
    50. Mauláná ' Abdul Báqí.

    He was a Çadr ; vide pp. 272 , 528 .


    51. Mírzá Muflis.

    He was an Uzbak, came from Máwará-lnahr to India, and taught for some
    time in the Jámi ' Masjid of Mu'ínuddín Farankhúdí (p. 434) at Agrah . He died
    in Makkah at the age of seventy. Vide Bad. II., 187 .
    52. Maulánázádah Shukr.
    53. Mauláná Muhammad.

    He lived at Láhor and was in 1004 nearly ninety years old. Badáoní ( III . ,
    154) calls him Mauláná Muhammad Muftí.
    Abulfazl, however, means perhaps Mauláná Muhammad of Yazd, a learned and
    bigoted Shi'ah , who was well received by Akbar and Abulfazl, with whose
    innovations he at first agreed. But he got tired of them and asked for permission
    to go to Makkah. He was plundered on the road to Súrat. Mir-át. But
    Badáoní tells quite a different story ; vide P. 189.
    Or it may refer to No. 140 , p . 438 .
    54. Qásim Beg.
    Vide No. 350, p . 517, and p. 106. The Tabaqát also says of him that he was
    distinguished for his acquirements in the ' aqli ' ulúm.
    55. Mauláná Núruddín Tarkhán.
    Vide p. 524. He was a poet and a man of great erudition. Towards the end of
    his life " he repented" and gave up poetry. He was for a long time Mutawallí of
    Humáyún's tomb in Dihlí, where he died .
    The Tabaqút says that he was a good mathematician and astronomer. According
    to the Maásir, he was born in Jám in Khurásán, and was educated in Mashhad. He

    ¹ This means chiefly religious testi- a wider sense, as he includes the doctors
    mony based on human reason, not on in this class.
    revelation. Abulfazl evidently takes it in
    542

    was introduced to Bábar, and was a private friend of Humáyún's, who like him was
    fond of the astrolabe. He went with the emperor to ' Iráq, and remained twenty
    years in his service. As poet, he wrote under the takhalluç of Núrí.' He is
    also called Núrí of Safídún,' because he held Safídún for some time as jágír.
    Akbar gave him the title of Khán, and later that of Tarkhán ' , and appointed him
    to Samánah.
    56. Náráin. 64. Bidyá niwás.
    57. Madhú bhat. 65. Gorínát’h .
    58. Sríbhat . 66. Gopínát❜h .
    59. Bishn Náť'h. 67. Kishn Pandit.
    60. Rám Kishn. 68. Bhattáchárj.
    61. Balbhadr Misr. 69. Bhagirat Bhaṭṭáchárj .
    62. Básúdev Misr. 70. Káshi Nát’h Bhattachárj .
    63. Báman bhat.
    Physicians.
    71. Hakim Miçrí. Vide No. 254, p . 491 .
    72. Hakim ul Mulk.

    His name is Shamsuddín and, like several other doctors of Akbar's court, he
    had come from Gílán on the Caspian to India. He was a very learned man. When
    the learned were driven from court and the innovations commenced, he asked for
    permission to go to Makkah (988) , where he died.
    73. Mullá Mír.

    The Tabaqát calls him Mullá Mír Tabíb of Harát, grandson of Mullá ' Abdul
    Hai Yazdí.
    74. Hakim Abul Fath. Vide No. 112, p . 424.
    75. Hakim Zanbíl Beg. Vide No. 150 , p. 442 .
    76. Hakim ' Alí of Gílán . Vide No. 192 , p . 466.
    77. Hakim Hasan .
    He also came from Gílán. His knowledge, says Badáoní (III., 167 ) , was not
    extensive, but he was an excellent mau.
    78. Hakim Aristú.
    79. Hakim Fathullah.

    He also came from Gílán, knew a great deal of medical literature, and also of
    astronomy. He wrote a Persian Commentary to the Qánún. In the first year
    of Jahangir's reign, he was a Commander of 1000 , 300 horse ( Tuzuk, p. 34).
    The Pádisháknámah ( I, b,, 350) says that he afterwards returned to his country,
    where he committed suicide. His grandson, Fathullah, was a doctor at Shah-
    jahán's court.

    The title carried with it none of the The Maásir has some verses made by
    privileges attached to it ; vide p. 364. Núrí on his empty title.
    543

    80. Hakim Masih ul Mulk.


    He came from the Dak'hin, where he had gone from Shíráz. He was a simple,
    pious man, and was physician to Sultán Murád . He died in Málwah.
    81. Hakim Jaláluddín Muzaffar. Vide No. 348 , p. 516 .
    82. Hakim Lutfullah . Vide No. 354 , p. 518 .
    83. Hakim Saiful Mulk Lang.
    Badáoní and the Tabaqát call him Saiful Mulúk. Because he killed his
    patients, he got the nickname of Saif ul Hukamá, ' the sword of the doctors .'
    He came from Damáwand, and was in Agrah during Bairam's regency. Later
    he went back to his country. He was also a poet and wrote under the takhalluç
    of Shujá'í'. He is not to be confounded with No. 201 , p. 473.
    84. Hakim Humám. Vide No. 205, p. 474 .
    85. Hakim ' Ain ul Mulk. Vide No. 234, p . 480 .
    86. Hakim Shifáí.
    The Mir-át mentions a Hakím Shifáí, who in his poetical writings calls himself
    ' Muzaffar ibn i Muhammad Al- husainí Al-shifáí.' He was born at Içfahán,
    and was a friend of Sháh'Abbás i Çafawi. He died in 1037. There is a copy
    of his Masnawí in the Library of the Asiatic Socy, of Bengal (No. 795) .
    87. Hakim Ni'matullah .
    88. Hakim Dawáí.

    Dawai was also the takhalluç of No. 85.


    89. Hakim Talab ' Alí.
    90. Hakim ' Abdurrabím .
    91. Hakim Rúhullah.
    92. Hakim Fakhruddín ' Alí .
    93. Hakim Is-háq.
    94. Shaikh Hasan and 95. Shaikh Bíná.
    Shaikh Hasan of Pánípat, and his son Shaikh Bíná were renowned surgeons.
    Instead of Bíná' , the MSS. have various readings. The Maásir has Phaniyá,
    the Tabaqat Bhaniyá.
    Shaikh Bina's son is the well known Shaikh Hasan, or Hassú, who under
    Jahángír rose to great honours, and received the title of Muqarrab Khán.
    Father and son, in the 41st year, succeeded in curing a bad wound which Akbar
    had received from a buck at a deer-fight. Hassú was physician to Prince Salím,
    who was much attached to him. After his accession, he was made a commander
    of 5000 and governor of Gujrát, in which capacity he came in contact with the
    English at Súrat. He gave no satisfaction, and was recalled. In the 13th year
    ( 1027) , he was made governor of Bihár, and in the 16th, governor of Agrah. In
    the beginning of Shahjahan's reign, he was pensioned off, and received Parganah
    Kairánah , his birthplace, as jágír. He constructed a mausoleum near the tomb
    of the renowned Saint Sharafuddín of Pánípat, and died at the age of ninety.
    544

    In Kairanah he built many edifices, and laid out a beautiful garden with an
    immense tank. He obtained excellent fruit trees from all parts of India, and the
    Kairanah mangoes, according to the Maásir, have since been famous in Dihlí.
    Muqarrab's son, Rizqullah, was a doctor under Sháhjahán, and a commander
    of 800, Aurangzeb made him a Khán. He died in the 10th year of Aurangzeb.
    Muqarrab's adopted son is Masíhá i Kairánawí. His real name was Sa'dullah.
    He was a poet, and composed an epic on the story of Sítá, Rámchandra's wife.
    96. Mahadev. 98. Náráin.
    97. Bhím Náť'h . 99. Síwají.¹

    Fifth Class.- Such as understand sciences resting on testimony (naql) .²


    100. Miyán Hátim.
    He lived at Sambhal. The Historian Badáoní, when twelve years old, learned
    under him in 960. Hátim died in 969.

    101. Miyán Jamal Khán .


    He was Muftí of Dihlí, and died more than ninety years old in 984. He was
    a Kambú.
    102. Mauláná ' Abdul Qadir.

    He was the pupil of Shaikh Hámid Qádirí (buried at Hámidpúr, near Multán) ,
    and was at enmity with his own younger brother Shaikh Músá regarding the
    right of succession . ' Abdul Qadir used to say the nafl-prayers in the audience-
    hall of Fathpúr Síkrí, and when asked by Akbar to say them at home, he said,
    " My king, this is not your kingdom, that you should pass orders." Akbar called
    him a fool, and cancelled his grant of land , whereupon ' Abdul Qadir went back
    to Uchh. Shaikh Músá did better ; he joined the army, and became a commander
    of 500. Vide below Nos. 109, 131 .
    The Mir-át mentions a Mauláná ' Abdul Qadir of Sirhind as one of the most
    learned of Akbar's age.
    103. Shaikh Ahmad.

    The Tabaqát mentions a Shaikh Hájí Ahmad of Láhor, and a Shaikh Ahmad
    Hájí Púládí Majzúb of Sind. Vide also pp. 106, 206.
    104. Makhdúm ul Mulk. Vide Pp. 172 .
    .
    This is the title of Mauláná 'Abdullah of Sultánpúr, author of the ' Açmat i
    Anbiyá, and a commentary to the Shamáil unnabí. Humáyún gave him the
    titles of Makhdúm ul Mulk and Shaikh ul Islám. He was a bigoted Sunní, and
    looked upon Abulfazl from the beginning as a dangerous man. He died in 990
    in Gujrát after his return from Makkah.

    The Tabaqát mentions a few other surgeon"), and Illí (one MS. has Abí).
    2
    Hindú doctors of distinction who lived 3 As religious law, Hadís, history, &c.
    during Akbar's reign, viz. Bhíraun, Voluntary prayers .
    Durga Mall, Chandr Sen (" an excellent
    545

    105. Manláná ' Abdussalám.

    The Tabaqát says, he lived at Láhor and was a learned man.


    The Mir-át mentions another Mauláná ' Abdussalám of Láhor, who was a great
    lawyer (faqih) and wrote a commentary to Baizáwí. He died more than ninety
    years old in the first year of Shahjahan's reign .
    106. Qizi Çadruddín.
    Qází Çadruddín Quraishí 'Abbásí of Jálindhar was the pupil of Makhdúm
    ul Mulk (No. 104). He was proverbial for his memory. He was attached to
    dervishes and held so broad views, that he was looked upon by common people
    as a heretic. When the learned were driven from court, he was sent as Qází to
    Bhronch, where he died. His son , Shaikh Muhammad, succeeded him. His
    family remained in Gujrát.
    107. Mauláná Sa'dullah .

    He lived at Biánah, and was looked upon as the best grammarian of the age.
    He was simple in his mode of life, but liberal to others . Towards the end of his
    life, he got silent and shut himself out from all intercourse with men, even his
    own children. He died in 989.
    108. Mauláná Is-háq.

    He was the son of Shaikh Kákú, and lived at Láhor. Shaikh Sa'dullah,
    Shaikh Munawwar, and many others, were his pupils. He died more than
    a hundred years old in 996.
    109. Mír ' Abdullatif. Vide No. 161 , p. 447.
    110. Mír Núrullah .

    He came from Shustar and was introduced to Akbar by Hakím Abul Fath .
    He was a Shi'ah, but practised taqiyah among Sunnís, and was even well
    acquainted with the law of Abú Hanífah. When Shaikh Mu'ín, Qází of Lábor,
    retired, he was appointed his successor, and gave every satisfaction . After
    Jahángír's accession, he was recalled. Once he offended the emperor by a hasty
    word, and was executed .
    111. Mauláná ' Abdul Qádir.
    He was Akbar's teacher (ákhúnd) . Vide No. 242, p. 485.
    112. Qází ' Abdussamí.'
    He was a Miyánkálí,¹ and according to Badáoní (II ., 314) played chess for
    money, and drank wine. Akbar made him, in 990, Qází-lquzát, in place of Qází
    Jalaluddín Multání (No. 122 ) . Vide Akbarnámah, III., 593 .
    113. Mauláná Qásim.
    The Tabaqát mentions a Mullá Qásim of Qandahár.
    114. Qází Hasan. Vide No. 281 , p. 498 .

    1
    Miyánkál is the name of the hilly tract between Samarqand and Bukhárá.
    69
    546

    115. Mulli Kamál.


    The Tabaqát mentions a Shaikh Kamál of Alwar, the successor and relative of
    Shaikh Salím .

    116. Shaikh Ya'qúb (of Kashmir). Vide below among the poets.
    117. Mullá ' Alam. Vide p. 159, note.
    He died in 991 , and wrote a book, entitled Fawátih ulwilayat. Bad. II., 337.
    118. Shaikh ' Abbunnabí. Vide pp. 173, 177 , 185 , 187 , 272, 490 , 547, note.

    He was the son of Shaikh Ahmad, son of Shaikh 'Abdul Quddús of Gango,
    and was several times in Makkah, where he studied the Hadís. When he held
    the office of Çadr, he is said to have been arbitrary, but liberal. The execution
    of a Bráhman, the details of which are related in Badáoní ( III . , 80), led to the
    Shaikh's deposal.
    Badáoní ( III., 83) places his death in 991, the Mir-át in 992. ' Abdunnabí's
    family traced their descent from Abú Hanífah.
    119. Shaikh Bhík.

    The Tabaqat has also ' Bhík', Badáoní (III ., 24) has ' Bhíkan.' Shaikh Bhik
    lived in Kákor near Lak'hnau. He was as learned as he was pious. He died
    in 981 .
    120. Shaikh Abul Fath.

    Shaikh Abul Fath of Gujrát was the son-in-law of Mír Sayyid Muhammad of
    Jaunpúr, the great Mahdawí. He was in Agrah at the time of Bairam Khán.
    121. Shaikh Baháuddín Muftí.
    He lived at A'grah, and was a learned and pious man.
    122. Qází Jalaluddín Multání. Vide pp . 175, 185.
    He comes from near Bhakkar and was at first a merchant. He then took to
    law. In 990, he was banished and sent to the Dak'hin, from where he went to
    Makkah. He died there.
    123. Shaikh Ziáuddín .
    It looks as if Shaikh Ziáullah was intended ; vide No. 173, p. 457.
    124. Shaikh ' Abdul Wahháb.
    125. Shaikh ' Umar.
    126. Mír Sayyid Muhammad Mír ' Adl. Vide No. 140, p. 438, and No. 251 ,
    p. 490.
    127. Maláná Jamál.
    The Tabaqat has a Mullá Jamál, a learned man of Multán. Badáoní ( III,
    108) mentions a Mauláná Jamál of & , which is said to be a Mahallah of Láhor.
    128. Shaikh Ahmadí.
    Shaikh Ahmadí Fayyáz of Amet'hí, a learned man, contemporary of the saint
    Nizamuddín of Amethí (p. 537).
    547

    129. Shaikh ' Abdul Ghaní.¹

    He was born at Badáon and lived afterwards in Dihlí a retired life. The
    Khán Khánán visited him in 1003.
    130. Shaikh ' Abdul Wahid.

    He was born in Bilgrám, and is the author of a commentary to the Nuzhat- ul


    Arwáh, and several treatises on the technical terms ( içtiláhát) of the Cúfis,
    one of which goes by the name of Sanábil.
    131. Çadr i Jahán . Vide No. 194 , p. 468 .
    132. Mauláná Ismá'íl. Vide above No. 12.

    The Tabaqát mentions a Mullá Ismá'íl Muftí of Láhor, and a Mullá Ismá'íl
    of Awadh.
    133. Mullá 'Abdul Qadir.
    This is the historian Badáoní. Abulfazl also calls him Mullá in the Akbar-
    námah.

    134. Mauláná Çadr Jahán.


    This seems a repetition of No. 131 .
    135. Shaikh Jauhar.
    136. Shaikh Munawwar.
    Vide p. 106. He was born at Láhor, and was noted for his memory and
    learning. He is the author of commentaries to the Masháriqul-anwár ( Hadís),
    the Badi ' ul bayán, the Irshad i Qází, &c. When the learned were banished
    from Court, he was imprisoned in Gwáliár, where he died in 1011 .
    His son, Shaikh Kabír, was also renowned for his learning. He died in 1026,
    in Ahmadábád, and was buried in the mausoleum of the great Ahmadábádí saint
    Sháh ' Alam. Mir-át.
    137. Qází Ibráhím.
    Vide pp. 172, 174, 189. Badáoní and the Tabaqát mention a Hájí Ibráhím
    of Agrah, a teacher of the Hadís.
    138. Mauláná Jamál. Vide above No. 127.
    139. Bijai Sen Súr.
    140. Bhán Chand.

    1
    Sayyid Ahmad's edition ofthe Tuzuk, under " Shaikh Abdulghani, whose fate
    (p. 91 , 1. 11 from below) mentions that is related in the Akbarnámah." This as
    Jahángír when a child read the Hadís a mistake for ' Abdunnabí (No. 118) .
    548

    AIN 30 (continued).
    THE POETS OF THE AGE.
    I have now come to this distinguished class of men and think it right to
    say a few words about them. Poets strike out a road to the inaccessible realm of
    thought , and divine grace beams forth in their genius. But many of them do
    not recognize the high value of their talent, and barter it away from a wish to
    possess inferior store : they pass their time in praising the mean -minded , or soil
    their language with invectives against the wise. If it were not so, the joining
    of words were wonderful indeed ; for by this means lofty ideas are understood .
    He who joins words to words, gives away a drop from the blood ofhis
    heart.¹
    Every one who strings words to words, performs, if no miracle, yet a
    wonderful action."
    I do not mean a mere external union . Truth and falsehood, wisdom and
    foolishness, pearls and common shells, though far distant from each other,
    have a superficial similarity . I mean a spiritual union ; and this is only pos-
    sible in the harmonious, and to recognize it is difficult, and to weigh it stil
    more so.
    For this reason his Majesty does not care for poets ; he attaches no weight
    to a handful of imagination . Fools think that he does not care for poetry , and
    that for this reason he turns his heart from the poets. Notwithstanding this
    circumstance, thousands of poets are continually at court, and many among
    them have completed a diwán, or have written a masnawi. I shall now
    enumerate the best among them .

    1. Shaikh Abul Faiz i Faizi'.


    (Vide p. 490.)
    He was a man of cheerful disposition, liberal, active, an early riser. He
    was a disciple of the emperor, and was thus at peace with the whole world .
    His Majesty understood the value of his genius and conferred upon him the title
    of Malikush-shu'ará, or king of the poets. " He wrote for nearly forty years un-
    der the name of Faizi, which he afterwards, under divine inspiration, changed
    to Fayyazi, as he himself says in his ' Nal Daman’—

    1 I. e., gives men something valuable. • Ghazálí of Mashhad (vide below, the
    2 Saints perform wonderful actions fifth poet) was the first that obtained
    (karámát), prophets perform miracles this title. After his death, Faizí got it.
    (mu'jizát). Both are miracles, but the Under Jahángír, Tálib of Amul was ma-
    karámát are less in degree than the lik ushshu'ará, and under Sháhja-
    mujizát. Whenever the emperor spoke, hán, Muhammad Ján Qudsi and, after
    the courtiers used to lift up their hands, him, Abú Tálib Kalím. Aurangzíb ha-
    and cry 66 karámat, karámat," " a mi-
    ted poetry as much as history and music.
    racle, a miracle, he has spoken !" De Laët.
    549

    Before this, whenever I issued anything,


    The writing on my signet was ' Faizí.'
    But as I am now chastened by spiritual love,
    I am the ' Fayyází' of the Ocean of Superabundance (God's love). '
    His excellent manners and habits cast a lustre on his genius . He was
    eminently distinguished in several branches. He composed many works in
    Persian and Arabic . Among others he wrote the Sawáți' ul- ilhám² (' rays
    of inspiration' ) , which is a commentary to the Qorán in Arabic, in which he only
    employed such letters as have no dots . The words of the Curat ul IkhlaçⓇ con-
    tain the date of its completion.
    He looked upon wealth as the means of engendering poverty, and adversity
    of fortune was in his eyes an ornament to cheerfulness . The door of his house
    was open to relations and strangers, friends and foes ; and the poor were com-
    forted in his dwelling. As he was difficult to please, he gave no publicity to
    his works, and never put the hand of request to the foreheads of loftiness . He
    cast no admiring glance on himself. Genius as he was, he did not care much
    for poetry, and did not frequent the society of wits. He was profound in phi-
    losophy ; what he had read with his eyes was nourishment for the heart . He
    deeply studied medicine, and gave poor people advice gratis.
    The gems of thought in his poems will never be forgotten. Should
    leisure permit, and my heart turn to worldly occupations, I would collect some
    of the excellent writings of this unrivalled author of the age, and gather, with
    the eye of a jealous critic, yet with the hand of a friend, some of his verses . "

    Faiz is an Arabic word meaning in 8it his lexicographical abilities.


    'abundance ;' Faizi would be a man who This is the 112th chapter of the
    has abundance or gives abundantly. Qorán, which commences with the words
    Fayyaz is the intensive form of Faizi, Qul hua-lláhu ahad. The letters added
    giving superabundantly. Fayyází, ori- give 1002 ; Faizí, therefore, wrote the
    ginally, is the abstract noun, " the act of book two years before his death . This
    giving superabundantly,' and then be- clever táríkh was found out by Mir
    comes a title. Haidar Mu'ammáí of Káshán, poetical-
    The form of fayyází agrees with the ly styled Rafi'i. Vide below, the 31st
    form of ' Allámí, Abulfazl's takhalluç, poet.
    and some historians, as Badáoní, have I. e., the more he had, the more he
    maintained that the mere form suggested gave away, and thus he became poor, or,
    the change of Faizí to Fayyází. he considered that riches make a man
    I have not seen a copy of this work. poor in a spiritual sense.
    It is often confounded with the Mawá- 5 Tárak, properly the crown of the
    rid ulkilam, because the latter also is head. Putting the hand upon the crown
    written be nuqat, without the use of dot- of the head is an old form of the salám.
    ted letters. The Mawárid was printed Abulfazl wishes to say that Faizí was
    at Calcutta in A. H. 1241, by the profes never mean enough to ask for favours or
    sors ofthe Madrasah and Maulawi Mu- presents.
    hammad ' Alí of Rámpúr. It contains • Abulfazl kept his promise, and col-
    sentences, often pithy, on the words Is- lected, two years after Faizi's death, the
    lám, salám, ' ilm ulkalám, Adam , Mu- stray leaves of the Markiz uladwár
    hummad, kalámullah, ahlullah, &c., (p. 491 ), regarding which the curious
    and possesses little interest. Faizí displays will find a notice by Abulfazl in the 3rd
    550

    But now it is brotherly love-a love which does not travel along the road of
    critical nicety , that commands me to write down some of his verses.

    Extracts from Faizi's Qaçidahs (Odes) .

    1. O Thou who existest from eternity and abidest for ever, sight cannot
    bear Thy light, praise cannot express Thy perfection.
    2. Thy light melts the understanding, and Thy glory baffles wisdom ; to
    think of Thee destroys reason , Thy essence confounds thought.
    3. Thy holiness pronounces that the blood drops of human meditation
    are shed in vain in search of Thy knowledge : human understanding is but an
    atom of dust.
    4. Thy jealousy, the guard of Thy door, stuns human thought by a
    blow in the face, and gives human ignorance a slap on the nape of the neck.
    5. Science is like blinding desert sand on the road to Thy perfection ;
    the town of literature is a mere hamlet compared with the world of Thy
    knowledge.
    6. My foot has no power to travel on this path which misleads sages ;
    I have no power to bear the odour of this wine, it confounds my knowledge.
    7. The tablet of Thy holiness is too pure for the (black) tricklings of
    the human pen ; the dross of human understanding is unfit to be used as the
    philosopher's stone.
    8. Man's so called foresight and guiding reason wander about bewildered
    in the streets of the city of Thy glory.
    Human knowledge and thought combined can only spell the first
    letter of the alphabet of Thy love.
    10. Whatever our tongue can say, and our pen can write, of Thy Being,
    is all empty sound and deceiving scribble.

    book of his Maktúbát. The same book works. Dághistóní says in his Rigáz
    contains an elegy on Faizí's death. ushshu'ará that Faizi was a pupil of
    MSS . of Faizi's Nal Daman are very Khwajah Husain Sanáí of Mashhad, and
    numerous. His Díwán, exclusive of the it seems that Abulfazl has for this reason
    Qaçáid, was lithographed at Dihlí , in A.H. placed Sanáí immediately after Faizí.
    1261 , but has been long out of print. The same writer remarks that Faizí is in
    It ends with a Rubá'í (by Faizí) , which Persia often wrongly called Faizí i Dak-
    shews that the words Diwán i Faizi con- hini.
    tain the táríkh, i. e., A. H. 971 , much too Many of the extracts given below are
    early a date, as he was only born in 954. neither found in printed editions nor in
    The Mir-át ul ' Alam says that Faizí MSS. of Faizí's works.
    composed 101 books, Badáoní estimates The same realistic idea will be found
    his verses at 20,000 , and Abulfazl at in an Alfiyah Qaçídah by the old poet
    50,000. The Akbarnámah ( 40th year) Imámí.
    contains numerous extracts from Faizi's
    551

    11. Mere beginners and such as are far advanced in knowledge are both
    eager for union with Thee ; but the beginners are tattlers, and those that are
    advanced are triflers .
    12. Each brain is full of the thought of grasping Thee ; the brow of
    Plato even burned with the fever heat of this hopeless thought .
    13. How shall a thoughtless man like me succeed when Thy jealousy
    strikes down with a fatal blow the thoughts' of saints ?
    14. O that Thy grace would cleanse my brain ; for if not , my restlessness
    (qutrub) will end in madness.
    15. For him who travels barefooted on the path towards Thy glory, even
    the mouths of dragons would be as it were a protection for his feet ( lit.
    greaves).
    16. Compared with Thy favour, the nine metals of earth are but as half
    a handful of dust ; compared with the table of Thy mercies, the seven oceans
    are a bowl of broth.
    17. To bow down the head upon the dust of Thy threshold and then
    to look up, is neither correct in faith, nor permitted by truth .
    18. Alas, the stomach of my worldliness takes in impure food like a
    4
    hungry dog, although Love, the doctor, bade me abstain from it.

    1. O man, thou coin bearing the double stamp of body and spirit, I do
    not know what thy nature is ; for thou art higher than heaven and lower than
    earth .
    2. Do not be cast down, because thou art a mixture of the four elements ;
    do not be self-complacent, because thou art the mirror of the seven realms (the
    earth).
    3. Thy frame contains the image of the heavenly and the lower regions ,
    be either heavenly or earthly, thou art at liberty to choose.
    4. Those that veil their faces in Heaven [ the angels ] love thee ; thou ,
    misguiding the wise, art the fondly petted one of the solar system (lit. the seven
    planets ).
    5. Be attentive, weigh thy coin, for thou art a correct balance [i. e.,
    thou hast the power of correctly knowing thyself], sift thy atoms well ; for thou
    art the philosopher's stone ( 51).

    1
    Literally, strikes a dagger into the I. e. the terror of the mouths of dra-
    livers of thy saints. gons is even a protection compared with
    My text has fitrat ; but several the difficulties on the road to the under-
    MSS . of Faizi's Qaçídahs have quṭrub, standing of God's glory.
    which signifies incipient madness, rest- Literally, Hippocrates,
    lessness of thought.
    552

    6. Learn to understand thy value ; for the heaven buys (mushtari ) thy
    light, in order to bestow it upon the planets.
    7. Do not act against thy reason, for it is a trustworthy counsellor ; put
    not thy heart on illusions, for it (the heart) is a lying fool.
    8. Why art thou an enemy to thyself, that from want of perfection thou
    shouldst weary thy better nature and cherish thy senses (or tongue) ?
    9. The heart of time sheds its blood on thy account [ i . e. , the world is
    dissatisfied with thee] ; for in thy hyprocrisy thou art in speech like balm, but
    in deeds like a lancet .
    10. Be ashamed of thy appearance ; for thou pridest thyself on the title
    of ' sum total,' and art yet but a marginal note.
    11. If such be the charm of thy being, thou hadst better die ; for the
    eye of the world regards thee as an optical illusion (mukarrar) .
    12. O careless man, why art thou so inattentive to thy loss and thy
    gain ; thou sellest thy good luck and bargainest for misfortunes.
    13. If on this hunting-ground thou wouldst but unfold the wing of resolu-
    tion, thou wouldst be able to catch even the phoenix with sparrow feathers.
    14. Do not be proud (farbih) because thou art the centre of the body of the
    world. Dost thou not know that people praise a waist ( miyan) when it is thin ? "
    15. Thou oughtest to be ashamed of thyself, when thou seest the doings
    of such as from zeal wander barefooted on the field of love ; since thou ridest
    upon a swift camel [ i. e., as thou hast not yet reached the higher degree of
    zeal, that is, of walking barefooted ] , thou shouldst not count thy steps [ i. e.,
    thou shouldst not be proud].
    16. If thou wishest to understand the secret meaning of the phrase
    to prefer the welfare of others to thy own,' treat thyself with poison and
    others with sugar .
    17. Accept misfortune with a joyful look, if thou art in the service of
    Him whom people serve.
    18. Place thy face, with the humble mien of a beggar, upon the threshold
    of truth, looking with a smile of contempt upon worldly riches ;-
    4
    19. Not with the (self- complacent ) smirk which thou assumest in
    private, whilst thy worldliness flies to the east and the west .
    20. Guard thine eye well ; for like a nimble-handed thief it takes by
    force the jewel out of the hand of the jeweller.

    This is a pun. Mushtari also means In the East the idea of pride is suggest
    Jupiter, one of the planets. ed by stoutness and portliness. The pun
    2 I. e., thou wouldst perform great on farbih and miyán cannot be trauslated.
    deeds .
    Proud, in Persian farbih, pr. fat. As a hypocrite does.
    553

    21. Those who hold in their hand the lamp of guidance often plunder
    caravans on the high road.
    22. My dear son, consider how short the time is that the star of good
    fortune revolves according to thy wish ; fate shews no friendship .
    23. ' There is no one that understands me ; for were I understood, I would .
    continually cleave my heart and draw from it the wonderful mirrors of Alexander.
    24. My heart is the world , and its Hindústán is initiated in the rites of
    idolatry and the rules of idol making [ i. e. , my heart contains wonderful things ] .
    25. This [ poem] is the master- piece of the Greece of my mind ; read it
    again and again : its strain is not easy.
    26. Plunged into the wisdom of Greece, it [ my mind ] rose again from the
    deep in the land of Hind ; be thou as if thou hadst fallen into this deep abyss [ of
    my knowledge, i. e., learn from me ].

    1. The companion of my loneliness is my comprehensive genius ; the


    scratching of my pen is harmony for my ear.
    2. If people would withdraw the veil from the face of my knowledge,
    they would find that what those who are far advanced in knowledge call cer-
    tainty, is with me (as it were) the faintest dawn of thought.
    3. If people would take the screen from the eye of my knowledge, they
    would find that what is revelation ( ecstatic knowledge) for the wise is but
    drunken madness for me.
    4. If I were to bring forth what is in my mind, I wonder whether
    the spirit of the age could bear it.
    5. On account of the regulated condition of my mind, I look upon my-
    self as the system of the universe, and heaven and earth are the result of my
    motion and my rest.
    6. My vessel does not require the wine of the friendship of time ; my own
    blood is the basis of the wine of my enthusiasm [ i. e. , I require no one's assist-
    ance].
    7. Why should I wish for the adulation of mean people ? My pen bows
    down its head and performs the sijdah in adoration of my knowledge.

    Extracts from Faizi's Ghazals.


    1. Rise and ask, in this auspicious moment, a favour at my throne ; in
    noble aspirations I excel any army.

    The next verses are fakhriyah (boast- nás, to erect in Alexandria a tower 360
    ful) . All Persian poets write encomi- yards high. A mirror was then placed
    ums on themselves. on the top of it, 7 yards in diameter and
    Wonderful stories are told about the above 21 in circumference. The mirror
    mirror of Alexander the Great. He or- reflected everything that happened in the
    dered his friend, the philosopher Balí- world, even as far as Constantinople.
    70
    554

    2. Expect in my arena the victory of both worlds ; the banner of royalty


    weighs down the shoulder of my love.
    3. When I cast a favourable glance upon those that sit in the dust, even
    the ant from my good fortune becomes possessed of the brain of Sulaimán,'
    4. The keepers of my door have their swords drawn ; where is the desire
    that dares intrude on my seclusion ?
    5. Although I have buried my head in my hood, yet I can see both
    worlds ; it may be that Love has woven my garment from the threads of my
    contemplation.
    6. My eye is open and waits for the manifestation of truth ; the spirit of
    the Universe flees before the insignia of my ecstatic bewilderment.
    7. I am the simple Faizí ; if you do not believe it, look into my heart
    through the glass of my external form .

    1. The flame from my broken heart rises upwards ; to-day a fiery surge
    rages in my breast.
    2. In the beginning of things, each being received the slate of learning
    [i. e. , it is the appointed duty of each to learn something ] ; but Love has learned
    something from looking at me, the duties of a handmaid.
    3. May the eye of him who betrays a word regarding my broken heart
    be filled with the blood of his own heart !
    4. O Faizí, thou dost not possess what people call gold ; but yet the
    alchemist knows how to extract gold from thy pale cheek.

    It were better if I melted my heart, and laid the foundation for a new one :
    I have too often patiently patched up my torn heart.

    1. From the time that love stepped into my heart, nothing has oozed
    from my veins and my wounds but the beloved.2

    The insignificance of the ant is often ‫من تو شدم تو من شدي‬


    opposed to the greatness of Solomon.
    Once when all animals brought Solomon ‫من تن شدم توجان شدی‬
    their presents, the ant offered him the leg ‫تا کس نگوید بعد ازین‬
    of a locust as her only treasure.
    2 The beloved has taken entire posses- ‫تو ديگري‬ ‫دیگرم‬ ‫من‬
    sion of the poet. He has no blood left
    in him ; for blood is the seat of life, I have become thou, and thou hast
    and he only lives in the beloved who become I,
    has taken the place of his blood. The I am the body and thou art the soul.
    close union of the lover and the beloved Let no one henceforth say
    is well described in the following couplet That I am distinct from thee and
    by Khusrau --- thou from me.
    555

    2. The wings of angels have melted in the heat of my wine. Woe to


    the world, if a flash of lightning should some day leap from my jar [ i. e., the
    world would come to an end, if the secret of my love were disclosed] !

    1. Two difficulties have befallen me on the path of love : I am accused of


    bloodshed, but it is the beloved who is the murderer.
    2. O travellers on the right road, do not leave me behind ! I see far, and
    my eye espies the resting place.

    I walk on a path [ the path of love ], where every foot step is concealed ; I
    speak in a place where every sigh is concealed.¹

    Although life far from thee is an approach to death, yet to stand at a dis-
    tance is a sign of politeness .

    1. In this world there are sweethearts who mix salt with wine, and yet
    they are intoxicated .
    2. The nightingale vainly pretends to be a true lover ; the birds on the
    meadow melt away in love and are yet silent . "

    1. My travelling companions say, " O friend, be watchful ; for caravans


    are attacked suddenly. "
    2. I answer, " I am not careless, but alas ! what help is there against
    robbers that attack a watchful heart ?"
    3. A serene countenance and a vacant mind are required, when thou art
    stricken by fate with stripes from God's hand .

    1. The cupbearers have laid hold of the goblet of clear wine ; they made
    Khizr thirst for this fiery fountain.

    ' A sigh indicates that a man is in without a murmur.


    love ; hence if the sigh is a stranger [ i. 2 Salt is an antidote against drunk-
    e., does not appear), the love will remain enness. Wine' stands for beauty, ' salt'
    a secret. Eastern poets frequently say for wit.' The nightingale is in love with
    that love loses its purity and value, if it the rose, but sings in order to lighten its
    becomes known. The true lover bears heart ; the birds of the meadows, how-
    the pangs of love, and is silent ; the ever, which are in love with the nightin-
    weak lover alone betrays his secret. gale, shew a deeper love, as they remain
    Hence the nightingale is often found silent and hide their love-grief.
    fault with it pours forth its plaintive Love is compared to robbers . The
    songs to the rose, it babbles the whole woe of love ought to be endured as a vi-
    night, instead of silently fixing its eye sitation of providence.
    on the beauty of the rose, and dying
    556

    2. What wine could it have been that the cupbearer poured into the
    goblet ? Even Masih and Khizr are envious (of me), and struggle with each
    other to possess it.'

    Ask not to know the components of the antidote against love : they put
    fragments of diamonds into a deadly poison."

    For me there is no difference between the ocean ( of love) and the shore
    (of safety) ; the water of life (love) is for me the same as a dreadful poison.

    I, Faizí, have not quite left the caravan of the pilgrims who go to the
    Ka'bah ; indeed, I am a step in advance of them."

    1. How can I complain that my travelling companions have left me


    behind, since they travel along with Love, the caravan chief ?
    2. 0, that a thousand deserts were full of such unkind friends ! They have
    cleared the howdah of my heart of its burden.*

    1. I am the man in whose ear melodies attain their perfection , in whose


    mouth wine obtains its proper temper.
    2. I shew no inclination to be beside myself ; but what shall I do , I feel
    annoyed to be myself.

    1. Do not ask how lovers have reached the heavens ; for they place the
    foot on the battlement of the heart and leap upwards.
    2. Call together all in the universe that are anxious to see a sight they
    have erected triumphal arches with my heart-blood in the town of Beauty.

    1. Those who have not closed the door on existence and non-existence
    reap no advantage from the calm of this world and the world to come.

    Masih (the ' Messiah' ) and Khizr ( Eli- This is the casewith every antidote against
    as) tasted the water of life ( áb i hayát). love : it does not heal, it kills.
    Wine also is a water of life, and the wine * Faizí is ahead of his co-religionists.
    given to the poet by the pretty boy who + The beloved boy of the poet has been
    acts as cupbearer, is so reviving, that even carried off. Faizí tries to console him.
    Messiah and Khizr would fight for it. self with the thought that his heart will
    2 Vide p. 510, note 1. Fragments of now be free. But his jealousy is ill-con-
    diamonds when swallowed tear the liver cealed ; for he calls the people unkind
    and thus cause death. Hence poison that have carried off his beloved.
    mixed with diamond dust is sure to kill.
    557

    2. Break the spell which guards thy treasures ; for men who really
    know what good luck is have never tied their good fortune with golden
    chains.'

    The bright sun knows the black drops of my pen, for I have carried my
    book (bayáz) to the white dawn of morn.²

    O Faizí, is there any one in this world that possesses more patience and
    strength than he who can twice walk down his street ?³

    Desires are not to be found within my dwelling place : when thou comest,
    come with a content heart .

    Renounce love ; for love is an affair which cannot be satisfactorily


    terminated. Neither fate nor the beloved will ever submit to thy wishes.

    1. Come, let us turn towards a pulpit of light, let us lay the foundation
    of a new Ka'bah with stones from Mount Sinai !
    2. The wall (hațim) of the Ka'bah is broken, and the basis of the qiblah
    is gone, let us build a faultless fortress on a new foundation !*

    1. Where is Love, that we might melt the chain of the door of the Ka'-
    bah, in order to make a few idols for the sake of worship .
    2. We might throw down this Ka'bah which Hajjáj has erected, in order
    to raise a foundation for a (Christian) monastery. "

    1. How long shall I fetter my heart with the coquettishness of beauti-


    ful boys ? I will burn this heart and make a new, another heart.
    2. O Faizí, thy hand is empty, and the way of love lies before thee, then
    pawn the only thing that is left thee, thy poems, for the sake of obtaining the
    two worlds.

    1
    To the true Cúfi existence and non- have no qiblah left, i. e., no place where
    existence are indifferent : he finds rest in to turn the face in prayer.
    Him. But none can find this rest unless 5 When a man is in love, he loses his
    he gives away his riches. faith, and becomes a káfir. Thus Khus-
    Observe the pun in the text on rau says- Kafir i ' ishqam, mará musal-
    sawád, bayáz, and musawwadah. mání darkár nist, &c., I am in love
    The street where the lovely boy and have become an infidel- what do I
    lives . Can any one walk in the street of want with Islám ?' So Faizí is in love,
    love without losing his patience ? and has turned such an infidel, that he
    If the ka'bah (the temple of Mak- would make holy furniture into idols, or
    kah) were pulled down, Islám would be build a cloister on the ground of the holy
    pulled down ; for Muhammadans would temple.
    558

    How can I approve of the blame which certain people attach to Zalíkhá ?
    It would have been well if the backbiting tongues of her slanderers had been
    cut instead of their hands.'

    I cannot shew ungratefulness to Love. Has he not overwhelmed me with


    -sadness and sadness ?

    I cannot understand the juggler trick which love performed : it introduced


    Thy form through so small an aperture as the pupil of my eye is into the large
    space of my heart, and yet my heart cannot contain it.

    Flee, fate is the raiser of battle-fields ; the behaviour of thy companions is


    in the spirit of (the proverb) ' hold it ( the jug) oblique, but do not spill (the
    contents)."

    My intention is not to leave my comrades behind. What shall I do with


    those whose feet are wounded, whilst the caravan travels fast onwards ?

    This night thou tookst no notice of me, and didst pass by ;


    Thou receivedst no blessing from my eyes, and didst pass by.
    The tears, which would have caused thy hyacinths to bloom,
    Thou didst not accept from my moistened eye, but didst pass by.

    1. On the field of desire, a man need not fear animals wild or tame :
    in this path thy misfortunes arise from thyself.
    O Love, am I permitted to take the banner of thy grandeur from off
    the shoulder of heaven, and put it on my own ?

    1. O Faizí, I am so high-minded , that fate finds the arm of my thought


    leaning against the thigh of the seventh heaven.

    ¹ When Zalíkhá, wife of Potiphar, had which Zalíkhá had placed before them.
    fallen in love with Yusuf (Joseph) , she 2 Fate leads you into danger (love) ;
    became the talk of the whole town. To avoid it, you cannot expect help from
    take revenge, she invited the women who your friends, they merely give you use-
    had spoken ill of her, to a feast, and laid less advice.
    a sharp knife at the side of each plate. ' You may hold ( the jug) crooked,
    While the women were eating, she call- but do not spill (the contents)' is a
    ed Yusuf. They saw his beauty and proverb, and expresses that A allows B
    exclaimed, " Má hua basharan,' ' He is no to do what he wishes to do, but adds a
    man (but an angel) ! ", and they suddenly condition which B cannot fulfil. The
    grew so incontinent, that from lust they friends tell Faizí that he may fall in love,
    made cuts into their hands with the knives but they will not let him have the boy.
    559

    2. If other poets [ as the ancient Arabians] hung their poems on the door
    of the temple of Makkah, I will hang my love story on the vault of heaven.

    1. O cupbearer Time, cease doing battle ! Akbar's glorious reign rolls


    along, bring me a cup of wine ;
    2. Not such wine as drives away wisdom, and makes fools of those who
    command respect, as is done by fate ;
    3. Nor the harsh wine which fans in the conceited brain the fire of fool-
    hardiness on the field of battle ;
    4. Nor that shameless wine which cruelly and haughtily delivers reason
    over to the Turk of passion ;
    5. Nor that fiery wine the heat of which, as love-drunken eyes well know ,
    melts the bottles [ the hearts of men] ; -
    6. But that unmixed wine the hidden power of which makes Fate repent
    her juggling tricks [ i . e., which makes man so strong, that he vanquishes
    fate];
    7. That clear wine with which those who constantly worship in cloisters
    sanctify the garb of the heart ;
    8. That illuminating wine which shews lovers of the world the true
    path ;
    9. That pearling wine which cleanses the contemplative mind of fanciful
    thoughts .

    In the assembly of the day of resurrection, when past things shall be for-
    given, the sins of the Ka'bah will be forgiven for the sake of the dust of
    Christian churches.¹

    1. Behold the garb of Faizi's magnanimity ! Angels have mended its


    hem with pieces of the heaven.
    2. The most wonderful thing I have seen is Faizi's heart : it is at once
    the pearl, the ocean, and the diver.

    The look of the beloved has done to Faizí what no mortal enemy would
    have done .

    1. The travellers who go in search of love are on reaching it no longer


    alive in their howdahs ; unless they die, they never reach the shore of this
    ocean [love].

    The sins of Islám are as worthless as religious doctrines. Men fight about re-
    the dust of Christianity. On the day ligion on earth ; in heaven they shall find
    of resurrection, both Muhammadans and out that there is only one true religion,
    Christians will see the vanity of their the worship of God's Spirit.
    560

    2. Walk on, Faizí, urge on through this desert the camel of zeal ; for those
    who yearn for their homes [ earthly goods] never reach the sacred enclosure ,
    the heart.

    The dusty travellers on the road to poverty seem to have attained nothing ;
    is it perhaps because they have found there [in their poverty ] a precious jewel ?

    1. In the beginning of eternity some love-glances formed mirrors, which


    reduced my heart and my eye to a molten state [ i. e. , my heart and eye are pure
    like mirrors ] .
    2. What attractions lie in the curls of idols, that the inhabitants of the
    two worlds [ i. e. , many people] have turned their face [ from ideal ] to terrestrial
    love ?
    3. If a heart goes astray from the company of lovers, do not enquire after
    it ; for whatever is taken away from this caravan, has always been brought
    back, [ i. e., the heart for a time did without love, but sooner or later it will
    come back and love ].

    It is not patience that keeps back my hand from my collar ; but the collar
    is already so much torn, that you could not tear it more.'

    1. If Laili had had no desire to be with Majnún, why did she uselessly
    ride about on a camel ?
    2. If any one prevents me from worshipping idols, why does he circum-
    ambulate the gates and walls in the Haram [ the temple in Makkah] ?²
    3. Love has robbed Faizí of his patience, his understanding, and his
    sense ; behold, what this highway robber has done to me, the caravan chief !

    When Love reaches the emporium of madness, he builds in the desert


    triumphal arches with the shifting sands.

    1. Take the news to the old man of the tavern on the eve of the 'I'd, '
    4
    and tell him that I shall settle to-night the wrongs of the last thirty days.
    2. Take Faizí's Díwán to bear witness to the wonderful speeches of a free-
    thinker who belongs to a thousand sects.

    A lover has no patience ; hence The ' id ulfitr, or feast after the thirty
    he tears the collar of his coat. days of fasting in the month Ramazán.
    2 Each man shews in his own peculiar Faizí, like a bad Muhammadan, has not
    way that he is in love. Lailí rode about fasted, and now intends to drink wine
    in a restless way ; some people shew (which is forbidden), and thus make up
    their love in undergoing the fatigues of a for his neglect.
    4
    pilgrimage to Makkah ; I worship idols. Done by me by not having fasted.
    561

    1. I have become dust, but from the odour of my grave, people shall
    know that man rises from such dust.
    2. They may know Faizí's ' end from his beginning : without an equal
    he goes from the world, and without an equal he rises .

    O Love, do not destroy the Ka'bah ; for there the weary travellers of
    the road sometimes rest for a moment.

    Extracts from the Rubá'ís.


    He [ Akbar] is a king whom, on account of his wisdom, we call zúfunún
    [possessor of the sciences ] , and our guide on the path of religion.
    Although kings are the shadow of God on earth, he is the emanation
    of God's light. How then can we call him a shadow ?'

    He is a king who opens at night the door of bliss, who shows the
    road at night to those who are in darkness .
    Who even once by day beholds his face, sees at night the sun rising
    in his dream .

    If you wish to see the path of guidance as I have done, you will never
    see it without having seen the king.
    Thy old fashioned prostration is of no advantage to thee-see Akbar, and
    you see God."

    O king, give me at night the lamp of hope, bestow upon my taper


    the everlasting ray!
    Of the light which illuminates the eye of Thy heart, * give me an atom,
    by the light of the sun !

    Faizí means the heart. If I call thee, o king of Islám 6 one


    A similar verse is ascribed by the without equal,' it is but right.
    author of the Mir-át ul'Alam to the I require neither proof nor verse for
    poet Yahya of Káshán, who, during the this statement.
    reign of Shahjahan, was occupied with a Thou art the shadow of God, and like
    poetical paraphrase of the Pádisháh- daylight ;
    námah. It is clear that no one has two shadows.
    This is a strong apotheosis, and
    ‫گرے شریک خوانمت ايشاه دین رواست‬ reminds one of similar expressions used
    ‫زين گفته حاجتم بدلیل و بآیه نیست‬ by4the poets of imperial Rome.
    Kings receive a light immediately
    ‫تو سایه خدائی و این همچوآفتاب‬ from God ; vide p. III. of Abulfazl's
    ‫یک را دو سایه نیست‬ ‫روشن بود که‬ Preface.
    ‫هیچ‬
    71
    562

    No friend has ever come from the unseen world ; from the caravan of
    non-existence no voice has ever come.
    The heaven is the bell from which the seven metals come, and yet no
    sound has ever come from it notwithstanding its hammers.'

    In polite society they are silent ; in secret conversation they are


    screened from the public view.
    When you come to the thoroughfare of Love, do not raise dust, for
    there they are all surmahsellers.2

    Those are full of the divine who speak joyfully and draw clear
    wine without goblet and jar.
    Do not ask them for the ornaments of science and learning ; for they
    are people who have thrown fire on the book."

    O Faizí, go a few steps beyond thyself, go from thyself to the door, and
    place thy furniture before the door .*
    Shut upon thyself the folding door of the eye, and then put on it two
    hundred locks of eyelashes.

    O Faizí, the time of old age has come, look where thou settest thy
    feet. If thou puttest thy foot away from thy eyelashes, put it carefully.
    A pair of glass spectacles avails nothing, nothing. Cut off a piece from
    thy heart, and put it on thine eye.

    A sigh is a zephyr from the hyacinthbed of speech, and this zephyr


    has spread a throne for the lord of speech.
    I sit upon this throne as the Sulaimán of speech ; hear me speaking
    the language of birds ."

    O Lover, whose desolate heart grief will not leave, the fever heat will
    not leave thy body, as long as the heart remains !

    1 Muhrahá, pl. of muhrah, according The disciples of Akbár's divine


    to the Bahár i 'Ajam, the metal ball faith have burnt the Qorán. They are
    which was dropped, at the end of every different from the ' ulama and fuzalá,
    hour, into a large metal cup made of the learned ofthe age.
    haft josh (a mixture of seven metals ), Things are placed before the door
    to indicate the time. The metal cups immediately before the inmates travel
    are said to have been in use at the courts away. Faizí wishes to leave the house
    of the ancient kings of Persia. of his old nature.
    2 Lovers are silent in polite society. For thy heart is pure and trans-
    Surmah is the well known preparation parent.
    of lead or antimony, which is applied to • Solomon understood the language of
    eyes to give them lustre. the birds .
    563

    A lover possesses the property of quicksilver, which does not lose its
    restlessness till it is kushtah."

    O Faizí, open the ear of the heart and the eye of sense ; remove thy
    eye and ear from worldly affairs .
    Behold the wonderful change of time, and close your lip ; listen to
    the enchanter Time and shut thy eye.

    What harm can befall me, even if the ranks of my enemies attack me ?
    They only strike a blow to the ocean with a handful of dust.
    I am like a naked sword in the hand of fate : he is killed who throws
    himself on me.

    To-day I am at once both clear wine and dreg ; I am hell, paradise, and
    purgatory.
    Any thing more wonderful than myself does not exist ; for I am at
    once the ocean, the jewel, and the merchant.

    Before I and thou were thought of, our free will was taken from our
    hands.
    Be without cares, for the maker of both worlds settled our affairs long
    before I and thou were made.

    2. Khwa'jah Husain Sana'i' of Mashhad."


    He held the office of a magistrate and turned to poetry. He made
    himself widely known . His manners were simple and pure.
    1
    Kushtah, pr. killed, is prepared Mírzá, son of Sháh Tahmásp. On the
    quicksilver, as used for looking-glasses. accession of Sháh Ismá'íl II , Sanáí
    The lover must die before he can find presented an ode, but Ismá'íl was offended,
    rest. as the poem did not mention his name,
    2 The author of the Atashkadah i and accused the poet of having originally
    A'zar says that Khwajah Husain was written it in honor of Ibráhím Mírzá.
    the son of ' Inayat Mírzá, and was in the Sanaf fled to Hindústán, and was well
    service of Sultan Ibráhím Mírzá Cafawi. received at court. He died at Láhor in
    But in his own Díwán he is said to A. H. 1000. His Díwán, Sikandarnámah,
    describe himself as the son of Ghiásud- and Sáqínámah are well known.' Spren-
    dín Muhammad of Mashhad, and the ger (Catalogue, pp. 120, 578) says that
    lic of the Atashkadah is a bad read- he died in 996. The Maásir i Rahimi
    ing for ‫غیات‬ states that his bones were taken to
    Regarding his poems the same author Mashhad by his relation Mírzá Báqir,
    says, " either no one understands the son of Mír ' Arabsháh . It was men-
    meaning of his verses, or his verses have tioned on p. 549, note 6, that Faizí
    no meaning"- -a critical remark which looked upon him as his teacher.
    Abulfazl's extracts confirm . Neither does My text has arbábí. Arbáb is the
    Badáoní ( III , 208) think much of his plural of rabb, and is used in Persian as
    verses, though he does not deny him a singular in the sense of kalántar, or
    poetical genius. The Tabaqát again prais rishsafid, the head man of a place,
    es his poems. The Mir- át ul ' A'lam says Germ, Amtmann ; hence arbábí, the
    that he was in the service of Ibráhím office of a magistrate.
    564

    1. My speech is the morning of sincere men ; my tongue is the


    sword of the morning of words.
    2. It is clear from my words that the Rúhulquds is the nurse of
    the Maryam of my hand [composition ]."
    3. It is sufficient that my pen has made my meanings fine, a single
    dot of my pen is my world.
    4. In short, words exist in this world of brief duration, and my words
    are taken from them.
    5. No one on the day of resurrection will get hold of my garment
    except passion, which numbers among those whom I have slain .

    When thou goest out to mingle in society at evening, the last ray of the
    sun lingers on thy door and thy walls, in order to see thee.

    1. In the manner of beauty and coquetry, many fine things are


    to be seen, (as for example) cruel ogling and tyrannical flirting.
    2. If I hold up a mirror to this strange idol, his own figure does not
    appear to his eye as something known to him.
    3. If, for example, thou sittest behind a looking glass, a person
    standing before it would see his own face with the head turned backwards.
    4. If, for example, an ear of corn was to receive its water according to
    an agreement made with thee [ O miser ], no more grain would ever be
    crushed in the hole of a mill.

    1. A sorrow which reminds lovers of the conversation of the beloved,


    is for them the same as sweet medicine .
    2. I exposed the prey of my heart to death, but the huntsman has
    given me quarter on account of my leanness and let me run away. *
    3. If lovers slept with the beloved till the morning of resurrection,
    the morning breeze would cause them to feel the pain of an arrow.

    Rúhulquds, pr. the spirit of holiness. ' the huntsman has given me quarter on
    Maryam, the Virgin Mary. account ofthe leanness arising from my
    2 So strange is the boy whom I love. moulting.'
    This verse is unintelligible to me. There are four verses after this in
    4 Or we may read kurezam instead my text edition , which are unintelligible
    of girizam, when the meaning would be, to me.
    565

    O sober friends, now is the time to tear the collar ; but who will raise
    my hand to my collar ?¹

    The messenger Desire comes again running, saying² ....


    .

    It is incumbent upon lovers to hand over to their hearts those (cruel)


    words which the beloved (boy) took from his heart and put upon his
    tongue.

    When my foot takes me to the Ka'bah, expect to find me in an idol


    temple ; for my foot goes backwards, and my goal is an illusion.

    1. The spheres of the nine heavens cannot contain an atom of the


    love grief which Sanáí's dust scatters to the winds.
    2. Like the sun of the heaven thou livest for all ages ; every eye knows
    thee as well as it knows what sleep is .

    3. Huzni' of Ispaha'n.

    He was an enquiring man of a philosophical turn of mind, and well


    acquainted with ancient poetry and chronology. He was free and easy and
    goodhearted ; friendliness was stamped upon his forehead.³
    1. I search my heart all round to look for a quiet place—and ,
    gracious God ! if I do not find sorrow, I find desires.
    2. Zalíkhá stood on the flowerbed, and yet she said in her grief that
    it reminded her of the prison in which a certain ornament of society [ Yusuf]
    dwelled .
    3. I am in despair on thy account, and yet what shall I do with
    love ? for between me and it (love) stands (unfulfilled ) desire.

    Gabriel's wing would droop, if he had to fly along the road of love ; this
    message (love) does not travel as if on a zephyr .

    Whether a man be an Ayáz or a Mahmúd, here (in love) he is a slave ;


    for love ties with the same string the foot of the slave and the freeman.*

    The poet has no strength left in him edition) says he was born in Junábud , and
    to raise his hand to his collar. Vide p. was a merchant. The Haft Iqlim says
    560, note 1 . he was pupil of Qasim i Káhí, (the
    The remaining hemistich is unclear. next poet).
    4
    The Tabaqát calls him Mír Huzní, Ayáz was a slave of Mahmud of
    and says he left Persia with the intention Ghazní, and is proverbial in the East for
    to pay his respects at court, but died on faithfulness. There are several Masnawís
    his way to India. His verses are pretty. entitled Mahmúd o Ayáz.
    The Atashkadah (p. 101 , of the Calcutta
    566

    1. Last night my moist eye caught fire from the warmth of my heart;
    the lamp of my heart was burning until morning, to shew you the way
    to me.
    2. The power of thy beauty became perfectly known to me, when its
    fire fell on my heart and consumed me unknown to myself.

    O Huzní, I sometimes smile at thy simplicity : thou hast become a lover,


    and yet expectest faithfulness from the beloved .

    Don't cast loving eyes at me ; for I am a withered feeble plant , which


    cannot bear the full radiance of the life- consuming sun [ of thy beauty ].

    Alas ! when I throw myself on the fire, the obstinate beloved has
    nothing else to say but " Huzní, what is smoke like ?"

    I hear, Huzní, that thou art anxious to be freed from love's fetters.
    Heartless wretch, be off ; what dost thou know of the value of such a
    captivity !

    To-day, like every other day, the simple minded Huzní was content
    with thy false promises, and had to go.

    4. Qa'sim i Ka'hi'. '


    He is known as Miyán Kálí. He knew something of the ordinary
    sciences, and lived quiet and content. He rarely mixed with people

    ¹ Káhi, ' grassy ,' is his takhallúç. He is said to have died at the
    Badání (III, 172) says that his verses advanced age of 120 years.
    are crude and the ideas stolen from The Atashkadah i A'zar (Calcutta
    others ; but yet his poems are not edition, p. 250) calls him Mírzá Abul
    without merit. He was well read in the Qasim of Kábul,' and says that he was
    exegesis of the Qorán, in astronomy, born in Turkistán and brought up in
    mysticism, and the sciences which go Kábul. One of his ancestors paid his
    by the name of kalám ; he wrote on respects to Timur, accompanied the army
    music, and was clever in táríkhs and of that conqueror, and settled at last in
    riddles. He had visited several Shaikhs Turkistán . Káhi was well received by
    of renown, among them the great poet Humáyún.
    Jámí (died 899, A. H. ). But he was a The same work calls him a Guli-
    free-thinker, and was fond of the company stánah Sayyid-a term not known to me.
    of wandering faqírs, prostitutes, and Hence, instead of Mírzá,' we should read
    sodomites. " He also loved dogs, a ' Mír.'
    habit which he may have contracted The Haft Iqlim has a lengthy note
    from Faizí." Káhí wrote a Masnawi, on Káhí. Amin of Rai (p. 512) says
    entitled gul-afshán, a reply, or jawab, that Káhi's name is Sayyid Najmuddin
    to the Bostán , and completed a díwán . Muhammad, his kunyah being Abul
    An ode of his is mentioned in praise of Qásim. When fifteen years old, he
    Humáyún and the Astrolabe. visited Jámí, and afterwards Háshimí
    567

    in high position . On account of his generous disposition, a few low


    men had gathered round him, for which reason well meaning people who
    did not know the circumstances, often upbraided him. Partly from his
    own love of independence, partly from the indulgence of his Majesty,
    he counted himself among the disciples, and often foretold future events .

    A low minded man must be he who can lift up his hand in prayer to
    God's throne for terrestrial goods.

    If lovers counted the hours spent in silent grief, their lives would
    appear to them longer than that of Khizr.'

    Wherever thou goest, I follow thee like a shadow ; perhaps, in course


    of time, thou wilt by degrees cast a kind glance at me.

    1. When I saw even elephants attached to my beloved, I spent the


    coin of my life on the road of the elephant.
    2. Wherever I go, I throw like the elephant dust on my head, unless
    I see my guide above my head .
    3. The elephant taming king is Jaláluddín Muhammad Akbar, he who
    bestows golden elephants upon his poets .

    of Kirmán, who was called Shah Jahan- Subsequently, he lived at Agrah, where
    gír. He went over Bhakkar to Hindú- he died. His grave was near the gate-
    stán. Whatever he did, appeared awk-
    ward to others. Though well read, my MS. calls it (?) . He died
    he was a pugilist, and would not mind on the 2nd Rabí' II, 988. Faizí's táríkh
    to fight ten or even twenty at a time, and (Rubá'í metre)
    yet be victorious. No one excelled him in
    running. He followed no creed or ‫تاریخ وفات سال و ماهش جستم‬
    doctrine, but did as the Khwajahs do, ‫گفتا دوم از ماه ربیع الثاني‬
    whose formula is ' hosh dar dam, nazar
    gives 2nd Rabí' II , 978 , unless we read
    bar qadam, khalwat dar anjuman,
    ་
    safar dar waṭan, Be careful in your ‫ دویم‬for ‫ دوم‬. Mauláná Qásin of
    speech ; look where you set the foot ; Bukhárá, a pupil of Káhí, expressed
    withdraw from society ; travel when you the táríkh by the words
    are at home.' He was liberal to a fault, ‫رفت ملا قاسم كاهي‬
    and squandered what he got. For an
    ode in praise of Akbar, in every verse of ' Mullá Qásim i Káhí died,' which gives
    which the word fil, or elephant, was to 988. Vide also Iqbálnámah i Jahán-
    occur,-Abulfazl has given three verses giri, p . 5 ; and above p. 209.
    of it-Akbar gave him one lac of tankahs, Abulfazl calls him Miyán Káli.
    and gave orders that he should get a Miyánkál (vide p. 545) is the name of the
    present of one thousand rupees as often hills between Samarqand and Bukhárá.
    as he should come to court. He did not Khizr (p. 556, note 1 ) is the ' Wan-
    like this, and never went to court again. dering Jew ' of the East.
    He lived long at Banáras, as he was 2 A verse often quoted to this day in
    fond of Bahadur Sháh (No. 22, p. 328). India.
    568

    1. O friend, whose tongue speaks of knowledge divine, and whose


    heart ever withdraws the veil from the light of truth,
    2. Never cherish a thought of which thou oughtest to be ashamed,
    never utter a word, for which thou wouldst have to ask God's pardon !

    5. Ghaza'li' of Mashhad.¹
    He was unrivalled in depth of understanding and sweetness of
    language, and was well acquainted with the noble thoughts of the
    Çúfis.

    I heard a noise and started from a deep sleep, and stared -the awful
    night had not yet passed away- I fell again asleep.2

    Beauty leads to fame, and love to wretchedness. Why then do you


    speak of the cruelties of the sweetheart and the faults of the miserable
    lover ?

    Since either acceptance or exclusion awaits all in the world to come, take
    care not to blame any one ; for this is blameworthy.

    1. O Ghazálí, I shun a friend who pronounces my actions to be good,


    though they are bad.
    2. I like a simple friend, who holds my faults like a looking-glass
    before my face.

    ¹ Badáoní (III, 170) says that Ghazálí Tabaqát Akbarí, at 100000. The A'tash-
    fled from Irán to the Dak'hin, because kadah i A'zar (p. 122) says that he
    people wished to kill him for his heretical wrote sixteen books containing 40000
    opinions. He was called by Khán verses, and that he fled from Persia
    Zamán (No. 13 , p. 319) to Jaunpur, during the reign of Tahmásp i Çafawi.
    where he lived for a long time. He Vide Sprenger's Catalogue, pp. 61, 411,
    afterwards went to court, and was much where particulars will be found regarding
    liked by Akbar, who conferred upon him Ghazáli's works. Sprenger calls him
    the title of Malikushshu'ará (p. 548, Ghazzálí, an unusual form, even if the
    note 3) . He accompanied the emperor metre of some of his ghazals should
    in the Gujrát war, and died suddenly prove the double z.
    on the 27th Rajab, 980. At Akbar's Badáoní relates a story that Khán
    orders, he was buried at Sarkach, near Zamán sent him one thousand rupees to
    Ahmadábád. Faizí's clever táríkh on the Dak'hin with a couplet, for which
    his death is ‫ سده نهصد و هشتاد‬، the year vide Bad. III, 170, where the sar i
    980.' At his death, he left a fortune of khud refers to the in Ghazálí's name ,
    હું
    20 lacs of rupees . because stands for 1000.
    The Mir-át ul ' A'lam mentions two ‫ع‬
    books written by him, entitled Asrár i The Haft Iqlím mentions another
    Maktúm and Rashahát ul hayát, to Gházalí .
    which the Haft Iqlím adds a third, the 2 This is to be understood in a mystic
    Mir-át ul Káinát. Badáoní and the sense . Badáoní (III, 171) says that he
    Mir-át estimate his verses at 40 to had not found this verse in Gházali's
    50000 ; the Haft Iqlím, at 70000 ; the Díwán.
    569

    1. In love no rank, no reputation, no science, no wisdom, no genealo-


    gical tree is required .
    2. For such a thing as love is a man must possess something peculiar :
    the sweetheart is jealous, he must possess decorum .

    1. The king says, " My cashis my treasure," The Cúfi says, My


    tattered garment is my woollen stuff."
    2. The lover says, " My grief is my old friend." I and my heart alone
    know what is within my breast.

    1. If thy heart, whilst in the Ka'bah, wanders after something else,


    thy worship is wicked, and the Ka'bah is lowered to a cloister.
    2. And if thy heart rests in God, whilst thou art in a tavern, thou
    mayest drink wine, and yet be blessed in the life to come.
    6. 'Urfi' of Shi'ra'z.¹
    The forehead of his diction shines with decorum, and possesses a
    peculiar grace. Self-admiration led him to vanity, and made him speak
    The Maásiri Rahímí (MS., As . Soc., ‫عرفیجوانه مرگ شدي‬
    Bengal, P: 537) says that Urfi's name 'Urfi, thou didst die young.' The
    wasKhwajahSayyidí ( )Muhammad. first edition of his poetical works con-
    The takhalluç ' Urfi' " has a reference to tained 26 Qaçídahs, 270 Ghazals, 700
    the occupation of his father, who as Qat'ahs and Rubá'ís ; vide also Sprenger's
    Dárogah to the Magistrate of Shíráz Catalogue, p. 529.
    had to look after Shar'i and ' Urfi The Tazkirah by 'Alí Qulí Khán i
    matters. He went by sea to the Dághistání calls ' Urfi Jamaluddín, and
    Dak'hin, where, according to the Haft says that he was much liked by Prince
    Iqlim, his talent was not recognized ; Salím, towards whom ' Urfi's attachment
    he therefore went to Fathpúr Síkrí, was of a criminal nature, and that he had
    where Hakim Abul Fath of Gilán been poisoned by people that envied him.
    (No. 112, p. 424) took an interest in 'Urfi was a man of high talent ; but he
    him. When the Hakím died, ' Urfi was disliked for his vanity. Badáoní says
    became an attendant on ' Abdurrahím ( III, 285 ) , “ His poems sell in all bazars,
    KhánKhánán, and was also introduced unlike those of Faizí, who spent the
    at court. He died at Láhor, in Shawwál revenue of his jágír in getting copies
    999, A. H. , according to the Haft Iqlim made of his verses ; but yet no one had
    and several MSS . of the Tabaqát, of a copy of them, unless it was a present
    dysentry (is-hál ). He bequeathed his made by Faizí." Hakim Háziq (p. 474)
    papers to his patron, in all about 14000 preferred ' Urfi's ghazals to his odes.
    verses, which at the KhánKhánán’s His Masnawi, Majma' ul Abkár, is
    order were arranged by Sirájá of Isfahan. often wrongly called Majma ' ul Afkár.
    He was at his death only thirty- six One day, 'Urfi called on Faizí, whom
    years old. The body was nearly thirty he found surrounded by his dogs, and
    years later taken away by the poet Çábir asked him to tell him the names of " the
    of Içfahan and buried in holy ground well-bred children of his family." Faizí
    at Najaf (Sarkhush). His early death, replied, " Their names are ' urfi” (i. e.,
    in accordance with an idea still current well-known). " Mubárak" (God bless us),
    in the East, was ascribed to the abuse he rejoined ' Urfi, to the intense disgust of
    had heaped on the ancients ; hence also Faizí whose father's name was Mubárak.
    the tárikh of his death- Sprenger (Catalogue, p. 126) states on
    72
    570

    lightly of the older classics. The bud of his merits withered away before it
    could develop itself.

    Cling to the hem of a heart which saddens at the plaintive voice of


    the nightingale ; for that heart knows something.

    If some one cast a doubt on the loftiness of the cypress, I melt away
    from envy ; for loftiness is so desirable that even a doubtful mention of it
    creates envy .

    He who is intimate with the morning zephyr, knows that the scent of
    the Jasmin remains notwithstanding the appearance of chill autumn.

    My wounded heart cannot endure a healing balm ; my turban's fold


    cannot endure the shadow of a blooming rose.

    1. It is incumbent on me, when in society, to talk low ; for the


    sensible people in society are stupid, and I speak but Arabic.
    2. Remain within the boundary of thy ignorance, unless you be a
    Plato ; an intermediate position is mirage and raving thirst.

    Do not say that those who sing of love are silent : their song is
    too fine, and the audience have cotton in their ears.

    The more I exert myself, the more I come into trouble ; if I am calm,
    the ocean's centre is at the shore.

    There is some hope that people will pardon the strange ways of ' Urfi
    for the homeliness of his well known poems.

    No one has yet come into the world that can bear the grief of love ;
    for every one has through love lost the colour of his face and turned pale.

    the authority of the Tazkirah Hameshah- There exist several lithographs of


    Bahár that ' Urfi's name was Khwajah 'Urfi's Odes. The Calcutta printed edi-
    Çaidí ( ), a mistake for Sayyidí. tion of 1254, A. H., contains a Commen-
    The Atashkadah also gives the name tary by Ahmad ibn i 'Abdurrahim
    only half correctly, Sayyid Muhammad. (author of the Arabic Dictionary Mun-
    Taqi's note (loc. cit. , p. 37) is wrong in tahal Arab) of Çafipúr.
    the dates.
    571

    O'Urfi, live with good and wicked men in such a manner, that
    Muhammadans may wash thee (after thy death) in Zamzam water, and
    Hindús may burn thee.

    If thou wishest to see thy faults clearly, lie for a moment in ambush
    for thyself, as if thou didst not know thee.

    'Urfi has done well to stand quietly before a closed door, which no
    one would open. He did not knock at another door .

    To pine for the arrival of young spring shews narrowness of mind in


    me ; for there are hundreds of pleasures on the heap of rubbish in the
    backyard, which are not met with in a rose garden,

    My heart is sinking as the colour on Zalíkhá's cheek when she saw


    herself alone ; and my grief has become the talk of the market like the
    suspicion cast on Yusuf.

    1. On the day when all shall give an account of their deeds, and
    when the virtues of both Shaikh and Bráhman shall be scrutinized,
    2. Not a grain shall be taken of that which thou hast reaped, but a
    harvest shall be demanded of that which thou hast not sown.

    1. O thou who hast experienced happiness and trouble from good and
    bad events, and who art in consequence full of thanks and sometimes full
    of complaints,
    2. Do not take high ground, so that thy efforts may not be in vain ;
    be rather (yielding) like grass that stands in the way of the wind, or like a
    bundle of grass which others carry off on their shoulders.

    1. O ' Urfi, for what reason is thy heart so joyful ? Is it for the few
    verses which thou hast left behind ?
    2. Alas ! thou losest even that which thou leavest behind as something
    once belonging to thee. Thou oughtest to have taken it with thee ; but hast
    thou taken it with thee ?

    7. Maili' of Hara't.
    His name was Mírzá Qulí. He was of Turkish extraction, and lived
    in the society of gay people.

    The Nafáis mentions 979, and Taqí India (Sprenger, Catalogue, pp. 43, 54).
    983, as the year in which Mailí came to The A'lashkadah says, he was brought
    572

    Since I have become famous through thy love, I shun all whom I see ;
    for I am afraid lest my going to any one might put thee into his thoughts.

    I die and feel pity for such as remain alive ; for thou art accustomed to
    commit such cruelties as thou hast done to me.

    1. My heart derived so much pleasure from seeing thee , that fate - God
    forbid, that it should think ofrevenge.
    2. Thou art neither a friend nor a stranger to me ; what name is
    man to give to such a relation ?

    Thou knowest that love to thee does not pass away with the lives of
    thy lovers ; for thou passest by the tombs of those whom thy love slew,
    and yet thou behavest coquettishly.

    When thou biddest me go, cast one glance upon me ; for from
    carefulness people tie a string round the foot of a bird, even if it were so
    tame as to eat from the hand. .

    My last breath is at hand ! O enemy, let me have him [the lovely boy]
    but for a moment, so that with thousands of pangs I may restore him to thee.

    1. I promised myself that I would be patient, and did not go to him


    [the boy] ; I had hopes to be content with loneliness.
    2. But the woe of separation kills me, and whispers every moment to
    me, " This is the punishment of him who puts confidence in his patience."

    1. Thy clients have no cause to ask thee for anything ; for every one
    of them has from a beggar become a Croesus in wealth.
    2. But thou findest such a pleasure in granting the prayers of beggars,
    that they make requests to thee by way of flattery.
    8. Ja'far Beg of Qazwi'n.
    He is a man of profound thought, has learnt a good deal, and describes
    very well the events of past ages. As accountant he is unrivalled.

    up in Mashhad. According to Dághi- Badáoní adds that his patron for some
    stání, he belonged to the Jaláir clan , lived suspicion ordered him to be poisoned . He
    under Tabmásp, and was in the service of was in Málwá when he was killed.
    Sultán Ibráhím Mírzá, after whose death He is much praised for his poetry ;
    he went to India. The Tabaqát i Akbarí the author of the A'tashkadah says that
    says that he was in the service of he was one of his favorite poets.
    Naurang Khán (pp. 334 , 528) ; and
    573

    From his knowledge of human nature he leans to mirth and is fond of


    jokes. He was so fortunate as to obtain the title of Açaf Khán, and was
    admitted as a disciple of his Majesty.'

    I am jealous of the zephyr, but I gladden my heart with the thought


    that this is a rose garden, and no one can close the door in the face of the
    wind.

    When the town could not contain the sorrows of my heart, I thought
    that the open country was created for my heart.

    I am prepared for another interview to-night ; for I have patched up


    my torn, torn heart.

    It is the fault of my love that he [ the lovely boy] is my enemy. What


    is love worth, if it makes no impression ?

    I admire the insight of my heart for its familiarity with beauties whose
    ways are so strange.

    He came and made me confused ; but he did not remain long enough
    for me to introduce my heart to consolation .

    As I am entirely at fault, do not threaten me with revenge ; for the


    pleasure of taking revenge on thee makes me bid my fault defiance.

    1. Dost thou shew me thy face so boldly, Happiness ? Wait a moment,


    that I may announce my love-grief.
    2. Ja'far came to-day so broken-hearted to thy house, that the hearts
    of the stones burnt on seeing his extraordinary condition.

    1. Whoever has been in thy company is for a night, is the companion


    of my sad fate.
    2. Ja'far has found the road to the street of the sweetheart so difficult,
    that he can no more rise to his feet.

    His biography was given above on The Masnawi by Ja'far mentioned by


    p. 411 , No. 98. Vide also Iqbálnámah Sprenger (Catalogue, p. 444) may belong
    i Jahangiri, p. 5 ; Dabistán, p. 387. to Mírzá Zainul Abidin, regarding whom
    His takhallug was Ja'far, as may be seen vide above p. 412, and Sprenger, loc. cit. ,
    from Abulfazl's extracts. p. 120, where for 1212 read 1021, A, H.
    574

    The morning zephyr, I think, wafts to me the scent of a certain


    sweetheart, because Jacob keeps his closed eye turned towards a caravan.¹

    A new rose must have opened out in the garden ; for last night the
    nightingale did not go asleep till the morning.

    9. Khwajah Husain of Marw.2


    He possessed many excellent qualities, and sold his encomiums at a
    high price. He lived at the Court of Humáyún , and was also during this
    reign highly favoured .

    1. The realms of speech are in my possession, the banker of speech is


    the jeweller of my pearl strings.
    2. Creation's preface is a sheet of my book, the secrets of both worlds
    are in the nib of my pen.

    10. Haya'ti' of Gi'la'n."


    A stream fromthe ocean of thought passes by his house ; correctness and
    equity are visible on his forehead. Serenity and truth are in him united ;
    he is free from the bad qualities of poets.
    1. Whenever you speak, watch yourself ; repentance follows every
    word which gladdens no heart.
    2. You do not require the swift wing of a bird ; but since fortune is
    so, borrow the foot of the ant and flee.

    1 Jacob had become blind from weeping common people, of the place. To better
    over the loss of Joseph. One day he his circumstances, he went to India, was
    smelled the scent of Joseph's coat, which introduced by Hakím Abul Fath i Gílání
    a messenger was bringing from Egypt. (No. 112, p. 424) at Court, got a jágír,
    When the coat was applied to his eyes, and was liked by Akbar. He joined the
    he recovered his sight. KhánKhánán in the Dak'hin wars and
    2 Khwajah Husain was a pupil of remained in his service, living chiefly at.
    Mauláná Içámuddín Ibráhím and the Burhanpúr, where he built a villa and a
    renowned Ibn Hajar of Makkah (Haft mosque, which, according to the Mir-át
    Iqlim). Abulfazl's remark that he sold ul 'Alam, was called Masjid i Mullá
    his encomiums at a high price seems to Hayátí. He was still alive in 1024,
    refer to Husain's Odes on the birth of when the Maásir i Rahimi was com-
    Jahángír and Prince Murád , given in full posed.
    by Badáoní (II, pp. 120, 132), for which The Tabaqát and Badáoní praise his
    the Khwajah got two lacs of tankahs. poems, and say that he belonged to the
    The odes are peculiar, as each hemistich ahl i yárán i dardmandán, i. e., he was a
    is a chronogram. man of feeling and sympathy. Sprenger,
    The Maásir i Rahimi says that Mullá (Catalogue, p. 58) translates this, " He
    Hayátí was born at Rasht in Gílán, and was a friend of Dardmand."
    belonged to the ádmízádagán, i. e.
    575

    A love sick man is so entangled in his grief, that even the wish of
    getting rid of it does him harm.

    Whatever you see is, in some way or other, a highway robber. I


    know no man that has not been way-laid .

    1. This is the thoroughfare of love, it is no open market ; keep your lips


    closed, no talk is required.
    2. I, too, have been among the heathens, but have seen no waist
    worthy of the sacred thread.
    3. Covetous people are, from covetousness , each other's enemies ; in
    friendship alone there are no rivals.

    1. Let every thorn which people sow in thy road, bloom in the lustre
    of thy smiles.
    2. Say nothing, and heal the wound of the heart with poisoned arrows.

    1. My love makes me delay over everything, even if it were a scent in


    the house, or a colour in the bazar .
    2. Thou knowest what people call me- mad from shame, and dejected
    from baseness .'

    Since everything which I mended has broken again, my heart has


    gone altogether from trying to patch it.

    1. I suffer thy cruelties and die ; perhaps I thus complete my


    faithfulness.
    2. Thou canst not deprive me of the means of union with thee, unless
    thou shuttest the zephyr in a box. '

    This turf and this field have a tinge of madness ; insanity and drunken-
    ness have to-day a good omen .

    1. Love-grief is followed by an increase of sorrow, the desire to meet


    him is followed by bloody tears .
    2. Neither the one nor the other, however, is the means of attaining
    love's perfection ; be sound in mind, or else, completely mad.

    1
    Because the zephyr wafts the breath of the beloved boy to the poet .
    576

    1. I am neither as high as the Pleiades, nor as low as the abyss ; I


    neither cherish the old grief, nor do I possess a new thought.
    2. If I am not the wailing nightingale, there is yet this excellence left,
    I am the moth and am pledged to the flame.'

    1. I am the heart-grief of my dark nights, I am the misfortune of the


    day of my fate.
    2. Perhaps I may go a step back to myself ; it is a long time that
    I have been waiting for myself.

    11. Shikebi' of Ispaha'n .


    He possesses taste and writes well. He is acquainted with chronology
    and the ordinary sciences ; and the purity of his nature led him to philoso-
    phical independence. "

    I have lived through nights of lonely sorrow, and am still alive ; I had
    no idea of the tenaciousness of my life.

    Grief, not mirth, is my ware. Why dost thou wish to know its price ?
    I know that thou wilt not buy it, and that I shall not sell it.

    1 The love of the moth for the candle Shíráz, after which he went to India, and
    seems to be a very ancient idea. Psalm became the constant attendant of the
    xxxix, 11 , Thou rebukest man and KhánKhánám .
    causest his delight to vanish as the moth The Mir-át ul ' Alam says that later
    vanishes in its delight, viz. the fire, he fell out with his patron, and went
    where the word Khamod seems to have from the Dak'hin to Agrah, where Mahá-
    been purposely chosen to allude to the love bat Khán introduced him at court. He
    of the moth. The passage in Sa'dí's preface asked for permission to return to Irán ;
    to the Gulistán but Jahangir would not let him go, and
    appointed him Çadr of Dihlí. He died
    ‫عاشقان کشتگان معشوقند‬ there at the age of sixty-seven in 1023, the
    tarikh of his death being ‫صدر دهلی رفت‬
    ‫ز کشتگان آواز‬ ‫برنیاید‬ Another Chronogram gives
    ' The lovers are killed by the beloved, only 1022. For his Sáqínámah , ' Abdur-
    no voice rises from the killed ones '-is also rahím gave him 18000, or, according to
    an allusion to the love of the moth. the Haft Iqlim, 10000 Rupees as a present.
    2 The Maásir i Rahimi says that He wrote several other poems in praise of
    Mullá Shikebí was the son of Zahíruddín his patron. The Maásir ul- Umará mentions
    'Abdullah Imámí of Içfahán. He studied a Masnawí on the conquest of That'hah
    under Amír Taqíuddín Muhammad of (A. H. 999-1000), for which Jání Beg and
    Shíráz, but left when young his native 'Abdurrahím gave him one thousand
    town for Harát, and became acquainted Ashrafís. I do not know whether this
    with the poets Sanáí, Mailí, and Wali Masnáwí is the same as the Masnawi
    Dasht Bayází. When he was well known written by Shikebí in the Khusrau Shirin
    as a poet, he returned for a short time to metre.
    577

    On account of the jealousy of the watcher I had resolved to stay away


    from thy feast. I was deceived by my bad luck and called it jealousy,
    and stayed away.

    O God, bestow upon my wares a market from the unseen world ! I


    would sell my heart for a single interview ; vouchsafe a buyer !

    Thou art warm with my love ; and in order to keep off bad omens, I sit
    over the fire, and burn myself as wild rue.'

    I uprooted my heart from my being, but the burden ofmy heart did not
    leave my being . I severed my head from my body, but my shoulders
    did not leave my collar.

    1. To-day, when the cup of union with thee is full to the brim, I see
    Neglect sharpen the sword, in order to kill me.
    2. Thou dost not dwell in my heart and hast girded thy loins with
    hatred towards me, -ruin upon the house which raises enemies !

    1. The plaintive song of my bird [heart] turns the cage to a rosebed ;


    the sigh ofthe heart in which thou art, turns to a rosebed.
    2. When thy beauty shines forth, covetousness also is love ; straw,
    when going up in flames, turns to a rosebed.

    1. Happy are we if we come to thee, through thee ; like blind men


    we search for thee, through thee.
    2. Increase thy cruelties till the tenaciousness ofmy life takes revenge
    on me, and thy cold heart on thee.

    1. The world is a game, the winning of which is a loss ; playing


    cleverly consists in being satisfied with a low throw.
    2. This earthly life is like a couple of dice- you take them up,
    in order to throw them down again.

    1
    Sipand. People even now-a-days put The smoke is said to drive away evil spirits.
    en heated iron plates.
    the seeds ofwild que on Vide play, note 1.
    73
    578

    12. Ani'si' Sha'mlu'.'

    His real name is Yol Qulí. He is a man of a happy heart and of pure
    manners ; he is brave and sincere.

    In seeking after thee, a condition is put upon us miserable lovers, viz.


    that our feet remain unacquainted with the hems of our garments."

    It is possible to travel along this road, even when one lightning only
    flashes. We blind lovers are looking for the ray of thy lamp.

    If I remain restless even after my death, it is no wonder ; for toil


    undergone during the day makes the sleep of the night restless.

    1. How can the thought of thy love end with my death ? for love is
    not like wine, which flows from the vessel when it is broken.
    2. The lover would not snatch his life from the hand of death,
    though he could. Why should the owner of the harvest take the grain from
    the ant ?

    1. The rosebed of time does not contain a songster like me, and yet
    it is from the corner of my cage that I have continually to sing.
    2. In order satisfactorily to settle my fortune, I spent a life in hard
    work ; but with all my mastership I have not been able to draw silk from
    reeds .

    The nature of love resembles that of the magnet ; for love first
    attracts the shaft, in order to wound the heart when it wishes to get rid of
    the point.

    The Maásir i Rahimi says that Yol Khánán, who made him his Mír ' Arz, and
    Quli Beg belonged to the distinguished later his Mir Bakhshí. He distinguished
    clan of the Shámlü Turkmáns. He was himself by his intrepidity in the war with
    a good soldier, and served as librarian to Suhail i Habshí (p . 335). His military
    ’Aí Quốí Khán Shámlu , the Persian duties allowed him little leisure for poetry.
    governor of Harát, where he made the He died at Burhánpúr in 1014. There
    acquaintance of Shikebí and Mahwí. He exists a Masnawí by him in the Khusrau-
    wrote at first under the takhalluç of Jáhí ; Shirin metre, also a Díwán, and several
    but the Persian prince Sultán Ibráhím Qaçídahs in praise of the Khán Khánán.
    Mírzá gave him the name of Anísí, under The Calcutta edition of the Atash-
    which he is known in literature. When kadahi Azar (p. 19) calls him wrongly
    Harát was conquered by ’Abdullah Khán , 'Ali Qulí Beg, and his Harát patron 'Alí
    king of Turkistán and Máwará-lnahr, Naqi Khán, after whose death he is said
    Anisi was captured by an Uzbak soldier to have gone to India.
    and carried off to Máwará-lnahr. He 2 I. e., our garments are always tucked
    then went to India, and entered the up (Arab. tashmir), as Orientals do when
    service of Mírzá ' Abdurrahim Khán- walking quickly. A lover finds no rest.
    579

    May God preserve all men from falling into my circumstances ! for
    my sufferings keep the rose from smiling and the nightingale from singing.

    Love has disposed of me, but I do not yet know who the buyer is,
    and what the price is.

    Anísí drinks the blood of his heart, and yet the vessel is never empty ;
    it seems as if, at the banquet of love's grief, the red wine rises from the
    bottom of the goblet .

    1. I am intoxicated with love, do not bring me wine ; throw me into


    the fire, do not bring me water.
    2. Whether I complain or utter reproaches, I address him alone, do
    not answer me.

    1 . I went away, in order to walk a few steps on the path of destruction ,


    and to tear a few ties that bind me to existence .
    2. I will spend a few days without companions, and will pass a few
    nights without a lamp till morning make its appearance.

    1. O heart, beware ! O heart, beware ! Thus should it be the hand


    of asking ought to be within the sleeve.'
    2. O that I could but once catch a certain object ! the hunter is for
    ever in the ambush.

    13. Nazi'ri' of Ni'sha'pu'r.2


    He possesses poetical talent, and the garden of thought has a door
    open for him. Outwardly he is a good man ; but he also devises plans for
    the architecture of the heart.

    The heart should not ask, but pa- to India, he lived at Ahmadábád in Gujrát,
    tiently love. where he died in 1022. The Tuzuk
    9 Muhammad Husain Nazírí of Níshá. (p. 91 ) says : " I [ Jahángír] had called
    púr left his home for Káshán, where he Naziri of Níshápúr to court. He is well
    engaged in poetical contests (musha'arah) known for his poems and poetical genius,
    with several poets, as Fahmi, Hátim , &c. and lives [ end of 1019 ] in Gujrát where he
    He then went to India, where he found is merchant. He now came and presented
    a patron in Mírzá ' Abdurrahim Khán- me with an encomium in imitation of a
    Khánán. In 1012 , he went to Makkah Qaçídah by Anwari. I gave him one
    on a pilgrimage, after which he is said to thousand Rupees, a horse, and a dress of
    have become very pious. On his return honor." The Maásir i Rahimi says
    580

    Every place, whether nice or not, appears pleasant to me : I either


    rejoice in my sweetheart, and grieve for him.

    If thou destroyest the ware of my heart, thy loss is for once ; whilst to
    me it would be the loss of world and faith.

    If thou wilt not put my cage below the rose tree, put it in a place
    where the meadow hears my plaint .

    It is from kindness that he [the beautiful boy] favours me, not from
    love ; I can distinguish between friendship and politeness.

    It is a generation that I have been girding my waist in thy service,


    and what am I worth ? I must have become a Brahman, so often have I put
    on the badge (the thread).

    Thy blood is worth nothing , Nazírí, be silent ! Suffice it that he who


    slew thee, has no claim against thee.

    I am costly and there are no buyers ; I am a loss to myself, and am


    yet the ornament of the bazar.

    The impression which my sorrow makes upon him, consists in depriving


    his heart of all sympathy ; and the peculiar consequence of my reminding
    him of my love is that he forgets it.

    that Naziri was a skilful goldsmith ; The Tárikh of Nazírí's death lies in
    and that he died, after having seen his "
    the hemistich Az dunyá raft Hassán
    patron in Agrah, in 1022 at Ahmadábád , ul'ajam, áh !,' ' the Hassán of Persia has
    where he lies buried in a mosque which gone from this world, alas !'-in allusion
    he had built near his house. According to to the famous Arabian poet Hassán. This
    the Mir-át ul ' A'lam, he gave what he gives 1022 A. H.; the other táríkk,
    had to his friends and the poor. How given by Dághistání, markiz i dáirah i
    esteemed he was as a poet may be seen from 6
    bazm kujá ast, where is the centre of
    a couplet by the great Persian poet the circle of conviviality,' only gives
    Cáib, quoted by Dághistání— 1021 , unless we count the hamzah in
    ‫صایب چه خیالست شوي همچو نظيري‬ ‫ دایره‬as one, which is occasionally done
    ‫را‬ ‫سخن‬ ‫نرسانید‬ ‫عرفي بنظيري‬ in tarikhs. Daghistani also mentions
    O Çáib, what dost thou think ? Canst a poet Sawádí of Gujrát, a pious man,
    who was in Naziri's service . On the
    thou become like Nazírí? death of his master, he guarded his tomb,
    'Urfi even does not approach Nazírí and died in A. H. 1031.
    in genius.
    581

    Like a watch-dog I lie at his threshold ; but I gnaw the whole night
    at my collar, and think of chasing him, not of watching him.

    1. From carelessness of thought I transformed a heart, by the purity


    of which the Ka'bah swore, into a Firingí church.
    2. The simoom of the field of love possesses so inebriating a power,
    that the lame wanderer thinks it sublime transport to travel on such a road.
    3. The ship of love alone is a true resting place ; step out of it, and
    thou art surrounded by the stormy sea and its monsters.
    4. Tell me which song makes the greatest impression on thy heart, so
    that I may utter my plaint in the same melody.
    14. Darwi'sh Bahra'm.¹
    He is of Turkish extraction and belongs to the Bayát tribe. The prophet
    Khizr appeared to him, and a divine light filled him. He renounced the
    world and became a water-carrier.

    1. I have broken the foundation of austerity, to see what would come


    of it ; I have been sitting in the bazar of ignominy [ love ] , to see what would
    come of it.
    2. I have wickedly spent a lifetime in the street of the hermits ;
    now I am a profligate, a wine-bibber, a drunkard, to see what will come of it.
    3. People have sometimes counted me among the pious, sometimes
    among the licentious ; whatever they call me I am, to see what will come
    of it.
    15. Sairafï' [ Sarfi' ] of Kashmfr.²

    His name is Shaikh Ya'qúb. He is well acquainted with all branches


    of poetry and with various sciences. He knows well the excellent writings
    of Ibn ' Arab, has travelled a good deal, and has thus become acquainted
    with many saints. He obtained higher knowledge under Shaikh Husain
    of Khwárazm , and received from him permission to guide others .

    Bahram's takhalluç is Saqqá, i. e. Regarding the poet himself and the


    water-carrier. This occupation is often legends connected with him, vide my
    chosen by those who are favored with a ' Arabic and Persian Inscriptions,' Jour-
    sight of the Prophet Khizr (Elias) . nal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1871, Pt. I,
    Khizr generally appears as anold man pp. 251 to 255.
    dressed in green (in allusion to the mean- 2 Shaikh Husain ofKhwárazm, Ya'qúb's
    ing of the name in Arabic or to his teacher, was a pupil of Muhammad A'zam
    functions as spring deity) . Hájí, and died in Syria in 956 or 958.
    The Bayát tribe is a Turkish tribe Shaikh Ya'qúb also studied in Makkah
    scattered over Azarbaiján, Erivan, Ţah- for a long time under the renowned Ibn
    rán, Fárs, and Níshápúr. Hajar, the great teacher of the Hadís,
    Bahram is worshipped as a saint. His and then came to India, where he was
    mausoleum is in Bardwán near Calcutta. held in high esteem as a learned man
    582

    He stole from my heart all patience, and then took the whole mad
    heart itself ; my thief stole the house with its whole furniture.

    The weakness of the body has brought the love-sick man into a
    strange position : from weakness he can no longer bear the weight of
    recovery.

    16. Sabu'hi ' , the Chaghta'i.¹


    He was born in Kábul. Once he slept in the bedroom of Amir Khusrau,
    when the shining figure of an old man with a staff in his hand awoke him
    and ordered him to compose a poem . As he had no power of doing so, he
    took the whole for a vision, and lay down in another place ; but the same
    figure woke him up, and repeated the order. The first verse that he uttered
    is the following-
    When I am far from thee, my tears turn gradually into an ocean.
    Come and see, enter the ship of my eye and make a trip on the ocean.2

    My sweetheart saw the scroll of my faith, and burnt my sad heart, so


    that no one afterwards might read its contents.3

    1. I have no need to explain him my condition ; for my heart, if


    really burning, will leave a trace behind.
    2. Weakness has overpowered me, and my heart has sunk under its
    sorrow . Who shall now inform him of my wretched state ?

    1 Çabúhí means a man that drinks


    and a poet. He was liked by Humáyún
    and by Akbar, and was an intimate wine in the morning.' The real name of
    friend of the historian Badáoní. His the poet is not given in the Tazkirahs to
    death took place on the 12th Zi Qa'dah, which I have access. Badáoní says that
    1003 , and Badáoní found as tarikh the he lived an easy, unrestrained life ; and
    words Shaikh i umum búd, he was the the Mir-át ul ' A'lam calls him a rind
    Shaikh of nations.' A complete Kham- (profligate). He died at Agrah in 973,
    sah, a treatise on the Mu'ammá, or and Faizí found as táríkh the words
    "
    riddle, and numerous Cúfistic Rubá'ís ‫ميخوار‬ Çabúhí, the wine-
    with a commentary, are said to have been
    written by him. A short time before his bibber.' Dághistání says, he was from
    Samarqand, and the A'tashkadah calls
    death, he had nearly finished a large •
    him Badakhshání,' but says that he is
    commentary to the Qorán, and had just known as Harawi, or from Harát.
    received permission from Akbar to
    2 The verse , notwithstanding the
    return to Kashmir, when he died. Vide
    vision , is stolen ; vide Badáoní, III , 180 ,
    above, pp. 182 , 546. under 'Atashi.'
    His takhalluç is variously given as 3 If this verse, too, was uttered at the
    çairafi and çarfi. The latter seems the
    time he had the vision, he stole thought
    correct form, to judge from the metre of
    one of his verses preserved by Badáoní and words from Açafí, Jámí's pupil, who
    has a verse-
    (III, 148 ) . Both words occur as takhal-
    luç ; thus there was a Qází Çairafi, enco- ‫دل که طومار وفا بود من محزون را‬
    miast of Fírúz Sháh . Vide also poet ‫پاره کردند ندانسته بنان مضمون را‬
    No. 21.
    583

    17. Mushfiqi' of Bukha'ra'. "


    I went to his street, and whilst I was there, a thorn entered deep into
    the foot of my heart. Thanks be to God that I have now a reason for
    staying in it !

    1. Hindústán is a field of sugar-cane, its parrots are sugar-sellers .


    2. Its flies are like the darlings of the country, wearing the chirah and
    the takauchiah.2
    18. Saʼlihi."
    His name is Muhammad Mírak. He traces his descent from Nizám ul-
    mulk of Tús.

    Men without feeling tell me to use my hand and catch hold of his
    garment. If I had a hand [ i . e . if I had the opportunity ], I would tear my
    collar to pieces .

    There are many reasons why I should be dead, and yet I am alive.
    O grief ! thy forbearance has made me quite ashamed of myself.

    ¹ Badáoní (III , 328) says that he was are (black) like the black Indians,
    originally from Marw, and came twice to wearing like them a big turban (chirah)
    India. For his Qaçídahs some called and a takauchiah.' This means, of
    him the Salman of the age ;' and Dághi- course, that the Indians are like flies .
    stání says that under ' Abdullah Khán he The ṭakauchiah was described above on
    was Malik ushshu'ará. According to p. 88 ; the big head of a fly looks like a
    the Haft Iqlim, he was born and died at turban, and its straight wings like the
    Bukhárá. Sprenger (Catalogue, p. 508) straight Indian coat (chapkan ). It may
    says, he was born in 945 , and his second be that Abulfazl substituted the words
    Diwán was collected in 983. From the nekuán i diyár, the dear ones of the
    Akbarnámah (Lucknow Edition , III, country,' with a satirical reference to the
    p. 203 ) we see that Mushfiqi was pre- " learned," whom he always calls
    sented to Akbar at Pák Patan in the end
    of 985. He died in 994 (Vámbéry's ‫ عمیمه پوش‬-turban -wearing empty
    Bokhara, p. 301 ). headed,' in which case we would have to
    2 This verse is a parody on the well- translate the simpletons of the country.'
    known Ghazal , which Háfiz sent from The verse is better given by Badáoní
    Shíráz to Sultán Ghiás of Bengal (Metre (III, 329).
    Muzári ') Badaoni calls him Harawí' (from
    Harát), and says that he was employed at
    ‫شکر شکن شوند همه طوطیان هند‬ court as a Munshí. He was a good pen-
    man. After his return to his country, he
    ‫زين قند پارسی که به بنگاله میرود‬ died . The Atashkadah says that he was a
    The parrots of Ind will learn to enjoy descendant of Khwajah ' Abdullah Mar-
    sweets, wáríd Kirmání, and that his family had
    When this Persian sugar (the poem) always been employed by kings.
    reaches Bengal . Sprenger (Catalogue, p. 50) calls him
    Abulfazl has meddled with Mushfiqi's wrongly Muhammad Mir Beg. The
    verse ; for the Haft Iqlim gives instead A'tashkadah and the MSS . have Muham-
    of nekuán i diyár the words hinduán i mad Mírak ; and thus also his name occurs
    siyah; hence the verse is • India's flies in the Maásir i Rahímí.
    584

    I told him [the beautiful boy] my grief, he paid no heed . Oh, did you ever
    see such misery ! I wept, he laughed-Oh, did you ever see such contempt !

    My life is in his hand. It is quite clear, Çálih, that even the falcon Death
    sits tame on his hand.

    19. Mazhari' of Kashmi'r.¹

    He made poems from his early youth, and lived long in 'Iráq. From
    living together with good people, he acquired excellent habits.

    1. I cannot understand the secret of Salmá's beauty ; for the more


    you behold it, the greater becomes your desire.
    What friendly look lay in Laili's eyes, that Majnún shut his eyes to
    friends and strangers ?

    I admire the looking-glass which reflects my sweetheart standing on


    a flower-bed, although he is inside his house.

    The good fortune of thy beauty has caused thy affairs to prosper ; else
    thou wouldst not have known how to manage matters successfully.

    1. Like a tail I follow my own selfish heart. Though the road is not
    bad, I make myself footsore.
    2. Though I break through a hundred screens, I cannot step out of
    myself ; I wander over a hundred stages, and am still at the old place.

    I am a tulip of Sinai, and not like the stem -born flower . I cast flames
    over the slit of my collar instead of hemming it.*

    He of whom my eye makes light, appears to heaven dull and heavy.

    1 Dághistání says that in ' Iraq he was 2 The eyes of the beautiful boy are
    in company with Muhtashim and Wah- crocus-like or almond-shaped ; the chin
    shí. After his return to India, Mazharí is like an apple ; the black hair, like sum-
    was employed by Akbar as Mír Bahrí of buls-in fact, his whole face resembles a
    Kashmir, which employment he held garden.
    in 1004 (Badáoní) . He had turned The hot tears of the poet fall like
    Shi'ah, and as his father was a Sunní, both flames on his collar ; hence he is sur
    used to abuse each other. His poems rounded by flames like a flower on Mount
    are said to contain several satires on his Sinai ; for Mount Sinai is surrounded
    father. Mazharí died in 1018. All by God's glory.
    Tazkirahs praise his poems.
    585

    20. Mahwi' of Hamada'n.'


    His name is Mughís. He tries to change the four mud walls of this
    worldly life into stone walls, and is intoxicated with the scent of freedom .

    1. Once I did not know burning sorrow, I did not know the sighs of
    a sad heart.
    2. Love has now left neither name nor trace of me-I never thought,
    Love, that thou art so.

    1. You said that my condition was low from love-grief. A cup !


    bring me a cup ! for my heart is stagnant.
    2. Be ashamed of thyself, be ashamed ! Which is the cup and which
    is the wine that has inebriated the nightingale ?

    1. O Mahwí, beckon to a friend, and ring the bell of the carawan.


    2. The stage is yet far and the night is near. O thou who hast
    fettered thy own foot, lift up thy foot and proceed !

    1. A single lover requires hundreds of experiences, hundreds of


    wisdoms, and hundreds of understandings.
    2. Thy luck is excellent, go away : love is a place where misery is
    required.

    1. O Mahwí, do not sing a song of the passion of thy heart, do not


    knock at the door of a single house in the street.
    2. Thou hast seen this strange world, beware of speaking of a friend .

    ' Mír Mughís, according to the saw him at Káshán . He visited Najaf
    Maásir i Rahimi, was born in Asadábád and Karbalá, and returned to Hama-
    (Hamadán) , and went, when twelve years dán, where he died in 1016. He lies
    old, to Ardabil, where he studied for four buried in the Maqbarah of the Sayyids
    years at the " Astánah i Cafawiah." From at Asadábád . The author of the Maásir
    youth, he was remarkable for his content- edited Mahwi's Rubá'ís during his life-
    ment and piety. He spent twenty years time, and wrote a preface to the collec-
    tion . Mahwí is best known as a Rubá'í
    at holy places, chiefly at Najaf, Mashhad,
    Karbalá,andHarát. Mauláná Shikebí and writer : Abulfazl's extracts also are all
    Anísí (pp. 576,578) looked upon him as Rubá'ís.
    their teacher and guide . He held poetical The Atashkadah says that he is often
    contests (musha'arah) with Mauláná called Níshápúrí, because he was long
    Sahábí ( l ) . He embarked at Ban- in that town.
    dar Jarún for India, and was patronized The Mir-át mentions a Mahwí whose
    by the Khán Khánán . After receiving name was Mír Mahmúd, and says that
    from him much money, he went back to he was for twenty-five years Akbar's
    'Iraq, where the author of the Maásir Munshi.
    74
    586

    21. Sarfi' of Sa'wah.¹

    He is poor and has few wants, and lives content with his indigence.

    My dealer in roses wishes to take his roses to the bazar, but he ought
    first to learn to bear the noisy crowd of the buyers .

    I am shut out from the road that leads to the Ka'bah, else I would
    gladly wound the sole of my feet with the thorns of its acacias . *

    I have no eye for the world, should it even lie before my feet ; he who
    takes care of the end , looks behind himself.

    3
    That which I desire is too high to be obtained by stooping down.
    O that I could find myself lying before my own feet !

    22. Qara'ri' of Gi'la'n.4


    His name is Núruddín . He is a man of keen understanding and of
    lofty thoughts. A curious monomania seized him : he looked upon his elder
    brother, the doctor Abulfath , as the personification of the world, and the

    The MSS. of the A'ín call him ' Çai- have found his full name) has Saláhud-
    rafi,' but the metre of several verses dín.
    given in the Maásir i Rahimi shews 2 The road of love (the ideal Ka'bah)
    that his takhalluç is ' Çarfi .' is as difficult as the road to the Ka'bah
    According to the Atashkadah, his name in Makkah. Muhammadans do not lie
    is Saláhuddín, and he was a relation of down with their feet towards Makkah,
    Salmán of Sáwah. He was a pupil of which is against the law ; hence the
    Muhtashim of Káshán . The author of poet says that he is prevented from
    Haft Iqlim says that he was a most ami- stepping forward on the road of love.
    3
    able man, and marvellously quick in Self-knowledge.
    composing táríkhs. He lived in the * Núruddin Muhammad came in 983
    Dak hin, and went to Láhor, to present with his brothers Abul Fath (p . 424) and
    Akbar with a Qaçídah ; but finding no Humám (p. 474 ) to India. Akbar ap-
    suitable opportunity, he returned to the pointed him to a command in the army ;
    Dak'hin, and went to Makkah, where he but Núruddin was awkward, and had no
    died. The Maásir i Rahimi states that idea how to handle a sword. Once, at a
    he lived chiefly at Ahmadábád , made muster, he came without arms , and when
    Faizí's acquaintance in the Dak’hin, and some young fellows quizzed him about it,
    went with the Khán i A'zam (p . 327) to he said that military duties did not suit
    Makkah. According to Badáoní, he people of his class (literary men) ; it had
    came with the Historian Nizámuddín
    been Timur's custom to place camels,
    Ahmad from Gujrát to Láhor, and ac- cattle, and the baggage between the ranks,
    companied Faizí to the Dak'hin, where and the women behind the army, and
    he died. Sprenger ( Catalogue, p. 382) when Timur had been asked where the
    gives his name Çaláhuddin : but the learned were to go, he had said, " In the
    Atashkadah (the only work in which I rear of the women." (This resembles the
    587

    doctor Humám as the man who represents the life to come, for which reason
    he kept aloof from them.

    The longer the grief of separation lasts, the gladder I am ; for like a
    stranger I can again and again make his acquaintance.

    I doubt Death's power ; but an arrow from thy eye has pierced me,
    and it is this arrow alone that will kill me, even if I were to live another
    hundred years .

    He [ the beautiful boy] must have been last night away from home ;
    for I looked at his door and the walls of his house, but had no pleasure
    from looking.

    If in that hour, when I tear the hood of my life, I should get hold,
    what God forbid, of Thy collar, I would tear it to pieces.

    I envy the fate of those who, on the last day, enter hell ; for they sit
    patiently within the fire."

    My madness and ecstacy do not arise from nightly wine ; the burning
    of divine love is to be found in no house.

    1. O heart ! when I am in love, do not vex me with the jealousy of


    the watchman ; thou hast made me lose my faith [ Islám ] , do not speak ill
    ofmy Brahmanical thread .
    2. To be far from the bliss of non-existence seems death to him who
    has experienced the troubles of existence. O Lord ! do not wake me up
    on the day of resurrection from the sleep of non-existence.

    story of Napoleon I., who in Egypt Humám longed for the pleasures of
    had often to form squares against the paradise as the reward of virtue (tálib-
    hostile cavalry, and then invariably ulákhirat), whilst he himself was a true
    gave orders to place the donkeys and the lover' (tálib ulmaulá , one who feels after
    savans in the middle) . Akbar, to punish God) .
    him, sent him on active service to Bengal, The Atashkadah adds that Núruddín
    where he perished in the disturbances, had been in Gílán in the service of Khán
    in which Muzaffar Khán (p. 348 ) lost his Ahmad Khán, and that he went, after
    life. Badáoní II, 211 ; III, 312. the overthrow of Gilán, to Qazwin.
    Abulfazl is sarcastic in referring to
    Núruddin's monomania. Núruddín wish- Whilst the fire of love deprives me
    of patience.
    ed to say that Abulfath was a man of
    intense worldliness (tálib uddunyá) and 2 Love has made the poet a heathen.
    588

    1. If the love of my heart should meet with a buyer, I would do


    something openly.
    2. I have spread the carpet of abstinence in such a manner that every
    thread of the texture ends in a thousand Brahmanical threads.

    1. The drinking of my heart-blood has surfeited me ; like my sweet-


    heart, I have become an enemy to myself.
    2. I have killed myself and, from excessive love to him, have cast
    the crime on my own shoulders.'

    23. 'Ita'bi' of Najaf.2


    He possesses harmony of thought ; but his mind is unsettled, and he
    lives a disorderly life.

    I am the nightingale of thy flower-bed. I swear by the pleasure of


    thy society that the rose has passed away, and I do not know where the
    garden is.

    1. May all hearts rest peacefully in the black night of thy curls,
    when I, the miserable, wander restless from thy street !
    2. I have knocked at the door of the seventy-two sects of Islám, and
    have come to the door of despair, hopeless of getting help from heathen
    and Musulmán.
    3. I had come from the land of faithfulness : what wonder, if I vanish
    from the dear memory of the [ faithless ] fair ?

    1. I have consumed my sober heart on the rubbish -heap of passion ;


    I have burnt the Ka'bah's candle at the idol temple's gate.

    Though in reality the beautiful boy sent for ten years (or according to the
    murdered me. Tabaqát, for two years) to Fort Gwáliár.
    2 At the request of Prince Salím and seve-
    Sayyid Muhammad of Najaf had
    lived for some time in the Dak'hin, ho- ral courtiers, he was at last released, and
    noured as a poet, when he went to ordered to come to Láhor. But he was
    as bad as before. The emperor gave him
    Hindústán, and paid his respects to Ak-
    bar at Allahábád. He looked bold and 1000 rupees, and ordered Qulij Khán (p.
    slovenly (bebák u náhamwár) . When 354) to send him from Súrat to Hijáz ;
    asked whether he had in the Dak'hin but ' Itábí escaped, went to the Dak hin,
    and lived there as before. His Arabic
    made satires on Shah Fathullah (p. 540),
    he said, " In the Dak'hin I would not and Persian poems are excellent ; he also
    have looked at a fellow like him." Akbar, was a clever kátib and letter- writer.
    who made much of Fathullah , was an- Badáoní III, 275.
    noyed, imprisoned ' Itábí, and had his The Atashkadah says that he came
    papers searched, to see whether he wrote from Gulpáigán (or ) . Dághistání
    satires on other people. A few compro- calls him 6 Mir 'Itábí.' 'Itábí means
    mising verses were found, and ' Itábí was 'worthy of reproach ;' compare ruswái.
    589

    2. The flower-bed of a certain beloved has not wafted to me the


    fragrance of fulfilled desires, and hopelessly do I consume myself in my
    dismal corner .
    3. No one has ever said the word ' friend ' to me, not even by mistake,
    though I consume myself before acquaintances and strangers.'

    1. O heart, what portion of his wine-coloured lip dost thou keep in


    thy flagon, that thy inside is full of sighs and thy neck full of sobs."
    2. Love has thrown me into oceans of bloody tears ; go, go away,
    that for once thou mayest reach the banks of the stream.

    I have given thee permission to shed my blood without retaliation. I


    have said so, and give it thee black on white, and stamped with my seal.

    Sometimes I am drowned in floods, sometimes burning in flames.


    Let no one build a house in my street !

    In the name of God, let us go, if you belong to my travelling compa-


    nions. This caravan³ has no bell to sound the hour of starting.

    In a realm where the word ' faithfulness' produces tears, the messenger
    and the letter he brings produce each separately tears.

    1. Is the killing of a man like me worth a single sign of anger and


    hatred ? Is shedding my blood worth the bending of thy arm [pr. thy
    sleeve] ?
    2. If thou art resolved to break my heart, is it worth thy while to
    illtreat thy lovers ?

    The Tabaqát ascribes this verse to a The caravan of love.


    poet called Ruknuddín, whose takhalluç The messenger, because he comes
    is not given in my MS. from the beloved boy, and the letter, be-
    In allusion to the gurgling noise in cause it declines the request of a rendez-
    the neck of the bottle. vous.
    590

    24. Mulla' Muhammad Su'fi', of Mázandarán.'


    He is in affluent circumstances, but from virtuous motives he mixes
    little with the world . He seeks retirement by travelling about.

    Look upon me, when standing below the revolving roof of the heavens,
    as a lamp concealed under a cover.

    1. O heart, thy road is not without thorns and caltrops, nor dost thou
    walk on the wheel of good fortune.
    2. If it be possible, pull the skin from the body, and see whether thy
    burden will be a little lighter.

    1. You asked me, " How are you, Muhammad, after falling in love
    with him ?-long may you live !" " I stand, " said I, " below the heaven as
    a murderer under the gibbet."

    25. Juda'i'.2

    His name is Sayyid ' Alí, and he is the son of Mír Mançúr. He was
    born and educated in Tabríz, and attained, under the care of his Majesty,
    the greatest perfection in the art of painting.

    The beauty of idols is the Ka'bah to which I travel ; love is the desert,
    and the obstinacy of the worthless watchers³ the acacia thorns.

    I am a prey half- killed and stretched on the ground, far from the
    street of my beloved. I stagger along, tumbling down and rising up again,
    till I come near enough to catch a glimpse of him.

    In the morning, the thorn boasts of having been together with the rose,
    and drives a nail through the broken heart of the nightingale.

    According to the Mir-át ul ' Alam , The Atashkadah wrongly puts him
    Mullá Muhammad was called ' Çúfi' from under Içfahán, and mentions that some
    his gentle and mild character. Even at call him the maternal uncle of Mullá
    the present day, simple people are often Jámí-which is impossible.
    addressed ' Çúfi-çáhib, ' so much so that 2 Judáí had been mentioned above on
    the word is often used as the equivalent p. 107. He had the title of Nádir ul
    of a simpleton . ' Mullá Muhammad Mulk,' and had already served under
    early left his home, and lived chiefly at Humáyún. He left a Díwán ; but he has
    Ahmadábád, where he was the friend and also been accused of having stolen Ash-
    teacher of Sayyid Jalál i Bukhárí. The kí's Díwán (vide below, the 37th poet).
    Mir- át and the Haft Iqlím praise his ver- The Atashkadah and Taqí's Tazkirah
    ses, and the former quotes from a Ságí- mention another Judáí of Sawah.
    námah of his.
    591

    26. Wuqu"i' of Nishápúr.'


    His name is Sharif.

    Love and the lover have in reality the same object in view. Do not
    believe that I lose by giving thee my life.

    1. I do not care for health . O Lord , let sorrow be my lot, a sorrow


    which deprives my heart of every hope of recovery !
    2. I am smitten by the eye which looks so coquettishly at me, that it
    raises, openly and secretly, a hundred wishes in my heart.

    27. Khusrawi' of Qáin.³

    He is a relation of [ the poet] Mirzá Qasim of Gúnábád, [or Junábád, or


    Junábíd, in Khurásán ]. He writes Shikastah well, and is a good hand at
    shooting with the bow and the matchlock.

    If the dust of my body were mixed with that of others, you would
    recognize my ashes by their odour of love.

    Thy coming has shed a lustre on the ground, and its dust atoms
    serve as surmah for my eyes.

    ' Muhammad Sharif Wuqú'i belonged, migration ofsouls (tanásukh) . One day, he
    according to the Maásir i Rahimi, to a came to me at Bhimbar on the Kashmir
    distinguished family of Sayyids in Ní- frontier, asking me whether he could
    shápúr. His mother was the sister of accompany me to Kashmír. Seeing large
    Amir Sháhmír, who had been for a long blocks of rocks of several thousand mans
    time assay-master under Sháh Tahmásp. lying about near my house, he exclaimed
    He died in 1002. with a sigh, " All these helpless things
    Badáoní (III , p. 378) says that Sharif are only waiting to assume human form.'
    was a relation of Shiháb Khán (p. 332) . Notwithstanding his wicked belief, he
    " His name was Muhammad Sharif. composed poems in praise of the Imáms ;
    Alas, that so impure a man should have but he may have done so, when he was
    young. He was an excellent kátib and
    so excellent a name ! His heretical opi-
    nions are worse than the heresies of letter-writer, and was well acquainted with
    those who, in this age, bear the same history. He died in 1002 A. H.
    name [ Sharífi A'mulí, pp. 176, 452 ; and 2 Health is the equivalent of ' indiffer-
    the poet Sharíf i Sarmadí , mentioned ence to love.'
    below No. 53 ,-two archheretics in the Qáin lies between Yazd and Harát.
    eyes of Badáoní] . Though he belongs Dághistání calls him Sayyid Amír Khus-
    neither exclusively to the Basakhwánís rawi, and says that he excelled in music.
    [p. 452, note 2] , nor to the Çabáhís, he According to Badáoní, his mother was
    holds an intermediate place between these Mírzá Qásim's sister, and he came to India
    accursed and damned sects ; for he stre- after having visited Makkah. He was
    nuously fights for the doctrine of the trans- in the service of Prince Salím (Jahángír ).
    592

    The lions of the Haram should not stain their paws with my blood .
    O friend, give the dogs of the Christian monastery this food as a treat.

    What do I care for comfort ! I think myself happy in my misery ; for


    the word ' rest' is not used in the language of this realm [love].

    28. Shaikh Raha'i'.¹

    He traces his descent from Zainuddín Kháfi . He pretended to be a


    Çúfi.

    No one has, in thy love, been more brought up to sorrow than I ; and
    that thou knowest not my sorrow is a new sorrow.

    I took to travelling in order to allay my grief, not knowing that my


    road would pass over hundred mountains of grief.

    29. Wafa'i' of Içfahán."


    He possesses sparks of taste. He had been for some time wandering
    in the desert of retirement, but has now put the mantle of worldliness on
    his shoulders."

    I do not call him a buyer who only wishes to buy a Yusuf. Let a man
    buy what he does not require !*

    Knock at night at the door of the heart ; for when it dawns, the doors
    are opened, and the door of the heart is closed.

    His name is Mauláná Sa'duddin, of founded withthe saint Zainuddín Táibádí,


    Kháf, or Khawáf (p. 445). The A'tashka- mentioned above on p. 366, note 2.
    dah quotes the same verse as Abulfazl. Badáoní says (III, p. 385 ), that
    Badáoní says, he left a well-known díwán. Wafáí was for some time in Kashmir,
    In Dághistání, two Raháís are mention- went to Láhor, and entered the service of
    ed, one Mauláná Raháí, 66 known in Zain Khán (p. 344). According to the
    literary circles ;" and another Raháí from Atashkadah, he belonged to the ' Imád-
    Ardistán. Sprenger (Catalogue, p. 58) iyah Kurds, and was brought up at
    calls him Rihái ; and says that, accord- Içfahán ; his Rubá'ís are good. Daghi-
    ing to the Nafáis, he died in 980. stání calls him a Turk, and states that
    Zainuddín Kháfí, from whom Raháí Wafáí at first was an uttúkash (a man
    traced his descent, is a famous saint, who who irons clothes). From a fault in his
    died in the beginning of Shawwál, 838, eye, he was called Wafáí i kor, ' the blind
    A. H. He was first buried at Málín (or Wafáí.'
    Bálín), then at Darwishábád, then at 3 " His impudent flattery was prover
    Harát. His biography is given in Jámí's bial." Dághistání.
    Nafhát ul Uns, and he is not to be con- 4 As, for example, love grief.
    593

    I am secure from the dangers of life : no one deprives the street-


    beggar of his bareness.

    1. The dart of fate comes from the other side of the armour ;' why
    should I uselessly put on an armour ?
    2. Flash of death, strike first at me ! I am no grain that brings an ear
    to the harvest.

    Joy and youth are like the fragrance of the rose that chooses the zephyr
    as a companion.

    30. Shaikh Sa'qi'. "

    He belongs to the Arabians of the Jazáir. He has acquired some know-


    ledge .

    1. I became a cloak to ruin, Sáqí, and like the Ka'bah, a place of


    belief and heresy .
    2. I have found no trace of love, much as I have travelled among the
    hearts of the infidels and the faithful.

    My heart is still ardent with love, and thou art still indifferent . 0
    sweetheart, speak, before I openly express myself.

    31. Rafi'i' of Káshán .


    His name is Haidar. He is well acquainted with the ars poetica, and
    is distinguished as a writer of riddles and tárikhs.

    1 I. e., a place where man is not pro- Láhor, and was well received by Akbar.
    tected, because he does not expect an For the táríkh, mentioned above on p.
    arrow from that side. 549, note 3, Faizí gave him 10,000 Rupees.
    Badáoní also calls him Jazáirí, i. e. After a stay of a few years in India, he
    from the islands. His father, Shaikh returned to his country, but suffered ship-
    Ibráhím, was a distinguished lawyer, and wreck near the Mukrán coast, in which he
    was looked upon by the Shi'ahs as a Muj- not only lost property to the amount of
    tahid. He lived in Mashhad, where Sáqí two lakhs of Rupees, but also (as Badáoní
    was born. Sáqi received some education , spitefully remarks) the copies of Faizí's
    and is an agreeable poet. He came from poetical works which he was to have dis-
    the Dakhin to Hindústán, and is at pre- tributed in Persia. Sprenger (Catalogue,
    sent [ in 1004 ] in Bengal. p. 58) says that Haidar was drowned ; but
    a His full name, according to Taqí i the fact is, that he was saved, and re-
    Auhadí, is Amír Rafi'uddin Haidar. He turned to India. His losses created much
    was a Tabátibá Sayyid of Káshán . The sympathy, andhe received ,atAkbar's wish,
    Maásir i Rahimi states that he left Per- valuable presents from the Amirs. From
    sia in 999, on account of some wrong the Khán Khánán alone , he got, at
    which he had suffered at the hand of the various times, about a lákh. After some
    king of Persia, went from Gujrát in time, he again returned, his two sojourns
    company with Khwajah Habibullah to in India having lasted about eight lu
    75
    594

    My heart is sensitive, you cruel one ; what remedy is there for me ?


    Although a lover, I have the temper of the beloved - what can I do ?

    1. A recluse does not sin [love] and calls thee a tyrant ; I am plunged
    into crime [love] , and think that thou art forgiving.
    2. He calls thee a tyrant, I call thee forgiving ; choose whatever
    name pleases thee most.

    32. Ghairati' of Shíráz.'

    His diction is good, and he knows the history of the past.

    I am smitten by the eyelash of my murderer, who has shed my blood


    without letting a drop fall to the ground.2

    The present age asks God for a mischief-maker like thee, who makes
    8
    the days of the wretched bitterer.

    I am free from worldliness ; for my aspirations do no longer lean


    against the wall of confidence.

    I am smitten by the fearless glance of a Christian youth, for whose


    sake God will pardon, on the day of resurrection, the slaughter of a hundred
    Musalmáns .

    Even death mourns for those who are killed by the grief of separation
    from thee.

    The street of the sweet boy is a beautiful land ; for there even heaven's
    envy is changed to love.

    years. He went to Makkah and Madí- ‫ رفيقي‬.Rafigt


    nah, where he stayed four years . In
    1013, he returned to Káshán, found favor The Atashkadah says that Ghairatí
    with Shah ' Abbás, and received some travelled about in ' Iráq, went to Hindú-
    rent-free lands in his native town . Ac- stán, and lived after his return in Káshán,
    cording to the Atashkadah, he died in where he fell in love with a boy of a re-
    1032 A. H., the táríkh of his death being spectable family. From fear of the boy's
    the Arabic words, ' wa kána zalika fí relations he went to Shíráz, where he died.
    sanah.' His son, Mír Háshim i Sanjar 2 Because the heart only was broken.
    is mentioned on the next page ; and That is, my beloved boy causes the
    Táhir i Naçrábádí mentions in his Taz- greatest mischief among the hearts of
    kirah another son of the name of
    men.
    Mír Ma'çúm, a friend of Mullá Aují.
    MSS. often give his name wrongly
    595

    I saw the heart of another full of grief, and I became jealous ; for there
    is but one cruel tyrant in these regions.¹

    33. Ha lati' of Túrán.2

    His name is Yádgar. He is a selfish man.

    Leave me to my grief ! I find rest in my grief for him. I die, if the


    thought of the possibility of a cure enters my heart.

    When my eye caught a glimpse of him, my lips quivered and closed.


    Oh that life remained but a moment within me !

    To whatever side I turn in the night of separation, my heart feels


    pierced by the thought of the arrow of his eyelash.
    3
    34. Sanjar of Káshán.
    He is the son of Mir Haidar, the riddle-writer. He has a taste for
    poetry, and lives in good circumstances .

    1
    No boy is lovelier than the beloved not proper," Akbar imprisoned him.
    of the poet. If the poet, therefore, sees When again set free, he went to Ahmad-
    another man love-sick, he gets jealous : his ábád ; but not thinking it wise to remain
    beloved boy must have bestowed favours there, he went to Ibráhím ' Adil Shah of
    on the other man. Bíjápúr. Some time after, he received,
    2 Badáoní says that his father was a through the influence of his father, a call
    poet, and wrote under the name of Walihi. from Sháh 'Abbás of Persia to return .
    Yádgár traced his descent from Sultán But before he could leave, he died at
    Sanjar ; but the Tabaqát calls him a Bíjápúr, in 1021 A. H. Regarding the
    Chaghtái. He served in Akbar's army. value of his poems people hold opposite
    66 His son , Jalál Khán , had the takhal opinions. Maásir i Rahímí.
    lue of Bagáí, though from his unprofit The Khizánah i 'Amirah and Mr.
    ableness he styled himself Ruswái, the T. W. Beale of Agrah, the learned author
    blackguard.' He gave his father poison of the Miftah uttawáríkh, give the follow-
    from his mother on account of a fault," ing verse as táríkh of Sanjar's death
    and Akbar ordered him from Kashmír (metre Muzári’)—
    to Láhor, where he was executed by the
    Kotwál. ‫افکند پادشاه سخن چترسنجری‬
    The Akbarnámah (Lucknow Edition, The king of literature has thrown
    III, p. 486) says that Yádgár served in away the royal umbrella,
    993 in Kábul.
    He is not to be confounded with Mir of which the words pádisháh i sakhun
    Hálatí of Gílán . give 1023 ; but as the pádisháh throws
    a Sanjar came in 1000 A. H. from Per- away the umbrella, we have to subtract a
    sia to India, and met his father (p. 593) . , or 2 : for the figure of the Arabic
    For some crime, to mention which is if inverted, looks like an umbrella.
    596

    I came from the monastery of the Guebres, and wear, from shame on
    account of improprieties, a sacred thread twisted round my waist, and a
    wailing gong under my arm.'

    I am jealous, and I shall die from the aggressions of fickle lovers. I


    am a fresh plant, but shall die from the heap of rubbish about me.

    I, too, have at last perished in the century of thy love. Alas ! none is
    1 now left of Majnún's tribe. "

    Sorrows rush from every side on my heart without first knocking at


    the door. I cannot help it : my house lies on the highway.

    35. Jazbi'."
    His name is Pádisháh Qulí, and he is the son of Sháh Qulí Khán
    Náranji of Kurdistán, near Baghdad .

    See how extremely jealous I am. My bewilderment leaves me, if any one
    alludes to him [the beautiful boy ] whose memory causes my bewilderment.

    1. Sometimes I break my vow of repentance and sometimes the wine-


    bottle ; once, twice, incessantly, I break my plaintive flute [my heart].
    2. O Lord, deliver my heart from these bad practices ! How often
    shall I repent and again break my vow of repentance !

    36. Tashbi'hi' of Káshán."

    His mind, from his youth, was unsettled. He belongs to the sect of
    the Mahmúdís ; but I know nothing of his origin, nor of his present condi-

    ¹ I. e., love has made the poet forget Badáoní (III , 213 ) ascribes the last
    his faith, and he has become a heathen verses given by Abulfazl to Pádisháh
    or a Christian. The Christians in many Qulí's father.
    eastern countries used gongs, because they The Atashkadah calls him " Mir
    were not allowed bells. 'Ali Akbar Tashbíhí. Though a decent
    2 The poet only is a true lover. He man, he was singular in his manners, and
    alone resembled Majnún . was not widely known. Whilst in Hindú-
    3 The Tazkirahs give no details regard- stán he tried to improve the morals of
    ing Jazbi. His father has been men- the people, dressed as a Faqír, and did
    tioned above on p. 480 ; and from the not visit kings." Dághistání says that
    Akbarnámah (III, p. 512) we know that he was a heretic, and lived for fortyyears
    Pádisháh Qulí served in Kashmír under in Hindústán a retired life. He generally
    Qásim Khán ( p . 380) . ‘ Jazbf means lived in graveyards . Badáoní (III, 204)
    • has the following notice of him. " He
    ' attractive' ; a similar takhalluç is Maj-
    zúb,' ' one who is attracted by God's love.' came twice or three times to Hindústán,
    597

    tion. The Masnawi entitled ' Zarrah o Khurshid, ' ' the Atom and the Sun,'
    is written by him.

    Dust of the grave-yard, rise for once to joy ! Thou enclosest a corpse
    like mine, slain by his hand and his dagger.

    Dress in whatever colour thou wilt : I recognize thee when thy figure
    shines forth .

    Pass some day by the bazar of the victims of thy love, and behold the
    retribution that awaits thee ; for there they buy up every one of thy crimes
    at the price of a hundred meritorious actions ."

    and returned home. Just now (A. H. [ the text is unintelligible] . He knows
    1004) he has come back again, and calls Himself ; but we do not know ourselves ,
    the people to heresies, advising them to nor Him. He is an existence not exist-
    follow the fate of the Basákhwánís (vide ing except through Himself, and a place
    above, p. 453 ) . He told Shaikh Abulfazl ofexistence independent of others ; and He
    that he was a Mujtahid, or infallible is the most merciful. Question ,-- What is
    authority on religious matters, and asked meant by nature ?' Answer, -what peo-
    him to introduce him to the emperor, to ple call creation or nature, is God , &c ., &c.
    whose praise he had composed an ode, Dirt upon his mouth, for daring to write
    the end point of which was the question such stuff ! The grand point of all this
    why the emperor did not direct his policy lying is, ofcourse the four nuqtahs.' At
    to the overthrow of the so-called or- the end ofthe pamphlet, I saw the follow-
    thodox, in order that truth might assume ing This has several times been writ-
    its central position, and pure mono- ten on the part of the Persian Mujtahid
    theism might remain . He also wrote M, í, r, 'A, Í, í , A, k, b , a, r, T, a, sh, b, í,
    a pamphlet in honor of Abulfazl, ac- h, í, the Amíní, the last, the representa-
    cording to the manner of the Nuqtawi tive.' And the rest was like this- may
    sect and their manner of writing the God preserve us from such unbelief !"
    letters [singly, not joined, as it appears "The Atom and the Sun' is a mystical
    from the following ] , all which is hypocri- subject. The atoms of dust dance in the
    sy, dissimulation, (tazríq) and agreement sunray and love it, and are emblematical
    of the numerical value of the letters. of man's love to God. But as Akbar
    Hakim 'Ain ul Mulk ( vide above p. 480) worshipped the sun , the poem, no doubt,
    discovered that Tashbíhí ' has the same referred to the peculiar views of the
    numerical value [ 727 ] as Tazríqí,' ' the emperor.
    hypocrite .' Tashbíhí has composed a This verse is an example of a well-
    Diwán. When I wrote my history, he known rhetorical figure. The word ' re-
    once gave me, in Abulfazl's presence, a tribution' leads the reader to expect the
    pamphlet on Mahmúd of Basákhwán, opposite of what Tashbíhí says. The
    and I looked at it. The preface was as lovely boy has, of course, broken many
    follows - O God ! who art praiseworthy hearts and shed the blood of believers ;
    (Mahmud) in all Thy doings , I call nevertheless, all are ready to trans-
    upon Thee. There is no other God but fer the rewards of their meritorious
    Allah . Praise be to God, whose mercies actions to him, and thus buy up his
    are visible in all his works, who has crimes.
    shewn the existence of all his works......
    598

    O thou that takest the loaf of the sun from this warm oven, thou hast
    not given Tashbíhí a breakfast, and he asks thee for an evening meal.¹

    1. I am that Tashbíhí who, from foresight, chooses to dwell in a


    grave-yard.
    2. I like to dwell in a grave-yard, because dwelling in a grave-yard
    lies before our sight.

    The hands of this world and of the world to come are empty. With
    me is the ring !—all other hands are empty."

    37. Ashki' of Qum.³

    He is a Tabáțibá Sayyid, and is a poet of some talent .

    Those who are slain by thee lie everywhere inebriated on the ground :
    perhaps the water of thy steel was wine.

    My body melts in the fire of my madness, when he [the lovely boy] is


    away ; and if you should hang an iron chain to my neck, it would flow
    (molten) to my feet.

    Whenever I have to bear the pang of separation from my beloved, no


    one bears with me but death.

    1 The sun looks round like a loaf; the Sáwah alludes to this in the following
    warm oven is the heat of the day. epigram-
    2 In allusion to a game, in which the
    players secretly pass a ring from one to ‫اشکی نامراد را کشت ي‬
    another, and another party has to find ‫عقل حيران خون خفيه اوست‬
    where the ring is . The ring is with
    Tashbíhí', i. e., he has chosen truth, he is ‫بتو واماند چار دیوانش‬
    the elect. ‫اوست‬ ‫تو گفته‬ ‫شعر وامانده‬
    3 We know from the Haft Iqlim that
    Mir Ashki was the son of Mir Sayyid Thou hast killed poor Ashki,
    'Alí, Muhtasib (public censor) of Qum in And I wonder at thy crime being hidden.
    Persia. Ashki's elder brother Mír Huzú- With theefour Díwáns of his remained,
    rí also is known as a poet. Ghazálí's And what remains of thy poems, is his.
    fame and success (vide p. 568) attracted
    Ashkí to India, but he did not meet Gha- Dághistání says that Ashkí died in
    zálí. The number of his verses exceeded Mír Judái's house, and he ascribes the
    ten thousand ; but when on his death- epigram to Ghazálí ; but as he only
    bed, he gave his several Díwáns to Mír quotes a hemistich, the statement of the
    Judaí (vide p. 590) to arrange. Mir contemporary Haft Iqlim is preferable.
    Judáí, however, published whatever he Badaoni says that Ashki's poems are
    thought good in his own name, and threw full ofthought, and that he imitated (ta-
    the remainder into water. Tariqi of tabbu') the poet Açafi. He died at Agrah.
    599

    Ashkí, I think, my tears have turned watchers ; for whenever I think


    of him, they rush into my face.'

    38. Asi'ri' of Rai.2

    His name is Amír Qází. He is a man of education .

    The messenger was a watcher in disguise, and I did not see his cunning.
    The cruel wretch succeeded in putting his contrivance between us.

    I have pardoned my murderer, because he did not take his hand away
    from me ; for as long as life was left within me, his murderous hands were
    properly employed.

    His love has so completely filled my breast, that you can hear him
    breathe in my breath.

    39. Fahmi' of Rai [ Tahrán ].³


    Give him no wine who feels no higher pleasure in the juice of grapes ;
    do not even give him water when he lies as dust before the door of the
    tavern.

    I have no patience when in love, and have lost in reputation. Tell


    reputation to go, I cannot be patient.

    40. Qaidi' of Shíráz.*

    He spent some time in the acquisition of such sciences as are usually


    studied ; but he thinks much of himself.

    1 So do the watchers of the beloved Maásir i Rahimi mentions a Fahmí of


    boy rush up against Ashkí, when he Hurmuz (Ormuz) , well known in Lár
    declares his love. and Hurmuz, who came to India, present-
    2 Asírí was, according to Badáoní, an ed an ode to the KhánKhanán , got a
    educated man,and the best pupil of Hakim present, and returned. Dághistání men-
    ul-Mulk (p. 542). But the climate of tions a fifth Fahmi from Káshán, and a
    India did not agree with him, and he did sixth, of whom he gives no particulars.
    not find much favor with the emperor. As the Tabaqát and Dághistání ascribe
    He, therefore , returned to Rai, his home, the same verse to Fahmi i Tahrání, which
    where he died (i. e. , before 1004, A. H). Abulfazl gives to Fahmi of Rai, the
    " Badáoní gives three poets of the identity of both is apparent. In fact, it
    name of Fahmí- 1, Fahmi of Tahrán, looks as if Abulfazl had made a mistake
    who travelled much, and was for some in calling him of Rai, ' because no Taz-
    time in India ; 2, Fahmí of Samarqand, kirah follows him.
    4
    sou of Nádirí, an able riddle-writer, who Qaidí came from Makkah to India,
    was also for some time in India ; 3, Fahmí and was well received by Akbar. Once,
    of Astrábád, who died at Dihlí. The at a court assembly, he spoke of the injus-
    600

    As thou hast never gone from my heart, I wonder how thou couldst
    have found a place in the hearts of all others.

    1. Thou drovest me away, and I came back, not from jealousy, but
    because I wish to confess that I feel ashamed of my love having had jealousy
    as a companion.
    2. My tears derive a lustre from the laughter of cruel wretches ; else
    a wound inflicted by thee could never produce such bloody tears.

    A lover may have many reasons to complain ; but it is better not to


    unburden the heart before the day of judgment.

    If I desire to accuse thee of shedding, in every look, hundred torrents


    of lover's blood, my lot, though hostile enough, would be ready to be
    my witness.

    I am gone, my reason is gone ! I want a flash of madness to strike my


    soul, so as to keep it burning [with love ] till the day of judgment.

    1. Last night union [ with the sweet boy] raised her lovely form
    before me, and the gloomy desert of my heart shone forth in raptures .
    2. But the bat had no power to gaze at the sun ; else the sun would
    have revealed what is now behind the screen.

    41. Pairawi' of Sáwah.¹

    His name is Amír Beg. He was a good painter.

    Where is the wine of love given to wretches without feeling ? Loving


    idols is a drunkenness ; let men be careful whom to give it !

    O God ! I cannot reach the world of the ideal ; forgive me if I


    worship form.2

    tice of the Dágh o Mahalli-Law, on of 'Urfi, and died in A. H. 992.


    which Akbar had set his heart (vide p. ¹ Pairawí imitated the poet Açafi . He
    242), and fell into disgrace. He wander- wrote a poem on Form and Ideal,' of
    ed about for some time as Faqír in Biánah which Abulfazl has given the first verse,
    District, and returned to Fathpur Sikri, and2 completed a Díwán of Ghazals.
    suffering from piles. A quack, whom he This verse, the beginning of Pairawi's
    consulted, cut open the veins of the anus, ' Form and Ideal,' contains the rhetorical
    and Qaidí died. He was an excellent figure istihlál, because it gives the title
    poet. Badáoní. of the poem.
    Dághistání says that he was a friend
    601

    42. Ka'mi ', of Sabzwár.'


    His mind is somewhat unsettled.

    If I knew that tears could make an impression, I would altogether


    turn to blood and trickle from the eye.

    Whether I see him [ the beautiful boy ] or not, my heart is in raptures.


    Have you ever seen such a sight ?

    I wished I could like a breeze pass away from this base world. This
    is not the street of the sweetheart, from which one cannot pass away.

    My blood dances from mirth in my vein like a flame : the look he


    gave me commences to work, and my heart is effectually wounded .

    43. Paya'miʼ.”
    His name is ' Abdussalám. He is of Arabian extraction, and has
    acquired some knowledge ; but he is not clear to himself.

    Fortune cheats in play, loses, and takes back what she paid. One
    cannot play with a companion that is up to such tricks.

    1. How long do you file down your words and polish them ; how long
    do you shoot random arrows at the target ?
    2. If you would take one lesson in the science of silence, you would
    laugh loud at your silly conversation .

    1. I keep a thousand thunderbolts concealed below my lip. Go away,


    go away, take care not to put your finger on my lip.

    Kámí's father, Khwajah Yahya, was are good, but that he was irascible and
    a grocer (baqqál), and lived in the Mai- narrow-minded.
    dan Mahallal of Sabzwár, in Khurásán. Badáoní also mentions him ; but he
    Occasionally he wrote poems. When the wrongly calls Qumi, 6 from the town of
    Uzbaks took Sabzwár, Mír Yahya went Qum. He says, Kámí is a young man
    to India, and left Kámí, then twelve years and has just come to India (1004) ; his
    old, with one of his relations in Sabzwár. thoughts are bold.
    At the request of his father, Kámí came 2 Payámí, according to Dághistání,
    to India, and was frequently with the was a pupil of the renowned ' Allámí
    Khán Khánán . He went afterwards Dawwání. He was for a long time Vazir
    back to Khurásán, and the author of the to Shah 'Alá ul-Mulk ibn i Núrul-dahr of
    Maásir i Rahímí saw him, in 1014, in Lár. His services were afterwards dis-
    Harát. In travelling from Harát to his pensed with, and a Jew of the name of
    house, he was killed by robbers, who Ya'qub was appointed instead. But this
    carried off the property which he had change was not wise ; for soon after, Sháh
    acquired in the Khán Khánán’s service. 'Abbás sent an army under Iláh Virdí
    The Haft Iqlim says that his poems Khán to Lár, who conquered the country .
    76
    602

    2. I have come to the public square of the world, but I think it


    were better if my Yusuf were yet in the pit than in the bazar.²

    Patience, in order to console me, has again put me off with new
    subterfuges, and has stitched up the book of my happiness the wrong way.

    1. My heart has overcome the grief of separation, and has gone from
    this land ; it has tucked the hem up to the waist and has gone.
    2. My heart saw among the companions no trace of faithfulness ;
    hence it smiled hundred times by way of friendship and went away.

    44. Sayyid Muhammad [ Fikrí] .


    He is a cloth-weaver from Harát. He generally composes Rubá'ís.

    1. On the day when the lover kindled the fire of love, he learnt from
    his beloved what burning grief is.
    2. This burning and melting has its origin in the beloved ; for the
    moth does not burn till it reaches the candle.

    1. On the day of judgment, when nothing remains of the world but


    the tale, the first sign of Eternity's spring will appear :
    2. The beloved will raise like plants their heads from the dust, and
    I, too, shall raise my head in courtship."

    45. Qudsi' of Karbalá, Mír Husain.*


    I am utterly ashamed of the dogs of thy street ; for they have made
    friendship with a man like me.

    I am in misery ; and you would know the sadness of my lot, if you


    were in stead of me to suffer for one night the grief of being separated from
    him [the beautiful boy] .

    1 Yusuf means here ' life' ; pit, 6 non- ‫من نيز حاضر مي شوم تصویر جانا در بغل‬
    existence' ; bazar, ' existence.'
    2 Each man, on the day ofresurrection,
    Sayyid Muhammad's poetical name will seize a book [ the book of deeds].
    is Fikri, the pensive.' He came, accord-
    ing to the Haft Iqlím, in 969 to India ; I, too, shall be present, with my sweet-
    and his excellent rubá'ís induced people heart's picture under my arm.
    to call him the Khayyám ofthe age,' or Dághistání says that Mír Husain's
    ' Mír Rubá í.' He died on his way to father left Karbala for Sabzwár. Qudsi
    Jaunpúr, in 973, the táríkh of his death was a great friend of Muhammad Khán,
    being Mir Rubá'í safar namúd. governor of Harát. Badáoní ( III, 376)
    This verse reminds me of a verse says that Mir Muhammad Sharif Nawáí,
    by Kalím, I think, (metre Rajaz)— Qudsí's brother, also came to India, and
    66
    died a short time ago," i. e. before 1004,
    ‫هر کسی بدست گیرد نامه‬ ‫روز قیامت‬ A. H.
    603

    Who am I that thou shouldst be my enemy, and shouldst care for my


    being or not being ?

    46. Haidari' , of Tabriz,'


    He is a merchant and a poet ; he works hard and spends his gains
    liberally.

    Shew no one my black book of sorrows ; let no one know my crimes


    [love].

    O Haidarí, try, like the virtuous, to attain some perfection in this


    world of sorrow ; for to leave this world deficient in anything, is like
    leaving the bath in a dirty state.

    1
    Haidari was three times in India. falcon flew away, and sat down on the
    The first time he came, he was young, and house of a darwish, who, notwithstand-
    found a patron in Muhammad Qasim ing that the king had gone personally
    Khán of Nishápur (cide above, p. 353). to his house, refused to open the door.
    His company, says the Haft Iqlim, was " The foaming ocean of the king's wrath
    more agreeable than his poems . The rose in high waves," and he ordered a
    Masnawi which he wrote in imitation of general massacre of the people of the place,
    Sa'di's Bostán, is insipid, and remained which was happily prevented through
    unknown. Though he made money in Haidarí's influence. The same falcon was
    India, he said- killed on the same day by an eagle on a
    ‫در کشور هند شادي و غم معلوم‬ steep hill, about a farsang from bi ;
    and the king, out of love for the animal,
    ‫انجا دل شاد و جان خرم معلوم‬ had a large house built on the top of the
    hill, which has now become a place of re-
    ‫جائے کہ بیک روپیه دوآدم بخرند‬ sort for the surrounding country. But as
    ‫آدم معلوم و قدر آدم معلوم‬ the hill is inaccessible for beasts of burden,
    the building must have cost a great deal
    On his second return to India, he found of money and labour. Haidarí died there,
    a patron in the Khán i Azam ( p. 325 ), beloved by all, in A. H. 1002 .
    who gave him one thousand rupees for an He had also written a book entitled
    ode . Muhammad Khán Atgah ( p . 321 ) Lisán-ul-ghaib in praise of his teacher,
    introduced him at court. For an ode on
    the poet Lisání, who had been attacked
    the elephant, Akbar presented him with in a pamphlet entitled Sahw-ul-Lisán,
    two thousand rupees and a horse . The the Slip of the Tongue,' which was
    third time he came to India, he attached written by his base pupil Mír Sharif i
    himself to the KhánKhánán, whom he Tabrízí. The Maásir i Rahímí gives a
    accompanied on his expedition to Gujrát few passages from the book.
    (p. 335), and received liberal presents for Daghistání says that the poet Darwish
    an ode on the victory of Sarkich. He Haidar of Yazd, mentioned in Tazkirahs ,
    returned to Káshán, the governor of is very likely the same as Mauláná Hai-
    which town, Aghá Khizr Naháwandí darí of Tabriz, who is sometimes called
    (brother of the author of the Maásir i 'Yazdí ' from his friendship with Wahshf
    Rahimi) befriended him. As Tabríz had of Yazd.
    just been destroyed by the Turks of Rúm, Sámrí, Haidarí's son, came to India
    he settled in ' Iraq, at a place called in the after his father's death, and was made by
    MSS. , which for its excellent climate the KhánKhánán Mír Sámán of his
    and fruits had no equal in ' Iráq or Khur- household. He was also a good officer,
    ásán. About that time Shah ' Abbás and was killed during the Dak'hin wars,
    came to the place to hunt pheasants when with Shahnawáz Khán, the son of
    (kabg). It happened that the king's own his patron.
    604

    47. Samri'.

    He is the son of the preceding. His versification is good.

    My disgrace has made me famous, and my shame [love] has rendered


    me well-known ; perplexed I ask myself why I remain concealed.

    The farmers have committed their seeds to the field, and now hope to
    receive aid from the flood of my tears.

    48. Farebi', of Rai ( ? ) . ¹


    His name is Shápúr . He is a good man, but is in bad circumstances . If
    he is diligent, he may become a good poet .

    1. I go and heat my brain with the love of a certain sweetheart ; I sit


    in the midst of the flame, and breathe a hot sigh .
    2. It is not my intention to be in ardours for myself, Shápúr ; my
    object is to bring a certain sweetheart before the world .

    I am the thorny shrub without leaves in the desert ; no bird takes


    shelter with me from fear of accidents.

    1. If the martyr of thy love-grief is to have a tomb, let it be the


    gullets of crows and kites, or the stomachs of wild animals.
    2. Until I pass along the torrent of restlessness [love] , I cannot
    plunge into the shoreless ocean.

    49. Fusu'ni', of Shíráz.2

    His name is Mahmúd Beg. He is an excellent accountant, and knows


    also astronomy well .

    The second verse shews that the ta- usual form of the adjective derived from
    " Rai ,' the well-known town in Khurásán.
    khalluç of the poet is Shápúr. Farebí
    is scarcely known. With the exception of Abulfazl says that Fusúní was from
    Dághistání's work, which merely men- Shíráz ; Badáoní and Taqí call him Yaz-
    tions that Farebí lived during the reign of dí ; and Dághistání and the A'tashkadah
    Akbar, I have not found his name in the say that he came from Tabriz. Badáoní
    Tazkirahs. Sprenger (Catalogue, p. 52) says that Fusúní came over Tattah and
    mentions a Farebi of Bukhárá ; but as he entered the service of the emperor, and
    is said to have died in 944 A. H., he must Dághistání adds that he also served under
    be anotherpoet. The name ofhis birthplace Jahangir and Shahjahán as Mustaufi.
    is doubtful ; the MSS. of the A'in have The Mir-át ul ' Alam mentions a Fusúní,
    Raí, Rahí, and Díbí, or leave out the word, who was an Amír under Jahangir and
    as Dághistání has done. ' Rází' is the had the title of Afzal Khán.
    605

    When the eye has once learned to see [to love], it loses its peaceful
    sleep ; when the heart has once learned to throb, it loses its rest .

    The passion which I feel for other lovely ones, has made my heart like
    a bud which has been forced open by blowing upon it.

    When I wish to kiss his foot, I first wipe it with my wet eye ; for the
    eye feels, more than lip, the sweet sorrow of kissing his foot.

    Woe me , if my blood is not shed for the crime of my love ! To pardon

    my faults were worse than to take revenge on me.

    Sole friend of my chamber ! I feel jealous of those who stand outside


    disappointed. Sweet companion of my feast ! I feel jealous of the spec-
    tators.

    1. If I flee from thy cruelties, tell me what dust I am to scatter on


    my head when far from thee.
    2. If I sit in the dust of the earth on which I wander, whose victim
    shall I be when I arise ?¹

    50. Na'diri', of Turshíz."

    I am as if blind and err about seeking for something. I pant after


    this mirage [love ], though I hold a cooling drink in my hand.

    Nádirí, I complain of no one : I have myself set fire to this heap of


    thorns.

    The original contains a pun on khák Dághistání mentions three poets ofthe
    gird, and gard, which I cannot imitate. name of Nádirí- (1) Nádirí of Samar-
    2 The author of the Haft Iqlim says qand, who came to Humáyún in India,
    that Nádirí went two years before the (2 ) a Nádirí from Shustar ; and (3) a
    completion of the Haft Iqlim, i. e. in Nádirí from Siálkoț.
    1000, to India ; but he does not know Turshíz, or Turshish, lies near Níshá
    what became of him. púr.
    606

    51. Nau'i', of Mashhad .'

    He is a poet oftalent ; if sharply spoken to, he writes very well.

    I am dead, and yet the blisters of my wandering foot do not dry up :


    neither death nor the life to come can bring the journey towards this stage
    [love] to a close.

    No eye is fit to behold my glory ; my figure in the looking-glass even


    appears veiled.

    If that be Mançúr's love, do not grieve, O heart. Not every weak-


    minded man is fit to love."

    Intrinsic beauty cannot be seen ; and he who looks into the looking-
    glass sees, indeed, his figure, but forms no part of the glass itself.³

    Make thyself a heart as large as the orb of heavens, and then ask for
    an atom. Do not be satisfied, Nau'í, with a ray of the sun ; cherish the
    lofty aspirations of the little mote. *

    ' Mullá Muhammad Rizá comes from zals in form of a díwán, when he died
    Khabúshán near Mashhad. On his ar- in 1019, at Burhánpúr .
    rival in India, says the Maásir i Rahímí, Badáoní says that he claims descent
    he found a patron in Mírzá Yúsuf from Hazrat Shaikh Hájí Muhammad of
    Khán of Mashhad (p. 346) ; but soon Khabúshán ; but his doings belie his claim.
    after, he entered the service of the Khán- He is very bold, and is now (in 1004)
    Khánán (p . 334) , and stayed with him with the youngest prince.
    and Prince Dányál at Burhánpúr. For 2 Mançúr attained a high degree of
    his Ságínámah, the Khán Khánán pantheistic love ; he saw God in every-
    gave him an elephant and a present of thing, and at last proclaimed Aná alhaq,'
    10,000 Rupees. He also composed several ' I am God,'- for which he was killed.
    odes in praise of the prince. Some peo- The poet here accuses Mançúr of weak
    ple say that his poems are like the shutur ness, because he proclaimed his love ; he
    o gurbah, i. e. you find chaff and grains should have kept it to himself, as is proper
    together ; but most people praise his for true lovers (vide p. 555, note 1 ).
    poems. The Khizánah i ' Amirah says The poet means by the looking-glass
    that his Masnawí entitled Soz o Gudáz the beautiful face of the beloved boy. He
    is quite sufficient to establish his fame sees in it his woful figure ; but does not
    as a great poet. This poem, of which the become one with him.
    4
    Asiatic Society of Bengal has a copy, Properly, half a mote. The dust
    contains the story of a Suttee. Nau'í had atoms that play in the sunray are in love
    not yet arranged his Qaçídahs and Gha- with the sun.
    607

    52. Baba' Ta'lib, of Içfahán .'


    He is a thoughtful poet, and is experienced in political matters .

    I would not exchange my lonely corner for a whole world , and I am


    glad that my intercourse with the people of the world has left me this
    impression.

    It is no wonder that my little heart expands into a wide plain, when


    it is filled with thy love.

    I cannot raise, from weakness, my hands to my collar, and I am sorry


    that the rent in my collar reaches so late the hem of my garment.2

    1. In being separated from me thou givest me poison to taste and yet


    askest ' what does it matter ?' Thou sheddest my blood, thou drivest me
    away, and yet askest ' What does it matter ?'
    2. Thou dost not care for the havoc which the sword of separation has
    made ; sift the dust of my grave and thou wilt know what it matters.

    53. Sarmadi', of Isfahan."

    His name is Sharif. He possesses some knowledge, is upright, and


    zealous in the performance of his duties. His rhyme is excellent. He
    understands arithmetic.

    According to the Haft Iqlím, Bábá 2 Vide p. 560, note 1.


    Tálib had been for nearly thirty years in This Rubá'í pleased Jahangir so
    Kashmir, patronized by the rulers of that much, that he entered it with his own
    country. When Akbar annexed the pro- hand in the Court album. Iqbálnámah,
    vince, he came to Hindústán , where he loc. cit.
    was much liked . The Maásir i Rahímí 4 Muhammad Sharif was mentioned
    says that he was often in the company of above on p. 516, No. 344, as a commander
    Hakim Abulfath ( p . 424 ) , Zain Khán of Two Hundred . Badáoní says that he
    Kokah (344), Abulfazl, and Shaikh Faizí ; was at first Chaukinawís, and is at pre-
    at present, i. e. in 1025 , he is Çadr of Guj- sent (i. e., 1004) with Sharif i Aʼmulí
    rát. Badáoní says that he was nearly (p. 452) in Bengal. He used at first to
    eight (twenty ?) years in Kashmir, was write under the takhalluç of Faizí ; ' but
    at first a dervish, but took afterwards an in order to avoid opposition to Faizí,
    employment, and entered Akbar's service . Abulfazl's brother, he chose that of Sar-
    The emperor once sent him as ambassador madí. Badáoní looked upon him as a
    to 'Alí Rái, ruler of Little Tibbat. On heretic, and often abuses him ( Bad . II ,
    his return, he gave Abulfazl a treatise on 335 ) . From the Akbarnámah we see that
    the wonders of that land, which was Sharif served in the 31st year in Kash-
    inserted into the Akbarnámah. His mír, and in the end ofthe 32nd in Gujrát.
    poems are good, and breathe fine feeling. In 1000, he was sent to Bengal with
    The Iqbálnámah (Bibl. Indica Edition, Sharif i Aʼmulí, and in the beginning of
    p. 133) confirms these remarks , and adds 1001 , we find him fighting in Orísá against
    that Bábá Tálib died in the end of Ja- Rám Chandr, Rájah of Khurdah. Dá-
    hángir's reign, more than a hundred years ghistání says, he died in the Dak'hin.
    old.
    608

    Fortune has been faithful in my time ; I am the memorial tablet of


    Fate's faithfulfulness.

    I was at home, and thou camest to me with drunken eyes and with
    roses under the arm ; the very dust of this house of grief budded forth to see
    the sight of thy arrival.

    1. What have I not done to myself in the heat of transgression !


    What crimes have I not committed whilst trusting to Providence !
    2. I and my heart have soared up to a rose bed , and we are jealous
    of the zephyr's going and coming.
    3. A lover has hundreds of wishes besides union with him [the beau-
    tiful boy] ; I still want thee, Fortune, for many things.

    I have in contempt set my foot upon both worlds ; neither joy nor
    sorrow have overpowered my heart.

    1. I cherish a love which will be talked of on the day of resurrec-


    tion ; I cherish a grief which no tale can relate.
    2. A grief which can coquet with the grief of others, which no thought
    can comprehend and no pen can describe.

    54. Dakhli' , of Içfahán .'

    He is a man without selfishness, and of reserved character. Though


    he says but little, he is a man of worth .

    ¹ The Maásir i Rahímí is the only work retired life in the village. Some time after,
    in which I have found a notice of this he presented a poem to Tahmásp, which
    poet. His name is Malik Ahmad , and he procured him a pension . In this poem,
    was the son of Malik ul Mulúk Maqcúd which the Maásir has partly preserved,the
    'Alí, proprietor of Werkopái, twelve village is called Kuhpayah. In his re-
    farsakhs from Içfahán. (The MS. be- tirement, he used to write under the nom
    longing to the Society had originally de plume of Amrí, and employed Dakhlí
    Derkopái ; but the author appears to to arrange his poems. This occupation
    have corrected the d to a w) . His mother's gave Dakhlí a taste for poetry, and he
    father was the great Shaikh Abul Qasim, received from Abul Qasim the takhalluç
    who had such influence with Tahmasp of Dakhlí.' After having attended on
    that several legacies (auqáf) in Persia his maternal uncle for some time, Malik
    belonging to Makkah were transferred Ahmad went to Içfahán, where he gained
    to him, and of other foundations he was a reputation as a poet.
    appointed Mutawallí. His circumstances In 997, he came to India, and was for
    thus became affluent, and so many der- five years in Akbar's service . In 1003,
    vishes, pupils, learned men, travellers, he went to the Dak'hin, and found a
    poets, &c., collected around him, that patron in the KhánKhánán , in whose
    people persuaded Tahmásp that Abul service he was in 1025, when the Maásir
    Qasim was bent on rebellion or heresy. i Rahímí was written. He also was a
    He was, therefore, blinded, and lived a good soldier.
    609

    1. I have burnt the furniture of my strong and wise heart ; I have


    set fire to the house of my aspirations and burnt it .
    2. I have given up heresy and faith, and, half way between the
    Ka'bah and the idol temple, I have burnt the sacred thread and the rosary.

    1. I know of no plaint that has made impression ; I know of no


    evening that was followed by a cheerful morn.
    2. They say that grief is followed by joy, but this is an error : I know
    but of sorrows being followed by sorrows.

    55. Qa'sim Arsla'n, of Mashhad .'

    He possesses some talent. He works hard in order to collect wealth,


    and spends it in a genial way.

    I am intoxicated with the pleasures of the society of wits : for there


    the subtleties of expression vanish at a hint.

    Word and thought weep over my circumstances, when without thee I


    look into the book (of my poems ) .

    My life is half gone- what am I worth now when a single look from
    thee is valued a hundred lives ?

    Thou hast the brilliancy of the rose and the colour of wine. How
    wonderful, what a freshness !

    56. Ghayu'ri' , of Hiçár.³

    Manliness shines on his forehead, and simplicity is the ornament of


    his life.

    1 Arslán is Qásim's nom-de-plume. Mullá Ghayúrí, and Dághistání calls him


    He chose this name, because his father Ghayúrí of Kábul. This shews that he
    claimed descent from Arslán Jázib, an came from Hiçár in Kábul, and not from
    Amir of Mahmúd of Ghazní. The family Hiçár Fírúzah. The Haft Iqlim tells us
    came from Tús, and Qasim was brought that Ghayúri was at first in the service
    up in Transoxania. He was a good poet, of Mírzá Muhammad Hakim , Akbar's
    and excelled in táríkhs. Badaoni quotes brother and king of Kábul . On the death
    an ode written by Arslán on the Mountain of his patron, he entered Akbar's service,
    of Ajmír. He died in 995, probably in and was a Yúzbáshí, or Commander of
    Láhor. Dághistání says, he died at Ah- One Hundred . He was killed , in 994, with
    madábád. Vide p. 103. Bir Bar in the Khaibar Pass catastrophe
    2 Ghayúrí is called in the Akbarnámah (p. 345).
    77
    610

    When longing directs its way to that door [love] , it overthrows all
    possibility of returning.

    1. The door of Shah Akbar, the victorious, is a paradise of rest ;


    2. And if I shave my beard, I do so not to beautify myself,
    3. But because beards, like crimes, are of a deep black dye, and can
    therefore, have no place in a paradise.¹

    57. Qa'simi', of Mázandarán ."

    He lives as a Faqir and wanders bare-footed and bare-headed through


    the world.

    I do not compare thee in beauty with Yusuf ; Yusuf was not so, I do
    not flatter.

    1. My sickness has increased to-night in consequence of the pain of


    separation, and my wretched condition arises from the hundred excesses
    of yesterday.
    2. The wine of desire flows every night freer. What shall I to-night
    do with my unsteady heart ?
    58. Sheri'."

    He belongs to a Panjábí family of Shaikhs. Under the patronage of


    his Majesty he has become a good poet.

    The beloved [boy ] came, and blotted out my name ; nay, he made me
    quite beside myself.

    The beloved has so closely surrounded himself with an array of


    coquetry, that even Desire found access impossible in this dense crowd.

    O Zephyr, the beloved has entirely filled the mould of my desire. I


    am thy devoted servant, but thou art rather too devoted to his street.

    Akbar, in 1000, forced his courtiers born in Kokúwál in the Panjáb (Bárí
    to shave off their beards ; vide p. 207. Duáb). His father's name was Mauláná
    Dághistání mentions a Qasim of Yahvá. He belonged to a tribe called in
    Mazandarán. Qásimi seems to be an Badaoní Máji.'
    unknown poet. Sheri was killed with Bir Bar, in 994,
    Mulla Sherí has been mentioned in the Khaibar Pass.
    above, pp. 106, 197 , 202 , 204. He was
    611

    1. My heart has polluted itself with revealing its condition . Though


    I am silent, the language of my looks has betrayed me.
    2. A little thing [love] offers thousands of difficulties ; an object
    apparently within reach offers hundreds of impossibilities .

    59. Rahi' , of Níshápúr.

    His name is Khwajah Ján. He is a good man.

    1. O Rahí, do no longer cunningly twist this thread [ thy religious


    belief] ; give up ideas of future life, beginning, and the purgatory.
    2. Put the thread into the fire of love, so that the offensive smell of
    the water of the corpse may not go to hell ( ? ).

    The above (59) poets were presented at Court. There are, however,
    many others who were not presented , but who sent from distant places to his
    Majesty encomiums composed by them, as for example, Qásim of Gúnábád ;
    Zamir of Içfahan ; Wahshi of Báfah ; Muhtashim of Káshán ; Malik of
    Qum ; Zuhúrí of Shíráz ; Walí Dasht Bayází ; Neki ; Çabrí ; Figárí ; Huzúrí ;
    Qází Núri of Içfahán ; Çáfí of Bam ; Taufi of Tabriz ; and Rashiki of
    Hamadán .
    AIN 30 (concluded).
    THE IMPERIAL MUSICIANS .'

    I cannot sufficiently describe the wonderful power of this talisman of


    knowledge [music] . It sometimes causes the beautiful creatures of the
    harem of the heart to shine forth on the tongue, and sometimes appears
    in solemn strains by means of the hand and the chord. The melodies then
    enter through the window of the ear and return to their former seat, the
    heart, bringing with them thousands of presents . The hearers, according
    to their insight, are moved to sorrow or to joy. Music is thus ofuse to those
    who have renounced the world and to such as still cling to it.

    We have to distinguish goyandah, of Tánsen. Bakhshú also lived at the


    singers, from khwánandahs , chanters, and court of Rajah Bikramájít, Mán's son ;
    sázandahs, players . The principal singers but when his patron lost his throne, he
    and musicians come from Gwáliár, Mash- went to Rajah Kírat of Kálinjar. Not
    had, Tabriz , and Kashmir. A few come long afterwards, he accepted a call to
    from Transoxania . The schools in Kash- Gujrát, where he remained at the court
    mír had been founded by Irání and Tú- of Sultán Bahádur ( 1526 to 1536, A. D).
    rání musicians patronized by Zain ul Islem Shah also was a patron of music.
    'Abidin, king of Kashmir. The fame of His two great singers were Rám Dás and
    Gwáliár forits schools of music dates from Mahápáter. Both entered subsequently
    the time of Rajah Mán Tunwar. During Akbar's service. Mahápáter was once
    his reign lived the famous Náik Bakhshú, sent as ambassador to Mukund Deo
    whose melodies are only second to those of Orísá.
    612

    His Majesty pays much attention to music, and is the patron of all
    who practise this enchanting art. There are numerous musicians at court,
    Hindús, Iránís, Túránís, Kashmírís, both men and women. The court
    musicians are arranged in seven divisions, one for each day in the week.
    When his Majesty gives the order, they let the wine of harmony flow, and
    thus increase intoxication in some, and sobriety in others.
    A detailed description of this class of people would be too difficult ;
    but I shall mention the principal musicians.
    1. Miyán Tánsen,' of Gwáliár. A singer like him has not been in
    India for the last thousand years.
    2. Bábá Rámdás ,2 of Gwáliár, a singer.
    3. Subhán Khán , of Gwáliár , a singer .
    4. Srigyán Khán, of Gwáliár, a singer .
    5. Miyán Chand , of Gwáliár, a singer.
    6. Bichitr Khán , brother of Subhán Khán, a singer.
    3
    7. Muhammad Khán phárí , sings .
    8. Bír Mandal Khán, of Gwáliár, plays on the sarmandal.
    9. Báz Bahádur, ruler of Málwah, a singer without rival [ p . 428 ].
    10. Shiháb Khán , of Gwáliár, performs on the bin .
    11. Dáúd Dhárí, sings .
    12. Sarod Khán, of Gwáliár, sings .
    4
    13. Miyán Lál, of Gwáliár, sings.
    14. Tántarang Khán , son of Miyán Tánsen, sings .
    15. Mullá Is -háq Dhárí , sings.
    16. Ustá Dost, of Mashhad, plays on the flute (nai) .
    17. Nának Jarjú , of Gwáliár, a singer.
    18. Purbín Khán , his son, plays on the bin .
    19. Súr Dás, son of Bábú Rám Dás, a singer.
    20. Chánd Khán , of Gwáliar , sings.
    21. Rangsen, of Agrah, sings.

    1 Regarding Tánsen, or Tánsain , or treasure chest was. He was first at the


    Tánsín, vide p. 406. Rám Chand is said court of Islem Sháh, and he is looked upon
    to have once given him one kror of tánkahs as second only to Tánsen, His son Súr
    as a present. Ibráhím Súr in vainpersuaded Dás is mentioned below.
    means ' a singer,' ' a musician.'
    Tánsen to come to Agrah. Abulfazl men- 4 Dhárí
    tions below his son Tántarang Khán ; Jahangir says in the Tuzuk that Lál
    and the Pádisháhnámah ( II, 5 - an in- Kaláwant (or Kalánwat, i. e. the singer)
    teresting passage) mentions another son died in the 3rd year of his reign, " sixty
    of the name of Bilás . or rather seventy years old . He had been
    2 Badáoní ( II, 42) says, Rám Dás came from his youth in my father's service.
    from Lak'hnau. He appears to have One of his concubines, on his death, poi-
    been with Bairám Khán during his re- soned herself with opium. I have rarely
    bellion, and he received once from him seen such an attachment among Muham-
    one lakh of tánkabs, empty as Bairam's madan women."
    613

    22. Shaikh Dáwan Dhárí, performs on the karaná.


    23. Rahmat ullah, brother of Mullá Is-háq (No. 15 ) , a singer.
    24. Mír Sayyid ' Alí , of Mashhad, plays on the ghichak.
    25. Ustá Yusuf, of Harát, plays on the țambúrah.
    26. Qásim, surnamed Koh-bar. He has invented an instrument,
    intermediate between the qübüz and the rubáb .
    27. Tásh Beg, of Qipcháq, plays on the qübüz.
    28. Sultán Háfiz Husain, of Mashhad , chants .
    29. Bahrám Qulí , of Harát, plays on the ghichak.
    30. Sultán Háshim, of Mashhad, plays on the țambúrah .
    31. Ustá Sháh Muhammad , plays on the surná.
    32. Ustá Muhammad Amín, plays on the țambúrah .
    33. Háfiz Khwajah ' Alí, of Mashhad, chants.
    34. Mir 'Abdullah, brother of Mír ' Abdul Hai, plays the Qánún.
    35. Pírzádah, nephew of Mír Dawám, of Khurásán, sings and chants .
    36. Usta Muhammad Husain, plays the tamburah."

    Koh-bar, as we know from the Pá- During Shahjahan's reign we find


    disháhnámah ( I, b . , p . 335) is the name of Jaguát'h, who received from Shahjahán
    a Chaghtái tribe. The Nafáis ul Maásir the title of Kabrái ; Dirang Khán ; and
    mentions a poet of the name of Muham- Lál Khán, who got the title of Gun-
    mad Qasim Kohbar, whose nom-de-plume samundar (ocean of excellence) . Lál
    was Cabrí. Vide Sprenger's Catalogue, Khán was son-in-law to Bilás, son of
    p. 50 (where we have to read Koh-bar, Tánsen . Jagnát’h and Dirang Khán were
    for Guh-paz). both weighed in silver, and received each
    2 Pírzádah, according to Badáoní (III, 4500 Rupees.
    318) was from Sabzwár. He wrote poems Aurangzib abolished the singers and
    under the takhalluç of Liwáí. He was musicians, just as he abolished the court-
    killed in 995 at Láhor, by a wall falling historians. Music is against the Muham-
    on him. madan law . Khá Khán ( II , 213) tells
    3 The Maásir i Rahímí mentions the a curious incident which took place after
    following musicians in the service of the the order had been given. The court-
    KhánKhánán— Aghá Muhammad Núi, musicians brought a bier in front of the
    son of Hájí Ismá'il, of Tabriz ; Mauláná Jharok'hah (the window where the empe-
    Agwáti, of Tabriz ; Ustád Mirzá 'Alí rors used to shew themselves daily to the
    Fathagi ; Mauláná Sharaf of Níshápúr, people), and wailed so loud as to attract
    a brother of the poet Nazírí (p. 579), Aurangzib's attention. He came to the
    Muhammad Múmin, alias Háfizak, a window, and asked whom they had on the
    tambúrah-player ; and Háfiz Nazr, from bier. They said, " Melody is dead, and
    Transoxania, a good singer. we are going to the graveyard." " Very
    The Tuzuk and the Iqbálnámah men- well," said the emperor, " make the grave
    tion the following singers of Jahangir's deep, so that neither voice nor echo may
    reign-Jahangirdád ; Chatr Khán ; Par- issue from it." A short time after, the
    wizdád ; Khurramdád ; Mák'hú ; Hamzah. Jharok'hah also was abolished.

    END OF VOLUME I.
    ADDITIONAL NOTES .

    Page 32, note 1.


    TODAR MALL. For correcter and fuller biographical notes, vide p. 351.

    Page 34, note 2.


    QULIJ KHA'N. The correct year of his death is given on p. 354.

    Page 35, line 24.


    BABA GHU'RI . This word is not in the Dictionaries ; but there is no doubt that it
    means ' White Agate.' The word is also mentioned in the 4th Book (my Text Edi-
    tion, II, 60), where it is said that all the weights used at court for weighing jewels
    •
    were made of transparent Bábághúrí.' Táhir Naçrábádí, in his Tazkirah,
    under Jalál, has the following. " When the case came on, he said to Mírzá Taqí,
    " I have often counted with the point of my penknife the Bábághúrí threads (the
    veins) of your eye-there are seventeen."

    ‫در روز ديوان با میرزا تقی میگفت که مکرر بنوک قلمتراش زنار باباغوري چشم شما را‬
    ۱۱ ‫شمرده ام هفده زنار دارد‬

    Page 44, last line.


    SALARIES OF THE BEGUMS. Under Shahjahán and Aurangzíb, the queens and
    princesses drew much higher salaries. Thus Mumtaz Mahall had 10 lák❜hs per
    annum, and her eldest daughters 6 lákhs, half in cash and half in lands. Aurang-
    zíb gave the " Begum Çáhib" 12 lákhs per annum.
    Regarding Núr Jahán's pension, vide p . 510, note 4.

    Page 48 , note 1 .
    GULBADAN BEGUM. From Badáoní II, 14, we see that she was Akbar's paternal
    aunt, i . e. she was Humáyún's sister. She was married to Khizr Khwajah ;
    vide pp. 198, 365.

    Page 55, line 9, from below.


    SORON. Soron is the correct name of a town and Parganah in Sirkár Kol. It lies east
    of the town of Kol ('Alígarh) , near the Ganges.
    616

    Page 56, line 10.


    PANHA'N. This I believe to be a mistake for Pathán,' or ' Pathankot.' The MSS .
    have giorgi , but as the initial sín in MSS . is often written with three dots
    below it, it is often interchanged with , and reversely. The spelling ,
    Paithan, for Pathán , is common in Muhammadan historians . My conjecture is
    confirmed by the distance mentioned in the text.

    Page 65, note 1.


    KILA's. Mr. F. S. Growse, c . s ., informs me that gilás is to the present day the
    Kashmírí term for cherries.

    Page 70, line 28.


    MAHUWA'. This partly confirms Elliot's note under Gulú (Beames' Edition, Races
    of the N. W. Provinces, ' II, p . 335) and corrects Shakespeare's Dictionary.

    Page 73, line 1.


    PA'N LEAVES. In the 3rd Book of the Aín (Text, p. 416 , 1. 20) Abulfazl mentions
    another kind of pán, called Mak'hi or Mukhí, grown in Bihár .

    Page 78, last line.


    QAIÇUʼRI' . Col. Yule tells me that the correct name is FANÇU'RI . According to Marco
    Polo, Fançúr was a state in Sumátra, probably the modern Barús.

    Page 81 , note.
    ZI'RBA'D. This should be ZERBA'D, for zer i bád, i. e. ' under the wind,' leeward, the
    Persian translation as Col. Yule informs me, of the Malay Báwah angin, ' below
    the wind,' by which the Malays designate the countries and islands to the east of
    Sumátra.
    Kháfí Khán ( I , p. 11) couples Zerbád with Khatá, over both of which Túlí
    Khán, son of Chingiz Khán, ruled.

    Page 87 , note 2.

    5. I have since seen the spelling which brings us a step nearer to


    etymology. Yaraq means ' supellex ;' and kürk means ' fur.'

    Page 88, line 1 .


    AHMADA'BA'D. The comma after Ahmadábád may be wrong . Ahmadábád is often
    called Ahmadábád i Gujrát.

    Page 88, line 19.


    GHIA'S I NAQSHBAND . We know from the Tazkirah of Táhir Naçrábádí that Ghiás
    was born in Yazd. " The world has not since seen a weaver like him . Besides,
    he was a good poet. Once he bought a piece of mushajjar brocade, on which
    617

    there was among other figures that of a bear between some trees, to Sháh ' Abbás
    (1585 to 1629) , when a courtier after praising the stuff admired the bear. Ghiás
    said on the spur of the moment.

    ‫هرکسی نقش خویش میبیند‬ ‫خواجه در خرس بیش میبیند‬


    " The gentleman looks chiefly at the bear. Each looks at his own likeness.”
    Bears in the East are looked upon as stupid animals. A proverb says,

    ‫خرس درکوه ابوسینا‬

    A bear on the hill is an Avicenna, ' i. e. a fool among bigger fools is a philosopher.
    Naçrábádí quotes some of Ghiás's verses .

    Page 94, middle.


    COTTON CLOTHS . Of the various cotton cloths mentioned by Abulfazl—
    Chautar was woven in Hawelí Saharanpúr.
    Sirí Çáf and Bhíraun, in Dharangaon , Khándesh.
    Gangájal, in Sirkár G'horág'hát , Bengal .
    Mihrkul, in Alláhábád,
    and Panchhtoliah was mentioned on p . 510, in connexion with NúrJahán .

    Page 99, note 2.

    ADAM I HAFTHAZA'RI'. I find that this expression is much older than Abulfazl's
    time. Thus Ziáuddín Baraní in his preface to the Tárikh i Fírúzsháhí (p . 5,
    1. 6), states that the Khalifah ' Umar lived seven thousand years after Adam.

    Page 101, note 6.


    ASHRAF KHAN. A correcter and fuller biography ofthis grandee was given on p. 389.
    He died in 983, not 973 .

    Page 102, note 1.


    KHANDAN. The collection of Delhi MSS. belonging to the Government of India has
    a copy of the Tazkirat ul Auliá written by Khandán in 920 A. H. , and yet the
    Mir-át ul ' Alam gives 915 as the year of his death.

    Page 104, note 2, line 7.


    BECHU . Though Bechú is a common Hindústání name, there is little doubt that the
    correct name of the saint is Panchú, or Panjú, vide p . 538. Badáoní ( II, 54)
    gives as táríkh of his death the words and tells the reader to subtract
    the middle letter ( ➡ ) , i . e . 971—2—969 . Vide also my Essay on Badáoní
    and his Works,' Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1869 , p . 118 .

    Page 116, line 24.


    SANGRA'M, Akbar's favourite gun. We know from the Tuzuk (p. 20) that Akbar killed
    with it Jatmall, the champion of Chítor,
    78
    618

    Page 122, lines 22 to 29.


    The reader is requested to substitute the following--
    Elephants are found in the following places. In the Cúbah of Agrah,
    in the jungles of Bayawan and Narwar, as far as Barár ; in the Çúbah of
    Iláhábád, in the confines of Pannah, (Bhat'h) Ghorá, Ratanpúr, Nandanpúr,
    Sirguja, and Bastar ; in the Çúbah of Málwah, in Handiah, Uchhod, Chan-
    derí, Santwás, Bíjágarh, Ráísín , Hoshangábád, Gaṛha, and Hariágaṛh ; in
    the Çúbah of Bihár, about Rohtás and in Jhárk'hand ; and in the Cúbah
    of Bengal, in Orísá and in Sátgáon. The elephants from Pannah are the
    best.
    Page 171 , note 1.
    Sulaimán Kararání reigned in Bengal from 971 to 980.
    Page 182, note 6.
    Prince Murád was born on the 3rd Muharram, 978. Badáoní II , 132. Vide
    below.

    Page 193, line 2 from below, and note 3.


    In the Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, for May, 1870, (p. 146) I have
    shewn that the unclear words in Badáoní's text are ,-

    ‫کذابلان که خوشگاه ایشان است‬


    ' the cunabula which is their time of mirth.'
    By ' cunabula ' the Jesuits meant the representations of the birth of Christ , in
    wax, &c., which they used to exhibit in Agrah and Láhor.
    Page 270, line 5 from below.

    The Çadr read the khutbah in the name of the new king, and thus the julús
    became a fact. Kháfí Khán, I, p . 52, l . 2 , from below.
    Page 272, line 13 .
    MAULA'NA' ' ABDUL BA'QI'. Vide p. 528, note 4.

    Page 309.

    AKBAR'S WIVES . For Raqiyah the diminutive form Ruqayyah is to be substituted.


    Regarding Jodh Báí vide next note.
    Sultán Salimah Begum . She is the daughter of Gulrukh Begum, a daughter of
    Bábar. Mírzá Núruddin Muhammad, Gulrukh's husband, was a Naqshbandí Khwajah.
    Gulrukh Begum must not be confounded with another Gulrukh Begum, who was
    the daughter of Mírzá Kámrán and wife of Ibráhím Husain Mírzá (vide p. 464).
    Of other women in Akbar's harem, I may mention , ( 1) the daughter of Qází 'Isá
    (p. 449 ) ; (2) an Armenian woman, Tuzuk, p. 324. Vide also Keane's Agra Guide,
    p. 38. (3) Qismiyah Bánú, married by Akbar in the 19th year (Akbarn. III, 94) ;
    4) a daughter of Shamsuddín Chak (Akbarn. III , 659) .
    SULTA'N MURA'D. He was married to a daughter of Mírzá ' Azíz Kokah ( p. 325).
    Their child, Sultán Rustam, did not live long (Akbarn . III , 539, 552) .
    619

    SULTAʼN DA'NYA'L. The correct date of his birth seems to be the 2nd Jumáda I ,
    979, not the 10th ; but the MSS. continually confound ‫ دوم‬and ‫ده‬ His first
    ‫م‬
    wife was a daughter of Sultán Khwajah ( p. 423) , by whom he had a daughter of
    the name of Sa'ádat Bánú Begum, who was born in 1000 (Akbarn . III , 643) .

    Page 310.
    JAHANGIR'S WIVES. An additional list was given on p. 477, note 2. Besides them,
    I may mention , ( 1 ) a daughter of Mubárak Chak of Kashmir ; ( 2 ) a daughter
    of Husain Chak of Kashmir (Akbarn . III, 659) ; ( 3 ) another Kashmírí lady,
    mentioned in Akbarn . III , 639.
    I stated on p. 309, that Jahángír's mother was called Jodh Bái . This is wrong.
    Jodh Bái was the wife of Jahángír and daughter of Mot'h Rájah of Jodhpúr. There
    is little doubt that Jahángír's mother (the Maryam uzzamání) is the daughter of
    Rájah Bihárí Mall and sister to Rájah Bhagwán Dás.

    Page 314, last line.

    DEATH OF MIRZA RUSTAM. Thus the date is given in the Maásir ul Umará ;
    but from the Pádisháhnámah ( II , 302 ) we see that Mírzá Rustam died on, or a
    few days before, the 1st Rabí' I. , 1052. The author adds a remarks that " the
    manners (auza') of the Mírzá did not correspond to his noble birth , which was
    perhaps due to the absence of nobility in his mother."

    Page 315, line 11.


    QARA QU'ILU TURKS. The correct name is Qaráqoinlü . The Calcutta Chaghtái Dic-
    tionary gives Qaráqúnílü . Vambéry (History of Bokhárá , p . 265, note) mentions
    the Ustajlü, Shámlü , Nikallü, Bahárlü , Zulqadr, Kájar, and Afshár, as the
    principal Turkish tribes that were living in Transcaucasia, on the southern shore
    of the Caspian and in the west of Khurásán. Qaráqoinlü means ' the black
    sheep tribe.'
    Page 317, note 1 .
    The correct name of the place where Bairam was defeated is Gúnáchúr,,
    which lies S. E. of Jálindhar. The word , which the Bibl . Indica Edition
    of Badáoní gives , contains Phillaur,' which lies S. W. of Gúnáchúr ,
    Page 324, note 1 .
    I do not think that Pír Muhammad came from the Sharwán mentioned in this
    note. It is more likely that he was a Shirwání Afghán.

    Page 325, note.


    This note has been corrected on p. 406 , line 10, and p. 416, note 1 .
    Page 329, line 8 from below.
    ZULQADR, is the name of a Turkmán tribe ; vide above.

    Page 339, last line.


    GOGANDAH. Regarding the correct date of the battle vide p . 418, note 2.
    620

    Page 351.
    TODAR MALL. The Maásir ul Umará says that Todar Mall was born at Láhor. But
    it is now certain that Todar Mall was born at Láharpúr, in Audh ; vide Proceed
    ings, Asiatic Society, Bengal, September 1871 , p. 178.

    Page 372 , note.


    MIYA'N KAL. The note is to be cancelled . Miyán Kál has been explained on
    p. 545, note.
    Page 373, line 22.
    YU'SUF KHA'N. Regarding his death vide Tuzuk, p. 328. His son ' Izzat Khán is
    wrongly called in the Bibl . Indica Edition of the Pádisháhnámah (I, b ., p . 302)
    His name was ' Aziz ullah ; hence his title ' Izzat.

    Page 379, last line.


    QA'SIM KHAN. I dare say, the phrase ' Chamanárái Khurásán' merely means that
    he was Governor of Kábul.
    Page 381 , line 14.
    BAQ KHÁN . He is often called * Khán Báqí Khán .
    Page 389, line 1 .
    MIR BAʼBU'S. The spelling Uigur ' is now common ; but in India the word is pro
    nounced ' Ighur.' The query may be cancelled ; vide p . 441, note.
    Page 398, line 10 .
    DASTAM KHA'N. Vambéry spells ' Dostum .'

    Page 413.
    SHAIKH FARI'D I BUKHA'RI '. That the name of Farid's father was Sayyid Ahmad
    i Bukhárí, may be seen from the short inscription on the Bukhárí Mosque' in
    the town of Bihar , which was built by Shaikh Lád, at the cost of Farid i Bukhárí,
    and bears the date 16th Rajab, 1017.
    Mr. J. G. Delmerick has sent me the following inscription from Farid's Jami'
    Masjid in Farídábád , -
    ‫شهنشاهی بدین و داد و احستان‬ ‫بعهد شاه نور الدین جهانگیر‬
    ‫فريد عصرو ملت مرتضی خان‬ ‫اساس این بنای خیر بنهاد‬
    ‫خلف ابن الخلف تا شاه مردان‬ ‫بعز و شوکت و جود و سخاوت‬
    ‫جاوید بنیان‬ ‫بئ تاریخ این‬ ‫رقم خیر البقاع از خامه سرزد‬
    1. In the reign of Sháh Núruddín , a king who is pious, just, and liberal,
    2. Murtaza Khán, the unique one (faríd) of the age andfaith, erected this
    religious building.
    3. He is honored, powerful, generous, and liberal, a worthy descendant ofthe
    king of men ['Alí] .
    4. As Tarikh of this lasting structure, the words Khair ul Biqá' issued from
    the pen.
    This gives 1014, A. H.
    621

    Page 424, line 24.


    KHWAJAH TAHIR MUHAMMAD . He is mentioned as a Sijistání on p. 528, among
    the Bakhshis.

    Page 431 , note 1 .

    MA'ÇU'M KHA'N KA'BULI'. This rebel, who gave Akbar no end of trouble, had the
    audacity to assume royal prerogatives in Bengal. The following inscription I
    received, through Bábu Rájendrála Mitra, from Rájah Pramatha Náth, Rájah of
    Dighaputi, Rájsháhí. It was found in a ruined mosque at a village, called
    Chatmohor, not very far from Dighaputi.
    ‫حمد معصوم خان‬
    ‫این مسجد رفیع در زمان سلطان الاعظم عمدة السادات ابو الفتح م‬
    ‫خلد الله ملكه ابدا يا رب و يا باقي بنا کرد خان رفیع مکان عالیشان خان محمد بن توي‬
    ‫محمد خان قاقشال في سنه تسع و ثمانين وتسعماية ال‬
    This lofty mosque was built during the time of the great Sultán, the chiefof
    Sayyids, Abul Fath Muhammad Ma'çúm Khán— May God perpetuate his kingdom
    for ever, O Lord, O Thou who remainest ! by the high and exalted Khán, Khán
    Muhammad , son of Túi Muhammad Khán Qâqshal, in the year 989.
    This was, therefore, nearly two years after the outbreak of the Bengal Military
    Revolt (9th Zí Hajjah, 987) ; vide p. 439.

    Page 438, line 13.


    SAYYID MUHAMMAD. Regarding the correct date of his death, vide P. 490.

    Page 450, line 14.


    SU'RAT. There is every probability that Sorat'h, and not Súrat, is intended .

    Page 456.
    THE GAKK'HARS . Vide pp. 486, 487.
    The places Pharwálah and Dángalí ( ts , not Dangálí) mentioned in the note
    as the principal places in the Gakk'har District, are noticed in E. Terry's ' Voyage to
    East India' (London , 1655, p . 88) . " Kakares, the principal Cities are called Dekalee
    " and Púrhola ; it is a large Province, but exceeding mountainous ; divided it is from
    " Tartaria by the Mountain Caucasus ; it is the extremest part North under the Mogol's
    " subjection ."
    De Laët also gives the same passage .

    Page 460, line 2.


    YARA'Q KHA'N. The correct name is, I believe, Boráq Khán. Vide Vambéry's
    ' Bokhara' , p. 153.

    Page 493, line 10.


    KUCH HAJO . Regarding Kúch Hájo and Kúch Bihár and Mukarram Khán, vide
    my article on these countries in Journal, Asiatic Society, Bengal, for 1872, p. 54.
    622

    Page 493, line 21 .


    GHAZNI'N KHAN , of Jálor.
    " The Pahlunpúr family is of Afghán origin, belonging to the Lohání tribe, and,
    it is said, occupied Bihár in the reign of Humáyún. They subsequently took service
    with the king of Dihlí ; and from Akbar Sháh, in A. D. 1597, Ghaznín Khán, the
    chief, obtained the title of Díwán, for having successfully repulsed an invasion of
    Afghán tribes ; for his services on this occasion , he was also rewarded with the govern-
    ment of Láhor. In A. D. 1682 , Fath Khán Díwán received the province of Jálor,
    Sánchor, Pahlunpúr, and Dísah from Aurangzíb. Fath Khán died in 1688, leaving
    an only son , Pír Khán , who was supplanted in his rights by his uncle Kamál Khán,
    who, subsequently, being unable to withstand the increasing power of the Rát'hors of
    Márwár, was compelled, in A. D. 1698, to quit the country [Jálor], and retire with
    his family and dependants to Pahlunpúr, where the family has remained ever since.-
    Selections, Bombay Government Records, No. XXV.- New Series, p. 15.

    Page 508, line 13 from below.


    WAÇLI' . This is wrong, and should be Hijrí. Khwajah Muhammad Sharif, as
    correctly stated in the genealogical tree on p . 512 , had two sons . The eldest is
    A'ghá Muhammad Tahir, whose nom-de-plume is Waçli, and Ghiás Beg.
    Page 524 , line 20.
    ALI QULI BEG ISTAJLU . Vambéry spells Ustajlú, which is the name of a Turkish
    tribe ; vide p. 619.
    INDEX TO THE FIRST VOLUME

    OF THE

    AIN I AKBARI.

    [ The numbers refer to the pages ; n. means ' footnote.' When names occur twice
    or several times on a page, they have been entered only once in the Index.
    The geographical names form a separate Index. ]

    'Abdul Hai, Mír ' Adl, 468 , 471 , 480


    ABx Bakr , son of Bahadur Khán
    АВА (No. 230).
    Qushbegí, 495 . 'Abdul Haq, of Sabzwár, a kátib, 101 .
    'Abbás Cafawí, Sháh, converts people to 'Abdul Karim, a kátib, 102.
    Shi'ism, 445 ; 453, 603n. ’Abdul Karim Sindhí Amír Khán , 472.
    Abdáls, the forty, 197, 197n. 'Abdul Kháliq Khawáfí, 447.
    Abdál Chak, 478. 'Abdullah A'shpaz, 100 .
    Abdárkhánah, 55. 'Abdullah Çairafi, Khwajah , 100 .
    'Abdí, of Níshápúr, a kátib, 102. ’Abdullah Khán Bárha , 392 .
    'Abdí Kor, 482 . ’Abdullah Khán Fírúzjang , 492 , 496,
    'Abdul ' Alí Tarkhán , Mírzá , 361. 503, 505 , 513n . , 514.
    'Abdul ' Azím, vide Sultán Khwajah. ’Abdullah Khán Mughul, 309, 396 (No.
    'Abdul ' Aziz, of Dihlí, 538. 76).
    'Abdul ' Azíz, a kátib, 103. 'Abdullah Khán, Sayyid , 297n . 465
    'Abdul Báqí, Çadr, 275 , 528, 541 . (No. 189) .
    'Abdul Bári, Khwajah, 507, 512. ’Abdullah Khán Uzbak , 320 (No. 14) ,
    'Abduççamad, Khwajah, Shirinqalam, 371 .
    of Shíráz, 107, 495 (No. 266) . ’Abdullah Khán Uzbak, king of Bukhará ,
    'Abduççamad, Khwajah, of Káshán, 518, 411 , 468.
    (No. 353). 'Abdullah, Khwajah, son of Khwajah
    'Abduççamad, a kátib, 102. 'Abdullatif, 423 (No. 109).
    'Abdul Ghaffár, of Dihlí , 413. 'Abdullah, Khwajah, Khwajagán Khwá-
    Abdul Ghafúr, Mírzá, 327. jah, 423.
    'Abdul Ghafúr, Shaikh, 538. 'Abdullah Marwáríd, Khwajah, 528,
    'Abdul Ghaní, Shaikh, 547 . 583n. [613.
    'Abdul Hai, name of several kátibs, 100, ' Abdullah, Mír, a kátib, 103 ; a singer,
    101, 103. 'Abdullah, Mírzá, vide Sardár Khán.
    624

    Abdullah Sarfaráz Khán, 492 (No. 257). ' Abdussalám Payámí , 601 .
    Abdullah, son of Nizám Murtazá Khán , 'Abdussamí', Qází, 545.
    469. 'Abdushshahíd, Khwajah, 423, 539.
    'Abdullah, Shaikh, son of Muhammad 'Abdushshukúr, Mullá, 189.
    Ghaus, 457. 'Abdussubhán Duldai, 517 ( No. 349).
    ’Abdullah , son of Sa’íd Khán, 466. 'Abdussubhán, Mírzá, 514.
    Abdullah, Sultán of Káshghar, 322, 459 . 'Abdul Wahhab Bukhárí, Sayyid, 397.
    'Abdullah Sultánpúrí, 544 ; vide Makh- 'Abdul Wahháb, Shaikh, 546.
    dúmul Mulk. 'Abdul Wahid, Sayyid, 519 (No. 364).
    'Abdullatif, Mír, of Qazwin, 447, 545. 'Abdul Wahid, Shaikh, 547 .
    'Abdullatif, Mírzá, 327. 'Abdul Wási', 309.
    'Abdullatif, son of Naqib Khán, 449. Abhang Khán , 336n.
    ’Abdul Majíd , vide Açaf Khán Aboriginal races , 231, 252 ; vide Tribes.
    'Abdul Malik ibn Marwán , 36. Abú Is-háq Firang, Shaikh , 539.
    ’Abdul Matlab Khán , 403 (No. 83) . Abú Is-háq, Sayyid, 439, 523 (No. 384).
    'Abdul Múmin, Mír, 522 (No. 374). Abul Baqá, 466.
    'Abdul Muqtadir, 469 . Abul Baqá , Amír Khán, 472.
    'Abdunnabí, Çadr, 169, 173, 177, 185, Abul Faiz Faizí, 490 ; vide Faizí.
    187, 268, 272, 273 , 490, 491 , 546, Abul Farah, Sayyid, of Wásit, 390, 393.
    547. Abul Fath Beg, 318, 492 .
    'Abdul Qadir Akhúnd , 485 , 545. Abul Fath Gujrátí, Shaikh, 546 .
    'Abdul Qadir Badáoní, vide Badáoní. Abul Fath, Hakim , 175, 205, 206, 344,
    'Abdul Qadir Jílání, 402. 402, 424 (No. 112) , 542 , 569, 574n.,
    'Abdul Qadir, Mauláná, 544. 586.
    ' Abdul Qádir Sarhindí , 544. Abul Fath Khán, son of Sháistah Khán,
    'Abdul Quddús, of Gango, 538 , 546 . 511, 512.
    ' Abdurrahím Khalúlí , a kátib, 100 . Abul Fath, son of Fazíl Beg, 318, 445,
    'Abdurrahím Khar, 414, 454, 455n . 485, 485n.
    'Abdurrahim, of Khwárazm , a kátib, 102. Abul Fath, son of Muzaffar Mughul,
    'Abdurrahím , of Lak’hnau, Shaikh , 338, 512 (No. 323).
    470 (No. 197) . Abul Fattah Atálíq, 501 (No. 294) .
    'Abdurrahím, Mauláná, a kátib, 103. Abul Fazl, author of the A'ín , 168, 174,
    'Abdurrahím Mírzá KhánKhánán , vide 187, 194, 203 , 209, 210 , 338 , 388,
    KhánKhánán . 441, 442, 493n.
    ’Abdurrahím , son of Qáim Khán , 371 . Abul Fazl of Kázarún, Khaṭíb, 490 .
    'Abdurrahmán Duldai, 465 (No. 186) . Abul Fazl, son of the Mír ' Adl, 490.
    'Abdurrahmán, Mírzá , 464 (No. 183). Abul Hasan, Khwajah, 327 ; vide Açaf
    'Abdurrahmán Súr, 366 N., 383n. Khán .
    'Abdurrashíd, king of Káshghar, 460, Abul Hasan , Sayyid , son of the Mir
    460n. ' Adl , 519 (No. 363).
    'Abdurrazzaq Çimçámuddaulah, 445n. Abul Husain, 376.
    'Abdurrazzáq, Mír, of Gílán, 424, 472. Abul Khair Khán, 472, 473.
    ’Abdussalám, son of Muazzam Khán , Abul Ma'álí, son of the Mír ' Adl, 501 ,
    521n. (No. 297) ; vide Shah Abul Ma'álí.
    'Abdussalám, Mauláná , 545 . Abul Muhammad, 506.
    625

    Abul Muzaffar, Mír, 389. Açwátí, Mauláná, 613n.


    Abul Muzaffar , son of Ashraf Khán , 484 Adam, the first man, called ' hafthazárí',

    (No. 240). 99n., 617 .


    Abul Qasim Namakín, 414 n., 470 (No. A'dam Bárha, Sayyid, 392, 521n . [ 486 .
    A'dam, Sultán, Gakk'har, 322, 455, 457,
    199).
    Abul Qasim, brother of Abdul Qadir Adham Khán , son of Mahum Anagah ,
    Akhúnd, 485 (No. 242). 263, 323 (No. 19).
    Abul Qasim, Sayyid , son of the Mír 'Adl, Adham , Mír, 439.
    Adhan, Shaikh, 538 .
    489 (No. 251 ).
    Abul Qasim, Mír, of Níshápúr, 525 adhelah, a coin, 31.
    'A'dil Khán, son of Sháh Muhammad
    (No. 398).
    Abul Qásim, Governor of Gwáliár, 315. Qalátí, 432 (No. 125 ).
    'A'dil Sháh, 466n.
    Abul Qasim, of Werkopái, 608n.
    Abul Wafa, Mír, 472. 'adl gutkah, a coin, 30.
    Abú Naçr, of Faráh, 412. admiralty, 279.
    admission to court, 156.
    Abú Raihán, quoted, 42.
    advances to officers, 265.
    Abú Sa'id Çawafi Mírzá, son of Sultán
    Husain Mírzá, 313, 314, 496 (No. Adwand, of Orísá, 526 ( No. 413).
    Afgháns, their last stand under ' Usmán
    271 ).
    Lohání, 520, 521 ; their character,
    'Abú Sa'id Mírzá , Sultán, 316, 322.
    Abú Sa'id, Sultán of Káshghar, 460, 461 . 399 ; 517.
    Abú Tálib, son of Múnis Khán, 417. Afláṭún Mírzá , 347 . [kím , 377.
    Afrásiáb , son of Mírzá Muhammad Ha-
    Abú Tálib Sháistah Khán , 511.
    Abú Tálib, son of Sháistah Khán, 511 , Afrídís , 514.
    512. Afshár , a tribe, 619.
    Abú Turáb, Mír, Gujrátí, 406, 506. áftábí, a coin, 29, 30.
    abwáb ulmál, revenue accounts , 260. áftábgír, a royal ensign , 50.
    Afzal Khán, Khwajah Sultán 'Alí, 376
    A'çafi, a poet, 582n . , 598 n.,600n.
    Açafjáh, 510. (No. 56).
    Afzal Khán , 604n.
    Acuf Khán , A'cafuddaulah , Acaf Jản ,
    agar, vide Aloes.
    titles, 368.
    agate, vide bábághúrí.
    Açaf Khán , ( I. ), Abdul Majíd , 241 , 330 ,
    Aghá Khizr Naháwandí , 603n.
    348, 366 (No. 49).
    Aghá Muhammad Náí, 613n .
    Açaf Khán ( II.), Ghiásuddín ’Alí, 411 ,
    Aghá Muhammad Tahir Waçlí, 512, 622.
    433 (No. 126 ), 511.
    Aghá Mullá , 369, 497, 508, 508n .
    Açaf Khán ( III . ), Ja’far Beg, 209, 411
    (No. 98), 310, 311 , 465, 518, 572. Aghá Mullá Dawátdár , 369 , 411 .
    AçafKhán(IV.) , Yamínuddaulah, Mírzá Aghá Mullá Qazwíní , 523 (No. 376) .
    Abul Hasan, 510, 512. agingir, or firepot, 49 .
    Ahadís, 20 , 161 , 231 , 246, 248 ; under
    Açálat Khán Lodí, 505.
    Achhe, Shaikh, 521n. Jahángír, 535.
    accounts, how kept, 14 ; how divided, áhanchíní, a metal , 40.
    260. Ahdád , 508.
    ahl ijama'at , 182n . [91 ) .
    açlijama' túmár, 352.
    Ahmad Bárha , Sayyid , 289, 407 (No.
    ' açmat i anbiyá, title of a book, 544.
    79
    626

    Ahmad Beg Khán , brother of Núr Jahán , an act of worship, 11 ; enters into de-
    511, 512. tails, 243 ; is a good physiognomist,
    Ahmad Beg Kábulí, 451 , 465 (No. 191) , 238 ; believes in lucky days, 91n.;
    522. is lucky,' 243 ; is musical, 51 ; is
    Ahmad Beg, Mírzá , 369. witty, 427 ; shews himself to the
    Ahmad Bukhárí, Sayyid, 415 , 620. people, 156 ; how he dines, 58 ;
    Ahmad Çúfi, 208, 209. invents new names, 45, 59, 65, 90,
    Ahmadí Fayyáz, Shaikh, 546. 104, 127, 129, 139n .; is fond of
    Ahmad Khán Niyází , 484. fruit, 64 ; dislikes meat, 61 ; ab-
    Ahmad Khaṭṭú, Shaikh, 507. stains from it, 155 ; wears woollen
    Ahmad Lodí, 506. stuffs like Cúfis, 90 ; likes only
    Ahmad, Mír, Munshí, 439. certain books, 103 ; is fond of paint-
    Ahmad, Mullá, of Tattah, 106, 206. ing, 107, 108 ; of elephants and
    Ahmad Qásim Kokah, 502 (No. 307). trained leopards, 131 , 288 ; likes to
    Ahmad, Sayyid, 505 . see spiders fight, 296 ; does not hunt
    Ahmad Shah, Razí ul Mulk, of Gujrát, on Fridays, 290 ; invents a carriage,
    385. 275 ; and a wheel for cleaning guns,
    Ahmad, Shaikh, a kátib, 100. 115 ; his favorite gun Sangrám, 116,
    Ahmad, Shaikh, 544. 617 ; invents elephant gear, 127 ;
    Ahmad, Shaikh, son of Salím Chistí Sí- improves his army, 232 ; introduces
    kríwál , 475 (No. 210). the brand, or the dágh o makallí-
    Ahmad, Shaikh, son of ' Abdul Quddús, law, 232, 233 , 326, 600n .; im-
    546. proves guns, 113 ; his forced march
    Ahmad, Sultán of Gujrát, 506. from Agrah to Gujrát, 434 n., 325,
    Ahrár Khwajah, 423, 539. 416, 416n .; his religion, 49 ; is
    aimah tenures, 272, 274. the spiritual guide of his people,
    aimáq, vide uymáq. 162 ; performs miracles, 164, 284,
    * Ain Khán Dak’hiní, 482 . 286, 287 ; is the representative of
    ' A'ishah, Muhammad's wife, 196, 203n . God, 188 ; is king by Divine Right,
    'Aishí, Mauláná, 102 . Preface, iii.; abolishes the jazyah,
    'ajáibí, a tent, 54. 189 ; interdicts beef, 193 ; orders the
    ákásdiah, 47, 50. courtiers to shave off their beards,
    Akbar, Emperor, when born, 62n ., his 193, 610n .; looks upon dogs and
    miraculous birth, 210, 382 ; his full pigs as clean, 194 ; abolishes the
    name, 186 ; his mother, 332 , 333, Hijrah, 195 ; hates every thing
    334 ; his nurses, vide Mahum Arabic, 195, 198, 206 ; dislikes the
    Anagah, Píchah Ján Anagah, Jí Jí names " Muhammad' and " Ahmad,'
    Anagah ; his attachment to rela- 355n.; makes the Mullás drink
    tives, 324, 325 ; his children , 308 ; wine , 197, 468 ; calls a Zoroastrian
    his wives, 173, 309, 618 ; his bro- priest from Persia, 210 ; keeps Parsí
    thers, vide Muhammad Hakim Mír- feasts, 276; discourages circumcision
    zá, and Mírzá Ibrábím , 526 ; his and the rite of Suttee, 207 ; saves
    character, 154, 155 ; how he spends a Suttee, 428 ; hates the learned
    his time, 154 ; abhors cruelty , 133n.; and drives them from court, 173,
    regards the performance of his duty 190, 191 ; resumes their grants of
    627

    land, 268, 269, 270 ; his views on 'Alí Ahmad, the engraver, 22, 27, 52, 53.
    marriage,277, and on education, 278 ; 'Alí Akbar, Mír, 382 ( No. 62 ).
    fixes the age for marriage, 195 ; wor- Alí Akbar Tashbíhí, Mír, 596n .
    ships fire and the sun, 49, 200, 202 ; 'Alí Beg Akbarsháhí, Mírzá, 482 .
    founds a new sect, 165 ; admits ' Alí Beg ' Alamshábí, 482 (No. 237) .
    pupils to it by ceremony, 203 (vide 'Alí Chaman, a kátib, 103.
    Divine Faith) ; is opposed for his ’Ali Dost Khán, 533 .
    religious opinions, 401 , especially by Alí ibn Hilál, a calligraphist, 100 .
    'Abdullah of Túrán , 468 ; is called ’Alí Khán , Rájah , of Khándesh , 327,335.
    a God, 561 ; forces courtiers to pro- ’Alí Khán Chak, 478 .
    strate themselves before him, vide ' Alí Mardán Bahádur, 496 (No. 273) .
    sijdah ; his last illness, 467 ; day 'Alí, Mír, a kátib, 101 , 102 , 103.
    of his death, 212n .; is buried at ' Alí, Mír, Sayyid Judáí, of Tabríz, a
    Sikandrah, 211 . painter and poet, 107, 590 ;- , a
    Akbarnámah, Lucknow Edition of, 435n. musician, 613 ; — , of Qum , 598.
    Akbar Qulí Sultán, 486 , 487. 'Alí Muhammad Asp, 492 (No. 258) .
    ákhtah, meaning of, 432n. 'Alí, Qází, 346.
    Akhtachí, an officer over horses, 138 . ’Alí Qulí, vide Khán Zamán .
    Ali Muzaffar, a dynasty, 445 . ’Ali Qulí Beg Istajlú , Sher Afkan Khán ,
    aláchah, a stuff, vide alchah. 524 (No. 394), 622.
    A'lá Hazrat, a title, 337n. 'Alí Qulí Khán Indarábí, 432 (No. 124 ).
    A'lá Kháqán, a title, 337n. 'Alí Rái, of Little Tibbat, 310, 474, 607n.
    'alam , a royal standard, 50. 'Ali Sher, Mír, 101 , 338.
    'Alam Bárha, Sayyid, 392, 395n, 'Alí Shukr Beg, 315.
    'A'lam Kábulí, Mullá, 159n . , 546. 'Alí Yár, 408.
    'Alam Lodí, 506. Alif Khán Gujratí , 386 .
    'Aláuddaullah Kámí, 447, 447n. 'alisherí, a melon , 65.
    'Aláuddaulah, Mírzá , 508 . Allah Bakhsh Çadr, 436.
    'Aláuddín Harátí, a kátib, 102. Allah Qulí, 486 , 487.
    'Aláuddín Islám Khán, 493, 519, 520. Allah Yár Khán , 499.
    'Aláuddín Khawáfí, Khwajah, 446. alms, paid at court, 14, 266, 267.
    ' Aláuddín Khiljí, his coins, 18 ; his aloes, wood of aloes, 80.
    army reforms, 242 ; interferes with aloní, 26.
    grants of land, 271, 367n ., 460n., alphabets , 98.
    491n. Alqás Mírzá Cafawí, 314.
    'Aláuddín Lárí, 540. Altún Qulij , 500 (No. 290) .
    ' Aláuddín Majzúb, 539. Amánullah, son of Saif Kokah, 518 ,
    'Aláuddín Mírzá, 522. (No. 356).
    'Alá ul Mulk, of Lár, 601n. Ambah Khán Chak Kashmiri, 474, 474n .
    'Alá ul Mulk, Mír, of Tirmiz, 322. 497.
    alchah, a melon , 65 ; a stuff, 91 , 91n .. 'ambar, 77.
    Alexander the Great (Sikandar), 343, 'Ambar, Malik, 337, 338, 339, 412.
    553. Amín Khán Ghorí 516.
    'Ali , the Khalifah , 99 . Amín Rází, Khwajah, 508, 512.
    'Alí Açghar , Mírzá , 413 . Aminuddin Injú, Mír, 451 .
    628

    Amír Beg Pairawí, 600. Arghún of Kábul, a kátib, 100.


    Amir Chaubán, 316. Arghún , Khán , 361.
    Amír Haidar, of Bilgrám , 316n. 'A'rif Beg Shaikh 'Umarí, 455.
    Amir Khán , 472. Arjun Singh, 485 (No. 244).
    Amír Khán Mughul Beg, 373 . Arlát, a tribe, 476, 508.
    Amír Khán , Sayyid , 445. armourers , 113.
    Amír Khusrau Sháh , 311 , 315. armours, kinds of, 111, 112.
    Amir Khusrawí, Sayyid, 591n . arms, list of, 110.
    Amír Mançúr, a kátib, 101 . army, strength of Akbar's army, 231 ,
    Amír Qází Asírí, 599. 243, 245, 246 ; of Sháhjahán, 244.
    amir ul umará, a title, 240, 333 . Arqún ' Abdullah, a kátib , 100.
    Amr Singh Baghelah , 407. arrack, 70.
    Amr Singh, or Amrá , Ráná, 342, 447 , arsenal, the imperial, 109.
    519. Arslán, a poet, 609.
    Amr Singh, of I'dar, 333. Arzání Begum, 311.
    Amr Singh Sisodiah, 418. 'arznámchah, 263.
    Amrí, a poet, 608n. Asad Reg , son of Khán Daurán Sháh
    Amrullah, Mírzá, 339 . Beg, 378.
    amulets, 507. Asad Khán, son of Qutlugh Qadam
    amusements at court, 297, 303. Khán , 432 .
    anagah, or nurse, 323. Asad Khán , Shuja i Kábulí, 431.
    Anand Singh Kachhwáhah, 418. Asad Khán Turkmán , 382.
    anín, 219. Asadullah Khán, of Tabríz, 427 (No.
    Anísí, a poet, 578. 116) .
    Anísuddin , vide Mihtar Khán . Asadullah, Mírzá, 522.
    Anúp Singh Baghelah, 407. Asadullah, son of Sher Khwajah, 459.
    Anwar Mírzá, 327 . Asadullah Turkmán, 382, 427.
    'aqáid i nasafi, title of a book, 362n. ashkhár, 24.
    'A'qil, Mírzá, son of Mírzá 'T'sá Tar- Ashkí, a poet, 590 n., 598.
    khán, 364n . Ashraf, a poet, 389.
    'A'qil Husain Mírzá, 461 , 462 . Ashraf Khán Mír Munshí, Muhammad
    aqta', orjágír, 256. Açghar, 389 (No. 73), 101.
    'Arab Bahadur, 189, 351 , 400 , 410, 427, Ashraf Khwajah, 512 (No. 320).
    446, 481 . asht, a coin, 31.
    'Arabsháh, Mír, 563n. ashtdhát, a metallic composition, 41.
    'Arafát o ' Araçát, a Tazkirah, 518 . ashtsiddh, a coin, 30.
    Arám Bánú Begum, Akbar's daughter, Asírí, of Rai, a poet, 599.
    309. Askaran Kachhwáhah, 430, 458, 531.
    arbáb, meaning, 563n . 'Askarí Mírzá, brother of Humáyún,
    arbáb uttaháwíl, household expenses 319, 348, 441 .
    260. 'Askárí Mírzá, son of Ja'far Beg, 413.
    archers, 254. asrár i maktúm, title of a book, 568#.
    Ardsher, a Zoroastrian priest, 210. assaying, mode of, 21 .
    Ardsher Kábulí, 466. assessment, under Bairám Khán , 349 ;
    Arghún, a clan, 361, 363. under Muzaffar Khán , 349 ; under
    629

    Todar Mall, 352 ; 430 ; of Kashmir, Bábá Hasan Abdál, a saint, 515 .
    346, 411 ; of Afghánistán, 377. Bábá Khán Qishál, 350, 369n ., 370 ;
    atálíq, an office , 315, 317 , 327, 331 , dies, 351 .
    333, 334, 336, 347 , 356 , 357 n., Bábá Kipúr, 539 .
    361, 383, 400, 412. Bábá Quchín , 445 .
    átbegí, master of the horse, 137, 432n. bábá shaikhí, a kind of melon, 65 , 523 .
    Atgah Khán , Shamsuddin Muhammad, Bábá Sher Qalandar, a saint, 514.
    263 , 321 (No. 15) . Bábá Tálib, a poet, 607.
    at'harban, a Sanskrit work, 105. Bábá Zambúr, 334, 360.
    at'hkhambah, a tent, 54. Bábar, Emperor, introduces gardening,
    'Atíq, 526. 87 ; his Memoirs, 105 , 335 ; 311 ,
    aṭkal, 219. 362, 420, 460 , 618.
    Atkú Tímúr, 361. Bábú Manklí, 370, 473 (No. 202) .
    átmah, a coin, 29. babúl wood, 22, 25, 69.
    'atr, rose water, 510. Bábús, Mír, 389, (No. 73), 441n ., 620.
    Aují, Mullá, 594n. Badakhshis, their character, 454.
    Aulád Husain, 479. Badan Singh Bhadauriah, 489.
    aurang, or throne , 50 . Badáoní, the historian, 104 n., 168, 261,
    Aurungzíb, 337n., abolishes music, 372 , 435 , 438 , 476, 547, 582n.
    613n.; 615 . bádinján, 59.
    aviary, the imperial, 295. badi ' ul bayán, title of a book, 547.
    Awáns, a tribe, 456n. Badí' uzzamán, son of Mírzá Shahrukh
    awárahnawis, 251. Badakhshí, 313.
    'Awáriful Ma'árif, title of a book, 433n . Badí' uzzamán Mírzá, son of Sultán
    'Ayár Dánish, a book by Abulfazl, 106 . Husain Mírzá, 362 . [472 n.
    A'yat ul Kursi, name of a verse in the Badí 'uzzamán, Mírzá, Shahnawaz Khán,
    Qorán, 168. Badí ' uzzamán, Mírzá, son of Aghá
    Ayáz, slave of Mahmúd of Ghazní, 565n, Mullá, 369.
    Azaduddaulah, Mír Jamaluddín Husain, Badí ' uzzamán, Qazwíní, 411 .
    451. bádlah (brocade) , 510.
    Azam Khán , vide Khán i A’zam . Badr, Sayyid, 416 .
    azfár uṭṭib, a perfume, 82. Badr i ' Alam , Mír, 469.
    Azhar, Mauláná, a kátib, 101 , 102 . Bad Singh Bhadauriah, 489n.
    Azhdar Khán Dak’hiní, 482 . baghlí, a dirham, 36.
    ’Aziz Kokah , vide Khán i A’zam . Bahadur, conferred as title, 339.
    'Aziz Kábulí, Mírzá, 431n. Bahadur Gohlot, 502 (No. 308) .
    'Aziz, son of Khán Jahán Lodí, 505. Bahádur Khán , Muhammad Saíd Shai
    'Azizullah, Mír, 373. bání, 328, 329, 366, 368, 381, 382.
    'Azizullah Turbatí, 527. Bahádur Khán Qurdár, 495 (No. 269).
    'Azmat Lodí, 505. Bahadur Dantúrí, 524 .
    Bahádur Khán Gilán1, 496.
    Bahadur, Sultán, of Gujrát, 348, 611n.
    BABA Balás, 539 . Bahár Begum, daughter ofJahángír, 130.
    Bábá Beg, 410 . Balár Khán, (No. 87) ; vide Muhammad
    bábághúrí, or agate, 35, 615. Açghar, and Pahát Khán .
    630

    Bahárlü tribe 315 , 359, 619. banwárí, 18.


    Bahauddin Kambú, 497. Baqáí, a poet, 595n.
    Bahauddín Majzúb, of Badáon , 409. Báqí Be Uzbak, 519 (No. 368).
    Bahauddín Muftí, 546. Báqí Billah, 441.
    Bahauddín Zakariyá, of Multán, 399. Báqí Khán, 381 (No. 60), 620.
    bahlah, 15. Báqí Khán, son of Táhir Kháng 408.
    Bahmanyár, 511, 512. Báqí Safarchí, 534.
    Bahrám, son of Shamsí, 450. Báqi Sultán Uzbak, 313.
    Bahrám Mírzá Cafawi, 314. Báqí Tarkhán , Mírzá, 420.
    Bahrám Qulí, a musician , 613. Báqir Ançárí, 501 (No. 298).
    Bahram Saqqá, a poet, 581 , 581n. Báqir Bukhárí , Sayyid, 398 .
    Bairam Beg, father of Mun'im Khán, Báqir, Mauláná, a kátib, 103 .
    317. bárah, or a community of twelve vil-
    Bairám Khán , KhánKhánán , 309, 315, lages, 393 .
    (No. 10), 332, 348 ; his assessment, barát, or cheque, 262.
    349 ; 353, 355 , 374, 375, 436, 437, Baráwardí soldiers, 231 .
    612n., 619. barg i nai, a kind of melon, 65.
    Bairám Oghlán, 464. bárgáh, audience tent, 53.
    Bairám Qulij , 501 . bárgír, a kind of horse, 133, 135, 139,
    Bairí Sál, brother of Gajpatí, of Bihár, 215, 263.
    498n. Bárha Sayyids, 390 to 395 .
    baitár, or horse doctor, 138. Bárí of Harát, a kátib, 101 .
    Baizáwí, a Qorán commentator, 545. Barkhurdár Mírzá, Khán 'Alam, 512
    Bakhshis, of Akbar's reign, 528. (No. 328).
    Bakhshí Bánú Begum, 322 . Barkhurdár, Khwajah, 514.
    Bakhshú, a singer, 611n. Barlás, a clan, 341 , 365 .
    Bakhtyár, a clan of Jalesar, 425. Basákhwánís, a sect, 597n.
    Bakhtyár Beg Gurd, 474 (No. 204). Basáwan, the painter, 108 .
    Bakhyah Anagah, 398. Bású, Rájah of Mau, 345, 447, 457.
    Baland Akhtar, 310. Batauís, an Afghán tribe, 476n .
    Balbhadr, Rájah of Lak'hinpúr, 345 . Báyasanghur, son of Prince Dányál,
    Balbhadr Rát'hor, 501 (No. 296) . 310.
    Balínás, the philosopher, 553n . Báyasanghur Mírzá , 311 .
    Báljú Qulij , 501. Bayát, a Turkish tribe, 581 .
    Balochís, 338, 360, 397. Báyazíd Bárba, 392 , 501 (No. 295) .
    Baltú Khán , 476 (No. 297) . Báyazid Beg Turkmán, 501 (No. 299) .
    bamboo, price of, 224. Bayazid Mu’azzam Khán , 492 (No. 260 ).
    bản , 19 . Báyazíd, son of Sulaimán ofBengal, 366.
    banáits, 253. Báz Bahadur of Málwah, 321 , 324, 428
    Bandah ' Alí Maidání, 499 ( No. 284). (No. 120), 612 .
    Bandah 'Alí Qurbegí, 499. Báz Bahádur, son of Sharif Khán, 383,
    bandúqchi, vide match-lock-bearers. 465 (No. 188).
    Bánká Kachhwáhah, 495 (No. 270) . bdellium , 82.
    bankúlís, 253. Be, a title, for Beg, 455.
    Bánú Aghá, 333. bear, a stupid animal, 617.
    631

    Bechú, Shaikh, 538. Bihzád, the painter, 107.


    Bedár Bakht, Prince, 472n. Bijli Khán Afghán, 369 .
    beefinterdicted by Akbar, 193. Bikramájít 469 ; vide Patr Dás.
    beer, manufacture of, 502. Bikramájít, of Gwáliár, 611n .
    Beg Bábá Kolábí, 441. Bikramájit Baghelah, 407.
    Beg Muhammad Toqbáí, 512 (No. 324). Bikramájit Bhadauriah, 489.
    Beg Muhammad Uighur, 518 ( No. 360) . Bikramájít Bundelá, 488 .
    Beg Núrín Khán Qúchín, 475 (No. 212 ) Bilás, son of Tánsen, 613n .
    Beg Oghlú, 421. lín , a musical instrument, 612.
    Beglar Begí, a title, 333. Bíná, Shaikh, 543.
    Beglar Khán, 450. binsat, a coin, 29.
    Begums, their salaries, 615. bir, meaning of, 494n .
    Begum Çáhib, 615. Bír Baṛ, Rájah, 175 , 183, 188 , 192, 198,
    Bengal Military Revolt, 621. 199, 204, 205, 209, 330, 341, 404
    Bení Dás Bundelá, 488. (No. 85), 425.
    betel leaf, cultivation of, 72. Bír Bhadr Baghelah, 406.
    betel nut, 71 . Bir Mandal Khán , a musician, 612.
    betting, at court, 218, 289. Bír Sáh, of Gondwánah, 367.
    Bhadauriah clan, 324, 488. Bir Singh Deo Bundelá, 458, 469, 487,
    Bhagwan Dás Kachhwáhah , (Bhagwant 488 .
    Dás), 198, 310, 333 (No. 27) , 619. biryán, a dish, 60.
    Bhagwán Dás Bundelá, 488 . Biswás Ráo, 449 .
    Bhakkar, Sayyid, 416. Bízan (Bízhan), 508.
    bhangár, a metallic composition, 41 . blood of enemies drunk, 427.
    Bháo Singh Kachhwáhah, 341 , 485, 486. Boráq Khán , 621.
    Bhárat Chand Bundelá, 488. borax, 26.
    bhelá, a nut, 52n. boy's love, 319, 349, 360, 556., 557n .,
    Bhík, or Bhíkan, Shaikh, 546. 569n ; vide immorality.
    Bhíl Khán Salimsháhí , 343. branding horses, 139, 140n . ; introduced
    Bhím Singh Kachhwáhah , 418, 486. by Akbar, 233, 255.
    Bhím, Rawul ofJaisalmír, 477 (No. 225). brass, how made, 41.
    Bhím, Rájah, Daulatsháhí, 337 . bread, how prepared, 61 .
    bhíraun, a stuff, 94, 617. bricks, price of, 223.
    Bhoj Bhadauriah , 489. Bud Singh Bhadauriah , 489 .
    Bhoj Hádá, 409, Budí (Badhí) Chand of Nagarkot, 330,
    Bhoj Ráj, Shaikháwat, 419. 345 , 404 .
    bholsirí, a fruit, 70. buffalo hunts, 293.
    Bhúgiáls, a Gakk'har tribe, 487. bughrá, a dish, 60.
    Bíbí Çafiyah, 441 . bugráwatí, 25.
    Bíbí Sarw i Sahí, 441 . Buhlúl Khán Miánah , 506.
    Bichitr Khán, a singer, 612. buhlúlí, a coin, 31 .
    Bígarah, meaning of, 506n. buildings, 222 ; estimates of, 226.
    Bihárí Mall Kachhwáhah, 309, 328 bukhár (gas), 39, 41.
    (No. 23), 619 . Buláqi (Dáwar Bakhsh), 310.
    Bihrúz, Rájah, 446n. Buláqi Begum , 310.
    632

    Bundelá Rájpúts, of Undchah, genea- camels, the imperial, 143 ; different kinds
    logy, 488 . of, 143 ; their food, 144 ; harness ,
    burd, or drawn (a game), 298. 145 ; are shorn, 146 ; have oil in-
    Burhán, Shaikh, 539. jected into the nose, 146 ; how
    Burhání, Mír, 389. trained , 147 ; how mustered , 216.
    Burj Alí, 319. camphor, 78, 79 ; causes impotence , 385.
    Buzurg, Mír, of Bhakkar, 515. camps , 45.
    canals, 333, 491.
    çandali, 306, 337n.
    cannons, 112, 113, 115.
    CABUHI , a poet, 582 . cards, 303 , 304. [586.
    Cabrí, a poet, 613. Çarfi (Çairafi), a poet, 581n .; of Sáwah,
    Cádiq, Mauláná , 541. carpets, 55.
    Cádiq Muhammad Khán, 355 (No. 43 ). carriages, or bahals, 275 ; English car-
    Çadrs, of Akbar's reign, 268, 270, 271 , riages, 275n.; for trained leopards,
    528, 618 ; Çadr of women, 510. 288 ; kinds of, 150.
    Çadr i 'Iráqí, a kátib, 100. cash-payments, 134n.
    Çadr Jahán Muftí, 270, 272, 468 (No. cattle, 148 ; good in Bengal and the
    194), 185, 208, 209, 212n. Dak'hin , bad in Dihlí, 149 ; their
    Çadruddín, Qází, 545 . food, 149 ; how mustered, 216.
    Çafáí , Sayyid, 514, 515. cereals , prices of, 62.
    Cafar Aghá Khudáwand Khán Gujrati , chábuk-suwár, an officer over horses, 138,
    354. chahárgoshah, a coin, 29n., 30 .
    Çafdar Beg, son of Haidar Muhammad Chahár nahrí, a canal, 491n.
    Khán, 512 (No. 326) . Chaks, a Kashmír family, 478.
    Cafdar Khán, 512. Chalmah Beg, vide Khán ’Alam.
    Çafdar Khán Khwajah Khail, 552. Chaman, title of a historical work, 347.
    Çafshikan Mírzá Cafawí, 315. Champat Bundelá, 488.
    Çafshikan Khán, Mírzá Lashkarí, 347, Chánd Bíbí, 336n.
    (formerly Çafdar Khán ). Chand Khán and Chand Miyán , two
    Çáhib i Zamán, 189 ; vide Imám Mahdí. singers, 612.
    Çáhib Qirán, a title, 337n . Chandá Ráo, Sísodiah , 418.
    Cáib, a poet, 580n. chandal mandal , a play, 303.
    Çairafi, a mint officer, 18. Chandr Man Bundelá, 488 .
    Çairafi, a poet, 582n.; vide Çarfi. Chandr Sen, son of Máldeo , of Jodhpúr
    Çalábat Khán , 445 . (Máṛwár), 330, 357, 419, 476.
    Calábat Khán Bárha, 392, 407 . Chandrawat, 417.
    Calábat Khán Chirgis, 442 . chandrkránt, a stone.
    Çalábat Khán Lodí, 503. character, of Kashmírís, 399 ; of the
    Çalábat Khán Nizámsháhí, 499. Gakk'hars , 487 ; of Gujrátís, 387 ;
    caligraphists of fame, 100. of Badakhshís , 454 ; of the women
    caligraphy, 99. of Persia, Túrán, Khurásán, and
    Cálih Díwánah, 479. India, 327 ; of Afgháns, 399 ; of
    Cálihah Bánú, 371 . Kambús, 399 ; of Dak'hinís, 443 ;
    Cálihí, a poet, 583. of Turks, 540.
    633

    charkh, 300. civet, vide zabád .


    charn, a coin, 31. cocoanut, 71.
    Cháshnígír, a mint officer, 23. coins, list of Akbar's coins, 27 ; vide
    Chatbanúrís, a clan, 391, 394. currency.
    chatr, or umbrella, 50. collectors of revenue, their salary, 251 .
    Chatr Bhoj , 332. colours, nature of, 96..
    Chatr Khán, a musician, 613n. contingents of the Mançabdárs , 241,
    Chatr Sál Kachhwáhah, 418. 244, 248.
    Chátraurís, a clan, 391 , 394. conversions, to Christianity, 499 ; to
    chatrmandal, a method of hunting, in- Islám , 237n., 407, 418, 446n., 458,
    vented by Akbar, 289. 460, 461n., 513n.; to Shi'ism, 445,
    chatrtoq, a royal standard, 50. 584n.
    chaubín, a kind of tent, 46. copper, 40.
    chaubín ráotí, a kind of tent, 46, 53. cornelian, its exhilarating properties,
    chaugán, or hockey, 297. 510n.
    cotton stuffs, 94, 617.
    chaukí, or guard, 257.
    chaupar, a game, 303, 349. court ceremonies, 45, 156, 157, 158, 160,
    chautár, a stuff, 94, 617. 266, 267 ; vide Chingiz Khán's law .
    chelahs, or slaves, 253, 253n. , 254 ; de- cows, the imperial, 148 ; cowdung, how
    finition of the term ' slave,' 254. used, 21.
    cheque, or barát, 262. crews, of ships, 280.
    cherry tree, 228. çúbahs, two officers appointed to each,
    423.
    chháchhiyć , 25.
    Chhajhú Bárha, 477 (No. 221). Çúfi Çáhib, meaning of, 590n.
    Chibhs, a tribe, 456n. çúfiánah, fast days at court, 59, 61.
    chik'hí, a dish, 59. çulh i kul, or toleration, 448n.
    Chín Qulij , 500 (No. 293), 501, 34n. cunabula, 618 ; vide Christians.
    (where wrong Husain Qulij). Gúrat o Ma'ní, title ofa Masnawi, 600n .
    Chingiz Khán, his descendants, 361 , currency, changes in, 32.
    459 ; his law (torah), 454.
    Chingiz Khán Gujráti, 321, 323 , 386 ,
    DABISTAN
    ABISTA'N UI Mazáhib, a work on
    462.
    Chingiz Khán Nizámsháhí, 442 . religious sects, 209, 213, 452, 453.
    Chirkis Rúmí, 383. Daftar, ofthe empire, 260.
    chirwah, 252. dágh o mahallí system, 242, 242, 255,
    Christians exhibit crosses and represen- 256, 370, 402, 411 , 600n.; vide
    tations in wax of the birth of Christ, branding.
    193, 193n.; vide cunabula, dágú, a warm mantle, 333.
    dahserí tax, 275.
    Christianity, taughtthe Imperial princes,
    182. Dái Dilárám , 610.
    chugal, a coin, 29. Dairám, of Chaurágarh, 407.
    chúwah, a scent, 81. dákhilí soldiers, 231, 254, 255.
    Çimçámuddaulah, son of Mír Husám Dak'hinis, noted for stupidity, 443.
    Injú, 451 . Dak hiní, Mírzá, 472n.
    Çimçámuddaulah , 445n. dakhl, a kind of poetry, 102n., 364.

    80
    634

    Dakhlí, a poet, 608. Daulat Khán , son of Amín Khán Ghorí


    Dák-Mewṛahs, 252n . 326.
    Dalap Dás Kachhwáhah , 483 . Daulat Nisa Begum, 477n.
    Dalpat, son of Rái Rái Singh, 359, 465 , Daulat Shád Bíbí, 309.
    490 (No. 252) . Daurí, a kátib and poet, 103.
    Dalpat Ujjainiah, 513, 513n. Dawá Khán, 460n .
    dám, a coin, 31. Dawáí, 481 , 543.
    damámah, a musical instrument, 50. Dawám, Mír, of Khurásán , 613.
    damának , a kind of gun, 113. Dáwan, Shaikh, a musician, 613.
    dampukht, a dish, 61 . dawáir, a class of letters, 103n .
    damrí, a coin, 31. Dáwar Bakhsh, Prince, 310, 327.
    dáng, a weight, 36. Dawwání, 481 , 601n.
    Dányál, Sultán, Akbar's son, born and days of fast, at court, 61.
    died, 309, 434n.; his children , 310, Deb Chand Rájah Manjholah, 175.
    34n., 48, 336 , 423, 450, 619. Debí Singh, 488.
    Dányál i Chishtí, Shaikh, 309. deer, 291 ; deer fights, 218.
    Dárá Shikoh, Prince, 314, 478. De Laët, 521 , 535, 621 .
    Dáráb Khán, Mírzá Dáráb, 337, 338 , Deví Dás, of Mairtha, 322, 476.
    339. dhán, a coin, 30.
    darb, a coin, 31. "
    dhárí, a singer,' 612n.
    darbán, or porters, 252. Dharnídhar Ujjainiah, 513n.
    Darbár Khán , 464 (No. 185) . Dhárú, son of Todar Mall , 352, 465 (No.
    darsan, 157 ; darsaniyah, 207. 190).
    Darwish, Mauláná, 101 . Dholá Rái, founder of Amber, 329.
    Darwish, Sayyid , son of Shams Bukhárí, Dhúnds, a tribe, 456n .
    523 (No. 382). dialect, of Qandahár, 408.
    Darwish Bahrám Saqqá, 581. diamonds, 480n . ;-powder, a poison,
    Darwish Khusrau Qazwíní, 453. 510n.
    Darwish Muhammad, of Mashhad, 528. diary,kept at court, 258, 259.
    Darwish Muhammad Uzbak, 402 (No. Dilahzaks, a tribe, 487n., 522, 522n.
    81). Dilír Khán Bárha, 392.
    Daryá Khán Rohilah , 504, 505. Dilras Bánú Begum, 472n.
    dasá, a coin, 31 . dínár, 35.
    Dastam Khán , 398 (No. 79), 620. Din Muhammad Sultán, 313.
    Daswant'h, a painter, 108. Dirang Khán , a singer, 6137.
    Dáúd, king of Bengal, 318, 330, 331 , dirham , 35.
    374, 375, 379. distilling, mode of, 69.
    Dáúd, a singer, 612. Divine Era, established , 195.
    Dáúd Jhanníwál, Shaikh , 539. Divine Faith, Akbar's religion, 165 ; ad-
    Daudá Hádá, 400 , 409, 410. mission of novices, 165 , 166 ; ordi-
    Daudá Sísodiah , 418. nances of, 166 , 167ff.; vide Akbar.
    Daulat, Sayyid, 445. Díwálí, a Hindú festival, kept at court,
    Daulat Bakhtyár, Shaikh, 501 (No. 300). 216.
    Daulat Khán Lodi, 512 ( No. 309), 335, díwán i sa’ádat, an officer, 262, 263, 268.
    336. Díwáns, their insignia, 412n.
    635

    Doctors, of Akbar's reign, 542. Hindús, 122 ; their cunning, 123 ;


    dogs, esteemed at court, 194 ; imported, Akbar's classification , 124 ; food of,
    124 ; servants in charge of, 125 ; har- 1
    290 ; Akbar's, 464 ; 569n .
    donations, 265. ness, 126 ; fights, 131, 467 ; how
    dongar, meaning of, 494n. mustered , 213 ; divided into seven
    Dost, Mir, of Kábul, an engraver, 53. classes, 235 ; how hunted , 284, 379 ;
    • Dost Khán , 534. elephant stables, 506.
    Dost Mírzá, 380. emigration, forcible, 522.
    Dost Muhammad , 385 . encampments, 45.
    Dost Muhammad, son of Bábá Dost, 524 engravers , 22, 27.
    (No. 391 ). epidemic, 376 .
    Dost Muhammad, son of Cádiq Khán, Era of the Hijrah, abolished, 195 ; vide
    499 (No. 287). Divine Era.
    Dost Muhammad Kábulí , 424 , 477n. eunuchs, 332, 332n.
    dress, different articles of, 88, 89. expenses ofthe Imperial Household, 12.
    drinking, excessive, at court and among export of horses, forbidden, 234.
    the grandees, 323, 339, 345, 363, eyes, blue, are hostile to the Prophet,
    364, 378, 407, 412, 426, 447, 464, 176.
    468, 470, 485, 492, 518, 545.
    duáshyánah manzil, a tent, 54.
    duaspah sihaspah, 241. FAH IM, Miyán, 338 .
    AHIM,
    duátishah, or brandy, 70. Fahmí, name of several poets , 599, 599n.
    dúd i chirágh, a melon, 65. Faizí, Shaikh Abul Faiz, 28, 29, 33n.,
    dudámí, a stuff, 510 . 105, 106, 209, 490 (No. 253), 548,
    duhul, a drum, 51. Faizí, of Sarhind, 316n .
    dukhán (vapour ), 39, 41 . fakhriyah, aterm appliedto poems, 553n.
    Duldai, name of a Barlás tribe, 388 . Fakhr Jahán Begum, 322.
    dunyádár, a title, 412n . Fakhrunnisa Begum, 322.
    dúpiázah, a dish, 60. fal, a weight, 36.
    Durgawatí, queen of Gondwánah, 367, falcons, 293, 294.
    429. famine, 207.
    Durjan Sál, of Kokrah, 480n . Fanáí, a poet, 426.
    Durjodhan, of Bándhú, 407. fançúrí (wrongly called qaiçúrí), a kind
    duzd biryán, a dish, 60. of camphor, 78.
    Dwárká Dás Bakhshí, 416. fancy bazars, 204, 276.
    Farághat , Mír, vide Táhir Khán.
    Farebí, a poet, 604.
    EATING HOUSES , for the poor , 200 ,
    fargul, a kind of coat from Europe, 89.
    201, 275. Farhang i Jahángírí, a Persian diction-
    education, Akbar's rules , 278. ary, 451 , 451n.
    elephants, where numerous in India, 618 ; Farhang Khán , 400, 441 , 516.
    imperial, 117 ; prices of, 118 ; kinds Farhat Khán Mihtar Sahái , 400 , 441
    of, 118 ; gestation, 118 ; white ele- (No. 145 ), 516.
    phant, 118n .; marks of, 120 ; when Faríd i Bukhárí, Murtazá Khán , 396,
    mast, 120 ; classification made by 413 (No. 99), 436, 620.
    636

    Farid Lodí, 506. Fazil Beg , brother of Mun’in Khán , 317 ,


    Farid Qaráwul, 519. 318, 445, 485n.
    Farid i Shakkarganj , the saint, 325, 539. Fázil Khán, 322 , 443 (No. 166).
    Farídún Barlás, Mírzá, 342 . Fázil Khán Diwán , 504 .
    Farídún Khán, 431 . Fazlulhaq, of Qázwín, a kátib, 101.
    Farídún Mírzá, 478 (No. 227) . feasts, kept at court, 276.
    Fárisí, a poet, 518. fees, customary at court, 142, 143.
    farmán, 260 ;-bayází, 264 ;—sabtí,260. Felis caracal, 290.
    farmánchah, 250. ferries, 281.
    Farráshkhánah, 53. fever, at Gaur, 376.
    Farrukh Husain Khán , 434 (No. 127 ). Fidáí, a poet, 315.
    Farrukh Khan, 480 (No. 232), 322 . fights of animals, at court, 218, 467.
    farsh i chandani, 510. Fikrí, a poet, 602.
    farzand, or son, a title, 313, 339, 363. fire ordeal, between Christians and Mu-
    Fath Daulat, 403. hammadans, 191.
    Fath Khán , son of Malik ’Ambar , 504 . fire-worship, 49, 184.
    Fath Khán, of Jálor, 622 . Firingís, 326, 354.
    Fath Khán Afghán , 502 . Firishtab, the historian, 450.
    Fath Khán , son of Amír Khán Ghorí, Fírúz, of Jálor, 494.
    516. Fírúz Khán , servant of the KhánKhá
    Fath Khán Bahadur, 623 .
    nén , 338.
    Fath Khán Batní, 422 .
    Fírúz Sháh Khiljí, 291 , 333, 507, 582n.
    Fath Khán Chítahbán , 523 (No. 385 ).
    Fírúzah, 526 (No. 403).
    Fath Khán Fílbán , 523, 531.
    flavours, nature of, 73.
    Fath Khán Tughluq, 465 .
    fleet, the imperial, 279 .
    Fathullah, son of Hakim Abulfath, 425.
    flowers, of India, 76, 82.
    Fathullah, Khwajagí, of Káshán , 359,
    frauds in the army, 242, 256 ; in grants
    499 (No. 285) .
    of land, 268 ,
    Fathullah Khwajah, 464.
    frogs, trained to catch sparrows, 296.
    Fathullah, Mír, ( Sháh ), of Shíráz, 33,
    fruits, 64.
    104, 199, 269, 272 , 274, 350, 540. Fúlád Beg Barlás, 206.
    Fathullah, Mírzá , 364.
    Fusúní, a poet, 604, 604n.
    Fathullah, son of Muhammad Wafa,
    494 (No. 264).
    Fathullah, son of Naçrullah, 497. GADAT Kambú, Shaikh, a çadr, 272,
    Fathullah , son of Said Khán , 466. 325, 528.
    Fath Ziá, 425. Gadái, Mír, 506.
    fatil, a weight, 36. gainí, a kind of oxen, 149.
    Fattú Kháçah Khail, 396. gajnáls, a kind of gun , 113.
    Fattú Khán Afghán , 367, 502 , 531 .
    Gajpatí, of Bihár, 399, 400, 422, 498,
    fauṭah, worn by repenting Amírs, 359. 516.
    Fawátih ulwilayat, title of a book, 546.
    Gakk❜hars, a tribe, 318, 322, 455, 456,
    Fayyází, vide Faizí.
    486, 621.
    Fazáil Beg, vide Fazíl Beg.
    Gakk'har Shah, 456n.
    Fázil, of Khujand, 36.
    games, 297, 303.
    637

    Gangadhar, a Sanskrit work, 104. Ghiásuddín Jámí, Qází, 382.


    gangájal, a kind of cloth, 94, 617. Ghiásuddín, Malik, 366.
    gaurah, a perfume, 80. Ghiásuddin Mançúr, of Shíráz, 199.
    Genealogies, of the Ráos of Rámpúr Ghiásuddín Tarkhán, Mír, 465 .
    (Islámpúr-Chítor), 418 ; ofthe Gak- ghichak, a musical instrument, 71 , 613.
    k'hars, 486 ; of the UndchahBunde- Ghorís, an Afghán tribe, 345.
    lás, 488; ofNúr Jahán's family, 512 ; ghubár, a kind of writing, 99.
    ofAbul Qasim Namakín ofBhakkar, ghungchí, 16n.
    472 ; of the kings of Káshghar, gílás, vide kílás.
    459; of the rebellious Mírzás,461 ; of gird, a coin, 29, 30.
    the Sayyids of Bárha, 392. Girdhar, Rájab , son of Kesú Dás, 502.
    Gesú, Mír, Bakáwal Begí, 421. Girdhar, son of Rái Sál Shaikháwat, 419.
    Ghairat Khán, 481. gladiators, 252, 253.
    Ghairat Khán Bárha , 392. glass, price of, 224.
    Ghairatí, of Shíráz, a poet, 594. gold, fineness of, 18, 19, 40 ; importation
    Ghaní Khán, son of Mun’im Khán , 318, of, 37 ; gold washings, 37.
    444, 485. Gopál, Rájah, 436, 532 .
    Gharbah Khail tribes, 397. Gopál Jádon, Rájah, 502, 525.
    Gharjahs, a Badakhshí tribe, 381n. Gopal Singh Kachhwáhah, 388.
    Ghayúrí, Mullá, a poet, 609. Gopal Singh Sisodiah, 418 .
    Ghazálí, a poet, 568. Gosálah, Shaikhzádah , of Banáras, 208,
    Ghazanfar Kokah, 348. 209.
    Ghází Beg Tarkhán, Mírzá, 363, 364. Grandees, 239, 308 ; their contingents,
    Ghází Khán, of Badakhshán , 185 , 440 378 ; their wealth, 511 ; their flat-
    (No. 144) , 450, 526, 540. teries, 548n .; their duplicity, 338 ,
    Ghází Khán Chak, 84, 461. 503 ; have Hindú Vakíls, 332 ; op-
    Ghází Khán Súr, 384 . pose Akbar for his religious innova-
    Ghází Khán Tannúrí, 367. tions, 401 ; their property lapses to
    Ghází Khán Wajhiyah , 360 . the state, 360, 410 ; hatred among
    Ghaznawí, a poet, 322. them, 377, 382, 384 ; Chaghtái
    Ghaznawí Khán , vide Ghaznín Khán. grandees hated at court, 319, 320,
    Ghaznín [Ghazní ] Khán , of Jálor, 493 , 332 ; how punished , 382, 383 , 407,
    622. 438, 454, 483, 485 ; when repenting,
    Ghaznín Khán, Mírzá Sháh Muham- 359 ; their wickedness, 500 ; vide
    mad, 378. immorality.
    Ghiás, Sultan of Bengal, 583n. grants , vide sanads .
    Ghiás i Naqshband, the weaver, 88, 616, grapes, 65.
    617. guards, mounting, 257.
    Ghiásá, 496. Gujar Khán , 334 .
    Ghiás Beg, I'timád uddaulah, 508 (No. Gujar Khan, son of Qutbuddín Atgah,
    319), 512. 468 (No. 193) .
    Ghiásuddín, the gilder, 102. Gújar Khan Afghán, 379.
    Ghiá uddin ’Alí Khác Açaf Khán (II. ), Gujnár Aghá, a wife of Bábar, 441 .
    433 (No. 126) . Gujrátís, their character, 387.
    Ghiásuddín ' Alí, Mír, Naqib Khán, 447 . Gul, Mírzá, 518.
    638

    gul-afshán, title of a poem, 566 . Hájí Khán SherSháhí, 319, 328, 353,
    gulálbár, a wooden screen, 45, 54. 359n.
    Gul'azár Begum, 441. Hájí Muhammad Khán , of Sístán, 366m.,
    Gulbadan Begum, 48, 198, 365n ., 441 , 368, 374 (No. 55) .
    615. Hájí Yusuf Khán, 477 (No. 224).
    Gulrukh Begum (name of two princesses), Hajjáj , 36.
    309, 463 , 464, 618 . Hájo, the Koch leader, 493n.
    gumbhí, a fruit, 71 . Hakim 'Abdul Wahháb, 468.
    guns, 112, 113, 115 . Hakim ' Abdurrahím , 543 .
    gun-samundar, a title, 613n. Hakim Abulfath , of Gílán, vide Abul
    gurgán, meaning of, 460n. Fath.
    Gurjís (Georgians), favored by same Per- Hakim ' Ain ul Mulk, 321 , 406, 480 (No.
    sian kings, 211 . 234), 543.
    gút, or gunt, a kind of pony, 133. Hakim ' Alí, of Gílán, 402, 466 (No.
    192), 542.
    Hakim Aristú , 542.
    HABBAH , a weight, 36 . Hákim Beg Jahángírí, 511 .
    Habí Bihzádí, Mauláná, 528, Hakim Dawáí, 543.
    Habí Yasáwul , 523 (No. 389). Hakim Fakhruddín ' Alí, 543.
    Habib ' Alí Khán , 436 ( No. 133) . Hakim Fathullah, 542.
    Habib ' Alí Khán, 422. Hakim Shaikh Hasan, 542, 543.
    Hádá Rájpúts, 138, 409. Hakím Háziq, 474.
    Háfiz Kumakí, 540. Hakím Humám, 474 ( No. 205), 474,
    Háfiz of Táshkand , 540. 543, 586n ., 587.
    Háfiz Khwajah ' Alí, 613 . Hakim Is -háq, 543.
    Háfizak, a musician, 613n. Hakim Khush -hál, 475.
    Háfiz Nazr, a musician , 613n. Hakim Lutfullah, 518 (No. 354), 543.
    Haft Iqlim, a work, 508, 512 . Hakim Masih ul Mulk, 543.
    haftjosh, a metallic composition , 41. Hakim Micrí, 491 (No. 254) , 540, 542.
    Haidar, son of Shaikh Yáqút, 479. Hakim Muzaffar Ardistání, 516 (No.
    Haidar 'Alí ' Arab, 497 , (No. 279). 348) , 543.
    Haidar Dost, 524 (No. 390) . Hakim ul Mulk, Shamsuddin, of Gílán,
    Haidar Gandahnawís, a kátib, 100. 408, 467n ., 542, 599n .
    Haidar Gurgání, Mírzá, 460, 460n. Hakim Ni'matullah, 543.
    Haidar Mírzá Cafawi, 314. Hakim Rizqullah, 544 .
    Haidar Mu'ammáí, 549n . Hakim Rúhullah, 543.
    Haidar Muhammad Khán Akhtah Begí , Hakim Saif ul Mulk Lang, 543.
    384 (No. 66) , 485. Hakim Shifáí, 543.
    Haidar Qasim Kohbar, 318. Hakim Talab ' Alí, 543.
    Haidar Sultán Uzbak, 319. Hakim Zambil Beg, 442 (No. 150) , 542.
    Haidar, of Káshán, 593 . Hakim Ziáuddín , of Káshán, 497 .
    Haidarí, of Tabríz, a poet, 603. halálkhur , or sweeper , 139.
    Hairatí, a poet, 187. Hálatí, of Túrán, a poet, 595.
    Hájí Begum, 420, 441 , 465 . halím, a dish, 60.
    Hájí Húr Parwar Begum, 511 . Halímí, a poet, 363.
    639

    halwá, 59. Hassú, Shaikh, 543 .


    Halwáí, 541. Háshim Bárha , Sayyid, 376, 392, 407,
    Hamdam Kokah , 378. 419, 440 (No. 143).
    Hamdamí, a poet, 379. Hashim Beg , son of Qasim Khán , 477
    Hámid Bukhárí, Sayyid, 397 (No. 78), (No. 226).
    418. Háshim Khán, son of Mír Murád, 498.
    Hamíd Khán Habshí, 504. Háshim , Khwajah, 459.
    Hámid Qádirí, Shaikh , 544. Háshim, Mír, of Níshápúr, 425.
    hamzah, 98, 98n. Háshim i Sanjar, Mír, 494n.
    Hamzah, a musician, 613n . Háshimí, of Kirmán, a poet, 566n.
    Hamzah Beg Zul Qadr, 313, 314. Hátim, son of Bábú Manklí, 473.
    Hamzah Beg Ghatrághalí, 497 (No. 277), Hátim Sambhalí , 544.
    474. Hatti Singh Sisodiah, 418.
    Haqiqati Hindústán, title a work, 491n . hauz, or subterranean reservoir, of Ha-
    Hárá, or Hádá, Rájpúts, train horses, kím 'Alí, 466.
    138 ; 409. [361 . hawks, 293, 294.
    Harem, the Imperial, 44 ; private do ., Hayát Khán , 469.
    Haribans, a Sanskrit work, 106. Hayátí, of Gílán, a poet, 574.
    Haridí Rám Kachhwáhah, 495 . Hazárahs, a tribe, 408, 462.
    harísah, a dish, 33n ., 60. Háziq, a poet, 475 .
    harness, of elephants, 126 ; of horses , Hemú, 319 ; his birth place, 359, 359n . ;
    136 ; of camels, 145 ; of mules, 153 . 365.
    Hasan, son of Mírzá Rustam Cafawí, heresies, 176, 591n.
    314. heretics, how treated , 453,
    Hasan, Mírzá, 420. Hidayatullah, 469.
    Hasan, son of Mírzá Sháhrukh Badakh- Hijáz Khán , 340 .
    shí, 313. Hijrání, Mauláná, 102.
    Hasan, Qází, 174, 498, 545. Hijrí, a poet, 622 .
    Hasan, Shaikh, a doctor, 543. Hilal Khwajahsará, 334.
    Hasan ’Alí Khán Bárha, 392. Himmat Khán Bárha , 392.
    Hasan ' Alí Koṭwál, 436. Himmat Singh, son of Mán Singh, 340,
    Hasan ' Alí, of Mashhad, a kátib, 102. 485, 486, 420.
    Hasan 'Alí Turkmán , 493 . Hindál Mírzá , 309 , 408 ; dies , 476.
    Hasan 'Arab, 411 . Hindús, 88n.; are good painters, 107 ;
    Hasan Beg Shaikh ' Umarí, 346, 454 their months, 205 ; are influential
    (No. 167) . at court, 204, 205 ; their customs
    Hasan Khán Bárha, 392 . adopted by Akbar, 184 ; build
    Hasan Khán Batani, 204, 476 (No. 220) . mosques, 333 ; learn Persian, 352 ;
    Hasan Khán , son of Khán Jahán Lodi, are employed by Muhammadans as
    505. vakíls, 332 ; are often ill -treated,
    Hasan Khán Khizānchí, 429 . 372 , 501 (vide jazyah) ; hold offices
    Hasan Khán , of Mewát, 334 . under Akbar, 528 ; also under Shah-
    Hasan Khán Miánah , 506 (No. 311 ) . jahán, 536, 537 ; list of learned
    Hasan Khán Súr, father of Sher Shah, Hindús, 538, 539, 542, 547 ; their
    419. doctors, 544, 544n, ; their mytholo-
    640

    gy, poetically treated by Muham- Husain Khán Bárha , 392 .


    madan poets, 544. Husain Khán Mírzá , 439, 442 (No. 149).
    History of Kashmír, by Sháh Muham- Husain Khán Qazwíní , 516 (No. 337).
    mad, 106. Husain Kulankí, a kátib, 103.
    Hizabr Khán Bárha , 392, 395 . Husain Lodí, 505.
    hockey, 297.
    Husain, Mír Sayyid, Khing-suwár, 448.
    Hodal Báo Bundelá, 488 . Husain Mírzá, Sultán, 362, 434, 462.
    hom, a sacrifice, 184. Husain Mírzá , son of Sháhrukh Mírzá
    Horal Deo, 356. Badakhshí, 313, 380n.
    horses, imperial, 132 ; imported into
    Husain Mírzá Çafawí, 313.
    India, 132, 133 ; favorable laws for Husain Pak'hlíwál, 454, 501 (No. 301).
    horse-dealers, 133 ; ranks, 134 ;
    Husain Qudsí, Mír, 602.
    fodder, 134, 135 ; get boiled grain,
    Husain Qulí Beg (Khán ) ; vide Khán
    ghí, and sugar, 134, 135 ; harness, Jahán.
    136 ; shod twice a year, 137 ; offi-
    Husain Khán Shámlü , of Harát, 363 ,
    cers and servants in charge of, 137 ; 377 .
    how branded, 139 ; how mustered ,
    Husain Khán Tukriyah , 372 (No. 53) ,
    215 ; are taxed when imported , 215 ; 348.
    various classes of horses, 233 ; when
    Husain Sanáí, a poet, 563.
    dead, how replaced, 250 ; how brand- Husainí, Mír, 389.
    ed, 233, 255. Husn o náz, a Masnawí, 514.
    horticulture, 87, 412 ; vide Bábar. Huzní, of Içfahán, a poet, 565.
    Hoshang, son of Prince Dányál, 310. Huzúrí, a poet, 598n.
    Hoshang, son of Islám Khán, 493n., 521 .
    hydrostatic balance, 42 .
    Hoshmand Bánú Begum, 310.
    Household, Imperial, expenses of, 12.
    Humám, Hakim, 175 ; vide Hakim. IBAC HKI , or closet, 46.
    BACHKI,
    Humáyún, Emperor, his flight from In- ' Ibádatmand , 458 .
    dia, 318, 319, 328 ; 334, 417, 420, Ibn Bawwáb, a kátib, 100.
    441, 441n.; his tomb, 465, 541 ; Ibn Hajar, 540, 574n., 581n .
    615. Ibn Muqlah, 99.
    Humáyún Farmilí, 351 . Ibráhím Afghán, 331 .
    Humáyún Qulí, 474. Ibráhím of Astrábád, a kátib , 101.
    hun, a Dak'hin coin, 18, 37. Ibráhím Badakhshí, Khwájab , 435.
    hunting, 282, 292, 296 . Ibráhím Beg Jábúq, 331.
    Husámuddín, son of Abul Qásim Nama- Ibráhím, Hájí, of Sarhind, 105, 172, 174,
    kín , 472, 473. 189, 547.
    Husámuddín Badakhshí, 440. Ibráhím Husain Mírzá, 330, 333, 353,
    Husámuddín Iujú, Mír, 451. 373, 461 , 462, 618 .
    Husámuddín Sháh, 317 . Ibráhím Khán Balochí, 360.
    Husámuddín Surkh, 538. Ibráhím Khán Fath -jang , son of I’timad-
    Husain, Shaikh, of Khwárazm, 440, 581. uddaulah, 451 , 480n ., 511 , 512.
    Husain Khwajah , of Marw, 574. Ibráhím Khán Shaibání, 383 (No. 64 ) .
    Husain 'Alí Bárha, 392. Ibráhím Khán Súr, 384.
    Husain Beg, 439, 476 (No. 219) . Ibráhím Lohání, 520.
    641

    Ibráhím Mírzá, Akbar's brother, 526. " 'Imád ul Mulk, 516 (No. 343 ).
    Ibráhím, Mírzá, 311 (No. 6 ) . Imám Mahdí , 106n ., 169, 189 ; vide
    Ibráhím, Mírzá, of Içfahán, 102. Cáhib i Zamán.
    Ibráhím, son of Mírzá Rustam Cafawí, Imám Qulí Shighálí, 512 (No. 325).
    314. Imámí, a poet, 550n.
    Ibráhím Fathpúrí, Shaikh, 402 . immorality, of the Grandees, 192 , 319,
    Ibrábím , Qází, 547 . 349, 364, 466n., 475, 594n.
    Ibráhím Qulí, son of Ismá'íl Qulí Khán, importation of horses, 215, 234.
    512 (No. 322). in'ám grants, 271.
    Ibráhím , Sultán, son of Mírzá Sháh- ’ Ináyat Khán, 4457 .
    rukh, 101 . Ináyatullah , Darbár Khán , 466.
    Ibráhím of Yazd, an engraver, 53.
    ’Ináyatullah Khán , 499 .
    Içámuddín Ibrábím , Mauláná, 440, 574n. 'Inayatullah, Mírzá, 364n.
    ice, used at court, 56. Indarman Bundelá, 488.
    içláh, a caligraphical term, 103n. infantry, 251, 254.
    ideas peculiar to the East, 510n., 552n., inventions, 41 ; vide Akbar.
    554m., 555n ., 565n ., 569n., 576n ., insignia, of Díwáns, 412n.
    577n., 586n.; vide eyes (blue), Iqbálnámah i Jahangirí, author of, 413.
    Pharao, Adam, sipand, bear, moon. 'irág , a kind of horse, 140.
    Idrís, a kátib, 99, 101. Irij [ Irich] , Shahnawáz Khán , 491 , 511 .
    'Iffat Bánú Begum, 477n. irmás-money, 250.
    Iftikhar Beg, 516 (No. 335). iron, 40, 113.
    Itikhár Kháng 406. Irshad i Qází, title of a work, 547 .
    Iftikhár Khán , 521 , 521n. 'Isá Khail Afgháns , 457.
    Ighur [ Uigur], a Chaghtái tribe, 389, 'Isá Khán, of Orísá, 352 , vide 'I'sá Za-
    620. míndár, and Miyán 'Isá.
    Ihtimám Khán , 521 , 521n. ’Isá Khán Maín, 526.
    Ikhláy Khán Itibár , the Eunuch , 405 'Tsá, Qází, 449, 618.
    (No. 86). 'Isá Tarkhán, Mírzá , 363, 364n . , 420,
    IkhlᢠKhán , 506 . 422. [400 .
    IkhtiÇá ¢ Khán Bárha, 392 (twice). 'Isá Zamíndár, 331 , 340, 342 , 342n . ,
    Ikhtiyár, Khwajah, 101 . Isfandiár Khán , 455 .
    Ikhtiyarul Mulk Gujrátí, 325, 463, 507 . Is-háq Fárúqí, Shaikh , of Bhakkar, 514.
    Iláhdád Faizí, of Sarhind, 316n . Is-háq Maghribí, Shaikh, 507n .
    Iláhdád, of Amrohah, 202. Is-háq, Mauláná, 545 .
    Iláhdiah , son of Kishwar Khán , 497 . Is-háq, Mullá, a singer, 612.
    Ilábdiah, Shaikh, 538. 'ishq-bází, vide pigeon flying.
    iláhí, a coin, 30. Ishqí, Mauláná, 528.
    áh Virdí Khán, 601n. Iskandar Beg Badakhshí, 475 (No. 211 ) .
    Ilhámullah Kambú , 402.
    Iskandar Khán , Khán ’Alam , 365 ( No.
    illuminations at court , 48.
    4.8), 382.
    Iltifát Khán , 316. Iskandar Khán Uzbak , 341 .
    Iyás Khán Langáh, 375 . Islám Khán Chishtí, 493, 519, 520.1
    ' Imád, a kátib, 102n. Islem Sháh, 611n , 612n.; vide Salim
    'Imád, of Láristán, 490. Sháh .

    81
    642

    Ismá'íl, Sháh of Persia, 178, 524. jágírs, 242, 261 .


    Ismá'íl, Mullá and Mauláná, 538, 547. Jagmál, 322.
    Ismá'íl Kambú, Hájí, 399 . Jagmál Kachhwáhah, 436 (No. 134).
    Ismáí Khán , [Qulí Beg] Duldai, 388 Jagmál Punwár, 476 (No. 218).
    (No. 72). Jagnáth, a singer, 613n .
    Ismail Khán Shaibání, 384 . Jagnerís, a clan, 395.
    Ismá'íl Mírzá Cafawi, 314. Jagráj Bikramájít, 505.
    Ismáíl Qulí Khán , 360 ( No. 46), 401 , Jahánafroz, Prince, 492.
    407, 425. Jabánárá Begum, 350.
    Istajlü (Ustajlü), a tribe, 619. Jahándár, Sultán , 311 .
    istihlál, a rhetorical figure, 600n. Jahángír, Emperor, [Prince Salím], his
    Itábí, of Najaf, a poet, 588 . birth and death, 309 ; his mother,
    Itibár Khán , the Eunuch , 403 . 619 ; his wives and children, 310,
    Itibár Khán , a eunuch of Jaháng , 477n., 619 ; his weight, 267n.; day
    433 . of accession, 213n.; makes vows,
    Itimad Khán , the Eunuch , 428 ( No. 290 ; his love to Núr Jahán, 509n .,
    119). 510 ; 48, 333, 345, 358, 401, 457,
    Itimád Khán Gujrát1, 13, 198, 325 , 385 458, 492, 569n., 574n.
    (No. 67) , 507. Jahangir Bárha, Sayyid, 392.
    I'timád uddaulah Ghiás Beg, 508 (No. Jahángírdád, a musician, 613 .
    319 ), 512 . Jahangir Qulí Beg Humáyúní, 331.
    I'timád ul Mulk Gujrátí, 386 . Jahángír Qulí Khán Lálah Beg , 450 ,
    'Iwaz Bahadur, 439 . 501 .
    'Iwaz Mírzá, 347. Jahangir Qulí Khán, Mírzá Shámsí,
    ’Izzat Khán , son of Yúsuf Khan , 373 , 327, 328, 450 (No. 163).
    620. Jai Chand, of Nagarkot, 330, 404.
    'Izzat, Mírzá, 445n. Jai Mall, of Mairtha, 368 ; vide Jatmall.
    'Izzatullah, 500 (No. 289). Jai Mall, son of Rúpsí, 427, 428, 430 .
    Jaláir, a tribe, 410 .
    JABARI Qáqshál, 351 , 370, 436 . Jalál Bárha, 414.
    Jabbár Qulí Gakk’har, 487 . Jalál i Bukhárí, Sayyid, a saint, 507 .
    jackfruit, 70 . Jalál Kashmírí, 437 .
    Ja'far, a poet, 572 , 573n . jalálah, a rupee, 33 ; its meaning, 237n.
    Ja'far Bukhárí, Sayyid, 416 . Jalalah Táríkí, or Raushání, 345, 361 ,
    Ja'far, of Tabríz, a kátib , 100, 101 . 397, 403, 411.
    Jafar Beg Açaf Khán , 106 ; vide Açaf jalálí, a coin, 29.
    Khán ( III) . Jalál Khán Baqái , 595 .
    Jafar Khán Taklú , 426 (No. 114 ). Jalál Khán Gakk’har, 455,457 , 486 .
    Ja'far, Mírzá, a poet, 412 . Jalál Khán , vide Salim Shán .
    Jagannath, son of Bihárí Mall, 387 (No. Jalál Khán Qurchí, 475 (No. 213) .
    69). Jalaluddín Mahmúd Bujúq, 384 (No.
    Jagat Gosáiní, mother of Shahjahan, 65).
    310. Jalaluddín Mas'úd, 384, 384n.
    Jagat Singh, Kachhwáhah, 310, 340, Jáláluddín Multání, Qází, 175, 185 , 546.
    417 (No. 160 ), 458. Jalaluddin, of Sístán, 314.
    643

    Jalaluddin, Shaikh , 538 . jealousy , of the Grandees , 326.


    Jalaluddín Súr, 370. jetal, a coin, 31 .
    jali, a kind of writing, 100. jewels, 15.
    Jám of Kachh, 326, 419. jhandá, the Indian flag, 50.
    Jám Nandá, 362. Jhariah, a caste in Gujrát, 285n.
    jama' háçil i hál, vide assessment. jharok'hah, or inspection window, 54,
    337n., 613n .; vide darsan.
    jama' raqmí, vide assessment.
    Jamál Bakhtyár, Shaikh, of Jalesar, Jhujhár Khán Afghán, 436.
    191 , 425 (No. 113) , 470 . Jhujhár Singh Bundelá, 488 , 489, 505.
    Jamál, Mullá and Mauláná, 546. Jhujhát Khán Gujratí , 386 , 462 .
    Jamál Kambú, Shaikh, 528. Jí Jí Anagah, Akbar's nurse, 321 , 325 ;
    Jamál Khán Afghán, 435. dies, 327.
    Jamál Khán Kambú, 544. jilaudárs, or runners, 138, 142n .
    Jamál Khán, of Mewát, 334. jilawánah, 142.
    Jamál Khán , son of Qutlú , 520. Jodh Bái, 309, 619 .
    Jodrahs, a tribe , 456n.
    Jamaluddín, a kátib, 101 .
    Jotik Rái, or court astrologer, 404n .
    Jamaluddín Bárha, 408, 476 (No. 217) .
    Judáí, a poet, 107 , 590, 590n ., 598n.
    Jamaluddin Husain Injú, Mír, 450 (No.
    Jújak Begum , 492.
    164).
    Jumlat ul Mulk, a title, 349.
    Jamaluddin Husain, a kátib, 101 .
    Junaid i Kararání, 330 , 396, 400, 422 .
    Jámí, the poet, 566n.
    Junaid Murul, 523 (No. 383).
    Jamil Beg, son of Táj Khán, 547.
    Jamshed , Mauláná , 102.
    Ján, Khwajah , 611 .
    KAB Gakk'har , 456n .
    Jánán Begum, 309.
    Ján Bábá, Mírzá , 362, 363, 364n. Kab Rái, or Poet Laureate, 404, 613a .

    janglah , a kind of horse, 233 . kabáb, a dish, 60.


    Jání Beg, Mírzá, of Sindh, 194 , 209, Kabir Chishtí, Shaikh, 519 (No. 370),
    335, 361 , 576n . 520, 521, 522.
    Kabir, Shaikh, son of Shaikh Munaw-
    Jánish Bahadur, 345, 481 (No. 235).
    Ján Jahán Lodí, 506. war, 547.
    Janjú'ahs , a tribe, 456n . Kabir, Shaikh , 519n .
    Ján Nisár Khán , 504. Kachhwáhah Rájahs, madness in their
    family, 310, 333 ; 398, 458n ., 459 ;
    Ján Qulij , 500 (No. 291 ), 501 .
    Járullah Mírzá , 518. vide Bahárí Mall, Bhagwán Dás ,
    Mán Singh ; Rájáwat and Shaikh-
    jast, a metal , 40.
    Jaswant Singh, 478 . awat, 419.
    Jaswant Singh Bundelá, 488. Káfiyah , title ofan Arabicgrammar,362 .
    Jat Mall, of Mairtha, 502 ; of Chitor, Káhí, a poet, 566.
    617 ; vide Jaimall. kail, 25.
    Kai Qubád , son of Mírzá Muhammad
    jau, a weight , 36 .
    Jaubar, Shaikh, 547. Hakim , 377.
    Jazbí, a poet, 480, 596. Kájar, a Turkish tribe, 619.
    jazyah (properly jizyah) or tax on infidels, Kákars , a tribe , 377.
    abolished by Akbar, 189 ; 237n . Kakar ’Alí Khán Chishti , 408 (No. 92 ) .
    644

    Kákú, Shaikh, 545 . kashk, a dish, 60.


    kalá, a coin, 30, 31 . Kashmirí, Mírzá, 472, 473 .
    Kálá Pahár, 370. Kashmírís, their character, 380, 399.
    Kalán Beg, Khwajah, 461 . Káthís, a tribe in Sorat'h, 334.
    kaláwant, or kaláṇwat, a singer, 612n. kátibs, or caligraphists, 100.
    Kalilah Damnah, an Arabic work, 106 . Kátís, a tribe, 417.
    Kalím, a poet, 602n. Kaukab Qazwíní, 485.
    Kalimátushshu'ará, a work on Persian kaukabah, a royal ensign, 59.
    literature, 253n. kaulpatr, a metallic composition, 41 .
    Kallá, son of Rái Rám, of Jodhpúr, Kesú Dás, son of Jai Mall, 502 (No. 302),
    399, 476. Kesú Dás Márú, 502.
    Kallá Kachhwáhah, 523 (No. 381). Kesú Dás Ráthor, 310, 526 (No. 408).
    Kalyán, of Jaisalmír, 477. Kewal Rám , 448n .
    Kalyan Mall Ráthor, of Bíkánír, 316, Khabítah, a rebel, 356, 356n . , 437.
    357, 408 ( No. 93). Khadijah Begum, 511 , 512.
    Kalyan Singh, son of Mán Singh, 486. khafi, a kind of writing, 100.
    Kamál, Mullá, 546. Khái Khán, the historian , 343n ., 44n.
    Kamál Bukhárí, Sayyid, 397. khák i khaláç, 21 , 23, 37.
    Kamál Khán Gakk’har, 322, 410 , 455 , khákshoe, 27.
    456, 486. Khalid ibn ' Abdullah Qasrí, 36.
    Kamál Khán, of Jálor, 622. Khalil ibn Ahmad, 99.
    Kamáluddín Khawáfí, 445n. Khalil Qulí, 518 ( No. 358) .
    Kamáluddín, father of Mír Abú Turáb, Khalil ullah, Shaikh ( Sháh), 376, 525
    506. (No. 397).
    Kamáluddín Husain, Mauláná, 540 . Khalil ullah Yazdí, Mír, 525.
    Kambú, a tribe, 399 , 402. Khán’Alam ,Chalmah Beg, 378 (No. 58).
    Kámí, author of the Nafáis ul Maásir, Khán ’Alam Iskandar Khán, 365 .
    448n. Khán ' Alam, Mírzá Barkhurdár, 512
    Kámí , of Sabzwár, a poet, 601 . (No. 328).
    Kámil Khán ’ Alamgirí, 489 . Khán i A'zam, Mírzá ' Azíz Kokah, 169,
    Kámil Khán, Mírzá Khurram, 327, 328, 208, 209, 299, 310, 325 (No. 21),
    459. 397, 451 , 603n .
    Kámrán, Mírzá, 311 , 312, 378,379, 380, Khán Bábá, a title, 316.
    388, 463, 618. Khán Daurán , Sháhbeg Khán Arghún ,
    Kangár Kachhwáhah, 436, 437, 531. 377 (No. 57).
    kánsí, a metallic composition, 41 . Khán Daurán Sháhjahání , 413.
    Karam ' Alí, 519. Khán Juhán , a title, 330.
    Karam Beg, son of Sher Beg, 515. Khán Jahán Bárha, 392, 394,
    Karam ullah, son of ' Alí Mardán Bahá- Khán Jahán , Husain Qulí , 172 , 204,329 .
    dur, 496. Khán Jahán Lodí, 336, 427 ; vide next
    Karam ullah Kambú, 402, 432. name.
    Karan Ráthor, 359, 483, Khán Jahán Lodí, governor of Orísá,
    karaná, a trumpet, 51 . 366n .
    Karim Dád Afghán, 331 . Khán Jahán Lodi, Pírú, son of Daulat
    Karm Chand Kachhwáhah, 387n. Khán Lodí, 503.
    645

    Kháni Kalán , Mir Muhammad , 322 Khurram, Mírzá , vide Kámil Khán.
    (No. 16). Khurramdád , a musician, 613n .
    KhánKhánán, a title, 316 ; insignia, khushkah, a dish, 59.
    316 ; 312 ; vide Bairám Khán , khushrúz, 276.
    Mun’im Khán , and next name. Khusrau, Prince, son of Jahángír, 310,
    Khán Khánán, Mírzá ' Abdurrahím , son 327, 414, 414n., 433 , 454, 455, 467.
    of Bairâm Khán , 206, 309 , 315, 334 Khusrau, of Dihlí, the poet, 102n., 540,
    (No. 29) , 362, 451 , 503 , 569n ., 574n., 582.
    576n., 578n., 579n ., 585n . , 593n., Khusrau Khán Chirgis , 363 , 364, 364 .
    599n., 601n., 603n ., 606n., 608n., Khusrawí, of Qáin, a poet, 591 .
    613n. khutbah, read by princes, 185.
    Khán Mírzá, 311 , 311n. Khwajagán Khwajah, 423, 539 ; vide
    Khán Muhammad Qáq hál, 621 . Khwajah Kalán.
    Khán Zamán ’Ali Qulí Shaibání , 319 Khwajagi Khwajah Tahrání, 508, 512.
    (No. 13 ), 366, 462, 489, 568. Khwajagi Muhammad Husain, 478 .
    Khánahzad Khán , 466 , 472, 493 , Khwajah Ahrár, a saint , 322 .
    Khandán, a kátib, 102 , 617. Khwajah ' Arab, 204.
    Khangár, of Kachh, 419 . Khwájah Báqí Khán , 459 .
    Khanjar Beg Chaghtái, 533. Khwajah Beg Mírzá , 519 ( No 365) .
    Khanjí, Malik, of Jálor, 493. Khwajah Hasan, uncle of Zain Khán
    Khánzádahs , of Mewát , 334, 391 . Kokah, 310, 344.
    k'haral, 23, 25, 26. Khwajah Hasan Naqshbandí, 322.
    khárchíní, a kind of gold, 40, 41. Khwajah Jahán, Amíná of Harát, 424
    khardal, a weight, 36. (No. 110) .
    khargáh, a tent, 54. Khwajah Jahan Dost Muhammad, 477n.
    K'hatars, a tribe, 456n . , 487n . , 522, 522n . Khwajah Kalán (Khwajagán Khwajah),
    Kháwand Dost, 423 . 322.
    k'hichrí, 59. Khwajah Sulaimán Afghán, 340.
    Khidmatiyah, a class of servants at court, Khwajah ' Usmán Afghán, vide ' Usmán .
    252 , 282 ; their chief, Khidmat Rái, Khwánandah, Mír, 465.
    252, 431 . Khwáwand Mahmúd, 322 .
    Khing Suwár, 448. Kíjak Begum, 322.
    Khizr, (Elias) the Prophet, 556n . , 567n., Kíjak Khwajah, 494 (No. 262).
    581. Kíká Ráná ( Ráná Partáb), 339, 418,
    Khizr Khwajah Khán , 365, 365n. , 374, 443n .
    388, 441 , 443, 529, 615. kílás [gílás], cherries, 65n ., 616.
    Khizr Sultán Gakk’har, 487 . killing of animals forbidden, 200, 258.
    K'hokars, a tribe, 456n . kinárí (lace), 510.
    Khúbú, Shaikh, 496 (No. 275) . Kírat, Rájah of Kálinjar, 611n.
    Khudáwand Khán Dakhini, 442 (No Kishn Dás Tunwar, 506 (No. 313 ),
    151 ) , 449 . Kishu Singh Bhadauriah, 489.
    Khudá Yár Khán Latí, 363n. Kishnjoshí, a Sanskrit work, 104.
    Khurram Begum , 312 . Kishwar Khán , 497 .
    Khuram Khán , 633. kitchen, the imperial, 56,
    Khurram, Prince, 337 ; vide Shahjahán . Kohbar, a tribe, 613 .
    646

    kokah, or kokultásh, or fosterbrother, Lashkar Khán Bárha , 392.


    323 . Lashkar Khán, Muhammad Husain ,
    koknár, 513 . 407 ( No. 90).
    Kor Hamzah, 313 . Lashkarí, Mírzá, son of Mírzá Yúsuf
    kornish, a kind of salutation, 158. Khán , 374, 505, 518, 522 (No, 375) ;
    Krorís, 13. vide Çafshikan Khán.
    Kúchak’Alí Khán Kolábí, 438 (No. 138 ) . Lashkarí Gakk’har, 457.
    Kufic letters , 99. Lashkarshikan Khán, 339 .
    kuhárs, or pálkí bearers, 254. Latif Khwajah, 196 .
    kuhnah, 23. lead, 40.
    Kújak [Kúchak ] Yasáwul, 482 . Learned men, exchanged for horses, 191 ;
    kukrah, 23, 24. banished, 187, 189, 190, 191 ; list
    kumakí, a class of troops, 231 . of them during Akbar's reign, 537 ;
    Kundlíwáls, a clan, 391 , 395. where placed in battle, 587n.
    kushtah, prepared quicksilver, 563n. leopards, for hunting, 285, 287, 288,
    kuwargah, a musical instrument, 50. 523 ;leopard carriages, 150.
    letters, 98 .
    Library, the imperial, 103.
    LAC, 226 Lilawati, title of a Sanskrit work, 105.
    .
    Lachhmí Náráin , of Kúch Bihár, 340 ; lime, price of, 223 .
    vide Lakhmí. Lisán ul Ghaib , title of a book, 603n.
    Lachhmí Náráin Shafiq, a Persian wri- Lisání, a poet, 603n.
    ter, 491n. Liwáí, a poet, 613n.
    Lád, Shaikh, 620. Lodí Khán, son of Qutlú, 520.
    Lád Bárha, Sayyid, 526 (No. 409). Lohání Afgháns , 622.
    ládan, a perfume. Lohar Chak, 479.
    Ládlí Begum, 311 , 510. Lon Karan, Ráí, 404, 494, 531.
    Láhaurí, Mírzá, 500. lubán, a perfume, 82.
    Lailí, 560n. Lubuttawáríkh, title of a historical
    Lakhmí Rái, of Kohrah , 480n .; vide work, 447n.
    Lachhmí.
    Lutfullah , son of Khusrau Khán , 364.
    lakráit, 252. Lutfullah, son of Sa'id Khán, 466 .
    la'l i Jalálí, a coin, 29.
    Lál Kaláwant [ Miyán Lál], 612, 612n,
    Lál Khán, a singer, 613n. MAXS IR I RAHIMI, a historical
    .AASIR
    Lál Khán Kolábí , 475 (No. 209) . work, 338, 603n.
    Lálah, son of Bir Bar, 405, 523 (No. Macúm Beg Cafawi, 426.
    387) . Maçúm Kháu Farankhúdí, 351, 400 ,
    lallah, meaning of, 426n. 410, 443 (No. 157).
    Lamas of Tibbat, 201 . Ma cúm Khán Kábulí , 189, 342 , 34 ,
    Land revenue, 13 .
    351 , 400, 431n., 446, 448n ., 621.
    Langáhs, a clan, 362 . Ma'çúm, Mír, of Bhakkar, 514 ( No. 514).
    Lárdlí Begum, vide Ládlí. Ma'çúm, Mír, of Kábul, 323.
    lárí, a kind of silver, 23, 37. Ma'çúm, Mír, of Káshán, 594n.
    Lashkar Khán Abul Hasan , 211 . madad i ma'ásh, vide sayurghál.
    647

    Ma'dan ul afkár, a Masnawi, 514. Mahmud Shah (II.) , Sultán of Gujrát,


    maddát, a class of letters, 103n. 385 .
    Mádhú Singh, of Kokrah, 401 , 480n . Mahmud Sultán Mírzá, 461 , 462 .
    Mádhú Singh, 505. Mahmúdís, a sect, 452 .
    Mádhú Singh Kachhwáhah, 418 (No. mahtábí, 46.
    104). Máhum Anagah, 316, 323 , 324, 328,
    Mádhú Singh Shaikháwat, 419. 332, 381 .
    Madhukar Bundelá, of Undchah, 356, mahuwá tree, 70, 616.
    389, 390, 430, 452 , 458 , 487 , 488. Mahwí Hamadání, a poet, 585.
    Madrasahs, 279 ; Humáyún's at Dihlí, Maidání Afgháns, 499.
    538. Mailí, of Harát, 571 .
    maghribi, a dirham, 36. Maín, or Munj , a Rájpút clan, 526.
    Maghribiyah, a dass of saints, 507. Májí, a tribe, 610n.
    Máh Bánú Begum, 328, 334, 336. Majma' ul Abkár, a work , 569n .
    Máh Jújak Begum, 318, 322 . Majnún Khán Qáqshál, 326 , 308 , 369
    Mahá Singh, grandson of Mán Singh, No. 50) .
    Kachhwáhah, 340, 447. Mák'han Bárha, 392.
    Mahá Singh Bhadauriah, 489. Makhçúc Khán , 388 (No. 70) .
    Mahábat Khán, 337, 338, 339, 347,371, Makhdúm ul Mulk, ' Abdullah of Sultán-
    414. púr, 169, 172 , 173, 175, 177, 185 ,
    Mabábat Khán’Alamgirí , 522 . 187, 189, 374, 544.
    Mahábhárat, 104, 105n . , 210. Makhfi, the uom-de-plume oftwo Impe-
    Mahápáter, the singer, 611n . rial princesses, 309, 510.
    Mahdawi Sect, 490. [480. Mák'hú, a musician , 613n .
    Mahdí Qasim Khán, 348 (No. 36 ) , 372 , Makhzan i Afghání, a history, 506.
    Mahdí Khwajah, 420. mal, or Gujrát wrestlers, 219, 253.
    Mahes Dás Ráthor, 359. malágír, a perfume, 82 .
    Mahmands, an Afghán tribe, 345, 397. Malays, 616.
    Mahmúd, son of Bábú Manklí, 473 . Máldeo, Rájah, of Jodhpúr, 315 , 316,
    Mahmud of Barha, Sayyid, 389 (No. 75) . 429, 430.
    Mahmúd, of Basakhwán, 177 , 452. malghúbah, a dish, 61.
    Mahmud Bígarah, Sultán of Gujrát, 506. malik, a title, 369n.
    Mahmúd, son of Daulat Khán Lodí, 503. Malik Ahmad Dakhlí, a poet, 608.
    Mahmud, of Ghazní, 456n, Malik ' Alí, Khwajah, 515 (No. 330).
    Mahmud Is-háq, a kátib, 102 . Malik 'Ambar, 491 , 503, 504.
    Mahmúd Khán , son of Khán Jahán Lodi, Malik Bir, 456.
    505. Malik Kalán, 456.
    Mahmúd, Malik, of Sístán, 314. Malik Kid, 456.
    Mahmúd, Mír, Mahwí, a poet, 585n . Malik Ma'súd, 509 .
    Mahmúd, Mír Munshí, 449. Malik, Mauláná, a kátib, 102 .
    Mahmúd, Mírzá, Gurgání, 460. Malik Pilú, 456n.
    Mahmud Pak'hlíwál, 501 . Malikushshua'rá, 491 , 548n.
    Mahmúd Siyáúsh, a kátib, 101 . Malkú Sáín, of Kúch Bihár, 331 .
    Mahmud, Sultán of Bhakkar, 362, 420, Mallú (Qadir Khán ), 428. [520.
    421 , 422 . Mamrez Khán, son of ' Usmán Lohání,
    648

    man, a coin, 30. Mat hurá Dás K'hatrí, 523 (No. 379).
    Mán Tunwar, of Gwáliár, 611n. Maulánázádah Shukr, 541.
    Mançabdárs, 231 , 236, 238 ; muster Mawárid ul kilam , title of a book, 549n.
    one-fourth, or one-fifth, of their con- Máwís, an aboriginal race, employedby
    tingents, 244 ; salaries, 240, 245, Akbar, 252.
    248 ; below the rank of commanders Mazharí, of Kashmír, a poet, 584.
    of Two Hundred, 527 ; - under measures , 88n., 225, 226, 229 ; of Kash-
    Jahángír and Sháhjahán, 535 vide mír, 346.
    grandees. Mední Rái Chauhán, 470 (No. 198).
    Mançúr, Mír, 590. melons, different kinds of, 65, 523.
    mandal, a tent, 54, 78. metals , origin of, 38 ; compositions, 41 .
    Mangaráls, a tribe, 456n. Mewṛahs, runners, 252.
    mangoes, 67, 68, 544. Miçrí Begum, 518,
    Manijah Begum 499, 511 , 512, míd, a perfume, 80.
    mankli, meaning of, 370, 370n ., 473. Mihr ' Alí Barlás , 342.
    Manohar, son of Lopkaran,494(No.265) . Mihr ’Alí Khán Sildoz, 435 (No. 130) .
    Manrúp Kachhwáhah, 388. Mihr ' Alí Kolábí, 351, 353, 354, 463.
    Mán Singh Darbárí, 506. mihrábí, a coin, 33.
    Mán Singh Kachhwáhah, Rájah, 206, mihrkul, a kind of cloth, 95, 617.
    339 (No. 30) , 418 , 418n . Mihrunnisá, vide Núr Jahán.
    Mán Singh Kachhwáhah, 506 (No. 314). Mihtar Jauhar, 441n.
    ma'qalí, a kind of writing, 99. Mihtar Khán Anísuddín , 417 (No. 102 ).
    Maqçúd, Khwajah, of Harát, the engra- Mihtar Sa'ádat, 497.
    ver, 27, 52, 53. Mihtar Sakáí, 441 .
    Maqçúd , son of Makhçúc Kháng 388 . milk, vide sayurghál.
    Maqeúd ' Alí, of Werkopái, 608n. millennium, 106n ., 169n., 191, 198, 453.
    Maqçúd 'Alí Kor, 437 (No. 136 ). minerals, 39.
    markiz, a caligraphical term, 103n . Mint, Imperial, 16, 18 , 495 ; Akbar's
    Markizuladwár, title of a work, 549n . mint-towns, 31.
    marriage, laws of different sects, 174 ; Mír 'Adl, 268.
    Akbar's laws regarding, 277 ; taxes Mír 'Arz, an officer, 257, 259, 334.
    on, 278 ; age fixed for, 195, 203. Mir Atash, a title, 470.
    Ma'rúf Mauláná, a katib, 100. Mír Bakáwal, or master of the Kitchen,
    Ma'ruf Çadr, Shaikh, 471 . 57.
    Maryam-makání, title of Akbar's mo- Mír Kalán, Mauláná, 540.
    ther, 309, 48 , 62, 455. Mír Khalifah, 420.
    Maryam-zamání, title of Jahangir's Mít Khán , 416, 472 .
    mother, 309, 619. Mír Khán Yasáwul , 518 (No. 361) .
    Mashárig ulanwár, a work, 547. Mir Khawáfí, Khwajah, 445n.
    Masih (Messiah), 556n. Mír Khwajah, son of Sultán Khwajah,
    Masíhá Kairánawí, a poet, 544. 423.
    Masnad i ' Alí, 502 , 523. Mir Manzil, or quarter-master, 47.
    Mas'úd Husain Mírzá , 330, 461 , 462. Mír Rubá'í, a title, 602n .
    Maṭáli, an Arabic work, 362n. Már Sámán, a title, 384.
    match-locks, 113 ; -bearers, 116, 251,254. Mir Shab, 515.
    649

    miraculous events, 355 ; vide Akbar. Mohan Dás , Rái, 470.


    Mírak Bahadur Arghún, 475 (No. 208). Mohan Kachhwáhah, 398. [104.
    Mírak Jaláir, 521. Mohesh Mahánand, a Sanskrit work,
    Mirak Khán , 439. money, Persian, Hindústání, and Túrání
    Mirak Khán Bahádur; 532 . equivalents, 486.
    Mírak Khwajah, 525. monopolies, imperial, 479.
    Mirak Khwájah , Chingiz Khán , 42 . moon, in dreams signifies luck, 321.
    Mírak, Mírzá, Razawí Khán, 438. moth, its love to the candle, 576n .
    Mírán Bukhárí, Sayyid, 397. Mot'h Rájah, vide Udai Singh.
    Mírán Cadr Jabán, 468. mu'allaq, 300:
    Mírán Mubárak, of Khándesh, 309. Muarrikh Khán , 518.
    Mírán Muhammad Sháh, of Khandesh, mu'átab, meaning of, 433.
    325. Mu’azzam Khán , 492, 521n.
    Mir-át ul káinát, title of a book, Mu'azzam Khwajah, 366n., 408, 524.
    568n. Mubárak i Bukhárí, of Gujrát, 385, 397.
    mirdahah, a non-commissioned officer, Mubárak Kashmírí, Sayyid, 479.
    116n ., 252, 254. Mubárak Khán Gakk’har, 455 , 457 , 486 .
    Mírzás, the, their genealogy and revolt, Mubárak Khán, wazír of Sultán Mah-
    461 ; vide rebellion. múd of Bhakkar, 421.
    Mírzá Ahmad, Khwajah, 508, 512. Mubárak, Mullá, 195.
    Mírzá Beg Shahrí, 424. Mubárak Shah, a kátib, 100,
    Mírzá Khán Níshápúrí, 502 (No. 303) .. Mubárak of Nágor, Shaikh, father of
    Mírzá Khán, or Mírzá KhánKhánán , Abulfazl, 169, 185, 187 , 198, 209,
    vide KhánKhánán Mírzá ' Abdurra- 490, 537, 569n.
    hím. Mubárak, Shaikh, of Alwar, 537.
    Mírzá Khwajah, son of Mírzá Asadullah , Mubárak, Shaikh, of Gwáliár, 537.
    522 (No. 371 ). Mubáriz Khán ’Adlí, 456.
    Mírzá Qulí Khán, 376, 385, 530. Muç'ab ibn Zubair, 36.
    Mírzá Qulí Mailí, 571 . Muçáhib Khán, 533 .
    Mírzá Rájah, vide Mán Singh. Muçṭafá Ghilzí, 486 (No. 246 ).
    Mírzá Sháhí, 413 . Muçtafá Khán, 445” ., 501.
    Mírzá Sultán, son of Mírzá Shahrukh Muçṭafá, Mullá, of Jaunpúr, 500.
    Badakhshí , 313. Muflis, Mírzá, 541.
    Mirzádah ’Alí Khán , 443 (No. 152). Mufridát i Ma'çúmí, title of a book,
    misqál, a weight , 36. 514.
    mistar, of copyists, 52n. Mughís, Mír, Mahwí, 585, 585n.
    Miyán Chand, a singer , 612. Mughuls, look upon nine' as a sacred
    Miyán 'Isá Khán Lohání, father of number, 364n.
    'Usmán , 520. Mughul Khán, son of Zain Khán, 346.
    Miyán Joh, 371 . Mughul, Mírzá, Badakhshí , 313.
    Miyán Khán Ghorí, 326 . Muhammad, vide Prophet.
    Miyán Lál, vide Lál Kaláwant. Muhammad, son of Daulat Khán Lodí,
    Miyán Tánsen , vide Tánsen . 503.
    Miyán Wajíhuddín , 538 . Muhammad Ardistání, Hájí, 525 (No.
    399).
    Miyánah Afgháns, 456 , 506 .

    82
    650

    Muhammad Bukhárí, Shaikh, 396 (No. Muhammad Hakim Mírzá, Akbar's bro-
    77). ther, king ofKábul, 312 ; his daugh-
    Muhammad, Hájí, of Khabúshán, 606n. ter, 312 ; his sister, 449 ; his mother,
    Muhammad, Hájí, a kátib, 100. 318, 320, 322 ; 317, 344, 377,
    Muhammad, Mauláná, 541. 465, 469, 470, 609n.
    Muhammad, Mullá, of Aubah, a kátib, Muhammad Husain, of Kashmir, a
    101. kátib, 102,
    Muhammad , Mullá, of Kingrí, 514 . Muhammad Husain, of Tabríz, a kátib,
    Muhammad, Mullá , of Tattah, 378, 500 . 102.
    Muhammad, Mullá, of Yazd, 175 , 182 , Muhammad Husain, Khwajah, a kátib,
    189. 101 .
    Muhammad, Mírzá, 492 (No. 259). Muhammad Husain, Khwajagí, 478,
    Muhammad, of Qazwín, a kátib, 101 . 485 (No. 241 ).
    Muhammad, Mír Sayyid, the Mahdawi, Muhammad Husain Lashkar Khán,
    546. 407 (No. 90).
    Muhammad, Sayyid, 422 . Muhammad Husain Mírzá, 325, 461 ,
    Muhammad, Sayyid, Mír'Adl, 438 (No. 462.
    140), 490. Muhammad Husain Mírzá Çafawí, 313.
    Muhammad, Sayyid, of Rohtás (Bihar), Muhammad Husain Nazírí, 579,579n.
    400. Muhammad 'Isá Tarkhán , 362 .
    Muhammad, Shaikh, of Bahronch, 545 ; Muhammad 'Itábí, 588, 588n .
    -, a kátib, 102. Muhammad Khán, 525 (No. 400 ).
    Muhammad Acghar, vide Ashraf Khán . Muhammad Khán Dhárí, a singer, 612 .
    Muhammad Açghar, Bahár Khán, 405 Muhammad Khán Gakk’har , 455 , 486 .
    (No. 87). Muhammad Khán Jaláir, 411 .
    Muhammad Akbar, Prince, 487. Muhammad Khán Niyází, 483 ( No.
    Muhammad ' Alí, of Jám , 523 (No. 377). 239).
    Muhammad Amín, a kátib, 103. Muhammad Khán Sharafuddin Oghlú
    Muhammad Amín Díwánah , 334. Taklú, 426 , 508.
    Muhammad Amín, Háfiz, 185 . Muhammad Khán Turkmán , 516 (No.
    Muhammad A'zam Hájí, 581n. 340) .
    Muhammad Bakhtyár, of Jalesar, 425. Muhammad Mas'úd , son of Ahmad Beg
    Muhammad Báqí Khán Kokah, vide Kabulí, 466.
    Bái Khán . Muhammad Mirak Çálihí, 583.
    Muhammad Baqir Harawí, 355. Muhammad Mírzá Cafawi, Sultán, 426 .
    Muhammad Báqí Tarkhán, 362 . Muhammad Múmin Hafizak, 613n.
    Muhammad Çálih, 413. Muhammad Páyandah, vide Páyandah
    Muhammad Çálih, çadr, 272 . Khán .
    Muhammad Çálih, Khwájagí, 528. Muhammad Qaqshál, Mírzá, 370.
    Muhammad Çálih, Mírzá, 364n. Muhammad Qasim Khán , of Nishapur ,
    Muhammad Çúfi, of Mázandarán, 590. 353 (No. 40), 603n.
    Muhammad Fikrí, Sayyid, 602 . Muhammad Qásim Khán Mir Atish ,
    Muhammad Ghaus, Shaikh, of Gwáliár, 478.
    367, 457, 458 , 539 . Muhammad Qásim Kohbar, 613n .
    Muhammad Hakím Háfiz, a kátib, 101 . Muhammad Qásim Shádí Sháh, 102.
    651

    Muhammad Qulí Afshár, 411. Mu'inuddin, author of Tafsir i Ma'ání,


    Muhammad Qulí Khán Barlás, 341 , 523.
    (No. 31), 366. Mu'ínuddin, of Faráh, a kátib, 100.
    Muhammad Qulí Khán Turkmán , 474 Mu'inuddin Ahmad Khán Farankhúdí,
    (No. 203). 434 (No. 128) , 541.
    Muhammad Qulí Toqbái, 434 (No. 129) . Mu'ínuddin Chishtí Sigizí, of Ajmír,
    Muhammad Rizá Nau'í, 606n. 401, 540.
    Muhammad Sa'íd, 416 , 481 . Mu'inuddin Tanúrí, a kátib, 100.
    Muhammad Sháh , of Dihlí, 395. Mu'izz, Mír, of Káshán, a kátib, 102.
    Muhammad Sharif, son of I'timádud- Mu'izzul Mulk, Mír, 189, 381 (No. 61 ) .
    daulah, 433, 509 , 511n , 512. Mujáhid Khán , 383, 421, 494 , 533.
    Muhammad Sharif, Khwajah, 508, 512. Mu'jamul Buldán, a work on geogra-
    Muhammad Sharif, Mír, 448. phy, 106.
    Muhammad Sharif Nawáí, 602n. mujannas, a kind of horse, 140, 233.
    Muhammad Sharif Sarmadí 516 , 607n . Mujtahid, 186.
    Muhammad Sharíf Wuqú'í, 591 . Mukammal Khán , 105 , 519 .
    Muhammad Sulțán Mírzá, 461 , 462 . Mukaram Khán , 489 , 493, 621 .
    Muhammad Tabib, Mírzá, of Sabzwár, Mukarram Mírzé Cafawi, 315.
    442. Mukaṭman Bhadauriah, 488 (No. 249).
    Muhammad Tálib, son of Sháistah Khán , Mukhliç Kháng 505.
    511. Mukhliçullah Khán , 466.
    Muhammad Wafá, 494. Mukhtár Beg, son of Aghá Mullá,
    Muhammad Yár Uzbak, 382. 497 (No. 278) .
    Muhammad Záhid , of Balkh , 176. mukhí, a pánleaf, 616.
    Muhammad Zamán , 508, 533. Mukund, zamíndár of Fathábád ( Ben-
    Muhammad Zamán, Mírzá, Badakhshí, gal), 374.
    313. Mukund Deo, of Orísá, 611n.
    Muhammadans, intermarry with Hin- Mullá Mír, 542.
    dús, 469, 470. mules, imperial, 152 ; where bred , 487 ;
    muhaqqaq, a kind of writing, 99, 100. imported, 152 ; their food, 152 ;
    Muhí, of Shíráz, a kátib, 100. harness, 153 ; how mustered, 216.
    Muhibb 'Alí Khán, son of Mír Khalifah, Multafit Khán , 472 .
    420 (No. 101). Múmin Khawáfí, Khwajah, 447.
    Muhibb ' Alí Khán Rohtásí, 422, 530. Múmin Marwáríd, 101 .
    Muhibb ' Alí Khawáfí, Khwajah, 516 Mumtaz Mahall, 369, 501n ., 512, 615.
    (No. 347). Munawwar, Shaikh, an author, 106,
    Muhibbullah, Mír, 507. 189, 547.
    Muhkam Singh Sisodiah, 418. Mun’im Khán , Khán Khánán , 263, 317
    Muhsin Khán , 376. (No. 11 ), 334, 371 , 384, 427, 440.
    Muhtarim Beg, 443. Múnis Khán , 417.
    Muhtarim Begum, 312. Munj, a Rájpút clan, 526,
    Muhtashim Khán , 493 . múnj, a kind of grass, 395.
    muhur, a coin, 30. Munkir and Nakir, two angels, 500.
    Mu'in, Qází, 545. munshiyát, or letters, of Abul Fath
    mu'íní, a coin, 30, 52. Gílání, 425n,
    652

    Munçif Khán, 477 (No. 222). Mutamid Khán , 478, 521n.


    muqásá, 263. Mutamid Khán Bakhshí, 413 .
    Muqarrab Khán (Akbarsháhí), 373. Mu’tamid Khán Muhammad Cálih , 445 .
    Muqarrab Khán, 543. mutanjah, a dish, 61 .
    Muqbil Khán, 408 . Muzaffar, brother of Khán’Alam , 502
    Muqim 'Arab, vide Shuja'at Khán. (No. 304).
    Muqim i Harawí, 420, 421. Muzaffar, king of Gujrát, 326, 332,
    Muqím Khán, 371 . 334, 335 , 383, 386, 518 ; vide
    Muqím Khán, son of Shujá at Kháng Nat'hú.
    523 (No. 386). Muzaffar Husain Mírzá, 353, 461 (No.
    Muqim, Khwajah, son of Khwajah 180), 463 .
    Mírak, 525 (No. 401 ). [420. Muzaffar Husain, Mírzá, Cafawí, 313
    Muqím, Mírzá, son of Mírzá Zul-nún , (No. 8), 314.
    Muqim Naqshbandí, 433. Muzaffar Khán Bárha , 392 , 394, 505 .
    Muqím Shábjahání, 413. Muzaffar Khán Turbatá , Khwájah Mu-
    muqti', or jágírdár, 256. zaffar 'Alí, 332, 348 ( No. 37), 368,
    Murád, Prince, Akbar's son, born and 439 .
    died , 309, 618 ; his complexion, Muzaffar Khán Ma’mún , 504 .
    309 ; 48, 141n. ; called Pahárí, 182n ; Muzaffar Lodí, 505.
    is instructed in Christianity, 182, Muzaffar, Mírzá, son of Sultán Husain
    183 ; 335, 383, 543, 574n., 618. Mírzá, 362.
    Murád Bakhsh, Prince, 472, 478. Muzaffar Mughul, 512.
    Murád Cafawí, son of Mírzá Rustam,
    314, 315.
    Murád Khán, 373 (No. 54). AÇIB Shah, son of Qutlú, 520.
    Murád, Mír, ofJuwain, 498 (No. 282). Naçír Maín, 526 (No. 410).
    Murád, Mír, Kolábí, 523 (No. 380). Naçírá, 383.
    Murád Qulí Sultán, 486, 487. Náçir Khusrau, a poet, 190, 198.
    Murtazá Khán , vide Farid i Bukhárí. Naçíruddín Pak'hlíwál, Sultán, 454.
    Murtazá Khán , Husámaddín Inju, 451 Náçirulmulk, vide Pír Muhammad
    472. Khán.
    Murtazá Khán, Mír, 449 (No. 162) . Nacrullah, son of Mukhtár Beg, 497.
    Murtazá, Mírzá, 327. Naçrullah, Çúfi, 100.
    Murtazá Nizám Sháh, 336 , 449. Nádi 'Alí Arlát, 508.
    Murtaza Sharif, Mír, 449, 540. Nádi ' Alí, Háfiz, 508.
    Músá, Shaikh, Fathpúrí, 402, 403. Nádi ' Alí Maidání, 507 (No. 317).
    Músé, Shaikh, Láhorí, 539. Nádir Sháh, 363.
    Músá, Shaikh, 544. Nádirí, name of several poets, 605, 605 .
    musá'adat, or advances to officers, 265. Nádir ulmulk, 590n .
    musamman, a dish, 60. Nafáis ulmaásir, a work on literature,
    Músawí Sayyids, 381 , 482 . 448n.
    Mushfiqí of Bukhárá, a poet, 583. nafír, a trumpet, 51.
    music, at court, 51, 611 ; schools of, Náhíd Begum, 420.
    611n.; abolished by Aurangzib, Náik Bakhshú, a singer, 611. [313.
    613n. Najábat Khán, Shujá' Mírzá Badakhshí,
    653

    Naját Khán, Mírzá , 374, 439 (No. 142) . nímah suwárán, 254.
    Najibah Anagah, 398. Ni'matullah Bawwáb, a kátib, 101 .
    Najmuddin ’ Alí Khán Bárha , 392. nine, a favorite number of the Mughuls,
    Najmuddin Muhammad Káhí, 566n . 364m.
    nákhudá, or shipcaptain, 281 . Niyábat Khán , the rebel , 400 , 403 ,
    NalDaman, a poem, 106, 548, 550. 425, 437.
    Naman Dás Kachhwáhah, 483. Niyází Afgháns, 484.
    name of grandfather given to a child, Nizám, of Jálor, 494.
    497. Nizám, Qází, vide Ghází Khán Ba
    dakhshí.
    namgirah, or awning, 46.
    Námí, a poet, 514. Nizám, Shaikh , 538.
    Nának Járjú, a singer, 612. Nizámí, of Qazwin, 103.
    naphtha, 40. Nizám Murtazá Khán, Sayyid , 469.
    Napoleon I., 587n. Nízámuddin Ahmad, the historian,
    Naqábat Khán , 406 . 420n., 436, 514, 528.
    Naqíb Khán , 104, 105n, 106, 447 (No. Nizamuddin Ahmad, son of Shah Mu-
    161) . hammad Khán, 516 (No. 341) .
    naqír, a weight , 36 . Nizamuddín Auliá, 440.
    naqqárak, a drum, 51 ; -khánah , 47 . Nizamuddín, Jám, 362.
    naqshbandí, its meaning, 423n. Nizámulmulk, Khwajah, 495.
    Náráin Dás Ráthor , of Idar, 433. Nizámulmulk Túsí, 583.
    narnál, a kind of gun, 113. Nuçrat Yár Khán Bárha , 392, 396 .
    náshpátí, a melon , 65 . nuqtahs, 453.
    naskh, a kind of writing, 99, 100. Nuqtawís, a sect, 452, 597n.
    nasta'liq, a kind of writing, 101, 102. Núram, 526 (No. 415).
    Nat'hú, of Gujrát, Muzaffar Sháh, 385, Núrí, a poet, 542.
    386 ; vide Muzaffar Sháh. Núr Jahán, [Núr Mahall ] 309, 310, 311 ,
    337, 338, 369, 509 to 511.
    Nau'í, a poet, 606.
    Naurang Khán , 334 , 463, 631 , 572n . Núrnámah, title of a poem, 412 .
    naurúz, or New Year's day, 183, 276. Núr Qulij, 480 (No. 229).
    Nauruz Beg Qaqshál , 437. Núruddín Mírzá, son of Açaf Khán II.,
    Nawáí, 602n. 369, 433.
    Nawazish Khán Sa'dullah, 363, 363n. Núruddín Muhammad Naqshbandí,
    Nazar Bahadur, 374. Mírzá, 309, 618.
    Nazar Be Uzbak, 455 (No. 169) . Núruddín Qarárí, a poet, 586, 586n .
    Nazar Khán Gakk’har , 486 (No. 247). Núruddín Tarkhán, 424, 524, 541 .
    Nazar Muhammad Khán, of Balkh, 481 . Núrullah, a kátib, 103.
    Nazírí, the poet , 579, 579n ., 613n . Núrullah Injú, 451 .
    Núrullah, Mír, 545.
    newswriters, 258, 338.
    Núrullah, Qází, 346.
    New Year's day, 183 , 276.
    Núrunnisa Begum, a wife of Jahángír,
    niáriyah, 23.
    Niçábuççibyán , a Persian primer, 41n . 464, 477n .
    Nuzhatularwáh, a çúfistic book, 181,
    nichoíwálah , 26.
    Nikallü, a Turkish tribe, 619. 547.
    Níl Kant'h, of Orísá, 508 (No. 318) .
    654

    páras stone, 402.


    ODAT Singh Bhadauriah, 489 .
    Pari-çúrat, a masnawí, 514.
    Officers of the Mint, 18, 19, 20, 22. Paríchhat Zamíndár, 493 .
    opium eating, excessive, 378, 384n .; Partáb Bundelá, 488.
    vide drinking. Partáb , Rái of Mánkot, 345 .
    oranges, 69, Partáb Ráná ( Ráná Kíká) , 387, 400,
    Ordat Kachhwáhah , 483. 443n., 519.
    ordeals, 205. Partáb Singh Kachhwáhah, 516 (No.
    336) .
    PACH WARIAH, a kind of horse, Partáb Ujjainiyah, 513n.
    ACHWARIAH,
    parwánchahs, 263,
    133.
    Parwánchí, an officer, 259.
    Pádisháh Khwajah, 459. Parwíz, Prince, 310, 311, 314, 336, 337,
    Pádisháh Qulí, 480, 596. 344, 477n.
    padre, a Portuguese priest, 182. Parwízdád, a musician, 613n.
    págosht, one of Akbar's regulations, 217. Patr Dás , Rái Bikramájít, 439, 469
    Pahár, of Jálor, 494.
    (No. 196).
    Pahát Khán Baloch , 351, 526 (No. 407 ). páulah, a coin, 31.
    Pahár Singh Bundelá, 407, 488. pay, of soldiers, 247, 251, 252, 254,
    Pahárí, nickname of Prince Murád, 309.
    504 ; ofmançabdárs, 248 ; of Ahadís,
    pahit, 59. 250.
    pahluwán, or wrestler, 253. Payámí, a poet, 601. [518.
    páiks, or runners, 138 ; vide postrunners. Páyandah Khán Mughul, 387 (No. 68 ) ,
    paikár, 26. Páyandah Muhammad Tarkhán, 362.
    painting, art of, 96, 107 ; discouraged payments, how made, 262, 263, 264.
    by Islám, 108 ; painters of Europe, pensions, 474, 510.
    96 ; vide Akbar.
    perfumes, 73, 74, 75, 77.
    Pairawí, of Sawah, a poet, 600 . Peshrau Khán , 497 (No. 280 ).
    paisah, a coin, 31.
    pharáit, 253.
    palás, a wood, 298.
    Pharao, proverbial in the East, 160m . ,
    pálkí bearers, 254. 169, 170, 181 .
    pán, 72, 73, 616. Píchah Ján Anagah, 344.
    pánchtoliah, a stuff, 510.
    pickles, 64.
    Panchú, Shaikh, 538, 617.
    pigeon flying, 298.
    pandau, a coin, 30, 31,
    piles, prevent a man from joining in
    paniálah, a fruit, 70.
    public worship, 177.
    paníwár, 26.
    pineapples, 68.
    panj, a coin, 30.
    pinjar, 25.
    Pápá, the Pope, 183. Pír 'Alí Beg, 315.
    paper, variegated, invention of, 101. Pír Khán [ Pírú], son of Daulat Khán
    Parhez Bánú Begum , 314.
    Lodí, 503.
    Parisrám, Rájah of Jammú, 345. Pír Khán, of Jálor, 622,
    Parmánand K'hatrí , 476 (No. 214).
    Pír Muhammad, a kátib, 101.
    Pársí feasts, kept by Akbar, 276 ; vide Pír Muhammad Khán Shirwání (Mullá),
    Akbar, Zoroastrians. 324 (No. 20) , 359m., 541, 619.
    655

    Pírzádah, Liwáí, a poet and musician, post, post-runners, 252n .


    613, 613n. Prasuttam Singh Kachhwáhah, 458.
    pital, vide brass. Pratáb, vide Partáb .
    piyár, a fruit, 71. precious stones, 15, 451, 510n ; vide
    plantain tree, 70. diamond, yáqút.
    play, at court, 203, 297, 303, 349. prices of articles, 62 ; of ice, 56 ; of
    Poets, of Akbar's reign, 548ff ; poets building materials, 223 ; vide
    laureate of India, 491 , 548n . , 611 ; wages.
    vide Kabi Rái, Malik ushshu'ará. Printing, art of, in India, 99n .
    Vide also the following Poets, men- prisoners, how treated, 330.
    tioned in the A'ín, -A'çafí, Amrí, Prit'hí Chand Kachhwáhah, 495.
    Anísí, Arslán, Ashkí, Asírí, A'tishí ; Prit'hí Singh Bundelá, 488 .
    Bábá Tálib ; Cabrí, Çarfi (Çairafí) Prophet, the, abused at court, 196.
    Kashmirí, Carfi Sáwají, Çabúhí, prostitutes, segregated, 192.
    Cáib, Çálihí, Çúfi ; Dakhlí, Daurí, prostration, or sijdah, 159, 159n ., 181,
    Dawáí ; Faizí (Fayyází) , Faizí 192.
    Sarhindí, Fahmí, Fanáí, Farebí, Public Works, 222.
    Fárisí, Fikrí, Fusúní ; Ghairatí, punhar, 24, 26.
    Ghayúrí, Ghazálí, Ghaznawí, Hai- Púran Mall, of Gídhor, 340, 480n.
    dar Mu'ammáí, Haidarí, Hairatí, Púran Mall Kachhwáhah , 329.
    Hálatí, Halímí, Hamdamí, Há- Purbín Khán , a musician , 612 .
    shimí, Hayátí, Háziq, Husain Puruk'hotam, Rái, a Bráhman, 180, 528.
    Marwí, Huzní, Huzúrí ; Imámí,
    'Itábí ; Jámí, Jazbí, Judáí ; Káhí,
    Kalím, Kámí, Kámí Sabzwárí, ABIL
    QABI L son of ' Atíq, 526 (No. 412) .
    Khusrau, Khusrawí ; Lisání, Li- Qabúl Khán , 457 (No. 137) , 516 .
    wáí ; Mahwí, Mailí, Makhfí , Ma- qabúlí, a dish, 60.
    síhá , Mazharí, Mushfiqí ; Náçir Qadam Rasul, or Qadam Mubárak, or
    Khusrau, Nádirí, Námí, Nau'í, foot print ofthe prophet, 198, 507 .
    Nawáí, Nazírí, Núrí ; Pairawí, Qádir Khán Mallú , 428.
    Payámí ; Qaidí, Qarárí, Qásim Qádir Qulí, 525 (No. 402).
    Arslán, Qásim Júnábádí, Qásimí, qaiçúrí, a kind of camphor ; vide
    Qudsí ; Rafí'í, Raháí, Rahí, Razáí, fançúrí, 78.
    Ruswáí ; Sámrí, Sanáí, Shaikh Qaidí, of Shíráz , a poet, 599.
    Sáqí, Saqqa, Sarkhush, Sarmadí, Qáim Khán , 371 .
    Sawádí, Shafiq, Shahrí, Shápúr, qalandarí, a kind of tent, 46, 54.
    Sherí, Shifáí, Shikebí, Shujá'í, qalyah, a dish, 61 .
    Sirájá, Sultán ; Taqiyá, Taríqí, Qamar Khán , 448, 485 (No. 243 ) .
    Tashbíhí ; Ulfatí, ' Urfi ; Waçlí, qamarghah, akind of hunting, 284.
    Wafáí, Wali Dasht Bayází, Wálihí, Qandahárí Mahall, 314.
    Qanbar Be, 455.
    Waqárí, Wuqú'í.
    porters , vide Darbán. Qánún, a medical work, 467,
    Portuguese , their missionaries at Ak- Qáqshál, a clan, 369, 369n .
    bar's court, 168, 182 , 191 , 618 ; Qará Bahadur, 460 (No. 179).
    take pilgrims to Makkah, 172, Qará Bahrí, 516 (No. 345 ).
    440, 499.
    656

    Qará Beg Farráshbegi, 313. qisráq, a mare, 135.


    Qará Khán Turkmán , 355. qitmir, a weight, 36.
    Qaráqoinlü Turks, 315, 619. Qiyá Khán , 437.
    Qarátáq Khán , 400 , 516 . Qiyá Khán , son of Cáhib Khán , 464
    Qará Turks, 371n. (No. 184),
    Qará Yusuf, 315. Quyám Khán , son of Sháh Muhammad
    Qaráchah Khán , 388 . Qalátí, 433.
    qarárnámah , 263. qübüz, a musical instrument, 613.
    Qarárí, Núruddín of Gílán, a poet, Quch Beg Humáyúni, 455 .
    175, 586. Qudsí, of Karbalá, a poet, 602.
    qaráwals, or hunters , 282, 289. quicksilver, 39 ; habitually eaten, 401 ;
    Qárlyghs, a tribe, 454, 501 . when called kushtah, 563n.
    Qásim, Mullá and Mauláná, 545 . qulij, meaning of, 355n., 500.
    Qasim ’Alí Khán, 465 (No. 187 ). Qulij Khán, 34 , 309 , 354.
    Qasim Arslán, a poet, 103, 609. Qulijullah, 501.
    Qasim Badakhshí, Mír, 499 ( No. 283) . qullatain, 202.
    Qásim [ Khán] Bárha, Sayyid , 336, 392, Qunduq Khán, 464 (No. 181).
    407, 408 419, (No. 105). Qundúz Khán, 376, 464 .
    Qásim Beg, 106 , 517 (No. 350), 541 . qur, or collection of weapons, royal
    Qásim Be . Khán, 378. flags, &c., 50, 109, 110, 282 .
    Qásim Júnábádí, Mírzá, 591 . Quraish Sultán, of Káshghar, 459.
    Qásim Káhí, a poet, 209, 566. qurçkúb, 23.
    Qásim Khán Kású, 443 . qutáb, a dish, 60.
    Qasim Khán Mir Bahr , 379 (No. 59) , Qutbuddín, Sulțán of Gujrát, 506.
    620. Qutbuddín, of Jalesar, 191 .
    Qásim Khán, son of Mír Murád, 498 . Qutbuddín Khán, 188, 241, 333 ( No.28 ).
    Qasim Khán Sístán1, 439. Qutbuddín Khán , Shaikh , 496 (No.275 ).
    Qásim Khwajah, 507 (No. 316) . Qutlú Khán Lohání, 326, 343 , 354 ,
    Qásim Kohbar, a musician, 613. 356, 366n. , 440 ; his sons, 520.
    Qasim Kokah, 420. Qutlugh, meaning of, 432.
    Qasim, Shaikh , Muhtashim Khán , 493 . Qutlugh Qadam Khán, 432 (No. 123).
    Qásimí, of Mázandarán, a poet, 610.
    Qawím Khán , 371 .
    Qazáq Khán Taklú , 426, 508 . RABIABI,, a coin, 30.
    Qází, 268 ; general character of Qázís, Rafi'i, [ Rafi'uddín Haidar] of Ká-
    269. sháu, a poet, 593, 593n.
    Qází 'Alí, 411, 528. Rafiqí, 594n.
    Qází Khán Badakhshí, 383. Rafi'uddín Çafawi, Mírzá, 523.
    Qzi Khán Bakhshí, 477 (No. 223 ). Raháí, a poet, 592n .
    Qází Hasan, of Qazwín, 498 (No. 281 ). rahas, a coin, 28.
    qímah paláo, a dish, 60 ; qímah shúrbá, Rahí, a poet, 611 .
    60. Rahím Qulí, 515 (No. 333).
    qírát, a weight, 36. Rahmán Dád , Mírzá, 339.
    qirbak, a title, 393n . Rahmat Khán, son Masnad ' A'lí, 497,
    Qismiyah Bánú, 618 . 502 (No. 306).
    657

    Rahmatullah, a singer, 613. Rangsen of Agrah, a musician, 612.


    Rái Bhoj Hádá, 458 (No. 174). Rashahát ulhayát, title of a book, 568n .
    Rái Durga Sísodiah , 417 ( No. 103 ). rasí, an acid, 24.
    Rái Mall Shaikháwat , 419. Ratan Ráthor, 359.
    Rái Mán, 252n . Ratan Singh Sisodiah, 418 .
    Rái Rái Singh, 310, 357 ( No. 44 , 463 , Ráthors, 357, 459, 522.
    526. ratí, a weight, 16n.
    Rái Sál Darbárí , 419 (No. 106). Raushánís, 34n., 340, 345, 356.
    Raibárí, a class of Hindús who train Razá Qulí, 496 (No. 274).
    camels, 147. Razáí, a poet, 466.
    raihání, a kind of writing, 99, 100. Razawi, 482 ; - Sayyids, 381 ; -
    Rájah ' Alí of Khándesh, 463 ; vide ' Alí Khán, a title, 439 ; vide Músawi.
    Khán . Razawí Khán Mírzá Mírak, 438 (No.
    Rájáwat, 419. 141) .
    Rájpúts, Janúhah, 334 ; Kachhwáhah, Razíul Mulk, 385.
    vide Bihárí Mall ; Hádás , 409 ; rebellion of the Mírzás, 323, 330, 332,
    Ranghars, 526 ; Ráthors , 357, 459 ; 333, 373, 375, 386, 396, 397, 404 ;
    vide Maín, Munj . dates, 434n.
    Rájsingh, Rájah, Kachhwáhah , 458 (No. refining of gold, 20 ; of silver, 22.
    174). religious views of the Emperor Akbar ;
    Rájú Bárha, Sayyid, 452 . vide Akbar.
    rák'hí, a Hindú custom, 184, 216n. reporters, 258 ; vide wáqi'ahnawís.
    Rám Chand Baghelá, 358, 367, 369, revenue , how paid, 13.
    406, 612n. revolt, military , in Bengal, 323, 350,
    Rám Chand Bundelá, 477n., 487 (No. 351, 431.
    248) . Riáyat , son of Peshrau Khán, 498 .
    Rám Chand Chauhán, 495 . riçáç, a metal, 40.
    Rám Chand Kachhwáhah, son of Jagan- rice, best kinds, 57.
    nát❜h, 387. riqa', a kind of writing, 99, 100.
    Rám Chand Kachhwáhah, 495 (No. risálahdár, an officer, 259.
    268). river tolls, 281.
    Rám Chandr, Rájah of Khurdah , 489 Riyázussalátín , title of a historical work,
    (No. 250), 607n. 427.
    Rám Dás, son of Rájsingh, Kachh- Rizqullah Khán, vide Hakím Rizqullah.
    wáhah, 453. Rozafzún, Rájah, 446n.
    Rám Dás Kachhwáhah, [ Rájah Karan] rubáb, a musical instrument, 613.
    483. ruby, a large one, 414.
    Rám Dás Díwán , Rái, 615 (No. 331 ). rúh i tútiya, a metal, 40.
    Rám Dás, the singer, 611n ., 612, 612n. rúhání, a kind of writing , 99.
    Rámsáh, Rájah of Gwáliár, 339, 343. Rúhullah (I) , 511.
    Rám Sáh Bundelá, 356, 487. rúi, a metallic composition, 41,
    Ránás of Maiwár, 387 ; vide Partáb ruined towns, 494.
    Singh, Udai Singh. Ruknuddin Mahmúd Kamángar, 539.
    Ranbáz Khán Kambú, 402. Ruknuddín, Shaikh, 538.
    Ranghar Rájpúts, 526. Ruknuddín, a poet, 589n.
    83
    658

    Rúmí Khán , Ustad Jalabi, 441 (No. Saíd Khán Bahádur Zafarjang , 466 .
    146). Sa’id Khán Chaghtái, 331, 340n ., 363,
    runners , 138. 363n., 463.
    Rúp, a servant of Akbar, 425. Sa'id Khán Gakk'har, 456, 457, 477n.,
    rupee, raised from 35 to 40 dáms, 233 ; 532.
    counted 40 dáms in salaries, 31 ; - Sa'íd, Mauláná, ofTurkistán, 540.
    of Sher Shah, 31 ; of Akbar, 31, 33. Sa'id Toqbái, 439.
    Rúpmatí, the beautiful dancing girl, Saif 'Alí Beg, 315.
    429. Saif Khán Bárha, 392 , 414.
    Rúp Mukund Sisoliah , 418. Saif Khán Kokah, 350.
    Rúp Singh Sísodiah , 418. Saifuddin Çafawi, 315.
    Rúpsí Bairágí Kachhwáhah, 427. Saifuddín Husain ’Alí Khán Bárha ,
    Ruqayyah Begum, daughter of Mírzá 392.
    Hindál, Akbar's wife, 309, 509. Saifullah, Mírzá, son of Qulij Khán,
    Rustam Khán Dak’hiní, 478. 500 (No. 292) , 34n.
    Rustam Cafawi, Mírzá, 314 (No. 9), Saifulmulúk, 473.
    364n., 513, 619. sailors , 280.
    Rustam, Prince, 618. Sajáwal Khán Súr, 428.
    Rustam i Zamán, Shaikh Kabir, 519, Sakat Singh, 485 (No. 256).
    520. Sakat Singh, son of Udai Singh, 519.
    Ruswáí, 595n. Sakat Singh Kachhwáhah, 516 (No.
    rúyat, 196. 342) .
    Sakinah Bánú Begum, 435, 449.
    Sakrá, of Maiwár, 519 (No. 366).
    A'ADAT Bánú Begum , 619. Salábuddín Carfi, 586n.
    Sa’ádat Khán , 478, 478n. Salámullah, 211.
    Sa’ádat Khán , son of Zafar Khán , 522. salaries, of women, 44, 45, 615 ; of
    Sa’ádat Khán Badakhshí, 427 (No. 117) . pensioners, 451 ; of ship-captains,
    Sa'ádat Mírzá, son of Khizr Khwajah , 281 ; how paid, 262 , 263, 264 ;
    443 (No. 153). 240, 245, 248, 250, 251 , 510, 511.
    Sabal Singh, 485 (No. 245). Salím Chishtí, of Fathpúr Síkrí, 169,
    sabbák, 22. 267n., 309, 402, 475, 492, 496,
    Sabdal Khán, 438 (No. 139) . 515, 539, 546.
    Sa'duddín, of Kháf, 592n. Salim Khán Afghán , 415.
    Sa'dullah Masíhá, 544. Salím Khán Kákar, 436 (No. 132).
    Sa'dullah, Mauláná, 545. Salím Khán Sirmúr Afghán, 436.
    Sadullah Nawázish Khán , 363, 363 . Salím , Prince, vide Jahángír.
    saffron (za'farán), 84, 411 , 479. Salím Qulí, 518 (No. 357).
    safidrú, a metallic composition, 40. Salím Sháh, 331 , 317 , 456 ; vide Is-
    ság, 59. lem Sháh.
    sahsah, a money bag, 14. Salímah Khánum, 441 .
    Sáhú Bhonslah, 489. Salímah Sultán Begum, 198, 309, 316,
    sahw ullisán, title of a book, 603n . 327, 441 , 618.
    sáibán, a royal ensign , 50. salímí, a coin, 30.
    Sa'id Badakhshí , 410. Salmán of Sawah, a poet, 100n .
    659

    saloní, 21, 26, 37. Sardár Khán, Mírzá ' Abdullah , 327,
    salt, manufacture of, 470 ; an antidote 328.
    against drunkenness , 555n . Sardár Khán, 328, 469, 492.
    saltpetre, 55, 56. Sarfaráz Khán , 492 .
    Saltán Deodah, of Sarohí, 357, 358n ., sarkhat, 250, 261, 263 .
    419 . Sarkhush, the poet, 253n .
    salutations, at court , 158 . Sarmadí Afghán, 341 .
    Samánjí Khán , 416 ( No. 100 ). Sarmadí, of Içfahán, 607 .
    Samánjí Khán Qurghují , 441 (No. 147 ) . sarmandal, a musical instrument, 612 .
    Samarqandí, Mír, 522. Sarmast Khán, 519 (No. 362) .
    Sámí'ah Begum, 421 . Sarod Khán , a singer , 612 .
    Sámrí, a poet, 603n., 604. Satr Sál Bundelá , 488 .
    Sanábil, title of a book, 547. Satr Sál Kachhwáhah, 418.
    sanads, or grants , 259 ; how sealed , 263. Satr Sál Ráthor, 359.
    Sanáí, a poet, 550n., 563 . Sattís, a tribe, 456n .
    sanbúsah, a dish, 60. Saturn, or Zuhal, 201n .
    sand for strewing on paper, 101 . Sawádí, a poet, 580n .
    sandalwood, 81. Sawánih, a historical work, 316n .,
    Sandahas, a family of Amarkot, 339 . 418n .
    Sángah Punwar, 526 (No. 411 ) . Sawáți ul ilhám, title of a book, 549.
    Sangram, of K'harakpúr, 340, 446,446n ., sayurghál, or rent-free land, 261, 268,
    480n. 269, 270.
    sangrám, Akbar's favorite gun, 116, Sayyids, of Amrohah, 391 ; Arabsháhí,
    617. 389 ; of Bárha, 336, 390 ; of Bu-
    Sání Khán Harawi, 476 . khárá, 413 , 415 ; of Gulistánah,
    sanj, or cymbal, 51 . 566n.; of Injú, 450 ; of Itáwah,
    Sanjar, of Kashán, a poet, 595. 459 ; of Mánikpúr, 391 ; Músawí,
    Sanjar Çafawi, Mírzá, son of Sultán 381 ; Razawí, 381, 482 ; Salámí, of
    Husain Mírzá, 313, 496 (No. 272). Shíráz, 506, 507 ; Tabațibá, 593n. ;
    Sanjar Mírzá, son of Khizr Khán Hazá- of Tirmiz, 514.
    rah, 477n. sciences, how divided , 279n.
    Sánká Ráná, 430 . sealing-wax, how made, 264.
    Sanskrit, translations from, 104, 106, seals, Imperial, 45, 52 , 263.
    199 ; names of the sun, 200, 202. sects, vide Khwajahs ; Maghribiyah ;
    sanújí (satújí), a kind of horse, 133. Mahdawis ; Mahmúdís ; Nuqtawis ;
    Sanwal Dás Jádon , 525 (No. 396) . Raushánís ; Sumanís ; Umaná ;
    Sanwal Singh Bundelá, 488 . Wáhidís.
    saqaṭnámah, 250. Shád Khán , 481 .
    Sáqí, Shaikh, a poet, 593. Shád Khán, Mírzá Shádmán , 327, 328,
    sáqínámahs, a class of poems, by Sanáí , 480 (No. 233).
    563n .; by Shikebí, 576n.; by Mu- Shádí Be Uzbak, 519 (No. 367).
    hammad Ç'úfi, 590n . Shádí Beg, 455.
    Saqqa, a poet, 581n . Shadí Beg Shuj'at Khán , 481.
    sarápardah, 54. Shádí Khán Afghán, 319 .
    Sarbaland Kháng 506. Shadi Khán Shadí Be, 455 .
    660

    Shádí Sháh, 102. Sháh Muhammad, son of Quraish


    Shádmán, Mírzá, vide Shád Khán. Sultán, 506 (No. 310).
    Shádmán Pak'hlíwál, 502 . Shah Muhammad, of Káshghar, 459.
    Sháfí, Mírzá, 412. Sháh Muhammad, of Sháhábád , 106 .
    Shafiq, name of a writer, 491n . Sháh Muhammad Khán Qalátí, 408
    Sháh, a title, 337, 337n. (No. 95).
    Sháh, Mauláná, of Mashhad, a kátib, Sháh Qulí Khán Náranjí , •480 ( No.
    100. 231 ), 596.
    Shah Abul Fath, 588n. Sháh Qulí Çalábat Khán, 449 .
    Shah Abul Ma'álí, Mír, 312, 322 , 366n ., Sháh Qulí Mahram Bahárlü, 359 (No.
    441 . 45).
    Sháh Abú Turáb, 198. Sháh Sultán, Mírzá , 441n.
    Sháh 'A'lam Ahmadábádí , 547. sháh-álú (cherries), 65 ; vide gilás,
    Sháh 'Alí Nizám Sháh, 336 . Sháham Aghá, 441.
    Sháh Beg Arghún (under Bábar), 311. Sháham Beg, 319.
    Sháh Beg Arghún , son of Zul-nún Sháham Khán Jaláir , 410 (No. 97 ).
    Arghún, 362. Shahámat Khán Bárha , 392 .
    Sháh Beg Khán Arghún , 313 . Shahbáz Khán Kambú , 188, 242 , 326,
    Sháh Beg Khán, vide Khán Dauán . 328, 342, 356, 399 (No. 80) , 422.
    Sháh Beg Khán Badakhshí, 442 (No. Shahbaz Khán, son of Sharif Amirul-
    148) . Umará, 518.
    Sháh Budágh Khán , 371 (No. 52), sháhí, a kind of silver, 23, 37.
    382 . Shahjahán [Prince Khurram], 310, 311,
    Sháh Fanáí, son of Mír Najafi, 426 314, 337, 337n ; abolishes the
    (No. 115). prostration, 213n.
    Shah Fakhruddín Músawí, Naqábat Shahnawáz Khán Cafawi, 339 , 472,
    Khán , 406 (No. 88 ) . 472n.
    Sháh Ghází Khán, 443 (No. 165) , 449. Shahnawaz Khán, Mírzá Irich, 339,
    Sháh Husain Arghún, Mírzá, 362, 422. 511.
    Shah Jahángír, vide Háshimí. Shahrí, a poet, 424.
    Sháh Khalil, 376. Shahrukh Dantúrí, 524 (No. 392).
    Sháh Mahmúd, of Níshápúr, a kátib, Sháhrukh , Mírzá, son of Mírzá Ibrábím
    102. Badakhshí, 309 ; 312 (No. 7) ; his
    Sháh Malik, Mír, 465. children, 313 ; 380, 380n.; 525.
    Sháh Mançúr, Khwajah, 430 (No. 122) , Shahrukh, son of Mírzá Rustam Çafawi
    34n., 334. 314.
    Sháh Mírzá, 325, 461 , 462. Shahryár, Prince, 311, 510.
    Sháh Muhammad Gakk'har, 515 ( No. Sháhú Khail Afgháns, 502.
    332). Sháhzádah Khánum , Akbar's daughter,
    Sháh Muhammad, son of Masnad i 'Alí, 308.
    525 (No. 395). [541 . Shaibání, a tribe, 319, 328.
    Sháh Muhammad, Mauláná, 106, 540, Shaibání Khán Uzbak , 361, 362 .
    Sháh Muhammad , Mullá, 208. Shaikh Husain , an engraver, 53.
    Shah Muhammad, Mírzá, vide Ghaznín Shaikh Husain , Mauláná, 540.
    Khán, 378. Shaikh Mír, 445n.
    661

    Shaikháwat Kachhwáhahs, 494. shawls, 90.91 .


    Shaikhzádah i Suhrwardí, 100. Sher Afkan Khán Istajlü , first husband
    Sháistah Khán, Mírzá Abú Țálib, 511 , of Núr Jahán, 496, 524.
    512. Sher Afkan, son of Saif Kokah, 518
    Shajáwal Khán Súr, 428 . (No. 355).
    Shamáil unnabí, title of a work, 544. Sher Afkan Khán Humáyúní, 455 .
    Shámlü, a tribe of Turkmáns, 578n., Sher 'Alí Kámrání, 388.
    619. Sher Beg Yasáwulbáshí, 515 (No. 334).
    Shams Bukhárí, 523. Sher Khán, son of I’timad Khán Gujrát ,
    shamsah, an ensign, 50. 387.
    shamsherbáz, 252, 253. Sher Khán Fúládí, 325, 386, 396, 407,
    Shamsí, Mírzá, vide Jahángír Qulí 463.
    Khán. Sher Khán Mughul, 494 (No. 263).
    Shamsuddín Báyasanghur, a kátib, Sher Khwajah, 459 (No. 176).
    100. Sher Muhammad , 524 (No. 393) .
    Shamsuddin Chak, 618. Sher Muhammad Díwánah , 316, 317,
    Shamsuddin Hakímul Mulk, 542. 348, 402, 524.
    Shamsuddin Kháfí, Khwajah, 445 ( No. Sher Shah Súr, called by Mughul his-
    159), 411 , 425, 491 . torians Sher Khán , 328n .; his
    Shamsuddin Khatáí, a kátib, 100. army reforms, 242 ; confers lands,
    Shamsuddin Kirmání, a kátib, 102 . 256, 271 ; 340, 422, 428, 456,
    shámyánah, an awning, 54. 503 , 504.
    Shankal Beg, 361 . Sher Sháh, son of’Adlí Mubáriz Khán,
    s'hansah, 27. 410.
    Shápúr Khwajah, 508, 512 . Sherzád, 403.
    Sharaf, of Níshápúr, a musician, 613n . Sherzád Khán Bahádur, 514.
    Sharaf, of Yazd, an engraver, 53. Sher Zamán Bárha, 392, 394.
    Sharaf Beg, of Shíráz, 512 ( No. 321 ). Sherí, a poet, 106, 197 , 202, 204,
    Sharafuddín, of Munair, a saint, 48. 610.
    Sharafuddín, Mír, 507. Sheroyah Khán , 455 (No. 168) .
    Sharafuddin Husain, Mírzá, 322 (No. Sherullah, 522.
    17), 329, 350, 351. Shi'ahs , 338 ; how treated by Sunnís,
    Sharif A'mulí, Mír, 452 ( No. 166), 401 ; may abuse their religion, vide
    176, 209, 591n. taqiyah.
    Sharif, Amir ul Umará, son of Khwajah Shifáí, a writer, 543.
    'Abduççamad, 517 (No. 351) . Shihab Badakhshí, 482 .
    Sharíf Khán , 383 (No. 63 ) . Shiháb Khán , a singer, 612 .
    Sharif, Mír, of Koláb, 526 (No. 406) . Shihab Khán , Hájí, 371 .
    Sharif, Mír, son of Sháh Fathullah, 540 . Shihábuddín Ahmad Khán , or Shihab
    Sharif, Mirzá, son of ' Aláuddín, 522 Khán , 332 (No. 26 ), 591n.
    (No. 372). Shihabuddín Suhrawardí, 433 .
    Sharif Sarmadí, 516 (No. 344), 591n ., Shikebí, Mullá , a poet, 335n ., 576.
    607, 607n. Shimál Khán Chelah, 443 ( No. 154) ,
    Sharif Wuqú'í, a poet, 591 . 476.
    shatal, 203. ships , 280.
    662

    shirbirinj, 59. sitting, modes of, 160n.


    Shirwání Afgháns, 619. Sívrát, a Hindú festival , 201 .
    shoshah, a caligraphical term, 103n . Síwá Rám, 481 .
    Shujá Beg Arghún, vide Sháh Beg. siyáhgosh, 290.
    Shujá’ Kábulí Asad Khán, 431 . Sojá Kachhwáhah, 329.
    Shujá', Mírzá, Najábat Khán Badakh- soldiers, their pay, 247, 251 , 252, 349n.;
    shí, 313. fined, 265.
    Shujáat Khán , vide ’ Abdullah Khán sounds, nature of, 98.
    Uzbak. Soz o gudáz, a Masnawi, 606n.
    Shujá at Khán Muqím Arab, 371 ( No. specific gravity, 41 ; of woods, 227.
    51 ). spices, 64. [422.
    Shujá at Khán Shádí Beg, 481 . Srí Rám, son of Gajpatí of Bihár, 400,
    Shujaat Khán, Shaikh Kabir , 519, Stewart's History of Bengal, 323, 368n.,
    520, 521 , 522 . 370n. , 399n.
    Shujá at Khán Súr, 428 , 428n. stitch, different kinds of, 89n.
    Shujá'í, a poet, 543. storax, 81 .
    Shujawal Khán Afghán, 447. stuffs, different kinds of, 90, 91 , 617.
    Shukrullah Zafar Khán, son of Zain Subhán Khán, a singer, 612 .
    Khán, 346, 522 ( No. 373) . Subhán Qulí Khán, of Bukhárá, 522.
    Shukrunnisa Begum, Akbar's daughter, Subhán Qulí Turk, 383.
    308. Subhán Singh Bundelá, 488 .
    shullah, a dish, 60. sugandh gúgalá (bdellium), 82.
    sijdah, or prostration , 159 , 181 , 192 , sugarcane, cultivation of, 69.
    440 ; continued by Jahángír, 212n .; Suhail Khán Habshí, 335 .
    abolished by Shahjahán, 213n . Suhráb Khán , 413 .
    sijji, 24. Suhráb Turkmán, 463.
    sikkachi, 22. Suk'h Deo Bundelá, 488 .
    Sikandar Dutání, 504. súkí, a coin, 31.
    Sikandar Khán Súr, 319, 365 , 366n . Sulaimán (Solomon) , king of the Jews,
    Sikandar Mírzá, 461 , 462 . 306, 554, 554n., 562n.
    siláras (storax), 81 . Sulaimán Kararání, king of Bengal,
    Sildoz, a Chaghtái clan, 435. 171, 318 , 337, 366, 427, 502 ; his
    Silhadí Kachhwáhah , 495 ( No. 267). death, 427n. , 618.
    silver, 22, 25, 31 , 35, 38, 40. Sulaimán, Khwajah, 457.
    sím i sukhtah, a metallic composition, Sulaimán Lohání, Khwájah, 520.
    41. Sulaimán Manklí, 370.
    sing, a brass horn, 51 . Sulaimán, Mírzá, son of Khán Mírzá
    Singrám, vide Sangrám. 311 (No. 5) , 322.
    Sipahdár Kháng 504. Sulaimán Shírází, Khwajah, 356, 457,
    sipand, wild rue, 139n ,, 577n. 512 (No. 327).
    Sirájá, a poet, 569n . Sulaimán, Sultán, of Badakhshan, 440 .
    Sirgyán Khán , a singer, 612. sulphur, 25, 39.
    Sirí Çáf, a kind of cloth, 94, 617. suls, a kind of writing, 99, 100 .
    Sirs tree, used in medicine, 421 . Sultán, nom de plume of several poets,
    sitái, 21 . 320.
    663

    Sultán Shaikh, of Tháneswar, 104.


    TAABANCHA
    BANCHAH, a fighting elephant,
    Sultán A'dam Gakk'har, vide A'dam.
    Sultán ' Alí, of Qáyin, a kátib, 102. 467.
    Sultán ' Alí, Khwajah, vide Afzal Tabaqát i Akbari, chronology of, 418n ,
    Khán. tábínát, 242.
    Sultán ' Alí, of Mashhad, a kátib, 101 , tabrí, a dirham, 36.
    102. tachihah, 250.
    Sultán Begum, 441. Tafríhul 'Imárat, title of a work,
    Sultán Deorah, vide Saltán Deodah. 353.
    Sultán Háfiz Husain, a musician, 613. Tafsir i Ma'ání, 523.
    Sultán Háshim , a musician, 613. Táhir Beg, son of Khán i Kalán, 506
    Sultán Husain, of Khujand, 102. (No. 312 ).
    Sultán Husain Jaláir, 317 , 384, 411. Táhir Khán , Mir Farághat, 408 (No.
    Sultán Husain Mírzá, 299. 94), 534. [621 .
    Sultán Ibráhím, of Aubah, 435 , 533. Táhir Muhammad, Khwajah, 424,
    Sultán Khánum, Akbar's daughter, Táhir Músawí, Mír, 482 (No. 236 ).
    464. Táhir, son of Saifulmulúk, 473 (No.
    Sultán Khwajah, 'Abdul 'Azím, 204, 201) , 525 .
    209, 210, 269, 272 , 273, 423 ( No. Tahmás Mírzá Cafawi, 314.
    108 ), 619. Tahmásp, Shah, of Persia, 408, 409,
    Sultan Mahmud Badakhshí, 528. 424, 456 ; dies 178.
    Sultan Mahmúd Mírzá, 311 . Tahmúras, son of Prince Dányál, 310 .
    Sultán Muhammad Khandán, 102. Tahwíldár, an officer, 45 .
    Sultán Muhammad Munsif Khán, 477. ta'íní, 242.
    Sultan Muhammad Núr, a kátib, 102. Táj Bíbí, vide Mumtaz Mahall.
    Sultán Sárang Gakk'har , 456, 486. Táj Khán, 457.
    Sultán Tatár Gakk’har, 456. Táj Khán Ghorí, 326.
    Sultánunnisa Begum, 310. Táj Khán K'hatriah, 526 (No. 404).
    Sumanís, a sect in Sindh, 179n . Táj i Salmání, a kátib, 101.
    sumní, a coin, 30. Tájak, a work on Astronomy, 105.
    sun, worshipped by Akbar, 200, 202 ; Tajuddin, of Dihlí, 181 .
    honored by Jahangir, 212n . Tahaltú Khán , 464 .
    Sundar, of Orísá, 526 (No. 414) . takauchiah, a kind of coat, 88, 583n .
    Súr Dás Kachhwáhah , 498. Takhtah Beg Kábulí , 469 (No. 195) .
    Súr Dás, a singer, 612, 612n . taklif, 196.
    Súr Singh Ráthor, 359. Taklú, a Qizilbásh tribe, 426.
    súrajkránt, a stone, 48. takwin, 196.
    Surjan Hádá Rái, 409, 436. takyahnamads, 55.
    surkh, a weight, 16n. ta'liq, a kind of writing, 101 .
    Surmah i Sulaimání, a Persian ta'liqah, 249, 255, 259, 261.
    dictionary, 518. tálíqún, a metallic composition, 41 .
    surná, a trumpet, 51 . tamghć , 189.
    suttees, 341, 606n. , 612n. Tamkín, an engraver, 52, 53 ; a wrong
    swelling, a disease peculiar to Bhakkar, reading for Namakín, vide Abul
    421. Qasim Namakín .
    664

    tangár, 26. Tátár Sultán, of Persia, 508.


    táng han , a pony, 133. Tauhid i Iláhí, name of Akbar's reli-
    tánk, a weight, 16n . gion, 201.
    Tánsen, the singer, [ Tansain, Tansín ] taujíh, army accounts, 260.
    406, 475, 612, 613n. tauqi' , a kind of writing, 99, 100.
    Tántarang Khán , a singer, 612 . taxes, 275, 430 ; on marriages, 278 ;
    Taqí, or Taqiyá, Mullá, of Shustar, 208, on horses imported , 215 .
    209, 518 (No. 352). tází, a kind of horse, 140, 233.
    Taqi Muhammad, 518. Tazkiratul Umará, a historical work,
    Taqí, Mír, son of Shah Fathullah, 448n.
    540. ten ser tax, 275.
    Taqiyá, of Balbán , 518. Terry's Voyage to East India, 621.
    taqiyah, practised by Shí'ahs, 338. t'hánah, meaning of, 345n.
    tarafdár, 289. thúlí, 59.
    Tarbiyat Khán , 371 . tiger hunting, 283.
    Tardí Beg Khán , 318 (No. 12 ), 371. Tihanpúrís, a clan, 391 , 393 .
    Tardí Khán , son of Qiyá Khán, 344 , 416 Tiluksí Kachhwáhah , 398.
    (No. 101). tilwah, 252.
    tárí, or toddy, 70. timber, kinds of, 223, 227.
    Táríkh i Alfi, 106, 449. Timur, 361 , 366, 460.
    Táríkh i Iláhí, or Akbar's Divine Era, Timur and Napoleon I., 587n.
    195 . Timur Badakhshí, 476 .
    Táríkhi Khán Jahán Lodi, 506. Timur Khán Yakkah , 476 (No. 216.)
    Táríkh i Ma'çúmí, 421n ., 490. Timurides, 461 .
    Táríkhi Rashidí, a historical work, tin , 40 .
    459, 460n., 461n. titles, 240, 241 , 252, 313 , 330, 333,
    Tárikh i Sindh (Máçúmí), 514. 337, 337n., 339, 364, 368, 369n.,
    Táríkís, a tribe, 469. 388, 412n., 445n., 446n,. 503-
    Tariqí, a poet, 598n. 542 ; of Afgháns, 502 ; vide Tar-
    tarkhán, a title, 364 ; conferred by khán, Sháh, Sultán, Farzand, Mír
    Akbar, 542. Sámán, Mír Shab, Mír Manzil,
    Tarkhán Díwánah, 351. Mír Rubá'í.
    tarkul tree, 70. Todar Mall K’hatrí, Rájah, 32, 333,
    tarrí, a fruit, 71. 351 , 341, 348 , 375, 382, 382n.,
    Tarson Khán, 342 (No. 32), 422 . 432 ; his birth place, 620.
    Tarson, Mullá , of Badakhshán , 210. toddy, vide tárí.
    Tásh Beg, of Qipchák, a musician, 613. Tolak Khán Quchín , 444 (No. 158) .
    Tásh Beg Khán Mughul, 457 (No. toleration, 448n.
    172).
    tolls, rivertolls, 281.
    Tashbíhí, of Káshán, a poet, 476 , 596. Toqbái, a Chaghtái clan, 434.
    taslím, a kind of salutation, 158. torah i Chingizi, 454.
    tassúj, a weight, 36. translations from Sanskrit into Persian
    Tátárs, worship the sun, 210. 104, 199.
    Tatár Gakk'har, Sultán, 456.
    transmigration of souls, 179.
    Tátár Khán , 424 (No. 111 ). Treasuries, 12, 14.
    665

    Tribes, vide Afrídí, Afshár, Arghún, 'Umar ibn Hubairah, 36.


    Arlát, Awán, Bahárlü, Bakhtyár, 'Umar Shaikh Mírzá, son of Timur,
    Barlás, Bataní, Bhadauriahs, 299, 461, 546.
    Bhúgiál Gakk'har, Chibh, Dhunds, umará i kibár, 239, 240.
    Dilahzák, Duldai, Gakk'har, Ghar- Umm Kulsúm Begum, 441.
    bah Khail, Gharjah, Gurjí, Ha- uplah, or cowdung, 21.
    zárah, Ighur (Uigur), Jaláir, Urdú language, 352.
    Janjú'ah, Jháriah, Jodrah, Kájar, Urdúbegís, armed women, 46.
    Kákar, Kát'hí, Khánzádah, K'ha- 'Urfi of Shíráz, the poet, 425, 569,
    tars, K'hotars, Kohbar, Lohání, 580n.
    Mahmand, Májí, Maidání, Maín, ’Usmán, son of Bahádur Khán Qur
    Mangarál, Máwí, Miyánah, Ni- begi, 495.
    kallü, Niyází, Qaráqoinlü, Qarlygh, 'Usmán Lohání, Khwajah, 340, 341 ,
    Sandaha, Sattí, Sháhú Khail, 477, 520, 521.
    Shaibání, Shámlü, Shirwání, Sildoz, Ustá Dost, a singer, 612.
    Taklú, Táríkí, Tátár, Toqbái, Ustá Muhammad Amín, 613.
    Turbatí, Turk, Ustajlü, Uzbak, Ustá Muhammad Husain, 613.
    Yúsufzaí, Zulqadr ; vide Rájpúts. Ustá Sháh Muhammad , 613.
    Túi Muhammad Qáqshal, 621. Ustá Yúsuf, 613.
    túibegi, an office, 278. Ustad Jalabí , vide Rúmí Khán.
    Tulsí Dás Jádon, 502 (No. 305). Ustád Mírzá 'Alí Fathagí, a singer,
    tumantoq, a royal standard, 50. 613n.
    tuquz, or nine, a favorite number of Ustajlü, a tribe, 619 .
    the Mughuls, 364n. Uwais Sultán, 311 .
    Turbatí, name of a tribe, 348. Uymáq (aimáq) , 371n, 381n.
    turkí, a kind of horse, 233. Uzbaks, 313 .
    Turks, their character, 540. uzuk, an imperial seal, 52.

    CHLA Kachhwáhah, 398, 399. VAAQARI,


    QARI, a poet, 364.
    'úd, vide Aloes. Vakíls, of Akbar's reign, 527.
    U'dai Singh, son of Jaimall, 428. Vazírs, of Akbar's reign, 527 ; vide
    U'dai Singh, Mot'h Rájah, of Jodhpúr, Wazír.
    310, 429 (No. 121 ), 619. Vazír Khán Harawi, 353 (No. 41 ), 366.
    U'dai Singh, Ráná of Mewár, 330, 353, vegetables , 63, 71.
    368, 519. voracity, 471 .
    Ugar Sen Kachhwáhah, 418. vowel-signs of the Arabic language, 99.
    Uigur, vide Ighur.
    Ujjainiah Rájahs, of Bihár, 513n.
    Ulfatí, a poet, 34n., 355n. WAÇLI, a poet , 622, 508, 512.
    Ulugh Beg, son of Mírzá Sultán, 319. Wafáí of Içfahán, a poet, 592.
    Ulugh Khán Habshi , 437 (No. 135 ). wages of laborers, 225 ; of sailors , 281 ,
    Ulugh Mírzá, 461 , 462. Wahdat 'Alí Raushání, 411 .
    Umaná, a sect, 452, 452n. Wáhidís, a sect, 452.
    'Umar, the Khalifah, 36, Waisí Khwajah Díwán , 433, 464.
    84
    666

    Wajihuddín, Shaikh, of Gujrát, 415, Yádgár, Khwajah, 492.


    449, 457, 538. Yádgár ' Alí Sultán Tálish, 513.
    Wakil, vide Vakíl. Yádgár Hálatí, a poet, 595.
    Wálá Jáh, Prince, 472n. Yádgár Husain, 437 , 516 (No. 338).
    Walí Beg, 518 (No. 359). Yádgár Razawí, 346.
    Walí Beg Zulqadr, 329. Yahya, of Káshán, a poet, 561n.
    Walí Dasht Bayází, a poet, 576n. Yahya, Khwajah, of Sabzwár, 6012 .
    Walí Khán Lohání, 520 , 521 . Yahya, Mír, a kátib, 100.
    Walí Mírzá, 310. Yahya Qazwíní, Mír, 447.
    Wálihí, a poet, 595n. yak-háth, 252.
    Waqárí, vide Vaqárí. yakhní, a dish, 60.
    wáqi'ahnawís, or news writer, 258. yamaní, a dirham, 36.
    Waqi'át i Bábarí, History of Babar's Yamínuddaulah Açaf Jáh, 511 ; vide
    reign , 335 . Açaf Khán ( IV ).
    wardrobe, the imperial, 87, 91. Ya'qúb Beg Chaghtái , 331 .
    water, drunk at Court, 55 ; -— of life, Yaqub Beg , son of Sháh Beg Khán
    556n. Daurán, 378.
    waterfowl, 295, 296. Ya'qúb Bukhárí, Sayyid, 398.
    wax representations of the birth of Ya'qúb Chak, 479.
    Christ, 193, 618. Ya'qúb Carfi, Shaikh, of Kashmir,
    wazifah, or allowances , 268. 182, 479, 546, 581.
    Wazír Beg Jamíl, 473 (No. 200) ; vide Ya'qúb, Qází, 174.
    Vazír. Yáqút, invents the naskh-writing, 99.
    weapons , list of, 110. yáqút, a stone, 510n.
    weavers , 55, 88. Yár Beg, 502.
    weighing of the king, &c., 266 ; - of Yaráq Khán [ Boráq Khán ? ], 460,
    distinguished men, 613n. 621.
    weights, 16n., 36 ; vide bábághúrí ; Yár Muhammad , son of Cádiq Khán ,
    87 ; - of Kashmir, 84, 346 . 499 (No. 288).
    wine, drunk at court, 197 ; vide drink- Yár Muhammad, Mír, of Ghazní, 321.
    ing. yasal, 160.
    wood, price of, 223. Yatím Bahadur, 470.
    wrestlers, 253. Yazid, 36.
    writing, art of, 96. Yol Qulí Anísí, a poet, 478.
    women, howmany a Muhammadan may yulmah, a dish, 60.
    marry, 173 ; 44 ; armed, 46 ( vide Yúnán Beg, 519 (No. 369).
    Urdúbegís) ; perfect, 48 ; of Persia Yúsuf (Joseph), 558n. , 574n.
    India and Transoxania, compared, Yúsuf, son of 'Umar, 36.
    327 ; how treated in the harem, Yusuf Beg Chaghtái, 331 .
    361 ; literary, vide Makhfí. Yusuf Harkun, Shaikh, 539.
    Wuqú'í, of Níshápúr, a poet, 591 . Yúsuf Kashmírí, 523 (No. 388).
    Yúsuf Khán, son of Husain Khán
    Tukriyah, 373, 620.
    YA' B , a horse, 233.
    A'BU Yusuf Khán Razawi, Mírzá, of Mash-
    yáddásht, 249, 259. had, 346 (No. 35), 449, 606n.
    667

    Yusuf Khán Chak , of Kashmir , 478 Zainul ' A'bidín, Sultán of Kashmir, 456 ,
    (No. 228). 611n.
    Yusuf Mittí, 422. Zakariya, Shaikh, of Ajodhan, 181.
    Yúsuf Muhammad Khán, son of Atgah Zakí, Mír, 482.
    Khán , 323 (No. 18 ). Zalíkhá, wife of Potiphar, 558n.
    Yusuf Sháh, of Mashhad, a kátib, 100. Zamán, Shaikh, of Pánípat, 181.
    Yúzufzaís, 204, 333, 344. zamíndoz, a tent, 54.
    zarah [zarrah], a coin, 30 ; a weight,
    36.
    ZABA'D ( cive
    t), 79 . zard birinj, a dish, 59.
    Zafar Khán, Shukrullah, 522. Zarráb, 21.
    Zákid , son of Cádiq Khán, 499 (No. Zarrah o Khurshed, a Masnawí, 597.
    286) , 500. Zarrin-qalam, title of kátibs, 100, 102,
    Záhid Khán Kokah , 412. 103.
    Zahiruddin ' Abdullah Imámí, 576n. zát, " brevet,' 241.
    Zahíruddín, Khwajah, 525 (No. 397). Zebunnisa Begum, daughter of Aurang-
    Zahiruddin Yazdí, Mír, 325. zeb, 309.
    Záidullah, Mír, 472, 473. Ziáuddín, Shaikh, 546.
    Zain Khán Kokah , 205, 328, 344 ( No. Ziáuddín Yúsuf Khán , 472 .
    34) , 410, 477n., 592n. Ziáullah, son of Muhammad Ghaus,
    Zain Shah Gakk'har, 456n . 457.
    Zainuddín, a kátib, 102. Ziául Mulk, of Káshán, 497 (No. 296) .
    Zainuddín Abú Bakr, of Táíbád, a Zoroastrians, 184, 210.
    saint, 366. Zubair, 36.
    Zainuddín 'Alí, 526 (No. 405) . Zuhal, or Saturn, 201n.
    Zainuddin Kháfí, 592, 592n. Zulf 'Ali Yazdí, 439 .
    Zainuddin Mahmúd Kamángar, 539n. Zulfaqár Khán Nuçratjang, 511.
    Zainul Abidín, Mírzá, son of Açaf Zul-nún Beg Arghún, 361 , 362 .
    Khán ( III . ), 412 , 673 . Zulqadr, a Turkish tribe, 619 .
    INDEX

    OF

    GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES

    IN THE FIRST VOLUME


    OF THE

    ΑΙΝ Ι ΑΚΒARI .

    Amber, 328, 329n., 339.


    AB i Ghorband, 445 . Amet'hí, 511, 538, 546.
    Abúgarh , 358. Amner, 484n.
    Abú, Mount, vide Abúgarh. Amrohah, 202, 438.
    Achín, 79, 81 , 281. Amrsarnáyin, 286.
    Agrah, 31 , 34n., 55, 88, 289n . , 297n., A'mul , 176, 452.
    298, 314, 318, 341 , 343, 350, 360, Andaján (Farghánah), 354, 380.
    365, 403 , 413, 414, 434, 447, 451 , Anwlah, 395.
    458, 474, 481 , 483, 490, 499, 500, 'Aqábín Mount, 380.
    504, 505, 510 , 511 , 513 , 514, 523, Arah (Bihár), 382, 400, 441 , 442.
    540, 541 , 567n . , 576n . , 582n ., 598n., Arail, 425.
    612 ( Fort of) , 380, 514 . Arakan, 395n.
    Ag Mahall, 330, 410, 465. Arbadá Achal, 358n.
    Ahmadábád , 31, 88, 322 , 325, 327, Ardistán, 516 .
    332, 334, 348, 351, 354, 385, 386, Arhang, in Badakhshan, 65.
    415, 415n., 463, 506, 507, 507n., Arwí, 484n.
    538, 547, 568n., 579n., 580, Asadábád (Hamadán), 585n .
    586n ., 590n ., 609n ., 616. Ashtí, 335 , 484.
    Ahmadnagar, 335, 336, 337, 401 , 449, Astrábád, 599n.
    491 , 504. Atak, or Atak Banáras, 31, 374 .
    Ahr oí, 522. 446, 446n., 522.
    Ajmír, 31, 143, 187, 289n ., 309, 322, At'hgarh, 324n.
    327, 329, 330, 340, 353, 357, 396, Aubah (near Harát) , 101 , 435.
    398, 400, 401 , 419, 448, 449, 452, Audh, (province) 341, 354, 366, 389,
    455, 464, 482, 540, 609n . 465 ;-(town), 31, 366, 400, 440,
    Ajodhan , vide Pák Pațan. 444, 547.
    Akbarnagar ( Rajmahall ), 340, 511. Aurangábád (or K'harkí), 491n.
    'Alápúr, 286. Awánkárí, 546n.
    'Alí Masjid, 418, 455n. A'zampúr, 462, 538.
    Alláhábád, or Iláhbás, or Iláhábád, Azarbáiján, 315.
    31, 280, 310, 314, 368, 407, 412,
    413, 514, 517 ; vide Piyág, 617.
    Alwar, 31 , 359n., 371 , 537, 546. A'BA Khátún, 444 .
    Amarkot, 318, 321 , 339. Baçrah, 82, 99n.
    669

    Badakhshán, 132, 311, 312, 313, 315, Bardwán , 356, 496, 497, 525, 581 .
    330, 380, 380n . , 381n ., 388 , 438 , Barelí, 395 , 481.
    440, 512 . Bárha, 390 .
    Badalgarh , 380n. Bárí, 283, 286, 519.
    Badáon, 31, 409, 496, 497, 547. Barodah (Gujrát), 334, 386 .
    Bágh i Cafá, 461n. Basakhwán, 177, 452, 452n.
    Bágh i Dahrah, 499. Basantpur, Kamáon, 373.
    Bágh i Mírzá Kámrán (Láhor), 348, Basáwar, 261.
    414n., 454, 455. Bastar, 122.
    Bágh i Núr-Manzil , 499. Baunlí , 398n., 483.
    Bágh i Sardár Khán , 469. Bayánwán, 122.
    Baghdad, 100. Bazúhá, 520n.
    Baglánah, 323, 402, 500. Bengal, 31 , 68, 122, 149, 190, 254,
    Bahat Duáb, 526. 271, 279, 326, 330, 331 , 332 ,
    Bahat River, 346 . 332n., 339, 340, 341, 349, 350,
    Bahírah, 31 , 223, 356, 470. 351 , 354, 366, 356, 417 , 424,
    Bahráich, 57, 410, 444, 451 . 427, 430, 436, 439, 469, 481 , 493 ,
    Bahrain, 82 . 493n., 496, 498, 499, 504, 512,
    Bahrámpúrah, 450. 520.
    Bahronch, 333, 334, 335, 383, 386, Bhadáwar, 488, 489.
    462, 545. Bhadrak, 341, 374, 375, 447.
    Baihaq, 498. Bhágalpúr, 330.
    Bajor, 344 (where wrong Waijúr), 356, Bhainsí (Bhasi), 395.
    361, 404, 425, 471. Bhaironwál, on the Biáh, 394n., 398,
    Bajwárah, 133. 413, 414, 414n ., 454 ; near the
    Baksar, 476. Chanáb, 454n.
    Baktarápúr, 343, 400. Bhakkar, 31 , 190, 191 , 271 , 332 , 342,
    Bálág hát, 336, 337, 412, 503, 504. 362, 363, 363n ., 420, 421 , 422.
    Balandrí, or Girewah Balandrí, 344. 428, 438, 471 , 481, 490, 514, 515,
    Balandshahr, 393. 546.
    Bálápúr, 339, 357, 506. Bhakrálah, 486 .
    Baláwal, 326, 327. Bhander, 505 .
    Balbán, 518. Bhasí, vide Bhaiņsí.
    Bálín, 592n. Bhat'h G’horá, 122, 355, 367, 406,
    Balkh, 176, 311, 315, 384. 618.
    Balochistán, 360. Bhátí, 331, 340, 342, 342n., 356, 400,
    Bámiyán, 444. 401 , 431n ., 436.
    Banáras, 31 , 72 , 500, 567n. Bhatindah , 143, 286.
    Banás River, 398n. Bhatner, 143, 286.
    Bandel, 499n. Bhílsá, 335.
    Bándhú, 358, 367, 407, 469. Bhimbar, 437, 591n.
    Bangash, 313, 402, 466, 483, 522. Bhojpúr (Bihár), 513n .
    Banpúr (Pampúr), 483. Bhowál, 343.
    Bárahmúlah, 335, 479. Biánah, 325, 384, 462, 545.
    Barár, 337, 357, 442, 449, 484n. , 491. Biáh River, 317.
    670

    Bidaulí, 391, 393, 395. Chausá, 349, 355, 410, 427 , 455.
    Bigrám, 397, 441n . Chhach Valley, 487n.
    Bihár, 83, 314, 326, 327, 332 , 333 , China, 81 .
    340, 349, 350, 351 , 354, 356, 366n., Chinese Tartary, 93 .
    400, 412, 422, 423, 443, 446, 446n., Chios Island, 79.
    450, 451 , 452, 466 , 469 , 496, 498, Chítor, 330, 368, 408,409, 435, 489,
    511 , 513, 513n ., 522, 543, 616, 519, 617.
    620. Chittuá, 375.
    Bihárí (Muzaffarnagar), 394. Chotánah, 518.
    Bihishtábád, vide Sikandrah. Çihhatpúr, 331 .
    Bíjágarh , 112, 325, 429. Çiffin, 197.
    Bíjápúr, 306, 309, 466, 595n. Cyprus, 78.
    Bijnor, 395.
    Bíkánír, 143, 310, 316, 357 , 358, 408.
    AHNA'SARI
    DAHNASARI (Tennasserim), 81,
    Biláspúr (Muzaffarnagar), 394.
    281.
    Bilgrám, 316n . , 390, 547.
    Daigúr Fort, 399.
    Bír, 347, 459, 472.
    Dainúr, 315.
    Bírbhúm , 395 , 494n.
    Broach, vide Bahronch. Dak'hin, 82, 95, 149, 254, 336.
    Dalamau, 469.
    Bukhárá, 361 , 423n ., 583, 583n ., 604.
    Dáman i Koh, 436.
    Búndí, 410, 427, 458.
    Damáwand, 543.
    Burhánábád, 401 .
    Dándes , vide Khándesh.
    Burhánpúr, 315 (where wrong Bar-
    Dandoqah, 397.
    hámpúr), 325, 336, 337, 347, 363,
    412, 429, 491, 492 , 503, 504, 506, Dángalí, 456n., 457n., 621 .
    513, 518, 574n., 578n., 606n. Dantúr, vide Dhantúr.
    Darwishábád, 592n.
    Búshanj , 445.
    Dasthárá, 356.
    Bust, 481.
    Daulatábád , or Dhárágarh, or Deogír,
    482, 489, 491n. , 503, 506.
    CAMBAY, vide Kambháyat. Dáwar, (Zamín Dáwar) 313, 314, 319,
    Chamárí, 423, 539. [506 , 506n. 328, 388, 408, 409.
    Chámpánír (Gujrát ) , 80, 318 , 386, 462, Deogarh, vide Untgir.
    Chamyárí (Panjáb) , 366n . Deogír, vide Daulatábád.
    Chanár, Fort, 367, 396, 409, 435. Deolí Sájárí, 359n.
    Chanáb River, 55, 414m., 454. Deosah, 329.
    Chandaurí Chandaurah, 395 . Dháká, 511 , 520, 521.
    Chanderí, 112, 484. Dhamerí, 487.
    Chándor Fort, 335. Dhamúní, 413.
    Chándpúr, 395. Dhantúr (Dhantáwar), 501 , 524.
    Cháríkán, 388. Dhanúrí, 524.
    Chatbanúrá, 393. Dharangaon, 617.
    Chatorah, 394. Dhárágarh, vide Daulatábád.
    Chatmohor, 621. Dhárúr, 348.
    Chaurágarh, 367, 407. Dhásrí, 393,
    671

    Dholpúr, 357, 472n.


    Garha, (Gadha) or Garha- Katangah
    Dholqah, 351, 397.
    ( Jabalpúr), 122, 326, 348, 356 ,
    Díg'hapatí, 621.
    367, 368, 372 , 381, 408, 409 , 410,
    Dih Qáziyán, 494.
    Dihlí, 31, 149, 181 , 306, 319, 324, 330, 428, 450, 480, 497, 533n.
    Garhi (Bengal), 326, 330 , 335 , 339,
    332, 338, 339, 365, 367, 397, 404,
    349, 370n.
    413 , 415, 415n ., 422, 424, 465, 493, Garmsír, 313, 384.
    538, 540, 541, 544, 576n ., 599n. Gaur, 175, 318, 375, 376, 410.
    Dik'hdár, 317n .
    Gáwil Fort, 449.
    Dípálpúr ( Málwah), 176, 453 ; ( Panjáb),
    Gayá, 448n.
    325. Ghandak River, 379.
    Dísah , 622.
    G'hariwalí, 297n.
    Díú, 326, 348.
    Gharjistán, 342, 381n ., 473.
    Dongarpúr, 386, 404, 428, 494, 494n.
    Ghatrághal, 497.
    Dor River, 524n.
    Gházípúr, 208, 313, 410, 443, 465,
    Dúnárah, 399, 399n.
    526.
    Dwárká, 326.
    Ghaznín (Ghazní), 321 , 333 , 377 , 383 ,
    384, 431n., 456 .
    EDAR, vide I'dar. G'horág hát, 340, 342, 370, 370n ., 387,
    Europe, 89, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 279, 400, 436, 473 , 525, 617.
    290n. Ghujduwán, 500.
    Gidhor, 480n.
    Gílán, 175, 177, 424, 542, 574.
    FADAK , 197.
    Goás, 331 .
    Faiz Nahr Canal , 333. Gogandah, 339, 400 ; battle of, when
    Fançúr (in Sumátra), 78, 616. fought, 418, 418n.
    Faráh, in Sijistán, 41n., 314. Golah, vide Kánt o Golah.
    Farankad, near Samarqand, 434. Gondwánah, 367, 506.
    Farídábád , near Dihlí, 415, 620. Gorák'hpúr, 32, 366, 369, 370,
    Fathábád Sirkár ( Bengal) , 374. Goshkán, or Joshaqán, 55, 287n .
    Fathábád (Panjáb), 414 ; ( K'harkí), Gúján, 498.
    491n. Gujar Khán, 4567 .
    Fathpur, a village near Karah, 320. Gujrát, town in the Panjáb, 88, 414n . ,
    Fathpur Hanswah, 354, 390n ., 456. 471 .
    Fathpur Jhinjhon, 286. Gujrát (province), 34n. , 68, 75, 82, 92,
    Fathpúr Sikri, 55, 88, 223, 309, 373,
    93, 143, 253, 285n ., 315, 325, 326,
    402, 403, 423, 448, 492 , 493, 495, 327, 332, 333, 334, 347, 351, 353,
    496, 497, 514, 515, 600n. 354, 361 , 383, 385, 386, 387, 412,
    Fírúzábád, 319.
    414, 415, 416n., 419, 433, 434n.,
    450, 463, 470, 478, 504, 506, 507,

    GAK 514, 543, 607n ., 611n.


    AKKKHA
    'HAR District, 487, 621.
    Gulpáigán, 588n.
    Ganges, 37, 55. Gúnáchúr, near Jálindhar, 317n ., 619.
    Gango, 538, 546. Gúnábád (Junábid) , 591 .
    Ganjábah Fort (Ganjáwab), 421.
    Gúrá, or Kurar, 487n.
    672

    Gwáliár, 32 , 57, 224, 315, 327, 340, Ilichpúr, 326, 449, 503.
    343, 380n., 390, 437, 456, 457, Inch (Kashmir), 483.
    458, 537, 539, 547, 588n., 611n., Indaráb, 432.
    612. Indus, 37.
    Irán, 64, 132, 456n.
    'Iraq, 23, 36, 132, 152, 315.
    HADAUTI , 409. Irich, 469.
    Haibatpúr, vide Patí Haibatpúr. Ishtaghar, 344.
    Hájípúr, 208, 318, 326, 332, 349, 356, Islámpúr (Rámpúr), 417, 418.
    410, 424, 460. Istálif, 388n.
    Hailán (Panjáb) , 360, 457n .; vide Itáwah, 328, 382, 459.
    Hílán. I'timádpúr, near Agrah, 428, 428n.
    Haldípúr , 499n.
    Hamadán, 315, 585, 585n.
    Hamídpúr , 544.
    JAGD ESPU
    AGDESPUR, 400, 498.
    Handiah, 122, 481 , 519.
    Harát, 92, 94, 101 , 102, 355, 363, 366, Jahánábád, 375n.
    426, 571 , 592n., 602, 613. Jaipúr, 329n., 419, 419n.
    Hardwár, or Haridwár, 31, 55, 352. Jáis, 511.
    Hariágarh, 122. Jaisalmír, 143, 286, 477.
    Haripúr, 375. Jaitáran, 389, 389n.
    Hasan Abdál, 425, 515. Jakdarah, 344.
    Jalálábád, 318.
    Háshimpúr , 395.
    Hatiá, 486 . Jalálábás, 425.
    Hatiápul, 505 , 505n. Jalálpúr , vide K'harwah.
    Hatkánt'h, 323, 389, 488 . Jaldpúr, 410.
    Hazárah, 290. Jalesar (Orísá) 374, 376 ; near Dihlí,
    Hiçár ( Kábul), 359, 435, 609. 425.
    Hiçár Fírúzah, 31 , 57, 321. Jálindhar, 31, 317, 317n., 545.
    Hilálábád, 332. Jalnápúr, in Barár, 309, 347.
    Hílán, or Hil, (vide Hailán) on the Jálor, 40, 357, 493, 494, 622.
    Jhelam, 457, 457n. Jám, 319, 366n., 523, 541.
    Hindúkush, 312. Jamnah River (Jamuná), 55.
    Hírápúr, 346. Jammú, 345, 456. , 466.
    Hírmand River, 313. Jánsath, 391, 394.
    Hoshangábád, 112. Jarún Bandar, 585n.,
    Húglí, 375n., 440 , 449n ., 499. Jasar (Jessore), 315, 341.
    Hurmuz (Ormuz) , 599n . Jaunpúr, 31, 189, 318, 319, 320, 321 ,
    335, 342, 347, 355, 368, 383, 400,
    410, 411 , 424, 438, 444, 450, 500,
    IDAR
    DAR (Edar), 325, 333, 407, 433,
    501 , 538, 546, 568n., 602n.
    480. Jazáir, 593, 593n.
    Içfahán, 102, 543, 565, 569, 576, 592, Jhanní, 539.
    592n., 607 , 608. Jhárkand, 122, 340, 366.
    Iláhbás, or Iláhábád, vide Alláhábád. Jhinjhon, vide Fatbpúr.
    673

    Jhosí, 314, 425. Karí, in Gujrát , 386.


    Jhujhar, 316, 393. Káshán, 92n., 93, 102, 187, 593n. , 594n. ,
    Jodhpúr, 143, 286, 330, 357, 399, 429. 595, 596.
    Jolí Jánsath, 394, 395. Káshghar, 322, 365n ., 459, 460.
    Jon (Sindh), 315. Kashmír, 31 , 58, 65, 74, 75 , 84, 93, 102,
    Joshagán, vide Goshkán. 106, 132, 279, 280, 294, 295, 297n.,
    Junábid , 565n, 591 ; vide Gúnábád. 309, 346, 347, 352 ; conquest of,
    Júnágarh , 326, 328, 334, 351 , 397, 450, 380 ; 437, 443, 454, 456, 461 , 465 ,
    463, 506n. 466, 474, 478, 479, 482, 483, 485,
    Juner, 504. 581, 607n., 611n.
    Jurbáqán, 588n. Kaṭak, 374n., 375, 376.
    Juwain, 498. Katangí, 367n. ; vide Gaṛha.
    Kát'híwár, 386.
    Kázarún, 490.
    KABUL, 31, 34n ., 65, 93, 312 , 317 , Khabúshán, 606n.
    318, 333, 340, 376, 377, 378 , 380, K'hachrod, 478.
    432, 440, 444, 446, 452, 457, 469, Kháf, or Khawáf, 445, 445n., 592.
    477, 481 , 522. Khaibar Pass, 204, 404n., 609n ., 610n.
    Kachh, 133, 143, 326, 419, 431 , 431n. Khairábád (Panjáb) 333 (Audh), 366 ,
    Káhan River, 486. 381 , 382 , 390n. , 465, 469, 538.
    Kahármátrí River, 471. K'halgaon, 331n., 370n .
    Kailáodah , 395. Khallukh, 92n.
    Kairanah , 543, 544. K'handár (?), 419n .
    Kákápúr , 483 . Khandesh (Dándesh), 68 , 325, 327,
    Kákor , 546. 335, 336, 336n . , 337 , 463.
    Kakraulí, 394. Khánpúr, 440 ; (Panjáb) 456n .
    Kalálí, 329. K'harakpúr (Bihár), 446, 480n.
    Kalánúr, 32, 315, 416, 513. Kharbuzah, 487.
    Kálápání , 487. K'harí, 395.
    Kálinjar, 369, 405, 406, 505, 611n. Kharjard, 445.
    Kálpí, 32, 321, 336, 361 , 403, 404, 465, K'harkí, vide Aurangábád.
    487, 539. K'harwah Jalálpúr, 394.
    Kalyanpúr, 410. K'hataulí, 394, 395.
    Kamáon, 373, 436, 533n. K'hatorah, 394.
    Kambháyat (Cambay), 281 , 323, 325, K'haṭṭú, 507n.
    445, 463. Khawáf, vide Kháf.
    Kamráj , in Kashmir , 85 , 346. Khizrábád, 333.
    Kángrah , 339, 414 , 416 , 509 . Khizrpúr , 343.
    Kantit, 425. Khurásán, 23, 313, 314, 327, 355, 361,
    Kánt o Golab, 373. 362.
    Karah (Karah-Mánikpúr ), 193, 320, Khurdah (Orísá), 489, 493, 607n.
    367, 367n., 456. Khusháb, 321 , 377, 378, 470.
    Karanja, 484n. Khúzistán , 55.
    Karbalá , 602 , 602n . Khwajah Awásh, 444.
    Karhará Fort, 356. Khwajah Sayyárán, 444.
    85
    674

    Khwárazm, its music, 51 ; 102, 581 .


    Kingrí, 514 (where wrong Kingú). MACHACHIWARA
    IV H, 315.
    Kirmán, 55, 583n. Madáran, 375.
    Koch, vide Kúch. Mahindra River, 325, 462.
    Koh i Sulaimán, 423 . Mahkar, 449.
    Kokrah, 401 , 479, 479n., 480n. Mahmúdábád (Chámpánír) , 507, 508.
    Koláb, 438. Maiman, 395.
    Kol Jalálí, 343, 512. Mairt'ha (Mírt'ha), 286, 322, 368, 427,
    Komalnair, or Konbhalmír, 400, 533n. 436, 476, 493n.
    Korrah, 441. Maisánah, 486.
    Kot'ha, 409, Maiwár (Mewár), 353, 387, 417.
    Kot K'hachwah, 431 , 431n. Majharah (Majherah ), 391, 395 , 477.
    Kúch Bihár, 133, 315 , 331 , 340, 343, Makkah (Mecca) , 93, 172, 273, 586n .,
    370, 436, 493n. 608n.
    Kúch Hajo, 493, 493n. , 621 . Malacca, 281 .
    Kuhpayah, 608n. Máler, 524.
    Kuhúta, 456n . Malíbár (Malabar), 280.
    Kundli, 393. Málígarh, 498.
    Kurar, 487. Málín, 592n.
    Kurdistán, 315. Málwah, 68, 83, 312, 321 , 324, 325, 332,
    333, 334, 341 , 361, 371 , 372, 373,
    383, 402n., 428, 461, 462, 478,
    LADLAI,
    ADLAI, 403. 505.
    Láharí Bandar, 281 , 363 ; vide Loharí. Mançúrah, 422 .
    Láharpúr (Audh ), 620. Mançúrpúr, 394.
    Láhor, 31 , 55 , 88, 92, 93, 95, 280, 311, Mandalgarh, 452.
    312, 316, 333 , 334, 347, 348, 352, Mandlá , 367n.
    365, 366n., 372, 414, 414n., 415 , Mandláír, 380n.
    441 , 441n ., 446 , 454 , 462, 490, 498, Mandú, or Mándú, 32 , 337 , 371 , 372 ,
    501 , 510, 511 , 522 , 533n ., 538, 539, 373, 375, 494, 504, 515 .
    541 , 544, 545, 546, 547, 569n ., Mangalkot, 440.
    609n., 613n., 620. Mánikpúr, 320, 369, 382.
    Lak'hí Fort, 335, 484. Manípúr (Asám) , 297.
    Lak'hinpúr, 345. Mánkot, 316, 319, 323, 345, 366n . , 390.
    Lak'hnau, 32, 348 , 366, 373 , 395, 424, Manoharpúr, 494n.
    469, 470, 518, 612n. Mararáj , 84, 346.
    Lak'hnor (Sambhal) , 315 . Márgalah, 486 , 487, 487n.
    Lalang Fort, 464 . Marw, 574.
    Lamghánát, 344. Márwár, 476 .
    Láristán, 490, 540, 599n ., 601n . Mashhad, 100, 101, 102, 317, 346, 347,
    Loharí, 421 , 422, 471 ; vide Láharí. 381, 382n., 540, 563, 568, 593n.,
    Lohgarh, 482 . 606, 609, 611n . , 612, 613.
    Lúdhiánah, 318 , 426. Mát’hílah Fort, 421 .
    Luháwar, 323n. Mat'hurá, 254, 284, 478, 488 .
    Lúní (Baunlí ?), 398, 483. Mau (Núrpúr State), 345, 519.
    675

    Máwaralnahr, 187 , 327. Nárnaul, 319, 329, 360, 369, 538.


    Mázandarán, 590, 610. Narwar, 122 , 484.
    Medinípúr, 342, 375, 375n ., 376. Násik, 358.
    Mewár, vide Maiwár. Nausárí, in Gujrát, 184.
    Mewát, 133, 252 , 319, 334, 334n ., 391 , Naushád, in Turkistán , 92n .
    493. Naushahrah (Kashmir), 437.
    Mihsí (Champáran) , 444. Nawabganj (Singror), 320.
    Míránpúr, 394, 395 . Nazar, 603n.
    Miyánkál ( Samarqand), 372n., 545, Nazrbár, 334, 463.
    545n ., 566, 567n . Nek Ujyál (? ) , 520.
    Mohán (Audh ) , 452 . Níshápúr, 102 , 332, 353, 591 , 611 .
    Mohaní, 372 , 383. Nímlah, 57.
    Mol Manoharnagar, 494. Nizámábád, 267n.
    Mornah, 395.
    Mughulmárí, 376, 376n.
    Muhammadábád , 410, 444. ODGIR,
    DGIR, in the Dak'hin, 346, 496.
    Muhibb 'Alípúr, 423. Oorcha, vide U'nḍchah .
    Mulher, 500. Orísá, 122 , 306, 326, 340, 342, 313,
    Mulkápúr, 503. 351 , 354, 356, 366 , 366n ., 370n .,
    Multán , 31 , 185, 314, 327 , 331 , 332, 374, 374n., 375, 451 , 478, 489 , 493 ,
    335, 341 , 353, 356, 362, 363, 399, 508, 520, 526.
    422, 472, 495, 503 , 511 , 515 , 544. Ormuz, vide Hurmuz.
    Munair, in Bihár, 48.
    Mungarwál (?), 320. PAJKORAH River, 34
    5.
    Munger, 351. Pahlunpúr, 622.
    Murádábád, 478. Pak'hlí, 152, 454, 479, 501, 502.
    Muzaffarnagar, 390, 391 ; built, 394. Pakkah, 487.
    Pák Patan (or Patan i Panjáb, or Ajo-
    dhan) , 31 , 181 , 286 , 325, 583n.
    NADINAH
    ADINAH (Sambhal), 382n .; vide Pampúr (Kashmir), 483 ; vide Bampúr ,
    Nadínah. and Panpúr.
    Nádot, 335, 357. Panhán ( ? ) 56, 616 .
    Nagarchín, 298n. Pánípat, 181 , 319, 543.
    Nagarkot, 330, 345, 404, 463. Panjab, 34n . , 55, 68, 133, 150, 321 , 322,
    Nagínah, 395 ; vide Nadínah. 330, 331 , 333, 358, 360, 365, 372,
    Nágor, 32, 95, 143, 286, 322 , 330, 341 , 410, 414, 446, 456n . , 457, 466,
    353, 357, 359, 375, 387 , 463, 490, Pannah, 122, 425, 618.
    493n. Panpúr (Pampúr), in Kashmír, 84 ; vide
    Nahri Shihab Canal, 333. Pampúr.
    Nahrwálah, vide Patan (Gujrát) . Paraspúr, in Kashmír, 85.
    Najaf, 569. Parendah, 413.
    Namaksár, 470. Parsaror, 348.
    Nandanpúr, 122. Pashawar, 345, 354, 377, 397, 466, 469.
    Narbadah River, 325. Patan or Patan i Panjáb, vide Pák
    Narhan, 410. Patan.
    676

    Patan (Gujrát), 313, 317, 322 , 325, 329,


    334, 342, 372, 386, 387 ; battle of, RAHU TARAH,, 482.
    AHUTARAH
    397 ; 406, 407, 416, 416n., 419, 442, Rai ( Khurásán), 599.
    450, 463. Rái Barelí, 320.
    Patan (on the Godáwárí ), 459 , 482. Ráísín, 112, 314, 326, 450.
    Pat’hán (Pait’hán ), 314 , 414, 457, 616. Rájáwat, 328.
    Pát❜hrí, 335 , 496. Rájmahall, vide Akbarnagar.
    Patiálá (Panjáb), 393. Rájor, in Kashmír, 309, 461.
    Patiálí, 372 . Rájorí, 57.
    Patí Haibatpúr , 133. Rájpíplá, 335 .
    Patnah, 31 , 318, 351 , 356, 379, 408, Rájsháhí, 621 .
    427, 465. Rámpúr (Islámpúr) , 417, 418 .
    Paunár , 484n. Rámsír, 510.
    Páwangarh , 318. Rankaṭṭah, 332.
    Pegú, 281. Rantanbhúr, 32, 189, 330, 348, 387, 398,
    Persia, 178. 398n., 399, 409, 417, 436, 466, 483.
    Pharwálah, 456n., 621. Rasht, 574n.
    Phillaur , 317n., 619. Rasúlpúr, on the Jhelam, 360.
    Pihání, 468, 469. Ratanpúr, 122, 407.
    Pind Dádan Khán, 456n. Ráwal Pindí, 456n., 487.
    Pindi Gheb, 456n. Red Sea, 82.
    Rewá, 407.
    Pinjar , 479.
    Piyág (vide Alláhábád ), 368 . Rohank'herah, 442.
    Portugal, 95, 281 . Rohtás (in Bihár), 122, 341 , 349, 400,
    422, 427, 427n., 497, 502 ; (in the
    Pot'hwár, 486, 487n.
    Púr Mandal, 400 . Panjáb) 454, 456 , 486.
    Púrí, 340, 366n ., 370n . Rúdkhánah i Nasheb, 322.
    Púrniah, or Púranniah, 395, 436.

    ABZWAR, 55 , 389, 498, 601 , 601n.,


    SABZWAR,
    602n., 613n.
    QAIN (Persia), 591 .
    Safidún, 333, 542.
    Qalát , 314, 408 , 455 .
    Saharanpúr, 32 .
    Qandahár , 65, 313 , 314, 315, 337, 344,
    Sahrind , vide Sarhind .
    362, 365n., 377, 378 , 408, 409, 461 ,
    Sahwán, 335, 335n . ; vide Siwistán .
    503 , 509, 514, 515 , 545 .
    Sajáwalpúr , 428.
    Qannauj , 32, 321, 336, 464, 468, 477.
    Sakít, 320 , 324n ., 435.
    Qarábágh, 344.
    Sakráwal (?), 320.
    Qazwin , 101 , 102 , 447, 572.
    Salímábád , 440.
    Qibrus, vide Cyprus .
    Salímgarh, 415.
    Qipchák, 613.
    Salímnagar, 340.
    Qirghiz, 132.
    Salt Range, 456n., 470.
    Qiryát Khudáwand Khán, 442 .
    Samánah, 524.
    Qísús, or Qistús , vide Chios.
    Samarqand , 65, 187 , 423, 539, 541 ,
    Qum , 598 .
    605n.
    Qunduz , 315.
    677

    Sambhal, 32, 34n ., 313, 315, 319, 322, Shihabuddínpúr, 460.


    331, 375, 462, 478, 481, 482, 540, Shíráz, 100, 315, 450, 569, 594, 599,
    544. 604.
    Sambhalharah, 391 , 394, 395. Shirwán, 132.
    Sámbhar, 309, 329, 364n. Shor, 377n.
    Samogar, 478. Shujá'atpúr (Shajá'atpúr), 428.
    Sánchor, 493n., 622. Shustar, 545, 605n.
    Sandelah , 384. Sialkot, 32, 365, 605n.
    Sandháolí, 395. Sijistán, 41n.
    Sangánír, 329, 434n . Sikandrábád, 332.
    Sanján, 445. Sikandrah (Bihishtábád), 211 , 332n .,
    Sántúr, 478. 347.
    Sántwás, 112, 372, 373. Síkrí, vide Fathpúr Síkrí.
    Sarái Jájú, 472n. Silhat, 332n.
    Sárangpúr, 32, 324, 349, 353, 371, 372, Símávalí, 286.
    409, 429, 429n. Sind Ságar Duáb, 456n.
    Sarharpúr, 383, 383n . Sindh, 143, 179n . , 335, 335n., 362, 363,
    Sarhind, or Sirhind , or Sahrind, 32, 105, 364n., 471, 544.
    316n ., 319, 332 , 365, 441n ., 526, 544 . Singror (Nawabganj), 320.
    Sarkich, near Ahmadábád, 335, 419 , Síráwand, 445.
    507n., 568n ., 603n. Sirdhanah (Mírat'h), 394.
    Sarnál, 333, 357, 463. Sirdháolí, 394.
    Sarohí, 322, 357, 358, 419. Sirgúja, 122, 618.
    Saronj , 32, 390, 402, 456, 505 . Sirhind, vide Sarhind.
    Saror, 318. Sístán, 314.
    Sarw River, 381n. Sítpúr, 539.
    Sarwár, 381. Siwánah Fort, 357 , 399, 399n ., 476.
    Sátgáon, 122 , 280, 331 , 331n., 341 , 374, Siwistán, or Sahwán, 335n . , 363 , 363n.,
    520. 472, 474, 490, 511, 514.
    Satwás (Sántwás) , 112, 372, 373. Siyah River, 384.
    Sawád and Bijor, 425, 457 , 471 . Sodharah, 414n.
    Sáwah, 586, 598n., 600. Sohán River, 487.
    Sehondá, 505. Somnát, 326.
    Sewe Fort, 362. Sorat'h, 621.
    Sháhábád, 106, 208, 406. Soron, 55, 615.
    Sháhpúr 335, 357 ; onthe Chanáb, 414n . Srinagar (Garhwál) 478 ; (Kashmir),
    Shahr i Nau, 401 . 346, 380.
    Shaikháwat, 328, 360, 419. Sukk'har, 471, 515.
    Shajá'atpúr, vide Shuja'atpúr. Sultánpúr, 172, 347, 544 ; -Bilahrí,400 ;
    Shajáwalpúr, 428. -in Gakk'har District, 456n.
    Shamsábád, 372. Sultánpúr River, 414.
    Sharífábád, 341 . Sumátra, 79, 616.
    Shergarh (Qannauj), 320, 398n. , 400 . Sunnám , 286.
    Sherpúr, 399 ;—' Atáí, 341 , 447 ; — Sunnárgáon, 343, 400,
    Murcha, 340, 437. Súpá, 336.
    678

    Súrat, 31 , 34n ., 350, 354, 358, 386, 462 , Tissang, 395 (where wrong Tang).
    465, 543. Todah, 283.
    Surkháb River, 384. Tons River (Banáras), 339.
    Tukaroí, in Orísá, 375, 379, 407.
    Tulsípúr, 395 .
    TABARHINDA
    H, 316. Túrán, 23, 64, 65 , 132.
    Tabríz, 100, 101 , 253, 497, 590, 603, Turkey, 112, 132, 279.
    611n. Turshíz, 605.
    Tahrán (Teheran), 508, 599. Tús, 609.
    Táíbád, 366, 366n.
    Táíqán , 312.
    UCHH 544.
    Tájpúr (Bengal), 342, 436. ,
    Takaroi, vide Tukaroí. Udaipur, 357, 358, 400, 478, 519.
    Takht i Sulaimán, 33n. Ujjain, 31, 312, 333, 373, 406, 429, 478,
    Talambah, 330. 494, 513n.
    Tálígáon, 484n. U'nchhod, 122, 618.
    Talingánah, 442n . Undchah, 356, 458, 458n., 487, 488.
    Tándah (in Bengal), 31, 318, 330, 331 , U'ntgir (Ootgir) , or Deogarh, 380.
    341, 350, 370, 436. U'rchah, vide U'nḍchah.
    Tanderah, 395.
    Tarfán, 460.
    Táshkand, 540. VAZIRABAD (Panjab) , 414π.
    Tattah (Thathah), 106, 143 , 194, 206, Vhalnah, 394.
    279, 314, 317, 332, 335, 361, 362,
    363n., 364, 378, 420, 422, 451, 457,
    459, 472, 481 , 511 , 576n. WASIT 39
    , 0.
    Tenasserim, vide Dahnásarí.
    Werkopái, 608n.
    Teráh Mount, 356, 361 , 471 .
    Thálner, 503.
    Thánah Langar, 418. YAMAN, 82 .
    Tháneswar, 104, 538.
    Thorí, 398n. Yazd, 92, 93, 603n., 616.
    Tibbat, or Tibet, 37, 90, 132 , 149, 201 ,
    297n., 310, 456, 474, 607n.
    Tihanpúr, 393. ZABULIST AN, 333, 340, 344, 345,
    A’BULISTAN,
    Tihárah, 133, 396. 360.
    Tilah, 486. Zafarnagar, 503.
    Tilpat, 415. Zahák ( Zahák-Bámiyán), 444, 455.
    Tilwárah, or the Bíáh, 317. Zamániá, founded , 320 ; 382 , 427.
    Tiranbak, 478. Zanzibar, (Zangbár) 279.
    Tirmiz, 322. Zírbád [ Zerbád ], east of Sumátra, 81,
    Tis-hah, 395. 616.
    Ain 1-Akbari, Blochmann's Edit" PL1

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    mms
    |
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    THE UNIVERSI OF MICHIGA

    DATE DUE

    APR 2 8 1998

    JU 1
    L 01 998
    UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

    3 9015 00560 2431


    1
    UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

    3 9015 00560 2431

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