Vol. 6. No.

3 A-2 December 2002

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'Noticing' in SLA: Is it a valid concept?

Jeremy Cross
British Council, Nagoya, Japan
< jeremy.cross@jpa.britishcouncil.or.jp>
Downloaded from: http://www.tesl-ej.org/ej23/a2.html

Abstract

This article focuses on the role of "noticing" and "noticing the gap" in second language acquisition. It
is argued that this notion has gained wide support on the basis of intuition and assumption rather
than on the findings of appropriate and exhaustive empirical research. The aim of this paper is
twofold: a) to consider the theoretical constructs that underlie the role of noticing, and b) to assess
the validity of the assumption that noticing enhances language acquisition. This paper concludes that
1) empirical research has yet to validate the role of noticing in language acquisition, 2) an alternative
view offered by Truscott (1998), which suggests that noticing is merely tied to the acquisition of
metalinguistic knowledge, is worthy of investigation, and 3) future research into the relationship
between training learners to notice linguistic forms and the acquisition of metalinguistic knowledge
may enhance our understanding of noticing in second language acquisition.

Introduction

The significance of the role of conscious and unconscious processes and the notion of interface in
second language (L2) development has been the focus of much debate in the general field of
cognitive psychology. The differing theoretical views (see Krashen, 1979, 1981, 1982, 1985, 1994;
Reber, 1989, 1993; Seliger, 1979; Bialystok, 1979; Stevick, 1980; Odlin, 1986; and McLaughlin, 1990)
have prompted substantial experimental research. Both Long (1983, 1988) and Ellis (1990), through
reviewing a number of such empirical studies, have concluded that, overall, conscious learning seems
to contribute to successful L2 development [1]. This conclusion, according to Fotos (1993), implies
that an interface between what is "learnt" and what is "acquired" does therefore exist. If it is accepted
that an interface does indeed exist, what might be the nature of such an interface? One proposal is
that put forward by Schmidt (1990, 1993, 1994, 1995; Schmidt & Frota, 1986), who offers a
hypothesis related to conscious learning that focuses on what Skehan argues is "the crucial concept
of noticing" (Skehan, 1998, p. 48). The purpose of this paper is to a) consider the theoretical
constructs that underlie the role of noticing, and b) assess the validity of the assumption that noticing
enhances language acquisition. [-1-]

The theoretical constructs that underlie the role of noticing

Consciousness raising and noticing

Prior to discussing noticing and its role as an interface in language acquisition, it is necessary to briefly
consider the process which Fotos (1993) suggests precedes it--consciousness raising. The term
"consciousness raising" refers to the drawing of learners' attention to the formal properties of
language (Rutherford et al., 1985). Significantly, Ellis (1994, 1997) points out that consciousness
raising is only directed at explicit knowledge, with no expectation that learners will use in
communicative output a particular feature that has been brought to their attention through formal
instruction. Following formal instruction as consciousness raising, learners may then notice a
particular linguistic feature in subsequent input. However, a key difference between noticing and
consciousness raising is that noticing has supposed implications for language processing and the
actual acquisition of linguistic features.

Noticing and language acquisition

Schmidt (1990) identifies three aspects of consciousness involved in language learning: awareness,
intention and knowledge. The first sense, consciousness as awareness, embraces noticing [2].
According to Schmidt (1995, p. 20), "the noticing hypothesis states that what learners notice in input
is what becomes intake for learning." Schmidt also states that a) whether a learner deliberately
attends to a linguistic form in the input or it is noticed purely unintentionally, if it is noticed it becomes
intake; and b) that noticing is a necessary condition for L2 acquisition. To help clarify Schmidt's
hypothesis and the place of noticing in L2 acquisition the following model, proposed by Ellis, is useful.

Figure 1: The process of learning implicit knowledge (p. 119)

Reproduced by permission of Oxford University Press from SLA Research and Language Teaching by
Rod Ellis © Rod Ellis 1997. Unauthorised reproduction is strictly prohibited.
[-2-]

Ellis has based his model on current theories of L2 acquisition, where two main stages are seen to be
involved in the process of input becoming implicit knowledge. The first stage, in which input becomes
intake, involves learners noticing language features in the input, absorbing them into their short-term
memories and comparing them to features produced as output. With regard to short-term memory,
Kihlstrom (1984) suggests that 1) consciousness and short-term memory are essentially the same; 2)
that for language items to be stored in long-term memory they must be processed in short-term
memory; and 3) that items not processed into short-term memory or not further encoded into long-
term memory from short-term memory will be lost. Schmidt therefore concludes, "if consciousness
is indeed equivalent to the short term store, this amounts to a claim that storage without conscious
awareness is impossible" (1990, p. 136).

The second stage is one in which intake is absorbed into the learner's interlanguage system and
changes to this system only occur when language features become part of long-term memory. As the
discussion and analysis of the second stage of Ellis's model is beyond the focus of this paper, only the
operations that occur in the first stage will be further discussed.

Influences on noticing

Figure 1 shows that noticing has a mediating role between input and memory systems. However,
while it is represented separately in Figure 1, Robinson (1995), in harmony with Schmidt's discussion
of memory processing above, comments that it is inside short-term memory that noticing must in
reality take place, since the "spotlight consciousness" (Skehan, 1998, p. 52) provided by short-term
memory is triggered by different influences on noticing. Schmidt (1990) claims that the following
factors influence noticing in the input:

Instruction

Instruction provides structured, differentiated input that assists noticing by focusing attention on and
enhancing awareness of language features (Skehan, 1998). Also, Schmidt (1990) proposes that
instruction may play an important role in priming learners to notice features by establishing
expectations about language. In contrast, Ellis (1997) points out that instruction serves to draw
attention to items that do not conform to expectations and may therefore not be noticed.

Frequency

A language feature may become frequent due to repeated instruction or by way of teacher talk. As
such, when the item does appear more frequently in the input, the likelihood that an item will be
noticed and integrated into the interlanguage system is increased (Schmidt, 1990). Also, as Skehan
(1998) suggests, at times learners' attentional resources are stretched and a form may, on occasion,
go unnoticed. Therefore, the more frequent an item, the greater number of opportunities for noticing
exist. [-3-]

Perceptual salience

The more prominent a language form at input, the greater the chance it will be noticed (Skehan,
1998). It stands to reason, therefore, that the less salient a form, the less likely it is to be noticed and
such forms include those morphemes that are bound, contracted, or unstressed (Slobin, 1985).

Skill Level

According to Schmidt (1990), skill level includes how well individuals are able to routinize previously
met structures. This processing ability in turn determines how ready learners are to notice new forms
in the input. Another relevant factor Schmidt identifies is an individual's ability to attend to both form
and meaning in L2 processing. Noticing ability varies; some learners are better "input processors," as
they have a larger working memory capacity or due to their superior speed of analytical processing
within working memory (Skehan, 1998).

Task demands

Task demands refers to the way in which an instructional task causes learners to notice particular
features that are necessary in order to carry out that task (Schmidt, 1990). To achieve this, Ellis (1997)
suggests that language features may be made intentionally prominent or the task be designed to
"force" learners to process the language. Also, Skehan (1998) points out that noticing may be more
or less likely depending on whether the level of processing that the task demands is low, such as in
the exchange of familiar information, or high, as in a task that requires imaginative and abstract
decision-making.

Comparing

Ellis (1997) points out that only by learners recognising that new language features are at variance
with their current interlanguage version will those features become part of their developing
interlanguage system. Similarly, Schmidt and Frota (1986) suggest that noticing alone is not enough
for input to become intake. Rather, it requires learners to make a comparison between their observed
input and typical output based on their existing interlanguage system, that is, they must consciously
"notice the gap." In doing so, learners are able to reflect on what is noticed, endeavour to understand
its significance, and experience insight (Schmidt, 1990).

The assumption that noticing enhances language acquisition

It is apparent that Schmidt's noticing hypothesis and its role in language acquisition has attracted
some support as well as criticism. Ellis (1994, 1997), Lewis (1993) and Skehan (1998) in particular
espouse the view that noticing accounts for the way in which input becomes intake prior to
processing and availability for integration into a learner's developing interlanguage system.
Moreover, Gass (1988) asserts that noticing is the first stage of language acquisition, Batstone refers
to the importance of noticing by describing it as "the gateway to subsequent learning" (1994, p. 100),
and Lynch (2001) states that noticing is an important component of successful language learning.
Similarly, Sharwood-Smith (1981), Rutherford (1987) and McLaughlin (1987) advocate that noticing
a feature in the input is an essential first step in language processing. However, Sharwood-Smith,
Rutherford and McLaughlin differ from Schmidt in that they consider that noticing a feature in input
may be a conscious or an unconscious process. They dispute Schmidt and Frota's (1986) assertion
that "noticing the gap" is in fact a conscious process. Ellis (1997) also considers controversial the claim
that "noticing the gap" is a conscious process and acknowledges the validity of Krashen's (1982)
argument that there are far too many features of language for them all to be acquired consciously.
In addition, perhaps the most well-considered and detailed criticism comes from Truscott who
concludes that "the foundations of the hypothesis in cognitive psychology are weakš" and "the
hypothesis is not based on any rational theory of languageš" (1998, p. 104). Instead, Truscott
proposes a weaker view of noticing by suggesting it is only necessary for the acquisition of
metalinguistic knowledge, that is the ability to manipulate words (affixation), complete gap-fills,
manipulate sentences, and state grammar rules. Importantly, Truscott is meticulous with regard to
presenting and supporting his argument regarding formal instruction, noticing and metalinguistic
knowledge through a review of the results of a wide range of empirical studies in second language
acquisition. [-4-]
Theoretically then, it appears that noticing is considered by some authors mentioned here to be an
important initial process in interlanguage development while others are critical to varying degrees.

Empirical research

While such theoretical assertions are useful for offering insights into L2 acquisition, it is only through
empirical research that they are validated. However, it is evident that only a limited amount of
empirical research has been carried out so far in relation to the role of noticing in L2 acquisition. The
earliest data appears to be that of Schmidt and Frota (1986), in which Schmidt analysed his own
acquisition of Portuguese during a five-month stay in Brazil. Schmidt kept a diary of what he had
noticed through instruction and also recorded his interactions with native speakers. By comparing
the two sources of data, Schmidt and Frota found a significant association between recorded
noticings in the form of diary entries and Schmidt's use of linguistic forms. As such, Schmidt cites this
as "strong evidence for a close connection between noticing and emergence in production" (1990, p.
141).

In contrast, Altman (1990) reached a different conclusion from data gathered and analysed in similar
fashion of her acquisition of Hebrew over a five-year period. Altman found that while half her
verbalisation of Hebrew verbs could be traced to diary entries of noticing, it was not possible to
identify the source of the other half and they may have become intake subconsciously. Another
empirical study performed by Alanen (1992) focused on affixation in the learning of semi-artificial
Finnish. Alanen hypothesised that of the groups studied, those who received explicit descriptions of
the target language would learn best and those who received input enhancement in which the target
forms were italicised to assist noticing would learn better than the control group. Overall, the results
were varied, but in particular there was no significant statistical difference between the enhanced
input condition group and the control group. Fotos (1993) investigated the amount of noticing
produced after consciousness raising through teacher-fronted lessons and interactive, grammar
problem-solving tasks aimed at adverb placement and relative clauses. The frequency of noticing of
the target forms a few weeks after the two treatments was also compared with that of a control
group. Fotos concluded from the results that both task performance and formal instruction were
equally effective in promoting significant amounts of noticing and subjects went on to consequently
notice those structures in later input while the level of noticing in the control group was minimal.
Robinson (1997) used a grammaticality judgement test to assess four groups of learners exposed to
sentences illustrating hard and easy second language rules and found mixed results for noticing under
implicit, incidental, rule-search and instructed conditions. Lastly, Lynch (2001) recorded the role-play
performance of pairs of learners, who then selected a short extract of their recording and transcribed
it prior to improving the text through noticing and modifying any errors. Lynch found that, overall,
learners were able to notice and amend 60% of their errors. [-5-]

Unfortunately, the studies presented here are of limited use for several reasons. First, the studies are
not comparable due to variations in focus and in the conditions operationalized. Second, the level of
noticing in such studies may have been affected by variables including attention being directed
elsewhere, the level of language ability of research subjects, the complexity of information being
processed, and the speed or audibility of presentation (Schmidt, 1993), which casts doubt on the
reliability of the findings. Third, noticing is an internal process and cannot be observed directly, but
requires a high degree of inference from observation of behaviour (Schmidt, 1993). Fourth, the
controversial notion of "noticing the gap" only receives consideration in Schmidt and Frota (1986).
Finally, only Schmidt and Frota's (1986) and Altman's (1990) research considers how noticing target
structures positively relates to their production as verbal output (in a communicative sense), which
seems to be the true test of whether noticing has an effect on second language acquisition. A
dilemma associated with this is that, as Fotos (1993) states, there is a gap of indeterminate length
between what is noticed and when it appears as output, which makes data collection, analysis and
correlation problematic. Clearly though, the empirical research with regard to noticing and L2
acquisition overviewed here does little to validate any of the theoretical views previously discussed.

Conclusion

It can be seen that there are various views regarding the role of conscious and unconscious processes
in L2 acquisition. An important contribution to this debate has been Schmidt's "noticing hypothesis"
and its claims about how input becomes intake, and this hypothesis has been advocated by a growing
number of researchers (Truscott, 1998). However, the assertion that noticing is necessary for L2
acquisition and the notion of "noticing the gap" appear to be based on intuition and assumption that
is not supported by appropriate and exhaustive empirical research. This in turn raises the question of
whether teachers/teaching materials should indeed attempt to cater to noticing. Truscott's insightful
weaker view of (conscious) noticing being tied to the acquisition of metalinguistic knowledge but not
to the development of communicative competence offers what appears to be an acceptable
alternative that still recognizes a role for teachers/teaching materials with regard to noticing. What
is needed then is a shift in focus for empirical research in order to provide evidence that supports or
falsifies Truscott's weaker version of the noticing hypothesis. One area of worthwhile research that
has received minimal attention is the effect of learner training on learners' ability to notice linguistic
forms and, if Truscott's adaptation of the noticing hypothesis is accepted, this may have strong
implications for the rate of development of metalinguistic knowledge. This research may help to
clarify what role noticing plays in second language learning, provide valuable information relating to
the relationship between learner training and the acquisition of metalinguistic knowledge, and
facilitate the understanding of how these processes contribute to learners' communicative
competence.

Endnotes

[1] This conclusion refers to the influence formal instruction has on the rate/success of L2
development and not to the route of L2 development, where formal instruction seems to have
negligible effect (Ellis, 1985).

[2] Schmidt (1990) points out that noticing also has other terminological definitions including "focal
awareness" (Atkinson & Schiffrin, 1968), "episodic awareness" (Allport, 1979) and "apperceived
input" (Gass, 1988).

[-6-]

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About the Author

Jeremy Cross is a teacher and teacher trainer at the British Council in Nagoya, Japan. He is currently
studying towards an MA in Linguistics (TESOL) through the University of Surrey. His interests include
investigating ways to integrate a variety of approaches to language teaching and learning into his
classroom.