13 Community Musical Theatre and Interethnic Peace-Building in Malaysia

The Oxford Handbook of Community Music
Brydie-Leigh Bartleet (ed.), Lee Higgins (ed.)
https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190219505.001.0001
Published: 2018 Online ISBN: 9780190219529 Print ISBN: 9780190219505
Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/edited-volume/34637/chapter/295100904 by OUP site access user on 25 February 2024

CHAPTER
13 Community Musical Theatre and Interethnic Peace-

Building in Malaysia 
Tan Sooi Beng
https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190219505.013.33 Pages 243–264

Published: 05 February 2018
Abstract
Community musical theatre projects have played important roles in engaging young people of diverse
ethnicities in multicultural and religious Malaysia to cross borders, deconstruct stereotypes,
appreciate di erences, and build interethnic peace. This essay provides insights into the strategies and
dialogic approaches employed in two such community musical theatre projects that promote peace-
building in Penang. The emphasis is on the making of musical theatre through participatory research,
collaboration, ensemble work, and group discussions about alternative history, social relationships
and cultural change. The projects also stress partnerships with the multiethnic stakeholders,
communities, traditional artists, university students, and school teachers who are involved in the
projects. Equally important is the creation of a safe space for intercultural dialogue, skill training,
research, and assessments to take place; this a working space that allows for free and open
participation, communication, play, and creative expressions for all participants.
Keywords: community musical theatre, interethnic peace-building, intercultural dialogue, crossing

borders, hybridity, participatory research, safe space
Subject: Ethnomusicology, Music
Series: Oxford Handbooks
Collection: Oxford Handbooks Online
COMMUNITY music appears in di erent forms with di erent histories and practices in various parts of the
world. Nevertheless, central characteristics include musical creativity and collaborative work, which can
empower communities to realize sociocultural and political changes in their societies. Indeed, community
music programmes have contributed to the enhancement of the arts and culture, non-formal education,
health, and social integration in many countries (Higgins, 2007, 2008; Veblen, 2007). They have also played
signi cant roles in peace-building, contributing to the reduction and avoidance of con ict in multi-ethnic
and multi-religious communities (O’Connell & Castelo-Branco, 2010; Pettan, 2008, 2010; Shank & Schirch,
2008).
This essay focuses on how community musical theatre projects have empowered young people of diverse
ethno-religious backgrounds in multicultural Malaysia to cross barriers, deconstruct stereotypes, respect
di erences, and so contribute towards interethnic peace-building. My understanding is that harmony
evolves when common people, including the younger generation, participate in the process of peace-
building that includes the struggle for equality and justice. Interethnic peace occurs when estranged groups
begin to talk to, and work with, one another. In this regard, community musical theatre workshops
represent an ideal space for performers to deal with issues of ethnicity through strategies that promote
cross-cultural dialogues and ensemble work. At the same time, audiences are able to see and experience the
complexities of race and cultural interaction being performed on stage. Music and theatre are therefore

perceived as embodied forms that relate to other contexts and meanings for speci c groups of people
(Small, 1998); abstract ideas and implications about race that are di cult to express verbally can become
p. 244 more comprehensible through these creative genres. By way of symbols, music, movements, and acting,
performers and audiences are engaged in emotions that can activate peaceful coexistence (Barenboim,
1
2008).
Although activists and practitioners in Southeast Asia have initiated various peace-building strategies using
music and the creative arts in the past four decades, little attention has been paid to their work. Some of the
publications include Van Erven’s (1992) seminal work on the theatre for development in the Philippines,
Thailand, and Indonesia that emerged in the 1970s and 1980s. He illustrates how theatre, music, and the
arts have been employed by activists to raise awareness about social and gender inequalities, resolve
con ict, and improve the lives of the disadvantaged in these countries. In the case of the Philippines, theatre
groups have successfully used the creative arts to mobilize students and grassroots communities against the
repression of the Marcos regime and the implementation of martial law; theatre has also provided a forum
for peace dialogues between the Muslims and Christians in Mindanao (Eskamp, 2006; Gaspar et al., 1981;
Samson et al., 2008; Van Erven, 1992).
In Thailand, the Makhampom Theatre Group (n.d.) has been running workshops on con ict resolution and
peace-building at the refugee camps on the Thai-Burma border, where thousands of di erent ethnic and
religious nationalities have ed due to con icts with the Burmese military regime. Ethnic tensions have
developed because of the loss of freedom associated with having to live in congested refugee camps with
people of other backgrounds, and separation of families due to war and resettlement (Lederach, 2005). The
Makhampom artists partner with non-governmental organizations to conduct team-building activities to
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initiate dialogues about peace and create trust among the refugees (Kellock, n.d., pp. 7–8). Makhampom
has also run peace-building activities in Southern Thailand where Thai Muslim minorities are ghting
against the military for their autonomy (Barber, 2008).
This essay is an attempt to add to the few publications on peace-building using the arts in Southeast Asia. I
begin with a brief outline of the politics of racial relations that has resulted in ethnic anxieties in Malaysia.
This is followed by an analysis of the strategies for peace-building used in the content and style, training
processes, and selection of performance spaces in two community musical theatre projects devised by
young people in Penang. The projects culminated in the community performances of Ronggeng Merdeka
3
(Malay term for Independence Ronggeng, 2007) and Kotai Penang (Hokkien term for Penang Song Stage,
4
2009) ; these plays were produced by the artists’ collective Ombak-Ombak ARTStudio in Penang of which I
5
am a founding member.
It should be clari ed that the term ‘community’ is used in this essay to refer to the participants of the
projects, the diverse people of Penang who provide research materials and make up the audiences, as well as
the participatory and collaborative methods in creative music-making. As music is often an integral part of
rituals and theatre, the projects described include local musical genres and theatre traditions that are
popular forms of communication and social commentary among the communities. However, it is important
to note that community musical theatre activities may not necessarily resolve con icts altogether. Rather,
they are tools that can be used to strengthen the understanding of issues that a ect society and stimulate
p. 245 discussions for mediations to take place; these tools can be adapted to suit di erent contexts and social
concerns.
The politics of multiculturalism in Malaysia
Malaysia’s population of 28.7 million comprises 68.8 per cent Bumiputera (translated as ‘sons of the soil’
consisting of the Malays and other indigenous groups such as the Orang Asli, Kadazan, Bajau, Bidayuh,

Melanau, Penan, etc.), 23.2 per cent Chinese, 7.0 per cent Indian, and 1.0 per cent Other (including Arabs,
Eurasians, and Indonesians [Department of Statistics, Malaysia, 2017). Since colonial times, ethnic
segregation has taken place as a consequence of the British colonial divide and rule policy of non-ethnic
integration where ‘two or more elements or social orders … live side by side, yet without intermingling, in
one political unit’ (Furnivall, 1948, p. 446).
Following Independence in 1957, the colonial racial divisions were institutionalized. The o cial categories
of Bumiputera, Chinese, Indian, and Others imposed strict ethnic, religious, and language borders and
allowed for the implementation of a political system that privileged the indigenous Bumiputera
(particularly the Malays); mixed cultures that have occurred in Malaysian history from cross-border
interactions have accordingly been marginalized (Kahn & Loh, 1992). The colonial racial boundaries have
also been absorbed into contemporary politics, as political parties are ethnically de ned. In fact racial
categories have been woven into the fabric of everyday life so that they in uence how people conceive their
identities, which in turn perpetuates stereotypical assumptions about culture and religion.
The politics of ethnicity has given rise to con icts and anxieties among the diverse ethnic groups since
Independence. In 1969 racial violence broke out in various parts of the country. Consequently, the
government attempted to forge unity among the di erent races by creating a monolithic Malaysian identity
and a national culture based on the indigenous Malay language and culture. It feared that instability may
arise if di erences were endorsed. Nevertheless, the national culture and other policies bene tting the
Bumiputera further aggravated ethnic tensions as the non-Malay communities felt threatened that they
might be assimilated and lose their own cultures. At the same time, the monolithic national culture and
stereotypical representations of the ethnic groups promoted by the Malaysian state were in contradiction to
the lively organic eclectic cultures on the ground; cultural borrowing and mixing having always occurred as
the diverse communities live in close proximity, share common spaces, and communicate daily with one
another (Tan, 1990, 2003, 2015).
Stemming from concerns that Malaysian society is becoming more divided and segregated along ethno-
religious lines, many performing artists have searched for ways to bridge intercultural gaps that are crucial
p. 246 for the construction of a more inclusive Malaysian nation and sustainable peace. In particular, it is
important to involve youth in interethnic peace-building e orts, as the formal school education system
promotes the essentialized racial particularities and cultural homogeneity as de ned by the authorities.
When children spend most of their time interacting with those of their own ethnic group only, they have a
tendency to believe that this environment represents reality. They are not prepared when they go out into
the world where di erent ethnic groups, religions, and social classes meet. This lack of preparation,
combined with the stereotyping caused by unfamiliarity, can result in con ict.
With this background in mind, the next section explores how interethnic interaction can be promoted
among young people and how young people can be engaged to deal with questions of intercultural
negotiations, cultural diversity, and di erence through the process of making and performing musical
theatre in Penang. The premise is that crossing ethnic, social, and cultural boundaries, collaboration among
races, learning commonalities, and interdependence through the musical arts, can enhance tolerance and
understanding, and promote greater social harmony. Performing multiplicities and hybridities can help
young people to deconstruct stereotypes and create an alternative national identity that is inclusive.
Accessibility, crossing borders, and intercultural encounters: content,

form, and space
Ronggeng Merdeka is a sequel to the musical theatre Kisah Pulau Pinang (Malay term for The Penang Story,
2006) that features the lives of the early migrants of di erent races who came to Penang in the late

nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and the development of Penang as a cosmopolitan port of the
British (see Tan, 2008a). Ronggeng Merdeka traces the story of Penang from the 1930s through the Japanese
Occupation up to the period of Independence. Based on the lives of ronggeng social dancers and local stories
collected from the diverse ethnic communities, the musical theatre highlights the hardships encountered
during the Japanese Occupation in Penang and the struggle of the diverse population for Independence. As a
follow up, Kotai Penang sets the stage for the historical enactment of Penang from Independence and the
founding of the city of George Town (the capital of Penang) until the turn of the millennium. It highlights
what Independence meant to the local multi-ethnic communities, events that led to massive strikes in 1967,
and the transformation of Penang into a silicon island with the construction of factories owned by
multinational companies in the 1970s and 1980s. The story ends with the repeal of the Rent Control Act in
2000, which resulted in the skyrocketing of rentals and the prices of shop houses in the city. The Rent
Control Act was introduced in 1966 to control excessive rents by landlords of privately owned pre-war
p. 247 buildings as there was a shortage of housing during the post-war period.
The two musical theatre works emphasize accessibility to all and sundry, as the content and forms are
grounded on the lives and street performance genres enjoyed by the various ethnic communities. The
performances are extended to all communities as they are held in open air spaces or streets of Penang (see
Figure 13.1) and are free of charge; the communities from whom the stories were collected are invited to the
shows and performances are held at both urban and rural sites so that diverse people (including
marginalized groups) are able to participate. Ronggeng Merdeka and Kotai Penang each attracted about 5,000
people of di erent races, age groups, and social backgrounds as audiences. Two shows were performed at
ve di erent sites for each musical theatre production.
Speci cally, the two plays celebrate di erence and diversity in everyday life, as they allow the various voices
to intermingle with one another within particular historical contexts. Even though the ronggeng and kotai
performers are of various ethnic origins, they interact with and work together in the tua se kai (Hokkien
term for the Great World Park), an amusement park that features multiple types of entertainment such as
6
music, theatre, dance, comedy, acrobatic acts, and games for the general public. The lyrics of the theme
songs that are written by the performers themselves illustrate the close interactions among the ronggeng
p. 248 dancers. The singers mix languages such as Malay and Hokkien when they communicate with each other
(texts in capital letters are Hokkien words; the other words are Malay terms):
Figure 13.1
Makeshift stage set up for performance for Ronggeng Merdeka at the rural site Balik Pulau (Photograph
by S. B. Tan).
Makeshi stage set up for performance for Ronggeng Merdeka at the rural site Balik Pulau (Photograph by S. B. Tan).
Ronggeng Merdeka [Independence Ronggeng]

Kami Penghuni Malaya
Melayu, India dan Cina
Waktu siang kerja rumah
Waktu malam keluar berniaga
Menghibur semua di taman
Beronggeng –ronggeng ka TUA SE KAI
We are the residents of Malaya
Malay, Indian, and Chinese
During the day [we] do housework
At night [we] go out to conduct business

Entertaining everyone in the park
[Dancing] ronggeng at the Great World Park.
Mari KUA KOTA [Come Let’s See the KOTAI)
1957 WA LANG (kami semua) Merdeka
Kami hidup berbilang bangsa
Sama-sama KEONG HEE (congratulate) sama-sama HUA HEE (celebrate)
YIAO KIN LAI KUA KOTAI! (penting datang tengok kotai)
1957 we all received our Independence
We lived as a multiethnic nation
We congratulated each other, we celebrated [Independence] together
[It is] important to come and see the Kotai!
In Ronggeng Merdeka, the ronggeng dancers of di erent ethnic backgrounds relate stories about their
common experiences and hardships during the Japanese Occupation, stories that are not emphasized
enough in the history textbooks. They empathize with one another’s su erings. For example, in the chant
Jepun Mari [The Japanese are Coming], the ronggeng girls declare:
Kapal terbang atas langit

dilepas bom-bom dari langit
Jepun datang, Jepun datang
Cepat! Cepat, melari diri!!!
Hari 12 bulan dua belas

2 ribu orang diletup mati
Hari 10 bulan dua belas
Tarikh bermulanya hidup yang pahit!!!
Aeroplanes in the sky

[They] drop bombs from the sky
The Japanese are coming
p. 249 Quickly! Quickly run!!!
On the 12th of December

Two thousand people were bombed dead
On the 10th of December
That was the day when [our] bitter lives began!!!
The ronggeng girls remember that food was scarce for everyone in the chant, The Big March:
Jajahan Asia untuk orang Asia!!

Waktu Jepun susah cari makan
Satu ubi untuk satu keluarga
Tiga kupang tukar satu kad
Colonizing Asia for the people of Asia

During the Japanese Occupation, food was scarce
One piece of tapioca for each family
Thirty cents in exchange for a food card
In particular, the women su ered during the Japanese Occupation; they had to colour their faces black with
charcoal, wear men’s clothes, and hide in the house so that the Japanese soldiers did not take them away.

The ronggeng girls sing about how their husbands were forced to work in the Japanese camps; those who
disobeyed the Japanese soldiers had their heads chopped o .
Jajahan Asia untuk orang Asia

Waktu Jepun, keluarga berpecah
Anak lelaki takut ditahan
Anak perempuan perlu dijaga
Colonizing Asia for the people of Asia
During the Japanese Occupation, families were split
Sons were afraid to be captured
Daughters had to be taken care of.
Similarly, Kotai Penang highlights the common hardships faced by all the diverse races during the Hartal or
peaceful strikes that occurred in Penang on 24 November 1967. Following Mahatma Gandhi’s anti-British
general strikes, the Hartal saw the shutdown of businesses, schools, o ces, and courts of law in Penang. As
they protested against the devaluation of the Straits dollar and the rising cost of living, the people of Penang
stopped work and closed all shops, local markets, petrol stations, and schools. In Kotai Penang, the
performers of all races chant the following questions:
Duit lama turun nilai?

Duit baru pula tak cukup?
Siapakah yang merintah?
Siapa yang jadi mangsa?
p. 250 Adakah suara kami didengar?
The value of the old money has gone down?

The new money is not enough [for spending]?
Who is ruling us?
Who is the victim?
Is anyone listening to our voices?
At the end of Kotai Penang, the performers pose questions about the future of George Town, the UNESCO
World Heritage city, as communities who have lived there for generations have been forced to relocate
because they cannot a ord the high rentals after the repeal of the Rent Control Act in 2000. Cafes, shops
that sell souvenirs, and boutique hotels have since replaced old businesses and trades.
More importantly, both Ronggeng Merdeka and Kotai Penang recapture the mixing and hybridity in the
interethnic relationships and cultures of Penang, which are not adequately underscored in our history books
and dominant narratives of nationhood. The two musicals are open to the communities’ multifarious ways
of communication, experimenting with diverse performative forms, styles, languages, and costumes. They
emphasize the intertextuality of cultures in the daily lives of the communities and cultural encounters in the
amusement parks, street festivals, and other public spaces in the city. In particular, the various dialogues
between performers remind us of the typical cross-linguistic encounters at the market place or co ee shops
as performers alternate and mix languages easily using Malay, English, Hokkien, Mandarin, Cantonese, and
other Chinese dialects. In the kopi tiam (co ee shop), for instance, the performers switch from Malay to
English and then to Hokkien and Mandarin, as this is the actual way that ordinary local people communicate
with each other. The performers also refer to the various types of hawker food enjoyed by all races in
di erent languages (such as char kway teow/fried noodles, curry mee/curry noodles, and nasi kandar/rice
served with local Indian Muslim dishes) and drinks (barley peng/cold barley, kopi kau/thick co ee, ice
bandung/a type of local sherbet, etc.) found in the co ee shops in the city. Furthermore, the young artistes
traverse linguistic borders as they often translate lines of chants, song texts, dialogues, and jokes from one

language to another. The song Mari Kua Kotai shown earlier is a case in point; the singers use Malay and
Hokkien interchangeably as they call the audiences of di erent races to see their shows. The strategy of
crossing boundaries makes the play accessible to all of the ethnic groups in the audience, as they can
understand the languages and identify with the scenarios in their daily lives.
In addition, the two plays juxtapose cultural elements that incorporate Malay, Chinese, and Indian
references through movement, sound, and costumes. Ronggeng Merdeka combines the ronggeng ensemble
(comprising the Malay rebana, gong, and western violin) with gamelan instruments, wayang kulit drums,
and the Chinese erhu (two-stringed spiked ddle), ute, and lion dance drums. The ronggeng girls wear
Malay, Chinese, and European clothes; they dance to the eclectic tunes and rhythms of the joget, inang, cha-
cha-cha, and rumba dances as they entertain the men in the amusement parks. Similarly, Kotai Penang
p. 251 employs the electric guitar and keyboard used in the kotai performances, as well as Malay drums, Indian
tabla, and Chinese drum. The musicians of Ronggeng Merdeka adapt Chinese, Indian, English, and Malay
popular melodies from the eclectic ronggeng repertoire, including the Thai folk song Loy Kratong. In Kotai
Penang, they sing popular songs by local Penang singers, such as Jimmy Boyle, P Ramlee, Ah Gu, and the BM
Boys, with new lyrics added. Inspiration for both performances also comes from the extra turns or
interludes of bangsawan theatre (Tan, 1993), a popular type of Malay syncretic theatre where the cha-cha-
cha, rumba, inang, zapin, and other dances and music are rendered. Moreover, many of the dialogues in the
two plays are chanted using the Malay pantun (verse form) or the Chinese street storytelling styles of
Penang. For example, Kotai Penang showcases the late storyteller Tan Tong Tong, who used to walk the
streets of Penang playing his moon guitar and singing the fortunes of his clients using soothsaying sticks.
He employed the Penang Hokkien dialect and Malay to tell the audience about his life and work.
Figure 13.2
Ronggeng performers wearing multi-ethnic costumes (Photograph by S. B. Tan).
Ronggeng performers wearing multi-ethnic costumes (Photograph by S. B. Tan).
Furthermore, the community audiences are provoked to interrogate the politics of ethnic polarization
through intercultural mixing in the lives of the characters, music, dance, and dialogues on stage (Figure
13.2). When the performers ask the following questions about the making of an Independent multicultural
nation in the kotai song Kami Penghuni Malaya [We are the Inhabitants of Malaya], the audiences nod in
agreement and clap:
p. 252 Kami penghuni Malaya

Kita sibuk cari duit, dia orang sibuk main politik
Melayu, India dan Cina
We have already lived in harmony, where are the divisions?
Orang putih bijak menjajah, pecah belah demi perintah

Bukankah orang kita sudah pandai menjajah, kenapa masih ada banyak parti lagi ya?
Kami sudah sepakat, macam mana dengan kamu?
We are the residents of Malaya

We are busy making a living, they [the politicians] are busy playing politics
Malay, Indian, and Chinese
We have already lived in harmony, where are the divisions?
The British are good at divide and rule

Why do we need so many [ethnically based] political parties?

We already live in harmony, what about you?
These performances stress the importance of providing opportunities for people, especially the young, to
experience perspectives and cultures that are di erent from their own and to allow diverse and
marginalized voices to interrelate. The constructions of di erent kinds of mixing lead to a capacity for
recreating ideas about the Self and Others. An exploration of the lived experiences, cultural heritage, and
traditions of the various characters in the plays that they create helps to sensitize young people to the
diverse historical realities that have shaped the nation’s cultures.
By encouraging the multiple expressions of Malaysian culture, the performers underline that all creative
forms and languages are equally valid. The cultural juxtapositions on stage show that intercultural
experiences are embedded in the everyday lives of the diverse communities. By embodying Malaysian
culture and music beyond the prescribed essentialist ethnicity or o cial histories sanctioned by the State,
the young performers start to grasp the idea of di erence. The plays, dialogues, and song texts that they
create disassemble stereotypes that each ethnic group is linguistically and culturally monolithic, and that
one’s identity is xed and unchanging.
The dialogical process for building interethnic peace
Intercultural dialogue
The process of learning, training, and composition in the two musical theatre projects includes a rich
mixture of participatory, experiential, and analytical approaches inspired by the Brazilian educator Paolo
p. 253 Freire’s critical pedagogy. Freire criticizes the ‘banking concept of education’, in which the student is
seen as an empty container to be loaded by the teacher; he emphasizes that this leads to the control of the
minds and creativity of the students. For Freire, the process of dialogue is vital in education; educators and
learners should be encouraged to have conversations and exchange ideas with one another. Dialogue is a
collaborative activity that can activate communities to struggle for social justice and transform their own
societies. Through dialogue, students become ‘conscientized’ and gain the means to challenge dominant
7
national narratives (Freire, 1970).
How do we promote musical and cultural dialogue between and among the artists, traditional practitioners,
communities, and young people that we work with in Penang? The dialogic approach is not about providing
solutions or telling participants what to do, but to initiate group discussion about social relationships and
sources of con ict, and exchange ideas about social and cultural change. In order to create these mixed
media and multilingual works, I collaborate and work with a wide range of artists, composers, musicians,
dancers, and actors who may come from diverse disciplines but share a common concern for inclusivity. We
then establish partnerships with the multiethnic stakeholders, communities, traditional artists, university
students, and school teachers who play di erent roles in the projects, such as providing spaces and funding
for our workshops and materials for the storyline, and acting as facilitators, artists, trainers, designers, or
production crew. Young participants of di erent ages, cultures, religions, class backgrounds, and abilities in
music are recruited.
Equally important is the creation of a safe space for intercultural dialogue, skill training, research, and
assessments to take place; this a working space that allows for free and open participation, communication,
play, and creative expressions for all participants. In the case of Ronggeng Merdeka and Kotai Penang,
workshops and group activities are held in the environment where the materials are gathered; the young
people are taken out of their schools where educational and cultural policies predominate so that they can
devise scripts and song texts unreservedly. Situating cultural workshops in the lived environment of the

communities has opened up alternatives to approach the practice of border-crossing.
The artists and musicians act as facilitators; we explore methods that can enhance creativity, expression,
and conversation among the participants. We begin all workshops with icebreaker games; through play the
diverse participants get to know and interact with one another at the same level across race, religion, and
gender. During the game sessions, the participants improvise and negotiate with one another as they
compete in mixed groups; they laugh over their mistakes and let go of themselves. Consequently, they
become more open and comfortable to share honestly and begin to trust one another. These qualities are
important for building relationships and peace.
As most children do not have formal musical training, they are then provided with tools to create their own
music, songs, and texts. In Ronggeng Merdeka and Kotai Penang, we rst explore the basic elements of
rhythm, tempo, pitch, melody, and tone colour using every day found objects (such as pots, tins, bottles,
p. 254 and plastic bags), voice and body percussion, as well as group improvisations using these materials. The
participants are taken on eld excursions in the city to collect sounds, dialogues, and movements from the
multicultural environment, which they use to generate their own small compositions. Known as ‘Music of
Sound’, this method of creating music from the soundscapes of the environment using everyday objects,
voice, and body parts has been successfully introduced to school music programmes through the teachers
8
who have participated in the workshops. The methodology is popular among young people as it shows that
anyone can make music including those who cannot a ord to buy musical instruments or pay private
9
teachers for individual music lessons. More importantly, the young people have conversations with one
another and learn to cooperate through small group compositions; they cross boundaries when they begin
to observe the movements and listen to the sounds in the multiethnic environment.
As part of the dialogical process, we encourage the participants to learn the diverse traditional and
contemporary musical traditions with master artists, and exchange chanting and storytelling genres among
themselves. In Kotai Penang and Ronggeng Merdeka, they experiment with the di erent methods of creating
lyrics to the melodies of diverse types of oral forms of quatrain verse singing, such as the Malay boria, dikir
barat, pantun, Peranakan dondang sayang, or Chinese storytelling. They acquire skills in playing the Malay
wayang kulit (shadow play) and gamelan instruments, Chinese festive or lion dance drums, Indian tabla, and
thavil drums, as well as other traditional instruments; they study the joget, inang, boria, lion, and other
modern dances (see Matusky & Tan, 2017 for analysis of the forms). The performances are also inspired by
the bangsawan extra turns, where dancers and singers entertain audiences when sets are being changed. The
skill-learning process allows both artists and performers to be active participants in a dialogue for music-
making, and to value one another’s culture within particular historical contexts. By learning di erent forms
of music and singing, the young participants inevitably cross cultural borders and learn about the Other.
In addition, to enhance cultural dialogue, we have adapted participatory methodologies, particularly in

bottom-up collaborative decision-making in the creation of the script, musical texts, and musical pieces, as
well as in experiential learning and analysis of issues pertaining to the themes of the speci c performances
(Chambers, 1997; Tan, 2015). Involving participants in the activities and contribution of ideas, not only
encourages them to re ect and interact more, but also leads to a sense of ownership over the content.
Participation is also a way to show that everyone has valid ideas and can learn from one another. To
facilitate dialogue, we encourage all languages of communication that the participants are familiar with.
Experiential learning through heritage walks and eld research among the communities helps the
performers to examine and re ect on the con icts, tensions, and ambiguities in Malaysian society, and to
question what is assumed to be normative or marginal. Through oral interviews with the community
members and listening to talks by established researchers, the participants nd out for themselves the
history of migration and the mixing of cultures at the ground level; they discover the spaces where
intercultural interactions take place, such as the amusement parks, co ee shops, and market places. They

p. 255 also learn about other musical cultures, particularly when they collect folksongs, children’s chants,
games, and dance movements from the communities to be used in the plays. They realize that common
people of di erent races naturally practice the spirit of goodwill and help each other, especially in times of
hardships.
Following the research activities, the participants are broken into smaller groups; each group creates its
own map about the places, histories, cultures, religions, identities, and trades of the communities they
observed. Cultural mapping provides the basis for the stories and musical texts, and an understanding of the
social relationships between the communities from the participants’ collective knowledge. By crossing their
own ethnic boundaries in the process of research, data collection, participant observation, and cultural
mapping, the participants are exposed to the traditions, customs, and histories of other ethnic groups,
including those that have been marginalized.
The participants are then stimulated to devise their own stories, music, or dance, and collectively create a
nal script. Conversations and interactions are encouraged as the participants work in small groups to
improvise song texts, music, and stories based on their research materials; each group presents its short
improvisations to the other groups for further discussion. When the participants experience something
directly through the participatory activities, it allows them to re ect, and develop perspectives that they
may not have been conscious of before. Working together intensively, and communicating with one
another, also promotes friendships across race, religion, gender, and class.
Furthermore, the young people engage in dialogical interaction with the community audiences, including
the people they interviewed during the performances. The children and teenagers in the audience actively
participate by clapping and moving to the music, some even going on stage to dance with the performers
when invited; they learn about aspects of people’s history and cultural interaction that are not taught in
their schools. The older section of the audience, including the parents and grandparents of the children
themselves, sing along as they recall the songs that were popular in the past. The performances represent a
powerful form for communicating issues that concern the older audiences; they move their heads and clap
in agreement to statements made by the young performers. Many have teary eyes as the community musical
theatre reminds them of their bitter experiences during the Japanese Occupation or Hartal; they are touched
by the personal aspects of their lives such as deaths of family members, and happy or sad moments that are
played back through acting, music, and dance.
Evaluation and capacity-building
Constructive feedback through group evaluations and self-re ective appraisals are critical in the dialogical
approach, so that facilitators are able to see if their objectives are being met, and adapt their strategies
accordingly. Before the whole workshop begins, the participants answer a written questionnaire about their
p. 256 cultural backgrounds, musical skills, knowledge about the history, and culture of their own ethnic groups
as well as other communities of Penang, and their expectations of the workshop. At the end of each practice
session and performance, focus group discussions are held where participants express how they feel
regarding the activities and organization of the sessions; they evaluate and critique the interactive

exercises, research materials gathered, skill-training sections, and the process of creating the stories and
music for performance. At the end of the whole workshop and performance, the participants ll in another
questionnaire with the same questions as in the rst one; this helps the facilitators to see how each
participant has progressed or changed.
During the evaluations of both Ronggeng Merdeka and Kotai Penang, participants declared that the
interactions and conversations promoted in the workshop activities helped them to be more ‘self-
con dent’ and aware of their own abilities to question the norm; these qualities are essential for agency.
They emphasized that they learned about the ‘customs’, ‘beliefs’, ‘music’, ‘traditions’, and ‘food’ of other
races during the workshops, and that this knowledge had helped them to understand other cultures better.
They were also able to observe the di erent communities during the heritage walks; for many, this was a
new experience. For instance, a 15-year-old Malay girl from a Malay language school, expressed the
following:
I discovered the cultures of the Chinese and the Indians as I was walking and observing their daily
activities along the streets of Penang. I could see how they work at their shops, interact in the
co ee shops or pray at their respective temples or mosques. I could talk to the uncles and aunties
in the shops.
Another 14-year-old Chinese participant from a Chinese language school said that she was exposed to ‘how
other ethnic groups speak and their movements by observing them during eldwork. I have also never
entered a mosque before and I learnt how Muslims pray’.
The participants added that they could communicate with Others by making music together and interacting
intensively in the workshops. They pointed out that the collaborative working style encouraged them to
‘exchange ideas with one another in order to create the music, scripts, and song texts’; they ‘learned to
listen to other people’s ideas’; and that ‘group work inspired creativity and understanding’. The
participants expressed that the workshops gave them the ‘opportunity to interact with people of di erent
backgrounds’. Another 15-year-old Chinese participant declared as follows:
For the rst time, I am able to mix with Malays and Indians. In the Chinese school that I go to, I
only mix with Chinese people. Through this workshop, I made new friends who have similar
interests.
The workshop and performances have helped to generate bonds across gender, ethnic, and social
backgrounds.
The performers were of the opinion that the whole process of making musical theatre ‘changed their
p. 257 thinking about other races’ and their perceptions about Others. A 16-year-old Indian girl stressed that
‘interaction with others opened my mind. I learnt the music of other races that I never knew before’. A 17-
year-old Malay boy said this:
I interacted with people of di erent ethnic backgrounds and religions with more con dence; my
perceptions regarding the other races changed; this is because I did not know their cultures prior to
the workshop. After I learnt about their cultures, I am able to respect them more.
The young participants further stressed that the workshop space was one where they could share musical
experiences and interact with one another freely; they could be creative and produce music from ‘sounds of
the environment’ using everyday objects. Even though they returned to their homes, schools, and daily
routines after the workshop, they continued to stay connected with their newfound friends through social
media; they often went out together and visited each other’s homes during festive occasions. Many have

continued to join other similar workshops where they have gradually been given the tasks of facilitating by
leading the smaller group activities. In this way, the workshop team has been able to build capacities for
long-term peace-building. As a consequence of imaginative openness and attention to intercultural mixing
and contextually grounded histories, the young participants have become active agents in peace-building.
Conclusion
I have attempted to show that community musical theatre activities can promote cross-cultural interaction
and dialogue that are imperative in peace-building (see Table 13.1); the activities provide avenues for young
performers and audiences to examine the complexities inherent in the multiethnic cultures of Malaysia, and
to interrogate the constructions of race and representations of identity. Interethnic cultural interaction
takes place as the participants, artists, and facilitators from di erent ethnic, religious, and class
backgrounds relate intensively with each other during the process of devising scripts, dialogues, song texts,
and music. Through the praxis of participatory research, the young performers learn about each other’s
history, religion, and culture; through intensive interaction and collaboration during the workshop and
performances, they mix with others of di erent backgrounds, dispelling mistrust for the Other. The practice
of making musical theatre also involves the diverse communities themselves as the script, music, song
texts, and movements are based on the stories of their lives, histories, traditions, and soundscapes. During
the performances, the young participants ‘give back’ to, and bring together, the multiethnic communities
that they have interviewed and collected materials from.
As they blur the boundaries of race by blending languages, song styles, instruments, or movements, and
represent themselves in ambiguous ways in the musical productions, the performers begin to appreciate
p. 258 that intercultural mixing takes place on the
p. 259
ground, and they discover that essentialist racial identities have been constructed in dominant national
narratives. In this way, community musical theatre promotes understanding, among the performers and
audiences, and that di erence is central to being Malaysian; that identity changes according to the
historical and social contexts; and that multiplicity is inherent in all aspects of Malaysian life. The
participants interrogate negative stereotypes of race and culture, in a way that is critical for peace-building.
Table 13.1 The dialogic process and collaborative work in musical theatre for peace-building
Programmes Activities Pedagogy
Dialogue with Working out roles of facilitators, themes, Crossing borders and bottom-up collective discussion about
artists and methods, and safe space for workshops planning, organization, methods, and spaces
stakeholders and performances; recruitment of
participants from schools and the
community
Ice-breakers Getting-to-know-you games Crossing borders: participants get to know one another and

begin to trust one another through play
Heritage Mapping of contexts, histories, religions, Experiential learning and reflection; developing collective
walks and and trades of the diverse communities interpretations and exchange of knowledge about the di erent
talks ethnic communities
Skill-building ʻMusic of Soundʼ activities, small group Group work and observation of community activities: making
improvisations music with everyday objects, voice, and body parts, based on
sounds, dialogues, and movements collected from the
environment
Learning traditional music, theatre, and Group work and crossing borders: learning diverse multiethnic
dance from traditional artists traditions to be used in the plays, showing that all genres are
equally valid
Community Oral interviews and collection of Experiential learning, developing new perspectives about the
research personal stories about events that have history of migration, observation of problems, and
occurred, personal experiences and understanding the complexities of interethnic identities and
histories from the communities; relationships
collecting local songs and chants
Devising Brainstorming and devising story line, Group work and crossing borders: collective participation and
story and dialogues, song texts, music, and dance intensive interaction in the process, contributing ideas through
musical movements in small groups dialogue to develop the script and musical compositions;
composition; engaging participants to incorporate traditions and cultures
group from diverse ethnic groups
dialogues
Scripting and Creation of storyboard, putting together Group work and crossing borders: intensive interaction and
rehearsals the play with music, dance, and theatre dialogue to prepare for performance; empowering participants
elements to engage in cross-cultural activities
Community Performances at community sites (open Group work and crossing borders: bringing diverse communities
performances to all) and participants together to celebrate and engage in diversity,
intercultural mixing, and sharing of similar concerns and
histories
Facilitator Participants who have taken part in Capacity-building for future peace
training previous workshops are given the
opportunity to lead small group
activities
Evaluations Group assessments and individual Continuous assessment of the dialogic methods and activities
appraisals regarding programmes, for peace-building
dialogic methods, and experiences in
intercultural mixing
Moreover, the open-air performance spaces allow for wider inclusivity. The community musical theatre
space is a site for various types of border-crossings and cross-cultural exchanges and dialogues: a cast and
audience of all age groups and races; conversations and lyrics of songs that are avored with Malay,
Hokkien, Cantonese, and English words; and mixed musical ensembles and repertoire from the ronggeng
and kotai genres. This is also a space where performers and audiences of di erent races can come together
and share their common concerns, experiences, histories, and traditions, and celebrate their commonalities
and di erences. By recreating the traditional forms of music, dance, and instrumentation belonging to
particular ethnic groups, and giving them a contemporary trans-ethnic association, I also demonstrate that
Malaysian identities can be recreated yet maintain their cultural speci cities.
Hence, musical theatre performances can play important roles in the reconstruction of social relationships
and communities. The intimate interactions between musicians, dancers, mixed media artists, and the

community audiences can be experienced as a feeling of unifying communities that Turner (1982) de nes as
p. 260 a liminal state in which all members of a community share a common experience. Site-speci c
performances that are taken out of theatre spaces and based on the environment, concerns, histories, and
traditions of its diverse inhabitants can serve as healing rites for the communities and other audiences; they
have the potential to reconcile the racial fractures in the communities.
For the performers themselves, having contributed to the research and the making of the stories,
movements, and music, they develop a sense of a nity to the problems of the communities, show empathy
for the common issues a ecting the diverse ethnic groups, and express respect for ‘Otherness’, which are
critical to social cohesion. They gain ownership of, and internalize, the reconstructed traditions that include
the multiple performative texts and interpretations of culture, which provide a counter-discourse to the
state-sanctioned monolithic identities devoid of connections. In this way, community musical theatre can
play a signi cant role in reclaiming the multiethnic histories of Malaysians, reimagining the alternative
spaces where the diverse Malaysians are interconnected, and so create sustainable peace.
Reflective questions
(1) How can music, movements, and acting promote peaceful coexistence among estranged groups?
(2) What are the dialogic approaches that can be employed in community music and theatre that can
enhance conversations and interactions among diverse ethnic groups?
(3) How can crossing borders and participatory research help in peace-building?
(4) How does one create a safe space for interaction, play, and creative work among people of di erent
races and religions?
Key Sources
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Jordanger, V. (2008). Healing cultural violence: “Collective vulnerability” through guided imagery with music. In O. Urbaine (Ed.),
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Notes
1. The West-Eastern Divan Orchestra that was started by Daniel Barenboim and Edward Said in 1999 is a case in point. As
they rehearse, cooperate, and perform together in the orchestra, young musicians from Israel, Palestine, and other Arab
countries experience commonalities and equality that are absent politically (Barenboim, 2008).
2. I have written about the methodologies used by some of the theatre for development groups in Thailand, Philippines, and
Indonesia in Tan (2009, 2015). For more information about the Makhampom Theatre Group and links with other Asian
theatre networks, see the Facebook: Makhampom International Network
3. Ronggeng is a type of social-dance music that is popular among the Malays and the Peranakan Chinese (who have
adapted to Malay culture) in Malaysia. It is a syncretic form that incorporates Malay, Chinese, Thai, and other music and
dance. See Tan (2005) for an analysis of the music accompanying the Ronggeng dance and the transformations that have
occurred following the implementation of the National Culture Policy.
4. Kotai features popular songs sung by male and female artists during Chinese temple festivities and other Chinese festivals
in Malaysia. The artists sing and dance on makeshi stages built in open spaces, such as fields and streets near the
temples where celebrations are being held. In the 1970s and 1980s, short sketches were also presented. An analysis of the
stories performed can be found in Tan (1984).
5. Recent performance projects by Ombak-Ombak ARTStudio include River of Light (2011), Ceritera Lebuh Carnavon
(Carnavon Street Story [2011]), George Town Heboh—Streets Alive (2012), and Wayang Time! (Puppet Theatre Time!
[2015]). These musical theatre projects have investigated alternative peopleʼs histories of Penang that are not found in
school history textbooks, the gentrification of heritage buildings and markets, environmental issues, and other problems
in the heritage city of George Town, the capital of Penang. The issues raised have stimulated other community
interventions.
6. These amusement parks were popular in the first half of the twentieth century; one had to pay a few cents to enter the
park. The parks were set up in the main towns during the British colonial era and attracted participation from all races.
They were closed down in the 1960s, as they could not compete with the new forms of popular entertainment that
emerged, such as television, film, and video.
7. Collaborative projects motivated by Freireʼs (1970) ʻdialogic researchʼ have been conducted in many countries of the South
for di erent purposes. For example, Samuel Araujo and the students from the Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro
Ethnomusicology Lab have collaborated with the youths of the Grupo Musicultura, an NGO created by the residents of
Mare (a slum area in Rio de Janeiro, which has problems of violence, drug tra icking, and unemployment). One of the
aims of the project was to document the sounds and music of Mare and their meanings. They planned, identified issues,
and researched themes together. The process of research and creation of a local music resource centre led to self-esteem
p. 262 among the youths involved, and new knowledge in music and other related performing arts in the area. (Araujo and

members of the Grupo Musicultura, 2006; Araujo with Grupo Musicultura, 2010).
8. I have produced a video that introduces the ʻMusic of Soundʼ approach to creating music from the environment using
everyday objects, voice, and body parts. The video describes the step-by-step method of making music with sounds and
objects from the environment and the combination of traditional genres, movements, and themes to produce small
theatrical pieces. For further information, see Tan (2008b).
9. Malaysia is known as one of the countries that has a large number of students who take the music examinations run by the
Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music (ABRSM, London) and the Trinity College (London) annually. This is a
legacy of British colonialism. Higher and middle-income parents strive to send their children to take Western classical
instrumental (particularly piano or violin) lessons, as Western instruments are status symbols in society. To many, it is
more prestigious to be part of a Western orchestra than a traditional ensemble. This is one of the reasons why young
people do not know much about their own musical cultures and why traditional forms of music in the country have been
declining.
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