Human Arenas

https://doi.org/10.1007/s42087-021-00228-9

ARENA OF TECHNOLOGIES

Child Sexual Abuse and the Internet—A Systematic Review

Sana Ali1 · Hiba Abou Haykal2 · Enaam Youssef Mohammed Youssef3

Received: 4 February 2021 / Revised: 6 April 2021 / Accepted: 11 May 2021

© The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021

Abstract
Child sexual abuse is a growing social concern. Today, online communication chiefly facil-
itates access to vulnerable children and increases cases of child sexual abuse. The cur-
rent article also aims to highlight digital platforms’ role in prevailing online child sexual
abuse worldwide. The researchers conducted a Systematic Review of existing literature and
selected a sample of n = 42 articles witnessing the Internet’s role in facilitating child sexual
abuse. The cited literature indicated that online child sexual abuse widely involves child
pornography for commercial and non-commercial purposes. Several online platforms pro-
vide scheduled online child sexual abuse sessions that are mostly unidentifiable for law
enforcement agencies. Similarly, for non-commercial purposes, predators use different
strategies and fulfill their objectives. These predators not only entice children, but also con-
tinue extorting the victims. Although the online child sexual abuse method may vary from
person to person, the purpose is the same for all. In this regard, the current study gives
practical recommendations to mitigate online child sexual exploitation in a better possible
manner. Especially in developing countries, counteracting against online child sexual abuse
to alleviate the deliberate online exploitation can remarkably decrease children’s rights
violation.

Keywords Child sexual abuse · Child pornography · Online grooming · Sexual extortion ·
UNICEF · UNCHR

Introduction

Child abuse has always been a highly considerable topic for children’s rights activists and poli-
cymakers. Reports on infanticide; mutilation; physical, emotional, and sexual abuse; and other
forms of violence against children can be traced back to ancient civilization (WHO, 2002).

* Sana Ali
sana_leo1990@hotmail.com
Hiba Abou Haykal
hiba.haykal@gmail.com
Enaam Youssef Mohammed Youssef
e.youssef@ajman.ac.ae
1
Allama Iqbal Open University Islamabad, Islamabad, Pakistan
2
Université Saint- Joseph de Beyrouth, Beirut, Lebanon
3
Ajman University, Ajman UAE, Ain Shams University, Cairo, Egypt

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 Ali et al.

Mainly, child sexual abuse is a rapidly growing phenomenon today. According to Finkelhor
et al. (2014), in 1999, more than 285,400 children were the victims of sexual abuse, and 35,000
children faced other types of sexual assaults. More than 55% of female children experienced
sexual penetration, and most of the victims (89%) were females aged between 12 and 17 years.
Globally, the majority of children face sexual abuse as every 1 in 6 boys and 1 in every four
girls face sexual abuse during childhood (YWCA.org, 2017). The child’s family member per-
petuates more than 92% of sexual abuse, and in such cases, incestuous abuse remains unre-
ported (CDC, 2020). As noted by UNICEF (2020a), 121 million children worldwide per-
form forced sexual acts during their childhood; however, the actual ratio is much higher. For
instance, out of 1000 child sexual assaults in the USA, only 310 victims report to police. Later
due to insufficient evidence or reconciliation, more than 900 perpetrators walk free as perpe-
trators of child sexual abuse are less likely to go to jail than the other criminals (RAIN, 2020).
The primary reasons behind unreported sexual abuse involve confusion, fear of retaliation,
guilt, shame, lack of confidence, and other socio-cultural pressure (UNICEF, 2017). As a
result, the public remains unaware of the severity of the problem and neglects ongoing child
sexual exploitation (Darkness to Light, 2015). It is also notable that jurisdictions worldwide
criminalized child sexual abuse, and executed effective policies against these incidents; states
are unable to cope with the growing number of relevant cases (Acosta, 2019). Consequently,
Perry and DiLillo (2007) highlighted gender, age, and any mental or physical disability as the
most prominent factors increasing the susceptibility of children. It is noted that children from
6 to 11 years are comparatively more vulnerable to sexual abuse, and girls are three times
more likely to face sexual abuse, even leading to several physical injuries as well. Likewise,
Africans Unite Against Child Abuse considers child sexual abuse due to the rapid increase in
population and an unstable legal system worldwide (AFRUCA, 2013). However, when it is
specifically about child sexual abuse, the dynamics vary from other types of child rights viola-
tions (World Health Organization, 2012). As noted by Ali (2019), previous studies describe
three primary dynamics of child sexual abuse: (i) social factors, (ii) psychological factors, and
(iii) economic factors. Many studies showed that child sexual abuse vulnerability increases if a
child belongs to a low socioeconomic status, absence of biological parents, or substance abuse
by parents. Similarly, in developing regions, child marriages also make children more prone to
sexual abuse (Singh et al., 2014). Another example can be cited from historical factors, such
as practices back in ancient times when civilizations such as Greek, Samurais, and Romans
used to practice child sexual abuse as a part of cultural norms and rituals. These civilizations
believed that the sexual relationship between a child and a man is both physically and socially
healthy for both involved parties (Ali, 2019).
However, in the current era, access to the Internet and social media has modified child
sexual abuse. The online availability of child pornographic content and ease of access to
vulnerable children are significant concerns attributed to digital media technology (National
Sexual Violence Resource Center, 2011). Today, the Internet is a hub of online sexual
abuse activities. It provides interactive opportunities for child molesters to fulfill their erotic
needs, sexually exploit vulnerable children, and unite to validate child exploitation (Kloess
et al., 2014). Regarding online child sexual abuse, the Internet contains two types of offend-
ers: (i) people who create, sell, and share child sexual abuse-based content, and (ii) individu-
als who purchase this content or search for vulnerable children to abuse them online (Mitchell
et al., 2011). According to Stanley (2001a, b), as the Internet provides fast and direct access,
it facilitates the “solicitation” of children and their sexual abuse. Offenders remain anony-
mous; it is easy for them to target vulnerable children manipulate them. This online sexual
exploitation is an explicit violation of human rights in general and children’s human rights.
As a result, being anonymous, rarely child sex offenders get arrested and punished for their

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Child Sexual Abuse & the Internet

offense (UNICEF, 2016). Consequently, Criminal Justice Record shows increased online
child sexual abuse activities worldwide. It is valid to claim that online technology-facilitated
systems have also increased the ratio of child sexual exploitation leading to adverse outcomes
(ECPAT International, 2018). As noted by UNODC (2015), online sexual abuse comprises
two prominent parts: (i) they can be exposed to inappropriate, harmful material, i.e., child
pornography, hardcore adult pornography, and pseudo graphical content, and (ii) the child
can come into direct contact with the sexual predator and fall prey. The Internet can dis-
seminate child pornography and advanced opportunities for predators for accessing children
through online platforms. Here we do not accuse information technology of creating these
crimes. Yet, information and communication technology (ICT) has advanced the scale and
potential of child sexual abuse in general (UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre, 2011).
Notably, there is a potential gap in the existing literature to highlight online child sex-
ual abuse in a wider context. More specifically, several studies are addressing online child
sexual abuse in a single dimension; no study highlighted online sexual abuse in different
dimensions (online grooming, pornography, sextortion). Likewise, a survey conducted by
EU Kids Online also revealed that the internet is now an integral part of daily life activi-
ties. Today, more than 60.0% of children go online every day with a diversified usage, with
59.0% of them having personal social media profiles, out of which 26.0% are public that
increases their vulnerability towards different types of online exploitation (Jeney, 2013).
More recently, a report presented by Lauren’s Kids (2020) also revealed that approximately
90.0% of children, both male and female, confront child sexual abuse, and 8.0% of vic-
tims are under 8 years old (UNICEF, 2020). Under these circumstances, it is important
to highlight the role of online platforms in facilitating child sexual abuse. For this pur-
pose, the current article highlights the potential correlation between the Internet and child
sexual abuse. The researchers discussed online child sexual abuse by using the systematic
review approach. As noted by Ali (2020a, b), literature review studies provide an in-depth
understanding of the relevant topic and more ideas about the other aspects of the studied
phenomenon. In this regard, the current article addressed the following research questions:

R1: Is there any potential relationship between child sexual abuse and online media?
R2: Is there any potential relationship between the Internet and child pornography?
R3: Which techniques does an online predator use to groom his/her victim?
R4: What is sexual extortion or sextortion?

The current article is structured as follows: in “Introduction”, the researchers described

child sexual abuse and its relationship with online technology. In “Methodology”, the
researchers discussed the literature witnessing the correlation between child sexual abuse
and social media in terms of online child sexual abuse, pornography, grooming, and sexual
extortion. In “Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria”, the researchers mentioned the selection
criteria of cited literature, and in “Discussion and Conclusion”, the researchers discussed
online child sexual abuse and its impacts, and made the conclusions accordingly. Figure 1
presents a graphical representation of the study structure and abstract.

Child Sexual Abuse and Online Media

Enhanced online communication provides easy and direct access to the children. It pri-
marily facilitates opportunities regarding child solicitation and their sexual abuse result-
ing in increased online molestation. Today, a massive number of children are targeted

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 Ali et al.

Fig. 1 Source: this study

for sexual exploitation or exposed to offensive content. Online communication also

enables offenders to access victims easily and remain anonymous through false iden-
tities (Stanley, 2001a, b). In this regard, Mitchell et al. (2005) examined the cases of
acquaintance rapes involving internet usage for abusing minors. The researchers used
the case study method and gathered secondary data from law enforcement agencies.
Results revealed that the number of acquaintance offenders was equal to that of anony-
mous offenders. Acquaintance offenders frequently used online platforms to seduce and
groom the children, disseminate child pornography, and arrange virtual meetings. The
researchers concluded that using the Internet for acquaintance sexual assaults expands
the notion of online child sexual abuse. Although online sexual offenders are challeng-
ing to catch yet, children can be saved by monitoring their internet usage and activities.
According to Martellozzo et al. (2010), the proliferation of internet technology has
increased child sexual abuse cases. Now both male and female offenders are capable of
offending children in a less visible manner. On camera sexual abuse, exposure to pornogra-
phy, sharing inappropriate content, and masturbating during video chats highlight significant
risks as hundreds of children face sexual victimization every day. Online sex offenders use
several techniques to groom children and abuse them in the best possible way. Here Davidson
(2010) argued that social networking sites such as Bebo and MySpace enable their users to
share and access personal information. Every day, millions of online visitors also approach
this information which further facilitated the predators to communicate with the vulnerable
children. In 2010, the MySpace administration identified 29,000 suspected accounts which
were later revealed as regulated by online child predators. Likewise, MySpace also encoun-
tered many anonymous accounts where the online offenders shared and received child porno-
graphic images and videos.
Barber and Bettez (2014) consider online child sexual abuse as an unintended reper-
cussion of web-based technology. A significant consequence of web-based child abuse
is the anonymity of sex offenders which further hinders the efforts to counteract online
predators. These predators mostly resort to fantasy enactment or cyber-exploitation
as primary strategies to groom the children and prepare them for online sexual abuse.
Later, Wittes et al. (2016) investigated the potential relationship between the Internet

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Child Sexual Abuse & the Internet

and child sexual exploitation and systematically searched the online content in America.
Data gathered from the District of Columbia and n = 50 states revealed a higher number
of online sexual exploitation minors (n = 5200). However, the researchers also argued
that these cases do not involve unreported or unidentified cases as “numerous” cases are
still unreported and need attention.
Studies indicated children’s social media usage as positive and constructive. Most
children use online platforms for entertainment, information, and communication pur-
poses. However, these increased online communication opportunities also make them
accessible to predators. Many critics also indicated several risky behaviors that further
improve children’s vulnerability. These risky behaviors mainly involve sharing personal
information such as full name, contact number, and school details; adding unknown
strangers to your Facebook profile; sending personal photos to your social media friends
that you only know online; and others (Livingstone et al., 2017a, b).
Moreover, today a new form of online sexual abuse known as “Virtual Sex Tourism”
is introduced in developing regions such as the Philippines. Ramiro et al. (2019) affirmed
this phenomenon as the researchers investigated it from two communities in Metro
Manila, Philippines. The researchers used the observational method and selected n = 144
individuals as critical sources of information. Findings revealed that most teenage girls
are the victims of online sexual abuse, but boys were also noted. Families forced these
children into online sexual abuse by sharing online sexual chatting, live videos, and por-
nographic images. Moreover, UNICEF says that children’s online sexual abuse is compar-
atively higher in the Philippines compared to other countries. Online child sexual abuse
has become common in the Philippines to the extent that in 2017, out of 10,000, every
149 internet protocol addresses were identified as utilized for child exploitation (Merten,
2020).
According to Nikolovska (2020), despite that many studies witness the prevailing online
child sexual abuse, we still cannot fully identify the patterns of sexual activities against
children. Undoubtedly, it is a complex process and varies from person to person involv-
ing several tactics that are sometimes unidentifiable. The researcher further examined the
online chats between minors and offenders to affirm the relationship between child sexual
abuse, the Internet, and the strategies utilized by online offenders. Findings showed a robust
and significant relationship between online child vulnerability and sexual abuse. Here the
researcher also found only 3 days of online interaction, grooming, and victims’ agreement
to share their private photos resulting in serious concerns for the parents, law enforcement
authorities, and the policymakers. Another study to investigate the relationship between
child sexual abuse and online media was conducted (Quayle, 2020). The researcher used
the case study method and gathered quantitative data from thirteen convicted offenders
involved in online child sexual abuse and sharing pornography. Findings indicated different
discourse patterns, including the Internet’s role in accessing vulnerable children, the part of
internet-based child pornography for sexual arousal, on-camera sexual abuse, and others.
The researcher concluded the Internet’s role as a platform for objectifying the children and
facilitating access to vulnerable children worldwide.

Internet and Child Pornography

According to the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL), performing

sexual offenses against children and restoring them in photos or videos is known as “Child
Pornography.” Collecting child pornography is not by chance. Instead, it is by choice and

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 Ali et al.

a deliberate criminal offense. Although child pornography can be traced back a very long
ago, the rise of internet technology has become a primary medium to perpetuate it further.
Online media serves as a medium for sexually attracted children and secretly organizes
their activities (Quayle & Taylor, 2002). Surprisingly, in most cases, despite identifying the
victims, police remained unable to trace or identify the offenders. This means that offend-
ers are not directly linked with committing the crime; instead, some other forces are work-
ing, and the proofs are unidentifiable (Finkelhor & Ormrod, 2004).
With the increased anonymity of online child pornography providers and possessors,
law agencies need to implement systematic and empirical technological systems to iden-
tify the perpetrators directly. Several studies also highlighted the prevalence of online child
pornography; very few of them addressed adopting new techniques to mitigate the child
pornographic content. Here the role of Information System suppliers, experts, and stake-
holders can be of greater importance (Eneman, 2006). Local law-making agencies continue
to monitor online child pornographic material. An online offender can access the child’s
pornographic material even if they are thousand miles away from the distribution channels.
Those offenders who are unable to physically access their children resort to online child por-
nographic material. That is why most international criminal agencies tend to investigate the
possession of child pornographic content (Wortley & Smallbone, 2006).
According to Lewis et al. (2009), child pornography is also attributed to online audiences’
passivity, especially when they experience immediate exposure to child pornographic advertise-
ments. Besides, in 2003 the United States General Accounting Office also reported that child
pornographic content is widely available and downloaded from peer-to-peer online groups.
Similarly, possessing the non-pornographic images of children is a crime, as mortality and harm
associated with possession of photos are offensive. Here Coroners and Justice Act 2009 does
not differentiate between committing real-life child abuse and looking at the pictures to fantasize
about sexual abuse. Possessing photos on personal devices and fantasizing about sexual acts
with children is equal to exploiting minors in a real-life situation (Ost, 2010). Due to the avail-
ability of child pornography, Smallbone (2012) considers the Internet as a heaven for sending,
receiving, sharing, and posting child pornography. The Internet has also increased the variety
and number of pornographic materials. Today, child pornography is available at any time and
place. Abusers can anonymously access pornography. Moreover, child abuse through the Inter-
net is comparatively inexpensive and provides pornography in several formats such as video,
photo, live streaming, and audio.
Hurley et al. (2013) also investigated the role of online platforms as being the most
prominent mechanism for selling and buying child pornographic content. The researchers
employed a case study method and reviewed the child pornographic content collected by
forensic investigators from Gnutella and eMule. Results revealed that child pornographic
content largely circulated among the peer group members. Peer-to-peer online child por-
nography sharing was more prevalent in these groups as 90% of online group members
shared child pornography repeatedly with each other. To further validate the relationship
between online platforms and child pornography (Dwyer & Seto, 2016) used the case study
method. Data gathered from n = 50 states indicated a total n = 1341 cases with n = 1321
male and n = 21 female children. Likewise, among all the n = 1341 reports, n = 824 or
61.4% of cases were regarding possession of online child pornography.
This concern also highlights the role of pornography distributors using different online
platforms. They work with criminal organizations and avail financial benefits from child
pornography. However, many people might not help any service or link with organizations.
They simply exchange images with other abusers and communities existing virtually on the
internet platforms (Negredo & Herrero, 2016). The distribution of online child pornographic

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Child Sexual Abuse & the Internet

content also involves organized criminal organizations that share and sell child pornography
to generate revenue. In 2012, more than 50,000 individuals were involved in downloading,
sharing, and possessing child pornographic content, leading to several concerns regarding
online child protection (Lovelle et al., 2017).

Online Grooming and Child Abuse

Children who are naive and share their personal information online do not know the conse-
quences of revealing their data. Although platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, Mys-
pace, and others seem user friendly, child sexual predators stay alert to hunt for susceptible chil-
dren (Wolak et al., 2008). In this regard, online grooming is a complicated, hard-to-understand,
and highly manipulative behavior regarding online child sexual abuse. From accessing sexual
exploitation, these techniques vary from person to person. To date, many inquiries and victims
witnessed three stages involving: accessing the child, initiating the abuse and, concealing the
process (Colton et al., 2012). Generally speaking, grooming consists of establishing a routine,
friendly relationship with the child and his guardians. An abuser tends to develop a trust-based
relationship with the child regarding his/her well-being. Similarly, in online grooming, all the
predators entice children through flattery, equalization, and manipulation. Offenders primarily
target emotionally susceptible children as they are easy to attract and entice (Whittle et al., 2013).
To analyze online predators’ online grooming techniques, Pranoto et al. (2015) pro-
posed a methodological model. The researchers used the case study approach and exam-
ined n = 160 online chats suspected of grooming. Findings indicated five prominent groom-
ing techniques utilized by most offenders, such as asking for hot pictures, reframing, telling
about the sexual desires or preferences, asking for other ways to contact, and introducing
the sexual stage. The researchers concluded that techniques could vary from person to per-
son; however, these five can be commonly found in online grooming strategies. Chiang
and Grant (2017) also validated the online grooming characteristics as they scrutinized the
grooming patterns of online perpetrators by examining their chatroom interactions. Results
indicated that grooming strategies mainly involved the use of favorable tactics by the per-
petrators. All the perpetrators commonly preferred a call for attention and revealed porno-
graphic content as the goal was the same for all.
Besides, the recent trends in social media usage among children are also an alarming
situation. Sharing photos and interacting with strangers are considered risky and opportu-
nities, as most children also reveal that they share personal photos and videos with those
they do not personally know (Livingstone et al., 2017). Through these online platforms,
perpetrators access the child’s personal information such as their pictures, demographic
details, interests, hobbies, and communication with other users. As children mainly use
social media to communicate with new people instead of maintaining contact with existing
friends or peers, predators find it easy to entice them (O’leary et al., 2017).
As noted by Ali (2019), online predators hunt for vulnerable children just as it is done
in a game. Usually, they adopt several techniques and months to groom a child. They offer
emotional support to the children and pretend to share their sympathies. As a result, the child
starts sharing his details and depends on the perpetrator. To further affirm this, Kloess et al.
(2019) examined online grooming patterns from n = 29 cases of online child sexual abuse.
Results revealed that despite all the offenders heavily relying on online communication to
groom, only two did not use a prolonged sexual grooming process. The rest of the others used
direct ways of molesting children through online platforms such as sharing pornography, sex
chat, and masturbating in front of victims. As some examples of grooming through online

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 Ali et al.

media are giving special attention to children and communicating with him/her in personal
chatrooms, pretending to accidentally exposing pornographic material, and on-camera sexual
acts (Victoria State Government, 2020). Here Schoeps et al. (2020) identified erotic ways
of online grooming. The researchers used a cross-sectional study approach and selected a
sample of n = 1200 respondents. The two grooming methods involved (i), direct sexting or
talking about sex in general and (ii) sexual acts such as masturbating in front of the child, or
other coercive tactics to psychologically prepare the child for online sexual relations. Thus,
the researchers concluded that the process of grooming mainly involves sexually exhibitionist
behavior such as masturbating, showing the genitals, sharing pornographic pictures or vid-
eos, and sexting with minors. These techniques are an integral part of online grooming, and
offenders commonly use them to meet their sexual goals.

Online Sexual Extortion

Online child sexual extortion starts when a predator talks or insists on talking about sex,
asks for private photos, and insists the child on online video sexual activities. Previous
cases indicated how tactfully an offender approached the children and gathered their pri-
vate photos for sextortion purposes (Ainsaar & Lööf, 2011).
Nonetheless, self-produced child pornography is another primary consideration regarding
online child sexual exploitation. Even in many cases, minors are voluntarily creating and dis-
tributing their pornographic images and videos. This “self-exploitation” content is used for
several purposes such as for commercial purposes, production with limited sharing, and self-
positing on private social media accounts. As a result, law enforcement agencies and society
find it difficult to counteract online child pornography (Leary, 2013). In this regard, sexual
extortion or sextortion is comparatively a new term that identifies the potential consequences
of online sexual images used for coercion. Sexual extortion draws a serious consideration of
the risks that children can expose themselves. As in online chat, personal photos, video, and
sexting involve, minors can face sexual pressure, sexual harassment, blackmailing, and online
sexual grooming (Quayle, 2016). For this purpose, initially, the offender persuades the child
to share their sexual photos or videos that are later utilized to gain money or make sexual
demands. The offender also threatens the victim to share their photos or videos with others if
their demands are not fulfilled. By obtaining pictures and videos from the victim, the offender
elevates to a dominant position and exerts much control over the minor (GSMA, 2016).
As noted by AÇAR (2016), online sex mainly involves producing or gaining content that
further helps offenders attain non-pecuniary or pecuniary benefactions. For instance, an
offender threatens the minor to share their confidential material with their family or friends if
he/she refuses to engage in online sexual acts. As a result, the minor engages in online sexual
activities which eventually materialize the offender’s sexual objectives. In this regard, Lydaki
Simantiri (2017) argued that protecting a child in an online environment is vital in real-life
situations. For example, the dissemination of child sexual extortion images can continue long
even after the victim has become an adult. Such content is widely considered the “revictimiza-
tion of a child” as the content was saved and still circulated in cyberspace.
Moreover, this circulating content also causes severe trauma to the victim leading to
severe outcomes as the volume of child sexual abuse content is very high and remains
unremoved. Further validated by EPCAT (2018), as they analyzed the online content iden-
tified as sextortion of minors all over the world. Data gathered from reports and interviews
of prosecutors revealed that despite that the content is traced and offenders get arrested, the
content keeps circulating, resulting in adverse outcomes.

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Child Sexual Abuse & the Internet

To further highlight online sexual Extortion, Atabekova and Filippov (2018) conducted
a descriptive study to examine the potential strategies to counteract online sextortion. The
researcher gathered quantitative data from n = 42 member states of the Lanzarote Committee.
Findings revealed that despite that the adopted strategies vary from state to state, all the mem-
bers mutually agreed on criminalizing online child sexual extortion. Although these states have
an adverse judicial system, they comply with the same evaluative principles regarding online
child sexual abuse. As noted by UNICEF (2018), internet access is a promising approach
towards education and equal opportunities for every child. However, the associated risks such
as sexual online sexual Extortion of children are a significant concern. Stakeholders consider
cybercrimes against children equally harmful as real-world crimes as the victims suffer and
require the same support and guidance to cope with the consequences. Here Reid (2019) also
argued that online child sexual extortion methods are “multivariate in nature.” For example, (i)
a perpetrator accesses the child from online communication-based chat rooms and starts a regu-
lar communication, (ii) a perpetrator may adopt a direct approach to the online child room and
share pornographic material, and (iii) a perpetrator may avail access to the personal computer,
mobile device, or webcam of the victim. Previous cases revealed that initially, the perpetrators
agreed with the victims but gradually starts dominating the communication.

Methodology

According to Mallett et al. (2012), systematic reviews are pioneered in social sciences
where researchers aim to develop in-depth understanding. These studies are significant
to promote and enhance the evidence-informed policymaking process. Due to their step-
by-step analysis, they prominently dominate the traditional literature review approaches
(Ali, 2020a, b). Thus, the current article also involves the systematic review approach. The
researchers randomly selected only published research articles and reports from 2000 to
2020 containing diverse methodological backgrounds, and paradigm models.

Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria

The selection of sources relied on the authentication and accuracy of the available informa-
tion (Table 1). Moreover, the researchers only preferred the articles focusing on online child
sexual abuse according to the current investigation’s objectives. However, besides research
studies, the researchers also added policy reports and statutes further to validate child sexual
abuse’s menace through online platforms. The selected n = 42 articles were verified according

Table 1 Inclusion/exclusion Inclusion criteria Exclusion criteria

criteria
Accuracy concerning research objectives The implausible
databases where
articles are found
Articles focusing on child abuse in an online Articles focusing
environment on child sexual
abuse in general

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 Ali et al.

Fig. 2 The frequency of cited articles by year

to the inclusion criteria and utilized in the current systematic review. The cited literature is
strongly capable of exploring the relationship between the internet and child sexual abuse.
The researchers obtained cited literature from 2018 Scopus and ISI Indexed journals due to
their validity and impact factor. The selected journals mainly involved American Psychologist,
Child Abuse and Neglect, Aggression and Violent Behavior, Police Practice and Research,
Journal of Family Medicine and Primary Care, Human Arenas, The Howard Journal of
Criminal Justice, Deviant Behavior, and others. However, the researchers also cited a mas-
sive number of situational reports and policy research by UNICEF, EPCAT France, EPCAT
Luxemburg, UNODC, etc., to further affirm online child sexual abuse in a broader context.
Therefore, the data of each criterion is given below with the graphs and tables.
Figure 2 shows the frequency of cited articles by year. As visible, out of a total of n = 42
articles, the majority of work (n = 23 or 54.7%) is published from 2016 to 2020. According to
Lee et al. (2020), the proliferation of internet platforms also raised serious concerns regarding
online child sexual exploitation during the past few years.
Table 2 contains the percentage of cited articles according to their study designs and par-
adigm models. The cited literature primarily involved the Case Study method, Experimen-
tal approach, and Literature Reviews. However, n = 7 or 16.6% of articles were based on
policy reports, research perspectives, and situational reports by UNICEF, EPCAT France,
EPCAT Luxemburg, and UNODC. Likewise, according to the paradigm models, n = 18 or
42.8% contained the quantitative approach, n = 10 or 23.8% of articles included qualitative
reports, and n = 13 or 33.3% of cited literature was based on reports and perspectives.

Table 2 Percentage of cited literature regarding their study methods and paradigm models
Study Case Experimental Situational Review Others Total no.
design study reports of studies

42.8% 4.7% 14.2% 21.4% 16.6% 42

Paradigm Quantitative Qualitative Quantitative–
models qualitative
42.8% 23.8% 0%

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Child Sexual Abuse & the Internet

Table 3 Percentage of research articles regarding their data collection methods

Data collection methods Survey Literature review Interview Secondary data Others

4.7% 26.1% 4.7% 33.3% 30.9%

Table 3 contains the percentage of cited articles according to their data collection methods.
As visible, most items (n = 14 or 33.3%) were based on secondary data analysis, involving online
child abuse cases. Similarly, n = 13 or 30.9% were situational report research essays, and perspec-
tives, n = 11 or 26.1% gathered data using the literature review approach, and both surveys and
interviews were used in n = 2 or 4.7% of cited research articles. Therefore, the menace of child
sexual abuse can be seen in the online environment. Internet Organized Crime Threat Assess-
ment (IOCTA) also declared online child sexual abuse as one of the fastest-growing cybercrime
with a significant growth rate (Nikolovska, 2020).

Discussion and Conclusion

Durkin (1997) anticipated the potentially increased online sexual abuse in upcoming years.
According to him, there would be four ways child predators would misuse the digital media:
(i) To communicate with other child molesters, (ii) to spread inappropriate child pornography,
(iii) to prepare, and locate children to abuse them sexually, and (iv) to indulge children in
sexual communication. Increased child sexual abuse is a consequence of dramatic tech-
nological advancement. Despite policies designed and executed worldwide, online sexual
abuse is still briskly growing (Papadopoulou et al., 2013). As child sexual abuse is a pre-
vailing, deleterious phenomenon, some entities also advocate it as social and ritual norms,
leading to polarized opinions (Fergusson & Mullen, 1999). However, whatever the circum-
stances are, prevention of sexual abuse is only achieved by strategic policies and identify-
ing the potential commonalities (Perry & DiLillo, 2007).
Before the advent of internet technology, child abuse material was much difficult to
obtain and possess. Despite that child pornography was available in disks and CDs, it was
hard to save them in larger quantities (Veli, 2017). Today, due to increased access to global
communication, offenders do not have to be in the same country to molest any child (Wittes
et al., 2016). Even from a perpetrator’s perspective, the Internet provides safe and conveni-
ent opportunities to start sexual relationships, groom susceptible children, and abuse them
(Quayle, 2016). Thus, the current article also witnessed a strong significant relationship
between the internet and online child sexual abuse (Wittes et al., 2016).
Moreover, it is notable that online child sexual abuse does not end here as the victims
face several psychosocial consequences afterward (Lovelle et al., 2017). According to UK
Council for Child Internet Safety (2013), online child sexual abuse impacts are the same as
real-life sexual abuse. Here Fisher et al. (2017) highlighted both short-term and long-term
effects of child sexual abuse in all life areas. The consequences can vary from person to
person; the consequences are intense and adversely influence one’s life.
Child sexual abuse mainly influences the child’s emotional well-being. Minors who
experience sexual abuse can face the loss of self-confidence and low self-esteem. They also
suffer from psychological repercussions such as depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress
disorder (PTSD), and others (Fisher et al., 2017). In this context, Olafson (2011) argued
that PTSD and depression are among the most prevalent psychological consequences of

13
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 Ali et al.

child sexual abuse. Likewise, eating disorders and body issues are also among the adverse
impacts of child sexual abuse. A victim may also feel ugly or dirty, feel dissatisfied with
his/her body, or suffer obesity (Hall & Hall, 2011). These consequences usually occur
within the first 2 years of sexual abuse that might disappear over time (Beltran, 2009).
Nonetheless, if victims do not experience short-term psychological disturbances, they are
more likely to have increased risks for future victimization such as extreme attitudes and impaired
sexual functioning (Hall & Hall, 2011). Additionally, the victimized children may also face other
challenges such as domestic violence, parental alcohol abuse, and poverty. Survivors can also
experience attachment disorders and cannot sustain positive romantic, social, and peer relation-
ships, leading to antisocial personality traits (Children’s Bureau, 2019). In many cases, sexually
abused children also indulge in sexual risk-taking behavior when they reach adolescence. They
can have multiple sex partners, transactional sex, and even early sexual behavior intention, which
increases their vulnerability to sexually transmitted diseases (Thompson et al., 2017).
Despite, the Internet contains a treasure of knowledge and information for children, but
growing child sexual abuse is of more significant concern. Children are the most cherished
individuals, yet they are highly vulnerable to physical, emotional, and sexual exploitation.
However, all the countries are abiding by national and international laws to protect chil-
dren, as online child sexual abuse increases (Jalil, 2013). By keeping in view the menace of
online child sexual abuse, the current study also aimed to analyze online sex crimes against
children. While highlighting this issue, it was also notable that online child sexual abuse is
not finite to any specific region or country. As compared to traditional methods of trave-
ling to socio-economically vulnerable countries, predators mainly prefer online platforms
to access susceptible children. Besides, child pornographic websites are also facilitating
cybercrimes against children and generating colossal revenue (Olson & Tomek, 2017).
Thus, to counteract online child sexual abuse, it is essential to design effective strate-
gies. Although countries are struggling to overcome online child sexual exploitation, there
are still many efforts required. To overcome child sexual abuse, it is essential to teach chil-
dren about social networking sites, and parents also need to monitor their children’s online
activities (Preventing Child Abuse America, 2020). Children who have faced online sexual
abuse should be supported by their parents and provide psychological guidance and treat-
ment. The therapists use different techniques to minimize the risk of self-harm and depres-
sion among abused children despite that some children do not show any symptoms of
trauma. Also, psychological disorders and self-harm can happen at any moment (National
Child Traumatic Stress Network Child Sexual Abuse Committee, 2009).

Limitations and Recommendations

This study is limited as it does not contain any theoretical framework to represent empirical
findings. Moreover, the researcher took much of the data from reports and statutes by Children
Rights Advocacy organizations such as UNICEF, UN, and UNCHR, limiting the current study’s
scope. However, the researchers carefully discussed online platforms’ role regarding ongoing
child sexual abuse under the cited literature. The researchers also recommend empirical studies
in developing countries where child pornography and online sexual abuse are highly prevalent
due to weak socioeconomic conditions. Furthermore, to counteract child sexual abuse in general
and online child sexual abuse in particular, government, non-governmental organizations, par-
ents, and internet regulators all need to take significant steps (EPCAT, 2018). In this regard, the
current study suggests some important considerations individually applicable for government,
non-governmental organizations, law enforcement agencies, and parents, including the following.

13
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Child Sexual Abuse & the Internet

For Government

• Local governments should keep the auspices of United Nations Children Human Rights
under consideration. As UNCHR obligates all the state parties to provide sufficient
legislative, social, administrative, and educational measures, the practical execution
of these measures should be made possible. States should protect the children against
every physical, mental, and sexual injury and also ensure identification, referral, report-
ing, investigation, and follow-ups of relevant incidents (Jeney, 2013).
• Under the implications of UNCHR, state parties should take all the sufficient measures
to promote both psychological and psychical recovery and social reintegration of the
victim (Jeney, 2013).
• States should keep the optional protocol to CRC under consideration that strictly crimi-
nalizes child pornography and child prostitution. Although this protocol was first intro-
duced in 2002, today its acceptance has greatly increased among n = 171 states. This
protocol prohibits the sale and purchase of child pornography, which is also applicable
to online child pornography (UNICEF, 2020).
• Local governments should collaborate with local and international law enforcement
agencies to access recent trends in online child sexual abuse to better understand, and
fight effectively against online sexual exploitation (EPCAT, 2018).
• Governments should invest and maintain a database of online child sexual abuse.
Although it is difficult to estimate the cost–benefit ratio of organizations dedicating
funds and workforce to maintain a national database, the law enforcement agencies
need to access and track the relevant information such as perpetuators’ identity, charac-
teristics, origins of the sexual offense, and IP address.

For Non‑Governmental Organizations

• Many evidence-based studies indicated that organizations that are liable for protecting
vulnerable children have been sites of further sexual, emotional, and physical abuse. On
the contrary, these organizations can protect susceptible children by initiating programs
and campaigns for awareness of online sexual abuse along with educational institutions
(UNICEF, 2020).
• Use social institutions such as traditional and social media platforms to increase
awareness about online child sexual abuse. Good quality, age, and appropriate pro-
grams can work best to ensure safe internet usage among children and adolescents
(UNICEF, 2020).
• Besides legislative and parental responsibilities, the role of Non-Governmental organi-
zations is much important in fighting against online child sexual abuse. Comprehensive
and practical responses to growing online child sexual abuse can effectively cope with
them. For this purpose, Digital Literacy in both parents and minors can decrease the
susceptibility of online child sexual abuse (Jeney, 2013).
• With the help of local governments, Non-Governmental Organizations can contribute to pol-
icy development programs. As NGOs are solely responsible for common well-being, playing
their part with the local government can bring out significant outcomes (Carr, 2019).
• Non-governmental entities can also coordinate with internationally recognized chil-
dren’s rights organizations. Working together to maximize the efforts and their impact
in both online and offline child sexual exploitation can also help to counteract incidents
of child sexual abuse (EPCAT International, 2012).

13
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 Ali et al.

For Parents

• If parents find that their child is facing online sexual exploitation, they may experi-
ence a range of emotions such as rage, extreme tension, fear, and blame. Psychologists
suggest that anger and blaming can bring adverse consequences. In such a situation,
parents should assure children about their help, support, and importance. Tell them that
they will be safeguarded and no one can harm them (GSMA, 2016).
• In case someone gets exposed to child pornographic images, they should contact the law
enforcement agencies directly. Informing the police can bring out even more fruitful out-
comes, including identifying other linked offenders (Wortley & Smallbone, 2006).
• Building Digital Resilience is another prominent approach to counteract online child
sexual abuse. Parents and even teachers should enhance children’s risk recognition
capabilities and help them mitigate any potential risk of online sexual abuse. Children
can cope effectively with online threats if they are given confidence and a supportive
environment, which also highlights parents’ role to emotionally safeguard their children
(Livingstone et al., 2017a, b).
• Parental support to cope with online child sexual abuse is an important factor. As victims
face severe psychological distress, negative reactions from parents can further harm them
and decrease the chances of recovery (UK Council for Child Internet Safety, 2013).
• To cope with online child sexual abuse, parents should be well informed about suscep-
tibility and risk factors. The parents should discuss potential online sexual abuse and
preventive measures with their children. Here, previously conducted campaigns such
as, in Vietnam, Thailand, and Malaysia should be initiated in other countries, to engage
young people, and parents in combating online child sexual abuse (UNICEF, 2020).

For Law Enforcement Agencies

• Deploying technologies such as PhotoDNA can also help to identify online child sex
offenders. Although PhotoDNA is successfully used in the USA to trace criminals in
cyberspace, developing countries are still processing its deployment, which hinders the
immediate efforts against child online sexual abuse (Baines, 2018).
• Law Enforcement Agencies should obligate the local telecommunication and Information
Technology Providers to block and report the websites identified as regulating child por-
nographic content. Law Enforcement Agencies can obligate service providers by extend-
ing regulators’ existing mandates (Telecommunication Development Sector, 2012).
• To access the depth of the criminal offense, law enforcement officers should understand the
complexity and stages of the online grooming process. In this context, special training pro-
grams and policy briefings to understand online child sexual abuse are of greater importance.
• The strategic design and implication of a new technical standard named “Domaine
Name System over https” can help to voluntarily or mandatory help to protect chil-
dren from online sexual abuse. This system will not only restrict access to child porno-
graphic material; also, it will help to identify any terrorist material, hackers, copyright
violations, and others (Carr, 2019).
• Internet Service Providers can restrict access to child sexual abuse material and web-
sites by deploying certain URLs. Many countries are practicing this where CSAM-
based sites are filtered and blocked by law enforcement agencies. As if a user clicks on
the relevant website, the service provider can trace the IP address that whether it is on
the proscribed list, in which case, access will be blocked by the IPS (Carr, 2019).

13
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Child Sexual Abuse & the Internet

Acknowledgements We dedicate this paper to those children facing exploitation, but their voices are
unheard.

Declarations
Ethics Approval Ethical approval was not sought for the present study because the authors independently
wrote this research essay. The researchers also take responsibility for any conflicting ideas presented in this
article.

Conflict of Interest The authors declare no competing interests.

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