Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Table of Contents
● What is Political economy?
a) Era of 1947-1958
b) Era of 1958-1971
c) Era of 1971-1977
d) Era of 1977-1988
e) Era of 1988-1999
f) Era of 1999-2008
g) Era of 2008-2020
a) Era of 1947-58:
b)Era of 1958-1971:
Ayub khan ousted Sikander Mirza on 27 th
October in a very unceremonial and spontaneous to fully take the reins of
the government. He became the chief law administrator of the Pakistan’s
first martial law. He further aggravated the already worsening political
milieu in the Pakistan. The democratic political leaders and bureaucrats
tried their best to ward off transfer of power or the inclusion of the
Bengalis or other ethnicities in the government structure which in the
lead to the military imposing its rule. A political vacuum was created
which opportunist military effectively filled. After coming to power Ayub
Khan showed no signs of transferring power back to the democratic
institutions. Because, once in power they were alluded and enchanted by
political and economic which they never resolve to give up deliberately,
as there is too much to lose in delegating power to the democratic
institutions and moving back to the barracks.
Pakistan
growth rate during Ayub’s era was spectacularly around 6% and
industries were set in Pakistan but it occurred at a huge cost of
distributional disparity. Although the country as a whole was gaining
growth but the capital accumulated never trickled down to the locals and
remained amassed in the hands of the capitalist industrialist, landlords
and other elite class. The erratic and incoherent policies solely focused on
growth created schism and ethnic tensions in the country. It was revealed
that 22 families were the owner of the 66% of the industry, 97% of
insurance and 80% of banking. The economic elitism caused resentment
in the middle class and the students and they toppled his government
after rigorous protests.
c) Era of 1971-1977:
Era of 1971-1977 saw the steep rise
and fall of the Bhutto’s populism. Bhutto came to power in time of
adverse economy driven by erratic polices of military and bureaucracy
centered upon concentration of wealth in their own hands, their cronies,
and their well wishers. Bhutto came to power on the basis of populist
slogans of economic and social reforms direly needed by the people. But
he fall short of expectations of people due to arbitrary nationalization of
industries and resulting distrust of the private capital. The highly
incompetent administration of the public sector carried out extensive
corruption and nepotism further dwindling the prospect of a burgeoning
economy. In an environment of accruing of debt the capital was invested
on non-developmental sectors such as military and public administration
and social sectors such as education and health were ignored. Land
reform programme failed to honor its promise of re-distribution of wealth
and land as it was used to extend political patronage and against political
opposition. The Bhutto populist authoritarian government failed to abide
by its pledge of breaking back-bone of wealthy elite class and of
mitigating the miseries of poor and middle-class in Pakistan. Bhutto as an
authoritarian ruler was more concerned about accumulation of all power
in his own hands, increasing party patronage and subverting political
opposition through aggressive and repressive measure than sedulously
formulating and implementation policies that would have resulted in
growth and stability of the faltering economy in Pakistan.
Though Bhutto gravely
failed in realization of the bigger objectives of its economic policies
objective of redistribution of wealth and uplifting the economic condition
of a common man, but it, somehow, succeeded in shackling and jolting
the base of the industrial elite class in Pakistan. Pakistan fell into the debt
trap and whatever loan was received it was used to keep the uneconomic
industries operational and to pay the accruing loans at that time. Inflation
spiked and the assiduously promised land reforms were not fulfilled.
Bhutto economic policies displeased the middle-class and the poor who
were one of the reasons behind his purging from the government.
Whatever he promised was never delivered in substance but there was
an improvement in comparison to the military regimes who openly
advocated greater inequality.
d)Era of 1977-1988:
Zia-ul-haq imposed martial law in 5 July,
1977 and cause Pakistan to venture in uncharted territories, from which
Pakistan still hasn’t been able to fully recover. His draconian,
authoritarian, totalitarian rule under the spurious guise of theocracy
persisted for a decade. He introduced altered and manipulated system of
Islamization, far from its true values which played havoc to the country.
He introduced and implemented those policies that favor the elongation
and prevalence of his military regime. Initially the regime outmaneuvered
and circumvented the political parties by reiterating the false promise of
imminent holding of the elections. Bhutto was hanged to death to curb
the political resistance. Then Zia ul Haq under the pretence of a sole
leader of a theocratic state consolidated his rule. The biased
implementation of the Islamic laws destroyed the secularism and social
fabric of the country. After 1983, to end the ostracization of the military
the civilians were carefully and under strict watch were incorporated in
the regime with Zia ul Haq at the top as the supreme leader.
Amendments were made in the constitution to make his powers
unassailable. The Parliament just had a symbolic importance and nothing
more than that. It is said that terrorism in Pakistan is the legacy of Zia ul
Haq as his erratic and incoherent policies cause religious seminaries to
flourish and weapons to surge furtively in the country. The educational
course was also changed in his regime to align with the so called national
interest. Civil rights were also at their worst in his regime. Women and
minorities were discriminated against and persecuted during his
draconian rule.
Zia ul Haq reversed the nationalization policies of the
Bhutto but the confidence of the private sector investors could never be
won. The political uncertainty and strict public sector watch faltered the
trust of the private sector in the government. On the other hand public
sector investment was meager and only towards defense or for the
benefits of the Zia ul Haq cronies and allies. No substantial projects and
those present were in ruins. The influx of remittances and the financial
aid from America kept supporting the regime throughout his era,
otherwise there was no noteworthy economic development in his era as
he was more focused on sustainability and persistence of his rule.
e) Era of 1988-1999:
This era was fraught with the intense
political rivalry between Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif as they ruled
frivolously turn by turn. Benazir first 18 months brief rule failed to bring
any substantial and viable changes in the political and economic realms of
the country. She carried in the denationalization policies but couldn’t
revive the economy as the influx of the economic aid was reduced and
later halted and the remittances were of no help were the developmental
projects of the county as they were extravagantly and wrongly utilized by
the consumers and not introduced in the monetary cycle of the economy
for the benefit of the country.
Nawaz Sharif embarked on ambitious projects and policies
with no long-term benefits for Pakistan. His “no question- asked” foreign
currency deposits (FCDs) were a haven for tax evaders and under-filers-
the menace for Pakistan’s economy – that could now clean their ill-gotten
income with no taxation and no fear of detection. Erratic policies like this
jolted the trust of the private sector investors and give flight to the black
money. Nawaz Sharif spent money on the mega projects like motorways
and roads, which were feasible projects to gain popularity and political
support and neglected more important projects like setting up of
electricity power plants and amelioration of the service sector.
This era was also
engineered by the establishment for their own benefit. They supported
only those regime and only as long as it was in their own interest. The
government averse to their political and economic stakes was ousted. But
credit is to be given to these regimes that despite political rivalry,
rampant corruption and dishonesty the nuclear programs in the back
were kept furtive and were never divulged to others of its progress.
f) Era of 1999-2008:
The Musharraf’s military regime was
tremendously affected by the change in global politics in aftermath of the
9/11 attack. Musharraf rightly sided with the NATO and America to curb
the wave of terrorism. A neutral stance or one contrary to American
interest would have greatly sabotaged the economy of Pakistan. But
Musharraf also kept Pakistan’s interest in view and didn’t follow policies
dictated by the America blindly. The regime was authoritarian and self-
centered like the other military rule. The political economy of military
burgeoned tremendously during his tenure. Although it was favored
greatly by the remittances and great influx of USAID but the capital was
directed towards the non-developmental projects and the already
aggravating crisis worsened. He spurred the political tensions with the
Baluchistan by mishandling of the case of Akbar Bhugti, who was killed
with his forty men. The significant economic problems were deliberately
ignored by his regime which channeled into the next democratic
government by Pakistan People Party.
g) Era of 2008-2020:
Pakistan for the first time in its
history had witnessed a democratic government completing its term and
transferring it to the next democratically elected government. The PPP
government from 2008-2013, was beset with manifold problems. During
their rule the former benign problems had grown up to engulf already
faltering Pakistan from. Energy crisis were at peak, Pakistan was
threatened by terrorist and economy was in bits. But, somehow,
miraculously the regime was able to steer through these problems with
the help of immense economic aid and effective counter-terrorism
operation by the military. Due to sheer lack of funds, incompetency and
lack of willingness this government due was unable to solve the bigger
problems of Pakistan. The problems of Pakistan are so elusive and
entrenched in its society which requires long term planning from its
leaders which are never envisaged by them. Zardari devolved more
powers to the provinces and curtailed the powers of the President and
introduced National Financial Award (NFC) to distribute capital to the
provinces more effectively.
The regime of Nawaz Sharif saw a decrease in
terrorism and was gifted with the CPEC which can prodigiously alter the
economic landscape of the country. Economy was steady and dollar was
artificially controlled. New projects were started and previous ones were
completed. But, instead of amplifying exports massive loans were taken
to prop up economy which the later government was supposed to pay at
every cost.
This new and fledgling government is embroiled in paying
back of the loans and their condition is further compounded by the
incompetent cabinet. A witch-hunt for the tax evaders had shattered the
confidence of the investors and capital had moved out of the country.
The economy is in worst condition because of the ongoing Pandemic and
GDP has plummeted to the 0.02% at current stage. The only way to get
out of this trouble is to increase export and to create a environment
conducive for the foreign investors.
Viable solutions:
● We need to widen our tax net to increase the annual budget and
augment the imperative spending on public developmental
projects
● There is a dire need to curtail the defense budget and to bring the
military internal economy to accountability and transparency
● Enforce writ of the state and law and order to secure economic
interests within the country from foreign threats
● Review foreign Policy and fix in the global economic chains with
the help of china to increase and diversify exports
● Fair and just opportunities for everyone in the free market trade
and not let establishment and any other elite cadre to have an
unfair advantage over the common people in having contracts.