WELCOME

TO THE
DEPARTMENT
OF POWER
THE MOST INTERSTING AND ADVENTUROUS DEPARTMENT IN SOCIAL SCIENCES

©2020

CONTACT SKSYANGLE ON +2348103592986

0
 MEET THE LECTURERS
NIGERIA POLITICS: The course instructor is Mrs Majekodunmi. She is a familiar lecturer who loves giving
note in a tranquil atmosphere. She do give point of emphasis in the class and to do well in her course, complete
note is paramount. Her mode of assessment is undecided as she follows the 11th hour spirit to determine how to
evaluate her students. Hence, read back to back.
POLITICAL ANALYSIS: The course convener is Dr. Adams. He is a great intellect that loves lecturing and
giving out materials. The greatest good you can do to yourself is to listen to rapt attention, and jot anything
“Jottable”. Probably, the one with surprise in test and examinations because he sets questions from least expected
areas.
PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION: The instructor is Dr. Eneanya. He is mostly likely to be your man of the year.
He is calm and meek and often lenient with students. He occasionally throw shade like “olodo number 1” till it
reach the last victim of the day. But this only happen when he observed the student to be distracted or inattentive.
If you are going to get an A this semester, it’s likely to be in his course.
COMPARATIVE POLITICS: The lecturer’s name is Dr. Onah. As time goes by, his lecture is likely to hold
two times a week. He has a top notch sense of humour but will not act like it. He does savage student calmly. Dr
Onah is not a man of many note but many examples to express your explanation and locate students’ knowledge.
Hence, the need to do extra research for balanced and comprehensive submission in test and exams. His questions
might be known but the appropriate answers can be otherwise
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: The instructor is the most diligent and world class lecturer, Dr. Ferdinand
Ottoh. He can never be five minutes late to class and work starts immediately. You will WRITE! There is no two
ways around his course than writing his notes and listen very well, then you have no problem in his assessment.
He will surely finish the course outline, you might also end up having his lecture two times a week. You might
not really need any other external sources for his course because the note covereth all things. He often finishes
his outline before giving test which means as you are reading for test, you are reading for exam.
HISTORY OF SOCIAL THOUGHT I: The course has two instructor; Dr. Ibrahim Waziri and Mr Temitope.
Dr. Waziri will take the first part while Mr Tope will take the concluding part. The course is a very interesting
and adventurous course that provide insights into the works of sociology philosophers. Dr. Waziri often act tough
but he is very kind and jovial. The class even be like ENG101 when he starts his phonetics tutoring. He will
promise you little note but trust me, it is a lengthy one. Mr. Tope is the reserved and loving kind, he disseminate
properly. Do more of Mr Tope’s questions in exam.

1
 NIGERIAN POLITICS
COURSE OUTLINE

1. OVERVIEW OF THE NIGERIAN CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT

2. OVERVIEW OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN NIGERIA
3. TRANSISTION TO DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIA
a. Democratic culture in Nigeria
b. Possibilities & limitations of democracy in Nigeria
4. WOMEN & POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN NIGERIA
5. DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION IN NIGERIA
a. Sustainable Democracy
b. Problem of democratization in Nigeria
6. THE MILITARY IN DEMOCRATIZATION
7. INSURGENCY & POLITCAL CRISIS IN NIGERIA
8. THE FUTURE OF DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIA; ISSUES AND PERSPECTIVES

OVERVIEW OF NIGERIAN CONSTITUTION

1. Sir Hugh Clifford Constitution of 1922:
a. The constitution brought in some merit to the agitation of the nationalists.
b. It brought in a lot of political activities and the elective principle. This elective principle made it
possible for elective representation of Nigerians into the legislative council.
c. It brought the establishment of newspapers through which the elites were able to make their
grievances known. It also helped with the communication between the elites and masses.
d. The constitution was an inspiration to the nationalists which enabled them to prepare for self-
government.
e. The governor ruled the north through proclamation
f. The governor had veto and reserved power

2. Sir Arthur Richard Constitution of 1946

a. The constitution brought in some achievements which further encouraged the nationalists in
agitations for more inclusion in governance
b. This constitution introduced regionalism
c. These regions laid the foundation for a federal structure in Nigeria

2
 d. The constitution introduced a bicameral legislature in which the north had House of Assemble &
House of chiefs. While the east and west had only a unicameral legislature.
e. The constitution brought the Northern and Southern Nigeria together into a legislative house.
3. Macpherson Constitution of 1951
a. This constitution introduced a new law making body known as the House of Representatives. This
law making body had a wider representatives in that the north had 68 seats, while the east and west
34 each.
b. The regions were more empowered & autonomous
c. The bicameral legislature was extended to the west
d. The was the first constitution that Nigerians were able to participate in through various constitutional
conferences
e. Political activities increased due to wider representation which stimulated the formation &
development of more political parties.
4. Oliver Lyttleton Constitution of 1954
a. This constitution brought in the regionalisation of civil service and judiciary
b. It gave Nigeria a federal system of governance
c. A supreme court was established in Nigeria
d. Lagos was removed from the western region and was made the Federal Capital Territory
e. The constitution separated the Southern Cameroon from the Eastern region
f. The offices of Premier, Speaker and Deputy speaker were introduced
5. Independence Constitution of 1960
a. It ushered the independence of the country
b. The constitution created the House of Representatives (312) and Senate (44) at the federal level.
c. It introduced the Fundamental Human Rights.
d. This constitution made Nigeria a member of the UNO
e. It created the exclusive, concurrent and residual legislative lists.
f. It stipulated the appointment of Supreme court judges on the advice of the judicial service commission
g. The constitution was without sovereignty because the supreme power was still with the British.
h. The federal government can declare a state of emergency
6. First Republican Constitution of 1963
a. It brought in an elected president that became the head of state instead of the queen
b. It was considered to be the first home grown constitution that removed undue external influence of the
British
3
 c. It made Nigerians to be fully involved in the decision making of the country
d. The Supreme Court became the final court of appeal and was given the power to check the excesses of
the executives and legislature.
e. There is supremacy of the parliament
f. It created the mid-western region
7. Second Republican Constitution of 1979
a. It introduced the 2nd democratic experience in Nigeria
b. The executive president was elected by popularity vote and this made the president to be the head of
state and government
c. There is supremacy of the constitution
d. There is the principle of separation of power which enhance the performance of the 3 organs of
government.
e. There was creation of more state
f. It established a fixed term of office i.e. 4 years each for every elected or elective post.
g. Secession was forbidden
h. The constitution provided for a new FCT that was to be established in the centre of the country.

PARTY DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA

The Clifford constitution introduced the formation of political parties in Nigeria. The Nigerian National
Democratic Party NNDP and Nigerian Youth Movement were the political parties during this period. These
parties were not national in outlook because of their activities were mainly in Lagos. NNDP was formed by
Herbert Macaulay in 1923. The Party won all legislative seats in the 1923, 1928 and 1933 elections. NYM was
founded by Ernest Ikoli and Samuel Akinsanya. Nnamdi Azikwe, Samuel Akintola, Obafemi Awolowo and
others were members of NYM.
National Council of Nigeria and Cameroon was formed in 1944. The president of the party was Herbert Macaulay
and the General Secretary was N. Azikwe. The party later changed its name to National Council of Nigerian
Citizen after the Northern Cameroon joined Southern Cameroon. Northern People’s Congress and Action Group
were formed in 1951 by Ahmadu Bello and Obafemi Awolowo respectively. These were the parties in existence
during the first republic.
The second republic political parties were registered by Federal Electoral Commission FEDECO. The parties
were:
i. National Party of Nigeria NPN: This party won the presidential election of 1979 and 1983. It produced
the first executive president of Nigeria. Alhaji Tafawa Balewa was the presidential flag bearer of the party.
4
 ii. Unity Party of Nigeria UPN: This party was the first runner up in the presidential election. Obafemi
Awolowo was the leader and presidential candidate of the party.
iii. Nigeria People’s Party NPP: This party was formed by Ibrahim Waziri who later left the party to form
GNPP. Nnamdi Azikwe was the presidential candidate of the party.
iv. Great Nigeria People Party GNPP: Ibrahim Waziri was the leader and presidential candidate of this
party.
v. People Redemption Party PRP: This party was founded by Aminu Kano and he was the presidential
aspirant of the party
vi. Nigeria Advance Party NAP: This party was approved in 1982. The leader was Mr. Tunji Braithwaite
The third republic adopted two party system. The parties in the third republic were:
i. Social Democratic Party: MKO Abiola was the party presidential flag-bearer. The Chairman was Chief
Tony Anenih.
ii. Nigerian Republican Convention: The party presidential candidate was Bashir Tofa. The chairman was
Chief Tom Ikimi
Problems of Political Parties in Nigeria
a. They were regionally based (first republic)
b. They were personality based
c. There were intra and inter party conflict
d. The level of political education was low among the citizens
e. The people were not aware of their rights and duties under the law
f. There was unbridled cross carpeting which made it impossible for politicians to be loyal
g. The issue of money politics
Advantages of Political Parties in Nigeria
a. Political Education b. Formation of Government c. Popular Participation
d. Constitutional Development e. Interest Aggregation f. Democratic Consolidation
g. Political Socialisation h. Interest Articulation i. Political Recruitment
Disadvantages of Political Parties in Nigeria
a. Monetization of Politics b. Moral Decadence c. Marginalisation
d. It brings about disunity e. Electoral Thuggery & Violence

TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIA

Democracy is a universal principle of governance that upholds high moral imperatives, accord the citizen the
right to participate in decision making that address their will and interest. Democracy can also be regarded as
5
governmental system that involves the widest spectrum of participation either through election or through the
administration of the affected politics. It is a government founded on the principle of the rule of law which is
against arbitrariness, high-handedness, dictatorship and also antithesis or not accommodating to military regime.
Features of Democracy
a. Constitution b. Independent Judiciary c. Rule of Law d. Fundamental Human Rights
e. Popular Representation f. Freedom of the Press g. Free and Fair Election h. High Literacy level

TRANSISTION TO CIVIL IN NIGERIA (BABANGIDA REGIME)

Transition can be defined as a fundamental or qualitative change to a significant new and usually higher
qualitative network of ideas. It can also be viewed as the change of place or processes that involve all activities
geared towards instituting new values and structures in the place of old. It is the transfer of power from unelected
to elected government that is capable of making and implementing sovereign decision. It is the progressive
opening up of the political space culminating in a change from unelected government. Transition is made up of
four major stages:
I. The phase of pressure on the authoritarian regime by pro-democracy forces. (Pressure)
II. The phase of a programme of transition to democracy. (Programme)
III. The phase of implementation of the programme. (Implementation)
IV. The institutionalisation of democracy which includes the first post transition election. (Election)
The Babangida regime started his transition process by creating a Political Bureau on Jan 13,1986 with Samuel
Joseph Cookey as the Chairman. This bureau was charged with the responsibility of investigating the problems
of failed Nigerian Political and democratic institutions. Also, to gather the socio political view of Nigerians and
submitting remedies to rectify the shortcomings of the political and economic process.

This PB was comprised of 17 members from diverse walks of life like Political Scientists, psychologists, labour
leaders, women leaders, historians, journalists, educationists etc. This composition allowed for vibrant debate on
topics by the bureau and there was exchange of ideas between the state and the society. Interest groups were
allowed to participate and over 27,000 submissions were received from Nigerians ranging from ethnicity, religion
and Ideology. Public hearings session, seminars, conferences, camera interview, video cassettes and newspaper
articles were all admitted as contributing to the foundation of a lasting democracy.

The PB Functions can be looked at from different perspectives such as

 The report forms a documentary source on the important element that have shaped political behavior in
Nigeria.
 The document of the bureau can be seen as a landmark one in the history of Nigeria
6
  The PB Work can be seen as theory of Politics in that it proceeded from a solid empirical base to explain
enormously the problem a democratic institution must face in Nigeria.
 The PB ensure that transition was done in a progressive manner from political education, institutional
adjustments to orientation of culture at all levels of government
 It forms the basis for transition from military to civilian rule in Nigeria as embodied in Decree 17 of 1987

The recommendations of the PB to the Babangida regime were as follows:

1. That the government must immediately initiate a comprehensive, coherent and sustained mass
mobilization and political education in the country. This is to awaken the consciousness of Nigerians
towards the spirit of patriotism and commitment to social justice and self-reliance.
2. That all various levels of government must harness their energy and natural resources into productivity
3. That Nigerians must shun wastes and vanity and also shed off all pretense of affluence that is evident in
their lifestyle.
4. The promotion of equality of opportunities in all spheres of the country.
5. The creation of necessary basic democratic institutions to promote discussions on local affairs at all levels
of government.
6. That Nigerians should realize that sovereignty and natural resources collectively belong to them and that
they have the duty and rights to take necessary actions that they are not deprive of this valuable rights.
7. That Nigerians should realize that they share equality of rights and duties to make sure that those in power
serve their collective interest and if found wanting, they should be removed.
8. That Nigerians should inculcate the need to do away with vices like dishonesty, corruption, electoral and
census malpractices and uphold the virtues of honesty, hard-work and commitment to the promotion of
national integration.
9. That the government should create six more states
10. That the government should adopt two party system.
11. That there should be five year single term presidency
12. That 10% of elected seats should be reserved for women and labor leaders
13. That the traditional rulers be removed out of the political equation because they represent the dysfunction
of national difference.
14. That a unicameral legislature should be adopted.

The IBB regime implemented some of the recommendations of this bureaus. MAMSER, Mass Mobilization for
Self Reliance, Social Justice and Economic Recovery was created. This body, also known as Directorate of

7
Social Mobilization was charged with inculcating support for the transition programme of the government. Also,
educating Nigerians about the political process, mobilizing them for election and political debates and inculcating
a dependence on locally made goods. This body was created with decree 19, 1987.

Another institution created was Code of Conduct Bureau which was charged with ensuring that public officers
conform to highest moral standard and accountability. This body's functions are contained in the 5th schedule of
the 1999 constitution.

National Electoral commission was another body created, this body oversee election and allied matters act. It
conducted the 1987 LG election, 1988 NASS election, 1990 LG election, 1991 Guber election, and 1992 NASS
election.

Two party system was also adopted to rationalize the choices of the electorate and also bring sanity to the Nigerian
Political System.

Also, two states were created namely Akwa Ibom and Katsina states in 1991 base on the recommendation of the
Political Bureau.

DEMOCRATIC CULTURE AND POLITICAL CULTURE IN NIGERIA

Culture varies from one community to another and it is dynamic. Man as a political being is known to be dynamic
such that all his activities are changing. Culture is the totality of man in his physical and social environment. With
the dynamic nature of man, political conflicts and violence cannot be ruled out in the attainment of democratic
culture in Nigeria. Since politics is synonymous with power, politics is often seen as power relationship among
various levels of government. In the course of using this power, Instances of political violence will eventually
occur. Political violence can be regarded as a forceful way of seeking or using power without regard to law, lives
and properties. Political violence can therefore be defined as the use of threat or physical act carried out by
individuals within a political system against another individual or property with the intention to cause injury or
death to persons or damaged properties.
On the other hand, Political conflicts is part and parcel of democracy and it is better resolved through dialogue
and negotiation. Political violence is an obstacle to democratic consolidation because it does not encourage
competitiveness and accommodation of other interest group. For any democracy to strive there must be
meaningful competition among individuals and groups without the use of force.

WOMEN AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN NIGERIA

Political participation and democracy are two sides of the same coin, Political participation afford citizens in a
democracy an opportunity to communicate information to government officials about their concerns and
8
preferences and to put pressure on them to respond. It means that in any democratic system, citizens have the
right to express their view or attitude towards almost everything happening in public sphere. In a developed
society, the most wide spread way of expressing your view is voluntary political participation being involve in
activity that have intent of influencing government actions either directly or indirectly in which such party is not
obligatory and receive no pay while some cases, only token financial compensation is given.
In the developing countries, the only known way of participation in the political process is by voting during
elections. Demonstrations and marches are usually forbidden. The mass media in most cases are not free because
they are owned by people who have connection to those in authority.
Types of Political Participation
a. Voting b. Working and contributing to electoral campaigns c. Contacting government officials
d. Attending protest and demonstration e. working informally with others to solve community problems
f. Serving without pay on local elected and appointed boards g. Being active politically through voluntary
association h. Contributing money to political causes
Political Participation in the Electoral Process
1. The freedom of expression 2. The opportunity to register as a candidate 3. The right to be
elected and hold office at all levels of government
In essence, it is the citizens that choose the way they want to participate in politics. On the other hand,
factors like dues and money are major determinant of the level of their participation.

WOMEN POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

Women constitute slightly more than half of the world population. In Nigeria, women are more than men 51% to
49% according to the last census. It automatically means that their contributions to economic and social
development is also more than men due to their dual role of production and reproduction. Despite these roles,
their participation in formal political structure and processes where decision regarding the use of societal
resources generated by both men and women are made remain insignificant.
In the world, women representation in legislation is about 15%. Even the United Nations recognised the needs to
bring women into the developmental process. This informed the signing by all nation the document known as the
Convention on Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women CEDAW. The UN went further
to with a Millennium Development Goals MDGs which was based on the agreement by all country to develop
the female gender through the instrument of education, health and social inclusion by year 2015. Currently, the
UN with the agreement of member state are working on the basis of Sustainable Development Goals SDGs.
The affirmative action was agreed upon and signed by each country to bring on board especially as it concern
politics and elective position at least 35% of the female into the political mainframe. This was a global
9
commitment made to address gender imbalance in politics. This was a way to enhance women participation in
government and to address gender inequality in society. Although, in many countries the right of women are
expressed in law and there are no formal barriers to WPP in electoral processes.
Politics has traditionally been a male domain that many women found unwelcome and hostile. This is because
societies in which tradition and patriarchal values remain strong usually frown at women entering politics. Some
of the obstacles that are unfavourable to women in entering politics are:
a. unfavourable cultural practices b. lack of financial resources c. lack of access to information
d. greater family responsibilities e. lower levels of education f. volatile security situation
g. lack of political network necessary for electoral success h. sexual harassment
i. absence of well established political parties j. corruption k. timidity
l. discriminatory or gender blind policies
Strategies for Women Political Participation
1. QUOTA: Gender quota demand is a global fast track strategy to address the historic exclusion of women
from the political arena. Over the last half of 20th century, many countries instituted gender quota to either
voluntary or through legislation. This gender quota was effective in addressing women exclusion in
politics. This is because gender disparity usually occur within the context of political structure. This is to
enable women to be accommodated within the political structure and this would enable the quota system
to be effective. Apart from the political structure, the quota can also be effective by the redistribution of
social and economic resources within the society. Furthermore, the assumption that women are
homogenous should be discarded because women are also divided along the line of class, religion,
ethnicity and background. This quota system can work only if women are empowered and if liberal
democracy is allowed to function maximally.
2. NETWORKING OF WOMEN POLITICIAN: In most cases, most of the women elected into political
offices are first timers with no affiliation with political parties, women group or civil society organisation.
This women politicians have to face institutional and social constraint to perform their roles effectively.
In most cases because of the patriarchal structure of the society, these women politicians are either ignored
or treated with contempt. They were also deny developmental funds which in essence will make them fail
at their constituency and probably destroy their political career. In other area, this women politicians were
expected to only confine themselves to women issues.
The networking strategy was to institute a support group that will negotiate a better working condition for
women politician. This networking strategy adopt the affirmative action in order to stop the exclusion
and marginalisation that brings about gender imbalance in politics.

10
 Affirmative action is a measure of preserving seat for women in a way that will compel a certain
percentage of women politicians in the overall political offices. In essence, this networking strategy is
also a learning platform for women politicians to know that they are not there for themselves but for the
generality of women. It also enables women in political offices to build on what other women in other
areas or country in the world have been able to achieve.

ENABLING ENVIRONMENT FOR WOMEN POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

A. Political Parties should:
a. Adopt internal democratic structure
b. Provide support and resources from women candidates
c. Make sure that women are fully represented in party leadership and policy committee
d. Make conscious effort through quota to ensure specified minimum number of women are put
forward as candidates
B. Government should:
a. Ensure that political party laws and other election related legislation are not discriminative
against women
b. Put in place legislation that will compel political parties to adopt democratic procedures for their
internal operation
c. Provide incentives to political parties to produce women candidate by giving out resources,
training and media services
d. Enable women to become prominent and visible to electorate
C. The international community should:
a. Provide advice on legislation, electoral system and the best practices that can advance women
participation in the electoral process.
b. Assist in training women candidate
c. Provide training to political parties, journalist and security agencies in order to convey the
importance of women political participation in development.
d. Provide support and training to women elected to political offices in order to enable them
function more effectively in their new roles
e. Establish and support cross party cooperation among women
D. The civil society should:
a. Identify women willing to run for office
b. Provide training and other types of support for women candidate
11
 c. Lobby to ensure that issues of special concern to women are addressed at party platforms
d. Develop cross party network for women
e. Lobby for legislative changes to advance women empowerment
f. Advocate for improved media coverage of women issues and women candidate
g. Persuade the international community to donate and support project aimed at advancing women
political participation
E. The media should:
a. Provide gender sensitive coverage of election
b. Provide women candidate with as much airtime and print space as that given to men
c. Focus attentively on issues of special concern to women in their programmes
d. Undertake quota and civil education programmes aimed specifically at women

DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION IN NIGERIA

According to Larry diamond, democratic consolidation involving behavioural and institutional changes that
normalize democratic policies and narrowed it uncertainties. Democratic consolidation is a term used to describe
a challenge of making new democratic secure of extent their life expectancy beyond the short term of making
them immune against the threat of authoritarian repression. Democratic consolidation means reducing the
probability of democracy breaking down to the point. Where political actor cannot feel reasonably confident that
democracy will persist in the near future. Democratic consolidation is the process by which democracy becomes
broadly and profoundly legitimate among the citizen that it is very unlikely to breakdown.

DEMOCRATIZATION: This simply means the process of installing democratic system of administration. This
involves an enhancement of the social condition necessary for the facilitation of the democratization. A
democratic system of government is that political system in which everybody has equal opportunity to participate
in the political process in whatever capacity they deem fit. In this regard, the government derives its authority
from the people who chose those in government. In essence, democratization is relative, incremental and in
phases.

THE PROBLEM OF GOVERNANCE THAT OBSTRUCT CONSOLIDATION

Democratic Consolidation is a concept with many meanings. This means that it is an ambiguous term meaning
different things to different people. Since Democratic Consolidation means the capacity of the polity to nurture
and sustain democratic values over a very long time with little or no threat of dissolution of the democratic
experiment.

12
 1. The most urgent and endemic problem is the weakness and frequent decay of rule of law. This rule of
law can be looked at from the structural, behavioural and attitudinal perspectives. These elements
underscore the consolidation of democracy provided they are well institutionalised. The structural
foundation emphasized issues of socio-economic prosperity where poverty is kept at the barest minimum.
The behavioural foundation are embedded in the capacity of democracy to challenge anti-democratic
forces such as violence, transgression of authorities etc. The attitudinal foundation also encompass basic
strategic element required to sustain democracy in the area of meditation and transformation between
democrats and non-democrats
2. The menace of economic growth: Economic reforms by the government have not generated rapid
sustainable economic growth.
3. The inability of government to manage ethnic, regional and religion differences in a peaceful and inclusive
way.

THE NATURE OF NIGERIA POLITICAL ELITE

The political elite is foundation for political recruitment and political leadership in Nigeria. It is also from this
sector that operators of democratic institution are chosen. This political elites in most cases are seen and described
as reflecting western values against the Nigeria background. The implication of this is that they do not see
democracy as a means to an end but rather an end in itself. When they are in power, they tend to be violent and
thereby create division among the people. In Nigeria, the political elites are usually seen as cash and carry
politicians. Therefore, makes it impossible for the dividends of democracy to get to the populace. In reality, this
political elites are united despite the facade of bitterness among them. This political elites derived their power
from the chaotic situation caused by their cronies in order to cause division among the people.

THE MILITARY AND DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIA

On Jan 15, 1966 Nigeria witnessed the first military coup led by Major C. K. Nzeogwu and other Majors in the
army. It was a bloody military intervention that led to the death of political leaders as well as many top military
officers. Those that died during this coup where the PM .sir Abubakar Balewa, S.L Akintola, Ahmadu Bello
premier of northern region, Chief Okotie Eboh, minister of finance and others. Major Gen Aguyi Ironsi took on
the mantle of leadership but this tenure was short-lived. There was a counter coup on July 29, 1966 in which he
was toppled and killed. This led to the Lt Colonel Yakubu Gowon taking over the leadership of the country. He
spent 9 years in office and was removed by Muritala Mohammed. After spending 200 days in office, he was
assassinated by Lt. Colonel Dimka on Feb 13, 1976. The coup was unsuccessful and it led to the deputy of M.
Mohammed, Olusegun Obasanjo to become the military head of state in Nigeria. It was at this that the military
13
kept to its promise of handing over power to a democratically elected civillain government i.e. the second republic
(1979-1983)
On December 31, 1983, General Muhammad Buhari through a military coup came into power while on August
27, 1985 Major General Ibrahim Babangida removed Buhari and made himself the military president of Nigeria.
Here was also two unsuccessful coup that took place during Babangida regime. Mamman Vatsa Coup of 1985
and Major Gideon Orkar Coup of 1990. Babangida stepped aside in 1993 after the post-electoral crisis in that
year. He set up an interim government led by Ernest Shonekan. General Abacha sacked the interim government
and assumed the head of state. Abacha died on the 8th of June 1998 and was succeeded by Gen. Abdulsalam
Abubakar.
Characteristics of Military Rule
a. Hierarchical and Centralised b. Disciplined and Obedient to higher command c. Dictatorship
d. Intolerance to opposition e. Suspension of the constitution f. Absence of the rule of law
g. Separation from Civilian Society h. Decrees i. fusion of legislature and executive
Reasons for Military Intervention
a. Regional differences b. Tribal loyalty c. Politicization of the army d. difficult political change
e. Census crisis of 1962 & 1963 f. General election crisis of 964 g. Action Group crisis of 1962
i. Western region crisis of 1965 j. Corruption, Nepotism and sectionalism k. polarisation of Pol Parties
l. sit tight syndrome of politicians m. mismanagement of public funds n. inordinate ambition of some
military personnel o. refusal to accept political defeat.
Measures Against Military Rule
a. Accountability b. Rules and Regulation c. Good Leadership d. Free and Fair Election
e. Responsive and Responsible Government f. Political Education g. Fundamental Human Rights
h. Independence of Judiciary i. De-politicization of the Military
Advantages of Military Rule in Nigeria
a. Boost in Nigeria Foreign Policy b. Creation of States c. National Integration
d. New Constitution e. Establishment of NYSC f. Infrastructural Development
g. Prevention of Secession h. Mass Oriented Programmes like OFN & WAI
i. Establishment of new Federal Capital Territory
Disadvantages of Military Rule in Nigeria
a. Nigerian Civil War b. Increase in Crime Rate c. Non tolerance to criticism
d. No respect for the rule of law e. Corruption f. Violation of Fundamental Human Right

INSURGENCY
14
An insurgence is civil war characterise by an equal power between groups. The weaker of the groups constitute
the insurgent party while the stronger party is the government. Insurgency can also be defined as any effort to
obtain political goals by an organisation and primarily indigenous group using irregular warfare and allied
political techniques. It is a political military conflict waged against a specific faction, implementing and regular
military action in support of a unified political outcome that is short of revolutionary civil war. It can also be
defined as a strategic political development that implement the tactics of political subversion, selective terrorism,
guerrilla operation as a means to sustain itself until further development can occur. Consequently, an insurgency
is a type of war which lead to and be part of large conventional conflict or civil war.
Stages of Insurgency
a. Guerilla Warfare b. Semi-Conventional Warfare c. Conventional Warfare
Guerilla Warfare is a form of irregular warfare in which small combatants such as armed civilians or irregular
use of military tactics including ambushes, raid, hit and run are used to fight larger and less mobile military. The
nature of insurgence include kidnapping, Suicide bombing, resource erosion, support from indigenous population.
Insurgence used terrorism tactics at the initial stage of war to show their presence which is mainly to foster
insecurity and fear among the population.
Types of Insurgence
1. Regime Loyalist: These are people consisting of the old military and security forces of the previous
regime and this include all the volunteer, civilian militia group as well as the intelligence asset i.e.
domestic spies and snitches of the previous regime. They are not criminals and many in fact are quite well
educated and wealthy. They operate on the basis of inspiration and do not take orders from anybody. They
attack when they think the moment is right as if they could read the mind of their leader. They do their
attack with skill, strength and sophistication and these attacks are usually in a military fashion.
2. Disaffected Citizens: These are untrained, leaderless, delinquents and criminals for the most part who
will do anything for money or illegal profit and may not be genuinely concern with what is happening in
the country. Their weapon are frequently home-made weapon and their attacks are quite unpredictable
because they try to outsmart each-other which can easily lead to more violence.
3. Terrorist: They are usually very well armed, well trained and have interest in weapons of mass
destruction. This well organised military style represents the greatest threat during most cases of
insurgency.
4. Foreign Fighters: These are people from neighbouring countries who are sympathetic to the cause of one
or more insurgent groups. They generally have little or no military training and their connection to a cause
is usually religious in most cases. The locals often do not want them around but some come around on

15
 their own and some at the prompting of some religious leaders. Only a few of them have the resources to
operate successfully.
5. Criminals: These are most likely gangs, narcotics, trafficking, and crime kingpins. They would do almost
anything for power or money cartel, cabal or other criminal organizations. Their objectives is just to create
havoc and prey on those that are easy target like refugees or illegal immigrants within a country.

HISTORY OF INSURGENCY IN NIGERIA

1. THE DECLARATION OF NIGER DELTA REPUBLIC: The first known insurgency in Nigeria can
be credited to the movement to liberate the Niger Delta people led by Major Isaac Boro. He belong to the
Ijaw ethnic extraction in the Niger Delta region and at the time of his rebellion, he was a student of
University of Nigeria, Nsukka. His complaint was against the exploit of oil & gas resources by both the
federal and region government in total disregard of the citizens of the area. Boro formed the Niger Delta
Volunteer force. This was an armed military group consisting of 150 of his kinsmen. He believe that the
people of Niger Delta deserve a more equitable share of the gain from oil. The republic lasted for 12 days
before the federal focus crush them and arrested Boro. He and this followers were charged and imprisoned
for treason but on the eve of the Nigerian Civil War, General Yakubu Gowon granted them amnesty. This
enabled him to enlist in the federal forces in war against Biafra.
2. NIGERIA CIVIL WAR: It was fought from July 6, 1963 to January 15, 1970. The war follows the coup
of Jan 15, 1966 led the military men of the Igbo ethnic group and a counter coup of July 29, 1966 led by
military men mostly Hausa/Fulani. This civil war brought about the destruction of lives and properties
especially those from eastern Nigeria. This discontentment led by Col. Ojukwu to declare the secession
of the republic of Biafra on 27th of May, 1967.
3. THE MOVEMENT FOR THE ACTUALIZATION OF THE SOVEREIGN STATE OF BIAFRA
(MASSOB): More than two decades after the end of the Civil War, there emerged the movement for the
actualization of the sovereign state of Biafra by Mr. Ralph Nwazurike, a lawyer. The movement has a
firm root in the five eastern states that home to the Igbo people. MASSOB has been seen as a follow up
to the failed activities of Biafran supporters. In 2009, MASSOB issued an official statement predicting
the collapse of Nigeria by 2013.
4. Odua Peoples Congress: It was formed in 1997 as a Yoruba organisation with a nationalist outlook. The
founding head was Dr. Fredrick Fasehun and the militant group of the OPC was headed by Gani Adams.
This organisation was formed as a protest to the post election crisis of Chief MKO Abiola who was
regarded as the wine of June 1993 election. It opposes federal system of government and want the Yoruba
to secede from Nigeria and form a sovereign Odua republic.
16
 5. BOKO HARAM: The rise Boko Haram brought about the sense of insecurity and anxiety in Northern
Nigeria. The group had existed for about ten years and have attacked Police, Military, Churches, Mosques,
Schools, International Agencies, Market Squares and other public places. This group weapon include
bombs, arms and ammunitions of various degree lethal capability.
Causative factors behind Insurgency in Nigeria
a. Discrimination b. Poverty c. Unemployment d. Political Alienation e. Religious and
Ideological Discontentment f. Growth of social class awareness and desire for equality g. Land use and
property rights.

REFERENCES

 Essential Government
 On Democracy by Robert Dahl (PDF)
 Wikipedia

17
 POLITICAL ANALYSIS
COURSE OUTLINE

 CONCEPTIONS OF POLITICS UNIT

 THE IMPORTANCE AND NATURE OF POLITICAL ANALYSIS
 THE LANGUAGE OF INQUIRY IN POLITICAL SCIENCE ANALYSIS
 IS POLITICAL SCIENCE A SCIENCE?
 APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF POLITICS
 POWER
 AUTHORITY
 POLITICAL CULTURE
 POLITICAL SOCIALISATION
 POLITICAL PARTICIPATION
 POLITICAL REPRESENTATION

CONCEPTION OF POLITICS

1. POLITICS AS AN ART OF GOVERNMENT: Politics is viewed as the practice and process of

government. This conception limits politics to what happen within the state. According to Birsmack,
politics is an art of government. This was derived from the classical definition of politics i.e. how you
govern. The emphasis of this conception is on the machineries of government alone i.e. Executive,
Legislature and Judiciary. It focused on people that occupies the machinery of government.
2. POLITICS AS PUBLIC AFFAIRS: According to this conception that emanated from Greek, politics is
seen as everything that is public. Everything in the public realm is politics, they posited that things that
happen in private purview is not politics. This conception subscribe to moral superiority of the state i.e.
the essence of the state is to direct the people to a noble cause. According to this group, if the state stop
to be morally superior, then it is a failed state. They believe until a man become part of the state, he is a
beast. Advance moral superiority of the state vis-a -vis the private realm. Decision makers are those who
set the moral standard ethical behaviour for people. According to this view which was championed by
Aristotle, man by nature is a political animal. To attain your humanness, you must relate with people in
the community. By this definition, the institutions of the state are regarded as public institutions. They see
the society as the private realm while the decision making body is the public realm.
This conception suffers restriction because politics cannot be restricted to public affairs alone because
decision in the private realm affects the public affairs and vice versa

18
3. POLITICS AS OPERATION /ACTIVITY OF THE STATE: Here, politics is whatever the state does.
Only the state can be linked to politics. All the activity of state are political, this is the oldest conception
of the state. It is the traditional belief that politics is synonymous with the state. Max Weber defined state
as “any structure that successfully exercise the legitimate monopoly of the use of force within a given
territory. The state uses force to exert compliance. Anybody that ants to use it must get the permission of
the state. It embodies the coercive power of the state.
4. POLITICS AS POWER: Politics determine all social activities within all human relationship. According
to Harold Lasswell, politics is the determination of who gets what, when and how. Ability to alter the
behaviour off others is power. Influence and persuasion is a low level politics while power is a high level
politics. In contestation for power, there is struggle and the struggle approximates to politics.
5. POLITICS AS COLLECTIVE DECISION AND ACTION: This means politics is about working
together, bargaining, and compromise. Decision taken by a group of people with divergent interest that
come together to take a collective decision which will be binding on all members of the group. Organs of
decision making like National Assembly, House of Assembly. According to this conception, there must
be diversity and scarcity but all of these must be resolved through bargaining and negotiation and this
process is politics.
6. POLITICS AS DETERMINATION AND EXECUTION OF PUBLIC POLICIES: According to
David Easton, politics is the authoritative allocation of value. Here politics can be seen as struggles among
various interest especially among decision makers about which decision to make and how well to execute
them. That is why various public groups carefully select who will represent them. Emphasis is on decision
making and its execution. Public policies are actions and inactions of government that affects the people.
7. POLITICS AS A RELATIONS AND CONFLICTS AMONG DIFFERENT CLASSES IN THE
SOCIETY: This emanated from Marxian tradition who believed there are two classes in the society;
Bourgeoisie and Proletariat. They believe the classes are always contending to dominate each other. This
struggle typifies politics. The moderator of these classes is government which is biased in favour of the
bourgeoisie class. Politics is about the pendulum between classes, the battle of supremacy. But according
to Karl Marx, the proletariat will win and the state will wither away and there will be a classless society.
8. POLITICS AS COMPROMISE AND CONSENSUS: This conception holds politics to be an avenue
where issues that affects everybody are discussed in a peaceful manner. Politics does not involve violence
but debates. It makes problem solving easier.

19
 DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL ANALYSIS
Political analysis can be defined as methods, theories, approaches and concepts adopted to explain and analyse
political occurrence, events, issues and phenomenon e.g. what is political experience? Political analysis enables
political scientists to investigate issues or events. This investigation is based on systematic manner, organizing
and analysing it. It seeks to establish relationship between political variable with a view to give objective
explanation and predict the likelihood occurrences.

IMPROTANCE AND FORMS OF POLITICAL ANALYSIS

According to Osaghae (1988), political analysis has three main goals:
1. To know what is important in politics, i.e. those things that influence or determine the outcome of events.
2. To know what is valuable, i.e. the difference every political outcome makes to our desires, both
individually and collectively.
3. To know what is real or true by systematically subjecting our guesses, impressions, popular belief, even
rumors, to verification. Others are:
4. To develop intellectual activity: some people engage in political analysis to develop themselves
intellectually. This is one of the area of human endeavor because almost everybody takes part in it. Lest,
the need for intellectuals that can provide logical reasoning.
5. To contribute to the changing interpretation of societal values viz-a-viz social changes: values in society
are dynamic, before one can know these changes, one must be well equipped intellectually.
6. It helps in achievement of desired outcome: These are what we prefer in a political systems and if these
things are not analyzed we might not get the desired outcome. Political scientists want to bring out good
society.

FOUR TYPES OF POLITICAL ANALYSIS

1. Normative Analysis: This is hinged on human reasoning to prescribe human society. The ideal society
comes from normative analysis, they ask question base on values and ethics. They prescribe things, how
thing ought to be. It is mostly the work of philosophers.
Criteria to determine Normative Analysis
 Naturalism: This focused on the attributes of man. What does a man need to be a a man in his
natural being? John Locke categorised it into three Liberty, Property and Pursuit of Happiness.
While John Stuart Mill believed any policy in the society must be targeted at getting the greatest
happiness for the greatest number of people, Utilitarianism.

20
  Intuition: This is the capacity for knowing what is good. There are argument to know what is
good. St. Acquinas and St. Augustine believed you can only know what is good through the
knowledge of God. Knowledge for what is good can be acquired through reasoning.
 Subjectivism/Non-Cognitivism: This is not based on empirical knowledge but on what cannot
be proven. It is based on individual whims and caprices. This approach cannot rely on but can be
used with other forms of political analysis.
2. Empirical Analysis: This is anchored on observable phenomenon which exist in the real world. It can be
used to establish ‘what is’. The key element of this approach is to look at politics empirically, we can
measure, analyse operationalize concepts and present it. It is divided into two; Deductive and Inductive.
3. Semantic/Conceptual Analysis: Here, emphasis is on words and their meanings especially words or
concepts that are contested. The lowest level meaning of concepts is in the dictionary. Furthered, you can
consult authorities whose definitions is widely accepted. Also, ideological consideration of meaning.
There must be rigorous analysis via operationalization of concepts.
4. Policy Analysis: Policy is a course of action adopted to address an issue. Policy cycle involves agenda,
formulate policy, policy adoption, implement and policy evaluation then the outcome or effect of the
policy. Here, we are searching for the best policy or course of action in order to arrive at the best.
LANGUAGE OF ENQUIRY IN POLITICAL ANALYSIS
1. Concept: Concepts are generally accepted ideas, meanings or characteristics associated with events,
processes, behaviours and/or political phenomena. In analysis, concepts must be operationalized for
comprehensive analysis. Operationalization means when you are trying to set the criteria of measurement
for the concept.
2. Generalization: This is a statement that describe general condition or property of an event. Generalization
is anchored on probable pattern of behaviour which has been subjected to empirical or normative analysis.
3. Theories: Theories are those explanations of uniformities that involve two or more generalization but
which even though is widely held, require empirical validation for confirmation. Theories are statement
that propose relationship among variables which is subjected to verification therefore, can be refuted or
accepted. If it is accepted, it can become laws. But laws are rare in social sciences therefore, we always
stop at theories.
4. Variables: Variables are properties of an object that take on different values or characteristics. Variables
are rely on to make analysis. There two major types of variables, Dependent and Independent
Variables.
5. Methods: They are ways through which theories are organised for application to data. There two types
of methods in political analysis; Quantitative and Qualitative.
21
6. Verifiability: The proposition can be checked or examined for credibility by as many specialists in the
field to establish its authenticity. The process of checking this propositions is called verifiability.
7. Systematic: This is the strict adherence to the process of analysis such that whatever the outcome or
findings will be organized in an intelligible manner so that the audience will understand
8. Model: These are simplified ways of describing relationship such that it can be easily understood. Models
are often in diagram or mathematical equation. They can be constructed from a paradigm or theories.
9. Explanation: This is the reduction of unfamiliar to familiar. Therefore, making what is unknown and
unclear to be known. That is revealing the why and how. Explanation is the crux to enquiries. It is always
based on verifiable data or information.
10. Prediction: It is statement of likelihood of the explained event to happen in the future. By explaining the
presence, the future can be predicted. It is in form of forecasting base on present indices.
11. Paradigm: This is known as the world view of people. It is how the properties of the world are seen and
understood. It informs how one frame his mind. It is a mixture of philosophical assumption and ideological
assumption. It is about what and how you see in the political world.
12. Falsification: This is hinged on the fact that we can only know what is false and what is true is difficult
to ascertain. Researcher tries to falsify or negate assumptions to establish credibility.
13. Research Design: This is the compass or guidance or the entirety/overall of what the researcher intends
to do and how to do it. It is the master plan on how to carry out the research activities. It must be robust,
authentic and must tend to what you seek to unravel. It is not a rigid document as it can be modify during
the course of research but it must not be substantial
RESEARCH APPROACHES IN POLITICAL ANALYSIS
1. Positivism: This approach strictly follow the scientific procedures in research processes. The research
must be value-free. The researcher must be detached from what it is studying. There must not be any sense
of encroachment with the researcher sentiments or predisposition in the research.
2. Interpretivist: This approach extols the understanding of a phenomena through its lens. This means that
the element of study must be a participant in the study because it will enrich the research. Interpretivist
don’t start with theories, they develop it along the research process whereas, positivist sets out to test
theories.
CAN POLITICS BE SCIENCE?
For some, there is and can be a science of politics. The argument here is that political science like other
social sciences has a scientific character because of the scientific method and the scientific tools it employs
in examining phenomena. That is, it is a science to the extent that it accumulates facts that are verifiable,

22
 links these facts together in causal sequences (systematically) and from these, makes generalisations of
fundamental principles and formulate theories.

However, others believe that political science or the social science in general cannot be a science because
the material with which it deals is incapable of being treated exactly the same way as physics or chemistry.
While physics and chemistry are natural or physical science, and deal with matter; the social sciences
which include political science, sociology, economics, etc. deal with man in society. Man in society is not
only unpredictable but, also extremely cumbersome to observe accurately because he/she is ever-
changing, and his/her environment is difficult to control. From these perspectives, the major reasons why
politics is not and can never be a science are listed below (Appadorai, 1975).
 Difficulty on value-free analysis
 Uncertainties and unpredictability in human life

APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF POLITICS

TRADITIONAL APPROACH: Approach is an enquiry into a discipline. The pioneers of political enquiries are
the Greeks but during their time, they focused on some sections. All their works to the classical period are the
traditional approach. Traditional approach is characterised by the political institutions and normativism such as
state and political values. The legalistic and historical aspects of political science are also types of traditional
approach because they are descriptive and analytical. They don’t predict, they talk on what ought to and not what
is. The effect of Second World War necessitated the need for new approaches because there was increase in the
number of states on the declaration of the United Nations. These states are from Latin America, Asia and Africa
but their characteristics are different from that of the European States.
Traditional approaches focus on institutions and laws as contained in the constitution. It is formalistic and
legalistic. It thrives on static entities. It is unable to adapt to changes in political events. Traditional approaches
are concerned with the study of the organization of the state and the activities within the state. The approach is
normative and idealistic in that it prescribe what is good and bad. Questions like what is a good state are asked
in the traditional approach. It answers philosophically and historically. There are four approaches of traditional
approach:
 Philosophical/Normative Approach: Normative Political approach is concerned with the discovery and
application of moral notions in the sphere of political relations and practice (Stoker, 1995). It deals with
the inquiry into the problems of man and society. In the view of Leo Strauss, “it is the attempt to know
both the nature of political things and the right, or the good political conduct... (Through) critical and
coherent analysis” (Straus, 1969). This has been the preoccupation of early political philosophers such as
23
 Plato, Aristotle and modern political philosophers such as Jeremy Bentham and John Stuart Mills. The
subject matter of the normative approach has principally remained the state, its evolution, organisation
and purpose.
 The Institutional Approach: The institutional approach to the study of political process is concerned
with the rules, procedures and formal organisations of the political system and their impact on political
practice (Stoker, 1995). Historically, the strength of the institutional approach in political science reflects
the influence of law, philosophy and historical studies in its development as an autonomous field of study.
The study of political institutions is central to the identity of the discipline of political science. Eckstein
(1963:10-11) points out that “political science emerged . . . as a separate autonomous field of study
divorced from philosophy, political economy, and even sociology [which] may have created a tendency
to emphasize the study of formal-legal arrangements”. If there is any subject matter at all that political
scientists can claim exclusively for their own, a subject matter that does not require acquisition of the
analytical tools of sister fields and that sustains their claim to autonomous existence, it is, of course,
formal-legal political structure.
 Historical Approach: It places emphasis on the historical development of political events. It analysed
the present by looking at what transpired in the past. It is a form of political reality. This is looking at
politics base on the event of the past.
 Legal Approach: This is concern about the legal process in the political arena. This approach emphasizes
looking at the body that makes, interpret and execute the law. Jean Bodin, Jeremy Bentham, A. V. Dicey,
John Austin are scholars who contributed to the legal framework of the state.

CRITICISM OF THE TRADITIONAL APPROACHES

The traditional approaches have been criticised as static and oversimplified assumptions about today's
reality of the political process. Much of the work of traditional institutional studies has rightly been subject
to criticism for the weakness of its methods, the anti-theoretical, descriptive nature of its product, and an
underlying prescriptive perspective based on an idealised conception of the virtues of liberal democratic
government.
Specifically, it has been argued that the traditional approach’s concern for ‘hyperfactualism’ or ‘reference
for facts’ meant that political scientists suffered from ‘theoretical malnutrition’. In the process, they
neglected ‘the general framework within which these facts could acquire meaning). They have also been
accused of formalism or focusing on rules and procedures to the neglect of the actual political behaviour.
In spite of these criticisms, the traditional approaches still have their use in political study.

24
 BEHAVIOURAL APPROACH: The behavioural approach or behaviouralism as it is often called is best
viewed as a broad-based effort to impose standards of scientific rigor, relying on empirical evidence, on
theory building, in contrast to the legalistic and formal approach of the 1940s and 1950s. The approach
was led by the Chicago School headed by Charles Merriam, other scholars were Harold Lasswell, Gabriel
Almond, David Truman, Robert Dahl, Herbert Simon, and David Easton. Behaviouralism represents a
post-World War II revolution and disaffection of Political Science over-reliance on the traditional
approaches. For instance, Leeds (1981:2), criticized the “old institutionalism” for its preoccupation with
the formal structures of government and for having quite spectacularly failed “to anticipate the collapse
of inter-war German democracy and the emergence of fascism.”
According to Robert Dahl, the behavioural revolution was described as a ‘protest movement’ in political
science stemming from the fact that some scholars were not satisfied with the achievement of the
traditional approach in politics.
FACTORS THAT LED TO THE EMERGENCE OF THE BEHAVIOURAL APPROACH
Robert Dahl in his 1961 paper titled “The behavioral approach in political science: Epitaph for a monument to a
successful protest” noted six interrelated factors, which influenced the rise of the behavioural movement.
1. Evolution of the University of Chicago's Department of Political Science under the leadership of Charles
Meriam. (The Chicago School)
2. The influx of the European Scholars into the United States. The policies pursued by the Nazi Government
in Germany made many German Scholars to migrate to the US during the War.
3. The Second World War.
4. The creation of the Social Science Research Council (SSRC) and the subsequent creation of an adjunct
committee on political behaviour.
5. The development of the "survey" method as a tool in the study of politics especially at the Survey Research
Centre of the University of Michigan and the Bureau of Applied Social Research at Columbia University.
6. The influence of the philanthropic foundations which provide funds for research such as the Ford, the
Rockefeller and the Carnegie Foundations.
FEATURES OF THE BEHAVIOURAL APPROACH
David Easton outlined eight intellectual requirements or foundational stones of the behavioural approach as
follows:
1. Regularities: Behaviouralists argued that the political behaviour of individuals is governed by certain
general underlying assumptions and conditions which can be discovered through systematic study. In
other words, the political behaviour of individuals is not arbitrary is governed by certain discoverable
factors. For example, if a group of individuals may continue to vote for the same party over a long period
25
 of time. Through behavioral research we may be able to show, that the behaviour of these individuals is
related to such factors as their socio-economic status, ethnic identity or ideological orientation. On the
basis of this knowledge, the behaviouralist will not only be able to explain but also predict the political
behaviour of these individuals and others. In short, therefore, behaviouralists argued that there are
discoverable uniformities or regularities in political behaviour and that these can be expressed in
systematic generalizations or theories with explanatory and predictive values.
2. Verification: The behaviouralists emphasized the need to make the study of politics as factual, empirical
and scientific as possible. They argued that just as the natural and physical sciences are based on actual
and observable events, political science most also be based on factual or empirical processes. They,
therefore, contended that all statements, generalizations or theories about political behaviour must be
based on factual observation and must be testable or verifiable by reference to actual political conduct.
This process of empirical verification is the most important criterion for assessing the validity,
acceptability or utility of any generalizations or statements about political behaviour.
3. Techniques: The observation of political behaviour and the verification of statements and generalizations
arising from the observation must be based on the use of reliable and sophisticated scientific techniques,
including well-structured interviews, sample surveys, statistical measurements and mathematical models.
In short, the behaviouralists argued that reliable and effective means must be developed for observing,
recording and analyzing political behaviour.
4. Quantification: The use of statistical and mathematical measurements can help to achieve adequate
precision or accuracy in observing, recording and analyzing political behaviour. There must, therefore, be
a shift in methods from the qualitative judgments that dominated the Normative-Philosophical Approach,
to the quantitative measurements that are usually associated with the natural and physical sciences.
Behaviouralists however, resolved that quantitative methods must be used not for their own sake, but
only where possible, relevant and meaningful in the light of other objectives. This is why David Truman
asserted that the political scientist should perform his research in 'quantitative terms if he can, and in
qualitative terms, if he must'.
5. Values Freeness: Values or ethical evaluations are a feature of the Normative-Philosophical approach to
the study of politics and must be deemphasized in the scientific behavioral approach. The behavioral
approach is not guided by ethical evaluations. Rather, it is based on empirical and scientific explanation.
While the student of political behaviour may sometimes make ethical judgments or evaluations, he should
for the sake of clarity not confuse them with empirical observations or generalizations. In other words,
empirical political research must be kept analytically distinct from ethical or moral philosophy.

26
 6. Systematization: Any piece of empirical political research, or any attempt at the observation of political
data, must not be seen as an end in itself but as a means to the development of a systematic theory or
generalization. In other words, empirical research should be 'theory oriented and theory-directed'. Indeed
research and theory should be 'developed as mutually indispensable parts of the scientific study of political
behaviour. As David Easton put it, 'research untutored by theory may prove trivial, and theory
unsupported by data, futile'.
7. Pure Science: Applied research, or the application of scientific knowledge to the solution of social
problems, is as much a part of the scientific enterprise as is theoretical understanding or explanation.
However, the scientific explanation of political behaviour logically precedes and provides the basis for
any efforts to utilize political knowledge to the solution of urgent socio-political problems. To the
behaviouralists, this implies that greater importance should be attached to pure research or scientific
explanation than applied research, policy formulation or 'political engineering'. Indeed the behaviouralists
argued that a political scientist should be contented with understanding and explaining political behaviour
even if the resultant knowledge cannot be applied to solve specific socio-political problems.
8. Integration: Finally, the behavioural approach seeks to promote the unity of the social sciences, namely
political science, economics, sociology, psychology and geography. It expresses the hope that someday
the walls which separate political sciences from the other social sciences will crumble. Behaviouralists
argued that because the social sciences deal with the totality of social existence, political research can
ignore the findings of other social science disciplines only at the risk of undermining the validity and
relevance of its own results or generalizations.

POST-BEHAVIOURALISM APPROACH:
As discussed above, numbers of political scientists began complaining that important happenings were being
ignored by the discipline. The critics were labelled (sympathetically) by then-APSA president David Easton as
“post-behaviouralists.” These post-behaviouralists organised themselves into the Caucus for a New Political
Science under the leadership of Christian Bay and Mark Roelofs. Among the political scientists of note who
proffered a critical post-behavioral viewpoint were Charles McCoy, Peter Bachrach, James Petras, Sheldon
Wolin, and Michael Parenti (Parenti, 2006).
The aforementioned scholars not only complained that most of the discipline’s scholarship was removed from
the imperatives of political life but inaccurate in its depiction of a benevolent democratic pluralism. They also
questioned the existence of rigorous determinist laws and the possibility of scientific objectivity in the study of
politics. They were concerned with the propriety of the participation of behavioural political science in citizenship

27
education and public affairs, endeavours that made objectivity difficult. The behaviouralists responded by urging,
in principle, that research become more important than civic education.
However, the Great Depression and World War II made it difficult to contest the significance of civic
responsibility. Thus, when the APSA president William Anderson pronounced in 1943 that the preservation of
democracy and “direct service to government” were the foremost obligations of political science, he was
representing the prevailing view of American political scientists (US History Encyclopedia, 2009).
As well, the social unrest over the war in Vietnam raised consciousness among political scientists including some
of the leading lights of the behavioural revolution, that “behaviourism could be perceived as amoral and irrelevant
to the normative concerns governing human lives” (US History Encyclopedia, ibid). For instance, in 1967, the
caucus for a New Political Science set up within American Political Science Association (APSA) attacked the
complacency, conservatism and lack of relevance of American political science, rejecting the behaviouralist
paradigm.
Research, according to the post-behaviouralist, was to be related to urgent social problems and was to be
purposive. It was the duty of the political scientist to find out solutions to contemporary problems. His objective
could not be mere stability or the maintenance of the status quo. Political science in its tools of research should
no longer remain subservient in the task laid down for its conservative politicians, for instance in preserving the
existing order...the political scientists must play the leading role in acting for the desired social change.

APPROCACHES TO THE STUDY OF POLITICAL SYSTEM

1. THE SYSTEM APPROACH: This approach was proposed by David Easton in 1957. He saw the
political system as an integrated whole as components parts working together and independently. He
borrowed from biology and cybernetics (input-process-output) to explain the political system. Easton
believed political system constitute of institutions, processes and interactions. Institutions are used to do
the input and process it and there are interaction among the player in the system and through the system,
there is authoritative allocation of values. Easton (1953) insisted that political system “is that system of
interactions in any society through which binding or authoritative allocations are made.” Easton explained
that from the environment demands are made on the political system in the form of input (demands and
support). These demands are then processed into outputs, which are authoritative decisions (Legislations
or Acts). Through a feedback loop changes brought about by those outcomes after conversion, are
channelled back into the system in form of increased, intensified or modified demands and supports.
Although the model is largely abstract, it is useful as a general framework for political analysis.

28
According to Easton, the political system consists of all those institutions and processes involved in the
authoritative allocation of values for society. The political system takes inputs from society. These consist
of (a) demands for particular policies and (b) expressions of support. Supports include: compliance with
laws, payment of taxes and diffuse support for the regime. The political system converts these inputs into
outputs –authoritative policies and decisions. These outputs then feedback to society so as to affect the
next cycle of inputs. However, inputs are regulated by gatekeepers, such as parties and interest groups,
which bias the system in favor of certain demands and against others.
Inputs: Inputs which give the political system its dynamic character and furnish it both with the raw
material or information that the system called upon to process and the energy to keep are of two kinds-
demands and supports.
Demand: Easton defines demand “as an expression of opinion that an authoritative allocation with regard
to particular subject matter should or should not be made by those responsible for doing so”. It means that
the people as ‘actors’ make demands upon their political system that sub serve their specific interests.
The demand may be following four types:
 Demands for allocation of goods and services such as wage, educational opportunities, housing and
medical facilities etc.
 Demands for regulation of behaviour such as control over markets; provision for public safety; rules
relating to marriage, health and sanitation etc.
 Demands for participation in the political system such as right to seek election, to hold office to
organize processions, to petitions public officials etc.

29
  Demands for communication and information such as communication of policy intent from political
elites or display of the power of the political system in period of threats or on ceremonial occasions.
Supports: Supports are those structures or process which gives the political system the capacity to cope with the
demands made upon it. Supports are of the following four types:
 Material supports, such as the payment of taxes or other levies, and the provisions of services such as
labour on public works or military service.
 Obedience to laws and regulations.
 Participatory support, such as voting, political discussion, and other forms of political activities.
 Attention paid to governmental communication and manifestation of deference or respect to public
authority, symbols and ceremonials.
Out puts of the political system: A, political system, therefore, maintains itself partly through its own regulatory
mechanisms and partly through the support, specific as well as defused, which it can generate the society. The
main test of its effectiveness lies in what it does for society. Here comes in Easton’s concept of outputs. An output
of a political system is a political decision or policy. Easton points out that out puts “not only help to influence
events in the broader society of which the system is a part, but also, in doing so, they help to determine each
succeeding round of inputs that finds its way into the political system”.
Feedback: Easton tells us that the out puts of a political system are the authoritative decisions and actions of the
system’s leaders that bear on the allocation of values for it. These out outs not only help to influence events in
the broader society of which the system is a part, but also in doing so, they help to determine each succeeding
round of inputs that finds its way into the political system.

2. STRUCTURAL FUNCTIONAL APPROACH: This approach was developed by Gabriel Almond.

Structural Functional approach is a form of systemic analysis which looks at political system as a coherent
whole which influences and is in influenced by their environments. A political system is held together by
the presence of legitimate force throughout the system. It has three characteristics: comprehensiveness,
independence and existence of boundaries. The interactions that take place within a system are not
between individuals but between the roles which these individuals adopt. Lastly, the political system is
an open system and is involved in communications with systems, beyond its boundaries.
Gabriel Almond's conceptual framework evolved through three phases. He wrote an article in 1956 in
which he said that system is an "inclusive concept which covers all of the patterned actions relevant to the
making decisions." For him, system was more important than process because system implied totality,
interactions among units within the totality and stability in these interactions, which he described as
"changing equilibrium".
30
Almond relied upon Max and Talcott Parsons in the political system's actions and turned to concepts like
structure and role replacing the legal vocabulary of institution, group or organisation. Lastly, he
introduced the concept of political culture which is embedded in a particular pattern of orientations to
political action. These patterns generally extend beyond the boundaries of the political system.
Almond suggested that all political systems have four characteristics:
i) All political systems have structures.
ii) The same political functions are performed in all political systems.
iii) All political structures are multifunctional.
iv) All political systems-are mixed in the cultural sense.
Almond then outlined his own functional categories classifying them into inputs and outputs. The outputs
are functions and correspond to the traditional legislative, executive and judicial functions. They show a
bias towards American and European conceptions of government showing traditional orientation of
comparative politics. Almond, however, argued that input functions are crucial in characterizing the
political systems of developing countries.
These input functions constitute the ingredients of the system: who recognises, deliberates and resolves
problems and issues. Spiro called this a process of flow "and interpreted it as consisting of demands and
supports for action .Almond says that political socialisation takes place through the family, school, church,
trade union, party and even government agencies. It also involves recruitment of people from different
social groups into political parties, civil service etc.
Input functions:
 Political Socialization and Recruitment
The function of political socialisation and recruitment are performed usually by the political structure,
political parties. The child is socialized by the political parties, educational institution, family,
organizations, etc. And they are recruited directly to the political parties by its senior members. These two
are the primary input functions performed by the structures.
 Interest Articulation
Interest articulation means the identification and coordination of different interests of the people by
interest groups or pressure groups. Based on these interests later the demands are prepared by them for its
implementation. Caste, educational, business, farmers, labourer’s interest groups perform their role in
society to bring out their interests.
 Interest Aggregation

31
 After interest articulation, the necessary demands from the groups were communicated to the political
parties for its aggregation. This process is called as lobbying. The political parties then accept or reject
the various demands and formulate it in the form of a proposal for law.
 Political Communication
The final input function is political communication. In this function the aggregated demands or interests
are communicated to the political system by the political parties for it acceptance. Usually the people’s
representatives in the legislature, who are the members of different political parties, perform these
functions. The political parties have the responsibility to inform the public about respective legislative
proposals and they work as the channel of communication. After political communication, the output
structures start to carry out their functions.
Output Functions
 Rule Making
Rulemaking is the primary output functions performed by the political structure, legislature. After the
political communication the political system receives necessary demands from the environment or society,
and starts the conversion process, i.e., the transformation of different demands into formal rules and
regulations.
 Rule Application
The function of implementation of the rules is done by the executive wing of the government or political
system, the other political structure. Through its various Ministries and departments the executive enforce
the laws prepared from the legislature.
 Rule Adjudication
Rule adjudication is the final output function performed by the judiciary. The laws once implemented by
the executive went to the hands of judiciary for interpretation. Judiciary interprets and judges in all cases
reached before it.
3. GROUP APPROACH: This approach arose from Arthur Bentley in his book “The Process of
Government. He looked at political process as a group endeavour. This idea was elaborated by David
Truman “The Governmental Process”. These two authors focused on how the groups in the society control
government for their own interest. Particularly, Bentley posited that “when the group is adequately stated,
everything is stated. When I say everything , I mean everything” he further said the “the complete
description of the group will mean the complete of science in the study of the phenomena as in every other
field”

32
 They believed politics is not the entire process until you look at the group in every society. The
competition and consensus of the groups determines the political process. If the group dynamics is
understood, then the state is understood.
FEATURES OF THE GROUP APPROACH
 Organisation is key to understand political process
 Focus on the activities of each of the groups in collectivities not individuals
THE SUCCESS OF THE GROUP DEPENDS ON
 Group Cohesion
 Quality of leadership
 The wealth of the group
 The status of the group
 The organisation of the group
CRITICISMS OF THE GROUP APPROACH
 Neglecting the individuals and focus on the group
 It neglects the state and society. It saw them as a conglomerate of groups
 It emphasizes interaction among groups not individuals.

4. ELITE APPROACH: The elite can be defined as a class of people with the highest indices in their
branch of activity. It emerged in the nineteenth century. Elites are the most important leaders who perform
key roles in the governance of a society. This approach has three notable proponents; Vilfredo Pareto
and Gaetano Mosca, Roberto Michaels. The term ‘Elite’ was derived from French, it means ‘something
excellent’. Accordingly, the elite tend to divide society into ‘excellent’ and ‘ordinary’ people who are
placed in different positions. The elite theorists believe in the theory of inequality of mankind. In other
words they believe that whereas all men are equal in the eyes of God, they are not equal in the eyes of
men.
VILFRED PARETO’S THEORY OF ELITE: Vilfredo Pareto (1848-1923), an Italian sociologist, in
his ‘The Mind and Society’(1915-19) used the term ‘elite’ to indicate a superior social group, i.e. a group
of people who show highest ability in their field of activity whatever its nature might be. It was a minority
group which took all major decisions in society. The other part of society which fell short of this level of
ability was termed as mass of the people, or masses. Masses are characterized by the lack of qualities of
leadership as well as the fear from responsibility. They feel that in public life it would be safe to follow
the elite. According to Pareto the basic assumption that individuals invariably differ from one another in

33
their basic abilities. In other words, there are biological differences which resulted in inequalities of men
and thus makes inequality inevitable in the society. Some individual are, therefore, superior in their
attributes while others possesses inferior abilities. The former class of superior abilities constitutes the
elite. They are known for their qualities of head and heart; capacity to initiate, execute and plan; and
dominate all sections of society-social, economic and political in one way or the other.
For Pareto, elite is a value free term. It includes all those who score highest on scales measuring any social
value or commodity such as power, riches, knowledge etc. but by the term elite he means the strongest,
the most energetic, and most capable-for all good as well evil. Though he was mostly dealing with
economic and political elites, yet he was ready to extend the use of the term to religion (the most holy);
to art (the most artistic) and to ethics (the most virtuous). In other words elite means all those who
constitute the higher stratum in society.
GAETANO MOSCA’S THOERY OF ELITE: Gateano Mosca (i858-1941), another Italian scholar,
further developed the theory of Elite in his book “The Ruling Class” According to him it is wrong to
believe that the societies are governed by majority or that majority decision or rule in any way prevails.
He is of the view that every society is governed by minority either in the form of oligarchy, or aristocracy
or elite. He is also of the opinion that whatever may be the form of government no state is ever governed
by the masses. Similarly states are also not ruled by single individual how so ever powerful he may be,
but these are always ruled by a group of people who manage to go near the centre of power or become
themselves as centre of power and the others try to go near them. According to him in all societies –from
societies that are very nearly developed and have barely attained the dawning’s of civilization, down to
the most advanced and powerful societies-two classes of people appear- a class that rules and a class that
is ruled. The first class, always the less numerous, performs all political functions, monopolizes power
and enjoys the advantages that power brings, whereas the second, the more numerous class, is directed
and controlled by the first, in a manner that is now more or less legal, now more or less arbitrary and
violent. He further adds that the second class supplies the first, in appearance at least with material means
of subsistence and with the instrumentalities at least with material means of subsistence and with the
instrumentalities that are essential to the vitality of the political organism.
ROBERT MICHEL’S IRON LAW OF OLIGARCHCHY: Robert Michels is an Italian sociologist
and disciple of Mosca reveals another dimension of the elite phenomenon in his work “political parties-
sociological study of Modern Democracy”. He made a deep study of the European Socialist political
parties and trade union, especially German Socialist party and found them oligarchic in their power
dynamics. He argues that democracy is unconceivable without organisation. In a complex society people
can, effectively voice demands only by joining together and forming organisations. But organisations are
34
 antithetical to democracy. Rank and file cannot take decision because issues are complex and they demand
specialized knowledge which they do not possess. Decisions are, therefore, left to the executive committee
and people are left with no say except to fall in line with decision of small groups. Organisations,
therefore, invariably produce oligarchy.
CIRCULATION OF ELITES: Circulation of Elites refers to a process in which individuals circulate
between the elite and the non-elite strata. It may also refer to process in which one elite is replaced by
other elite. Pareto, therefore, not only distinguished between elites and non-elites but also suggested the
idea of a circulation of Elites in which one elite replaces another as aristocracies decay or regenerate.
There might also be mobility from a non-elite stratum to an elite stratum or governing class of people who
rule directly or indirectly. This simply means that new men of money or power replace the old ones. He
has put this idea in a phrase of Marx’s dictum of history ‘the history of man is the history of the continue
replacement of elites-as one ascends, another declines. Pareto account for this process. He has listed
among the cause of this historical change, war and differential fertility. War tends to kill a higher
proportion of elites than of the general populations. Elite must sometimes embark on inviting actions and
sometime on consolidating actions. When they fail to do so, they are replace by new elites. The political
class also undergoes changes in its membership, ordinarily by the recruitment of new individual members
from the lower strata of the society, sometimes by the incorporation of new social groups and occasionally
by the complete replacement of the established elite by a ‘counter elite’ as exists in revolution.

POWER
According to Max Weber, “power is the possibility of imposing one’s will upon the behaviour of other persons”
Herbert Simon considers power as an asymmetrical relation between the behaviour of two persons. Robert Dahl
sees power as the product of human relationships. For instance, A has power over B to the extent that he (A) can
get B to do something that he would not otherwise do. A person may be said to have power to the extent he
influences the behavior of others in accordance with his intentions (Dahl, 1957; 1991).

Characteristics of Power:

 It is intangible
 It is transistive
 It is situational

Sources of Power:

 Force/Coercive
35
  Wealth
 Expertise
 Position
 Referent

Types of Power: Three major types of power may be distinguished in terms of the type of influence brought to
bear on the subordinated individual. These are force, domination and manipulation.

(a) Force - The power-holder exercises force when he/she influences behaviour by a physical manipulation of
the subordinated individual (assault, confinement, etc.).

(b) Domination - For Max Weber, “domination” is identical with the “authoritarian power of command” (Gerth
& Mills, 1946). However, for domination to be present there must be: An individual who rules or a group of
rulers; An individual who is ruled or a group that is ruled; The will of the rulers to influence the conduct of the
ruled and an expression of the will (or a Command); Evidence of the influence of the rulers in terms of the
objective degree of compliance with the command; Direct or indirect evidence of that influence in terms of the
objective acceptance with which the ruled obey the command (Goldhamer & Shills, 1965).

(c) Manipulation - This is the third form of power and it obtains when an actor influences the behaviour of
others without making explicit the behaviour which he/she wants them to perform. Manipulation may be
exercised by utilising symbols of performing acts while propaganda is a major form of manipulation by symbols).
Attempted domination may meet with obedience or disobedience. The motivation for obedience and disobedience
is instrumental to the extent that it is based on an anticipation of losses and gains. In effect, if the attempt of a
person to exercise power fails, the power act may be followed by a sanction.

AUTHORITY
This is the ability of leaders to get others to obey them based on perceived legitimacy of their office or role. It is
the constitutional recognition and acceptance of rightful behaviour from the occupant of an office. Authority
can be conferred or cultivated.
Types of Authority:
 Traditional: This is a type of authority that derive its legitimacy from customs and culture of the people.
Example is monarchy system of government.
 Charismatic: This type of authority is based on the personal attributes or quality of individuals.
 Legal/Rational: This is based on articulated rules and regulations, the official laws that give power to
people. It is not based on whims and caprices of anybody but on the constitution. It is adjudged the best
form of authority.
36
Difference between Power and Authority: What demarcates authority from power is that the former is
power/influence recognised as rightful while authority is government that all accept as valid. Its exercise is
therefore sanctioned by those who approve the particular act or agent and is tolerated by those who disapprove.
Confronted with power, the citizens have a choice whether to support or oppose. Confronted with authority, it is
their duty to obey. Resistance to power is lawful but resistance to authority is unlawful. Power is naked; authority
is power clothed in the garments of legitimacy. It is founded on consent (Lipson, 1993).Those who oppose the
government may have to submit to the decisions of power, that is, governmental decisions; but submission is
different from acquiescence. The imperatives of power may secure compliance; but this is not the same as
allegiance.
The mood of authority is distinctive because it expresses itself imperatively in a categorical way. In other words,
language of authority is different from the language of power and influence. Individuals, who are in an
institutional position to use the language of authority to issue commands, orders, directives etc., to their
subordinates, can usually also use the languages of power and influence. They can threaten a subordinate or
promise to recommend him for a promotion (Anifowose, 1999).
Thus, underlying their authority is both power and influence. However, not all power is strictly coercive. If
positive inducements are combined with severe sanctions to bring about the action desired, the relationship is one
of power but not of coercion in the strict sense.
Most power holders claim legitimacy for their acts, i.e. they claim the right to rule as they do. Equally important
is the fact that the obedience of the ruled is guided to some extent by the idea that the rulers and their commands
constitute a legitimate order of authority. This is what J. J. Rousseau meant when he stated that “the strongest is
never strong enough to be always the master unless he transforms strength into right and obedience into duty”
INFLUENCE
R. Dahl said influence is a relation among actors such that the wants, desires, preferences or intentions of one or
more actors affect the actions or predisposition to act of one or more other actors. He identified:
 Coercive Influence: This is based on threat or expectation of extreme penalties
 Reliable Influence: This is a legitimate influence with high probability of compliance.
One person has influence over another within a given scope to the extent that the first without resorting to
either a tacit or an overt threat of severe deprivations can cause the second to change his/her course of action.
Power and Influence
Power and influence are hence very difficult to measure because of the presence of feed-back. This suggests
that the power of every person is limited in crucial ways. No one possesses unlimited power -even leaders at
the apex of power, including the likes of General Sani Abacha of Nigeria or Adolf Hitler of Germany, who
in their respective countries had maximum power. In sum, power and influence are alike in that each has both
37
 rational and relational attributes. They differ, however, in that the exercise of power depends upon potential
sanctions, while the exercise of influence does not (Anifowose, 1999).

POLITICAL CULTURE
The definitions of political culture are many and varied. Roy Macridis (1961) defines it as the “commonly
shared goals and commonly accepted rules.’ Dennis Kavanagh defines it as a shorthand expression to denote
the set of values within which the political system operates (Kavanagh, 1993). Lucian Pye describes it as “the
sum of the fundamental values, sentiments and knowledge that give form and substance to political process”.
Samuel Beer (1958) says it is one of the four variables crucial to the analysis of political systems. According
to him, the components of the culture are values, beliefs and emotional attitudes about how government ought
to be conducted and also about what it should do. Almond and Powell defined political culture as “the pattern
of individual attitudes and orientations toward politics among the members of a political system,” (Almond
& Powell, 1966).
Types of Political Culture According Sydney and Verba
 Parochial - Political sleepwalker, not involved, no knowledge or interest in the domestic political system.
Here citizens are only remotely aware of the presence of central government, and live their lives near enough
regardless of the decisions taken by the state. Distant and unaware of political phenomena, citizens with a
parochial political culture have neither knowledge nor interest in politics. This type of political culture is in
general congruent with a traditional political structure.
 Subject - Where citizens are aware of central government, and are heavily subjected to its decisions with
little scope for dissent. The individual is aware of politics, its actors and institutions. It is affectively oriented
towards politics, yet he/she is on the "downward flow" side of the politics. In general, this type of political
culture is congruent with a centralised authoritarian structure.
 Participant - Possessing a strong sense of influence, competence and confidence in understanding the
domestic political system. Here citizens are able to influence the government in various ways and they are
affected by it. The individual is oriented toward the system as a whole, to both the political and administrative
structures and processes (to both the input and output aspects). The participant political culture is in general
congruent with a democratic political structure.
Components of Political Culture
As political culture is the pattern of individual attitudes orientations towards politics among the members of a
political system, it is the subjective realm which underlines and gives meaning to political actions. Political
culture is composed of attitudes and orientations which people in a given society develop towards objects within

38
their political system. These orientations may have three distinct dimensions which are cognitive, affective and
evaluative.
 Cognitive Orientation: Cognitive orientation refers to people’s knowledge, accurate or otherwise, of political
objects and beliefs. In other words cognitive orientation involves knowledge about political objects and
familiarity with the way the political system actually works. Thus, an individual may have relatively high
degree of accurate knowledge about how his political system works, who are leading figures and what are the
current problems faced by the country. In developing countries majority of people are more or less ignorant
as to how political system is run and about the role of the Prime Minister, President and the Courts. Majority
of them have limited contact with the political system also.
 Affective Orientation: Affective orientation refers to emotional feelings of the people towards their political
system. In other words it stands for subjective feelings of attachment to alienation from the political system.
It also refers to the standard of criteria with the help of which the people judge their political system. Affective
orientation, therefore, includes the feelings of attachment, involvement, rejection and the like, about political
objects. These emotional feelings are very important because they affect the activities of the people as well as
of the government.
 Evaluative Orientation: Evaluative orientation refers to judgments and opinions about political objects,
which usually involve applying value standards to political objects and events.
These three orientations are closely interrelated and would be found in the psyche of a single individual in
different combinations. Almond and Powell have rightly observed that the orientation patterns ‘constitute the
latent political tendencies, the propensities for political behaviour, which are of crucial importance in
explaining and predicting action in a political system.

POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION
Political socialization is the process of transferring knowledge, beliefs, attitudes and general dispositions
about politics from one generation to the other. It accumulates almost unconsciously through citizens and
people’s interactions with social institutions such as the family, the religious houses, the schools, the tertiary
institutions, the media, and political parties and so on. These institutions through which people are socialized
into political values are called agents of political socialization. Social scientists, especially those favourably
disposed towards social learning theories, believe strongly that whatever a man behaves like in the society
and its politics- from activism to its other extreme of apathy- is primarily a function of how he or she was
socialized by these agents:
(1) Family
(2) Peer groups
39
 (3) Educational Institutions
(4) Secondary groups
(5) Mass Media
(6) Government
(7) Political Party
POLITICAL PARTICIPATION
Political participation encompasses the various activities that citizens employ in their efforts to influence
policy making and the selection of leaders. According to Orum (1978), political participation refers simply
to the “variety of ways in which people try to exercise influence over the political process.” In a similar vein,
McClosky (1968), sees political participation as “those voluntary activities by which members of a society
share in the selection of rulers and directly or indirectly in the formation of public policy.” Lawson and
Wasburn (1969) on the other hand describes political participation as “the process by which individuals acting
singly or through group origination, attempt to influence decision-making or alter the manner in which it may
be exercised in a particular society People participate in politics in many ways “ranging from discussing
political issues or events, taking part in a demonstration or riots, voting, writing a letter to political parties
and seeking political offices” (Osaghae, 1988). In a federal system such as Nigeria, people have many
opportunities to participate in democracy on national, state, and local levels. Some forms of participation are
more common than others and some citizens participate more than others.
Activities of Political participation
According to J.L. Woodword and F. Robert, political participation involves , (1) Voting at the polls, (2)
Supporting possible pressure groups by being a member of them, (3) Personally communicating directly by
legislators, (4) Participating in political party activity and thus acquiring a claim on and (5) Engaging in
habitual dissemination of political opinions through word-of- mouth communications to other citizens. Thus
the following are the activities of political participation.
Forms of Political Participation
There are two forms of political participation:
 Conventional political participation: Conventional political participation is the ‘normal’ form of political
participation in modern democracies. These forms of participation are the commonly accepted ones in the
society: moreover, they follow the political system. Voting, campaigning, contacting, contacting and
lobbying officials are examples of conventional forms of political participation.
1. Electoral Activity: Includes voting campaign contributions working in an election on behalf of a
candidate or any other action designed to affect the outcome or the electoral process.

40
 2. Lobbying: Includes individuals or group efforts to contact government officials and political leaders
with a view to influencing their decisions on issues that affect a significant number of people.
3. Organizational Activity: Involves participation as a member or officer in an organization that has
its primary or explicit goal of influencing government’s decision-making.
4. Contacting: Individual action directed to governmental officials and normally designed to produce
benefits for only a single person or a small number of people.
 Unconventional form of political participation: Unconventional form of political participation does not
follow the routinized institutional forms of politics; they are less ordinary and sometimes viewed as less
acceptable. These forms include protest, civil disobedience, petitioning’ violence and revolution. Civil
disobedience: involves international efforts to be arrested in order to draw attention to a cause. When
compared with other forms of participation such as protest, civil disobedience is considered to be an extreme
form of participation. Violence: can also be a form of political participation. This is considered to be the
radical form of political participation, i.e., efforts to affect governmental decision-making by doing physical
damage to persons or property. Bombings, assassinations and riots are some of other example.
Types of Political Participation
Milbrath’s classification tends to show that political participation basically, is two types active and passive.
This classification is based upon time energy and means utilization.
1 Passive: All people do not want to devote time, energy or money in political activities. They are known as
passive participants. In other words they only spectators.
2 Active: Those who create the spectacle are the active political participants
Political participation may further be classified in terms of its purpose as instrument and expressive.
1 Instrumental political participation: It is essentially directed to the achievement of concrete goals like
securing party victory or the passage of a bill or just a rise in one’s status or influence.
2 Expressive political participation- It does not have definite objects. It only aims at the satisfaction or the
release of a feeling. Some persons vote to achieve the victory of particular candidate whereas most of the

POLITICAL REPRESENTATION
According to Pitkin (1967; 1997), political representation involves, inter alia, authorisation, accountability and
the looking out for another’s interests or rather the activity of making citizens' voices, opinions, and perspectives
“present” in the public policy making processes. Seen from this perspective, political representation occurs when
political actors speak, advocate, and act on behalf of others in the political arena. Political representation, on any
account, will exhibit the following four components: some party that is representing (the representative, an
organisation, movement, state agency, etc.); some party that is being represented (the constituents, the clients,
41
 etc.); something that is being represented (opinions, perspectives, interests etc.); and a setting within which the
activity of representation is taking place.
Two Historical Conceptions of Political Representation: Delegate vs. Trustee: Historically, the theoretical
literature on political representation has focused on whether representatives should act as delegates or as trustees.
Representatives who are delegates simply follow the expressed preferences of their constituents. James Madison
(1987) is one of the leading historical figures who articulated a delegate conception of representation. Trustees
are representatives who follow their own understanding of the best action to pursue. Edmund Burke is famous
for arguing that Parliament is not a congress of ambassadors from different and hostile interests, which interest
each must maintain, as an agent and advocate, against other agents and advocates; but a deliberative assembly of
one nation, with one interest, that of the whole… You choose a member, indeed; but when you have chosen him
he is not a member of Bristol, but he is a Member of Parliament (Burke, 1967: 115).
Both the delegate and the trustee conception of political representation place competing and contradictory
demands on the behavior of representatives. Delegate conceptions of representation require representatives to
follow their constituent's preferences, while trustee conceptions require representatives to follow their own
judgment about the proper course of action. Any adequate theory of representation must grapple with these
contradictory demands (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 2006).

REFERENCES
 NOUN PDF on Political Analysis and Political Behaviour
 Modern Political Analysis and Political Sociology, UNIVERSITY OF CALICUT (PDF)

PAST QUESTIONS 18/19

TEST
1. Examine critically the various conceptions and understanding of politics. Provide relevant explanations.
2. a) Attempt a robust discourse on the development of political analysis
b) Discuss the importance of political analysis.
3. a) Compare normative and empirical political analyses
b) What are the arguments for and against behavioral revolution’ in the study of politics?

EXAMINATIONS
1. To what extent can the conflicting conceptions of political representation by James Madison and Edmund burke
separately and jointly address the disillusionment of the Nigerian electorates and their disappointment by elected

42
 representatives at both national and state legislatures? Illustrate your answer with a detailed analysis of the
components and challenges of political representation in the Nigerian democratic experience.
2. Given the high stakes and returns on investment from participation in Nigerian politics, however short the
duration and positions occupied, there is the tendency to assume that political participation can only occur through
elective and appointive positions. Critically discuss.
3. “Mainstream political science is open to all methods that illuminate the world of politics and public policy. It will
not turn its back on the illumination we got from our older methodologies just because it now can employ the
powerful tools of statistics and mathematics.” Analyse this statement based on your reading and understanding
of Gabriel Almond’s (1988) article titled, Separate Tables: Schools and Sects in Political Science.
4. How adequate are the elite and group theories in explaining the behavior of gladiators in the Nigerian political
system, regardless of their political party affiliations? Your response must be exhaustively discursive and
empirical.
5. With 84,004,084 million total number of registered voters; 29,364,209 million accredited voters; and 27,324,583
million total number of valid votes cast, translating to 35.66 percent voter turnout, attempt a robust analysis of
the 2019 general elections in Nigeria, by relying on the political culture and political systems approach.

43
 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
COURSE OUTLINE

 FUNDAMENTALS OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

 NATURE, MEANING AND SCOPE OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
 IMPORTANCE AND FUNCTIONS OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
 PRIVATE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
 POLITICS-ADMINISTRATION DICHOTOMY
 APPROACHES TO PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
 ECOLOGY OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
 ORGANISATION THEORY
 CIVIL SERVICE IN NIGERIA

Nature of Public Admin: According to Bhagwan and Bhushan, the nature of public admin can be explained
through divergent views: Integral and Managerial. The integral view includes the sum total of all the activities
undertaken in pursuit of and in fulfilment of public policy. While the managerial view includes the work of only
those persons who are engaged in the performance of managerial functions in an organisation. Despite the views,
public admin can still take on different nature such as an academic discipline or a field of study. As an academic
discipline, it means the study of the processes, structures and functions through which government implements
its policies and programmes. As a field of activity, it means the method and means of carrying out the activities
of government.
Meaning of Public Administration: The term “Public” refers to the state of affairs of a society. “Administration”
refers to the principles, practices and rationalised technologies employed in achieving the objectives or aim of an
organisation. According to Dimock 1937, Public Admin is “the fulfilment or enforcement of public policy as
declared by the compliant authorities. In the words of White 1955, Public Admin is seen as all operations having
for their purpose the fulfilment or enforcement of public policy. United Nations and Social Council 2006 defines
public Administration as “centrally concerned with the organization of government policies and programmes as
well as the behaviour of officials (usually non-elected) formally responsible for their conduct.

Scope of Public Administration: This is talking about the areas of interest of public administration. Public
administration is concerned with all three branches of government but it is most evident in the executive branch.
According to Eneanya 2009, public administration covers organisational relationships and problems of
integration which may be related to the following
 Citizens

44
  Structure of Government
 Society and the Economy
 Human Factor in Administration
 Techniques and Values
 Stages of National Development
 Level of Operation and to the ingredients that constitute the synthesis of Public Administration
Importance of Public Administration
I. Welfare services to the people: With the inception of welfare states, it has become imperative for an
effective administrative system to be put in place. There are great number of welfare agencies of public
administration to the people such as: Water Board, Public Works Department, Hospitals etc.
II. Public Interests: Public administration serve the interest of the public. All the activities of public
administrator are geared towards the realisation of public interest and well-being.
III. Public Needs: The needs of the public are attended to by public administrators through the various
departments that impact on the lives of people right from when they are like Schools, Hospitals, National
Population bureau, Post Office etc.
IV. Management of the Economy: The management of the economy to achieve national development and
socio-economic progress are undertaken by individuals in the public administration.
V. Planning: Administrators are involved in the process of choice making and planning to satisfy the
conflicting demands of the people.
VI. Role as a Change Agent: this means that public administrators are the agent of change in any society.
They evolve over time to accommodate to global trend to bring sufficiency and change in the domestic
arena.
VII. Democracy: In most democratic countries, the government represents the people’s choice and
administration becomes an instrument for the welfare and service of the people. The spirit of service to the
community is an essential element of democracy and a successful administration will be judged on how
well this goal is served.
VIII. As a Field of Knowledge: This means that the study of public administration will help to prepare students
on how to become better administrators and how to participate in nation building programmes.
Functions of Public Administration
According to Gullick and Urwick 1937, POSDCORB was coined to represent the function of public
administration as the following:

45
  Planning: An administrator must work in consideration of broad outline of the things that have to be
done by his organisation and must also decide the methods to be employed for doing them in order to
achieve the objectives with the greatest efficiency.
 Organising: This is setting out the formal structure of authority and flow of work in such a way each
division, section and units are clearly defined for effective coordination and achievement of objectives.
 Staffing: An administrator performs the function of staff recruitment, motivating, training and providing
favourable conditions of work for optimal utilisation of workers
 Directing: An administrator leads through the continuous task of decision making that embodies specific
instructions and procedures.
 Coordinating: An administrator ensures that various branches or divisions are working harmonious.
 Reporting: The administrator communicates to both superiors and subordinates on the organisational
activities, through reports, records, memoranda and inspection.
 Budgeting: Every administrator’s action has financial implications. Therefore, the administrator, has the
onerous task of managing the finances of the organisation.
Public Administration as an Art or Science: Many scholars claim that the practice of administration is an art.
This school of thought emphasises the “action” as aspect of the subject. They believed administrators practice
the profession of administration. The other school of thought as championed by Woodrow Wilson, believed that
public administration is a science because it is a body of knowledge whose objectives are to learn about the
processes of government for the purpose of teaching and assisting practitioners through specific enquiry on
solutions to problems facing administrators.
Conclusively, public administration is both a science and an art. It serves for the process or activity of
administering governmental affairs. It is concerned not only with formulating the general principles but with
running of administration. This makes it an art. It is also an area of intellectual investigation, using scientific
method to discuss principles. This makes it a science. In short, it is both science and an art. It is more of an art
than a science because it is much more of practical than theoretical. Bhagwan and Bhushan submitted that public
administration as an art and science should be harmoniously blended together so that the best results may be
obtained.

PUBLIC AND PRIVATE ADMINISTRATION: Scholars are divided on whether there are clear cut
differences between public and private administration. Some said the difference is negligible and both can be
used interchangeably. The opposing thought affirmed that there are significant differences between them,

46
especially when their aims and objectives, principles, structures, techniques of achieving results and practices are
considered.
Differences between Private and Public Administration
I. Profit Making: This is the first major difference because private organisation is generally profit driven
even when engaged in social responsibility. While the public administration is not profit oriented but
social service driven.
II. Composition and Size of Ownership: Private organisation is owned by a limited number of persons
called shareholders whose activities are limited to subject matters in the Article of Association and
memorandum while in a public organisation, the composition of such members is complex ranging from
the executive, legislature, and judiciary to corporations and local government and so on.
III. Recruitment of Personnel: In private administration, the shareholders appoint the board of directors for
articulating and formulating policies, while the board of directors appoints the managing director to
implement the policies. Recruitment id based on technical qualification and competence. In the public
administration, the administrators like president and governor are elected by the people. Recruitment is
also based on merit but some time on quota or federal character.
IV. Accountability: Public administrators are accountable to the Nigerian public through the legislature.
While in private organisations, accountability is to the shareholders.
V. Operating Environment: Private administration operate in a market environment, even though political
environment also has its influence on it. On the other end, public administration is mostly influenced by
political considerations, especially in response to a complex set of demands articulated though the political
system.
Similarities of Private and Public Administration
a. They mobilise resources; human, money and materials to achieve specified goals.
b. They review their goals in the context of existing resources
c. They motivate their employees for higher performance.
d. They pay attention to their social responsibilities (communities where they operate).
e. They are involved in bureaucratic processes, especially as some of the private sectors have become large
in size, which made administration to become complex.

POLITICS –ADMINISTRATION DICHOTOMY

Early Scholars’ Thought: Early writers on public administration drew a sharp dividing line between
administration and politics. Wilson argues the “administration lies outside the proper sphere of politics” and that

47
“administrative questions are not political question”. He argues further that politics sets the task for
administration, it should not be suffered to manipulate its offices.
Modern Scholars’ Thought: The dichotomy is given a new look by modern scholars because they observed that
they coordinate and not exclusive. They believed the dichotomy is a misleading distinction which has become a
fetish, a stereotype in the minds of theorists and practitioner alike. It is therefore useful to bear in mind that the
term Public Administration embraces both politics and administration itself.
The following are some of the reasons given by Ugwu 2007 that make it impossible to separate politics from
administration:
a. The role of career officials in defining policy options, analysing the environment, anticipating problems
and proffering suitable advice to the government.
b. The role of administrators in assembling, storing and retrieving data upon which decisions are based
c. Their role in interpreting that data and spirit of laid down policies
d. Their roles in marshalling and deploying human and material resources to achieve policy objectives and
in timing implementation of decisions.

APPROACHES TO PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

I. The Political Approach: There was debate over the extent to which public admin should be studied as
part of political science. This brings to the fore the debate of politics and administration. In previous
decades, political approach was used for political theory and institutions. As a result, those who
approached the study of public administration focused attention on the consequences of different political
philosophies for administration and study of certain government institution such as the branches of
government.
II. The Institutional Approach: This approach tried to establish linkages between the study of public admin
and the institutions of government. It approached the study of administration through the study of the
structure and functioning of separate institutions and organisations of the state.
III. The Behavioural Approach: This approach focuses attention on the internal dynamics within
administrative organisational behaviour of the individual within the organisation and the impact of the
organisation on the individual and the overall internal environment. There is concern for the procedures
of data collection such as social survey questionnaire and developing knowledge that is verifiable.
IV. The System Approach: This approach looks at the entire organisation. According to the system theorists,
a system is made up of interdependent parts which interact with the environment by importing inputs
while it export outputs in order to maintain a permanent state of equilibrium. When applied to public
administration, it represents inputs from the environment in the form of demands of citizens for the
48
 provision of goods and services. The administration of these demands in a conversion process is delivered
as outputs such as; policies, orderliness of the society, programmes, projects etc.
V. The Formal Structural Approach: This approach identifies the formal structure of government
administration as a significant feature that could be used as a focus of study. When applied to the study
of public administration, it is essentially descriptive while it can be extended to include comparison and
prescription. For example, differences and similarities between the formal structures of government of
two states can be compared.
VI. The Comparative Approach: Comparative Public Administration applies to comparing public
administration settings. It compares administrative structures of two systems.
VII. The Bureaucratic Approach: This approach is concerned with the application of the Weberian
conception of bureaucracy in the context of government administration. Weber argues that ideal
bureaucracy is characterised by the following features; hierarchical authority, specialisation of function,
specified sphere of competence, operation on the basis of rules and impersonality.
VIII. The Public Analysis Approach: Policy analysis was developed for handling complex policy issues to
make public management relevant to complex social issues. Public analysis has been helpful by:
a. Penetration into underlying assumptions, strategies and vales
b. Consideration of political values
IX. The Public Choice Approach: The public approach explores the possibility of actualisation of
consumers’ preferences through motivational pluralism in the delivery of public goods and services. The
public choice theorists opt for the utility-maximising individual as their primary philosophical entity.
X. The Ecological Approach: Various scholars and administrators have often referred to the need to relate
public administration to the environment in which it functions. Ecology refers to the mutual relations,
collectively, between organisms and their environment.

ECOLOGY OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION; Ecology refers to the study of the interaction of people and
their environment. Ecology of public administration then refers to the impact of public administration to the
Nigerian environment. It means the influences of all natural, historical, political, economic, socio-cultural,
religious factors and other significant national experiences that influenced the growth and development of public
administration in Nigeria.
1. Influence of colonialism: Nigeria was colonised by Britain from 1861 to 1960. During this period, Britian
established the British public Service structure and procedures of administration in Nigeria. The colonial
rule imposed on Nigeria had the following implications on the development of public administration:

49
 i. Native administration system was affected by the mechanics of crown colony government, indirect rule
system and continuous evolution of complex structure of governance.
ii. The new values like public sector to maintain law and order were imposed
iii. The hierarchical organisation of offices in terms of control and supervision contrasts with the
predominant from of traditional authority and its power structure.
2. Political Factors: Since independence in 1960, Nigeria had witnessed four spells of democratic rule.
There have been various national constitutions promulgated since her independence (1960, 1979,
1989,1995 and 1999). These constitutions have introduced many changes to the administrative system in
Nigeria. The national structure has been changed from three regions to 36 six states with 774 local
governments. The local governments is the third tier of administration in Nigeria.
3. Nigeriansation Policy: This is basically the process of filling the civil service with Nigerians before and
after independence. It has tremendous impact on the outlook of Nigeria public administration system.
4. Machinery of Government: This looks at how the structures and instrument of government are used to
shape public administration in Nigeria. Others are
5. Military Rule: This impact can be located in the various activities that happened during the military
regime and how they influence public administration in Nigeria. One of such is the fusion of legislative
and executive functions in one body. The promulgation of ouster clauses and others.
6. Economic Factors: The nature of the Nigerian economy is mixed. This means that state has its own
parastatals while private enterprises also have theirs. There are three groups namely:
 Statutory Corporations such as Nigerian Ports Authority, Nigerian Railway Corporation, Nigerian
National Petroleum Corporation and so on
 State Owned enterprises like Nigerian Fish Company, Delta Steel Company Limited, National
Grains Production Company Limited and so on
 Mixed Economy enterprises like Union Bank of Nigeria Limited, UniPetrol Nigerian Limited and
so on.
7. Socio-Cultural Factors: Nigerian endeared tightly to their religion and culture. This impacted on public
administration in the country. Religious ceremony like Easter, Eid el Kabir and other festivals affect
public system because holidays are given for these festivals which disrupted public administration
activities.
ORGANISATION THEORY: Organization are the social units or human groupings, deliberately constructed
to pursue specific goals. An organisation has three goals which may be either intermeshed or independent end in
themselves, namely: growth, stability and interaction. Examples of organisations are; corporation, schools,
churches, prisons etc.
50
How Does an Organisation Behave?

 Goals: Organisations activities are geared towards the achievement of specific goals. They behaves in the
service of these goals because the goals tele-guide the activities of the organisation.
 Human Activity: An organisation behaviour results from the inter-play of human interactions within an
organisation that is, how human elements in a group relate to each other in pursuit of the reason for coming
together and the climate or environment created in the process.
 Interest Group Pressure: In the process of forming its specific goals, interest groups are formed which
are frequently concerned more with preserving and building up the organisation itself than helping it to
serve its initial purpose. This interest group pressure makes the organisation to reverse its priority between
its goals and means, this could be referred to as a goal displacement.
 Environmental Influence: System theorists have contended that organisations are constructed by their
environments and therefore, they behave to the features of their external environment.

Approaches to the study of an Organisation: There are major theories that scholars have identified as
having considerable influence on organizational functions and process. They are Classical, Human Relations,
Contingency and Modern theories.

I. Classical Theory/Approach: This is the earliest theory of an organization. The theorists consist the
works of Max Weber, Fred Taylor, Henri Fayol, Lyndall Urwick and others. They believed that
organizational tasks should be so organized, so as to accomplish the objectives of the organization
efficiently. They also affirmed that individuals and groups are instruments the organization use to fulfill
its objectives.
Fredrick Taylor Scientific Management Theory: F. Taylor was referred to as the father of scientific
management. This theory refers to what is more popularly known as time-motion studies. Its primary
concern is focused on being efficient in production. Taylor saw increased productivity as the answer to
both higher wages and higher profits. His approach consist of four main principles:
 Replace rule-of-thumb work methods based on a scientific study of the tasks
 Scientifically select, train, and develop each employee rather than passively.
 Provide detailed instruction and supervision of each worker in the performance of that worker’s
discrete task.
 Divide work nearly equally between managers and workers, so that the managers apply scientific
management principles to planning the work and the workers actually perform the tasks.

51
Administrative Theory; Henri Fayol’s 14 Principles of Management: H. Fayol was the prominent
advocate of this theory. The theory concentrates on attempts to develop a universal “principles of
administration. Fayol maintained that good administration is a process and consists of certain common
conditions. He then outlined fourteen principles of management as follows:

 Division of work
 Authority
 Discipline
 Unity of command
 Unity of direction
 Subordination of individual interest to the general interest
 Remuneration
 Centralization
 Scalar chain: This means the line of authority from top management to lowest rank.
 Order
 Stability of tenure or personnel
 Initiative
 Espirit de Corps: Promotion of team spirit

Urwick and Gullick’s POSDCORB Principles: We have talked about this under function of Public
Administration.

Bureaucratic Theory of Max Weber: Bureaucracy may be defined as a type of organization designed
to accomplish large-scale administrative tasks by coordinating the work of a large number of persons in
a systematic manner. This theory was developed by Max Weber, a German sociologist. According to him,
every organization can be defined as a structure of activities (means) directed towards the achievement of
certain objectives (ends). To maximize efficiency and productivity, every organization develops a system
of specialization (division of labor) and a set of systematic rules and procedures.

Characteristics of Bureaucracy:

 Specialization and division of labor

 Positions arranged in a hierarchy
 A system of abstract rules
 Impersonal relationship

52
  Employment is based upon technical qualifications and seniority is based on achievement or
qualifications.
 Fixed official duties
 Strict and systematic discipline
 Promotion is based on seniority or achievement or both.

Advantages of Bureaucracy:

 It is impartial application of rules

 It has clearly defined system of authority
 It has system of procedures for processing work
 Division of labor is based upon functional specialization
 It brings about orderliness and controls in production activities
 It acts as a link between management and labor in the formalized network of social interaction

Disadvantages of Bureaucracy

 There is confusion and conflict among roles

 There are arbitrary rules
 There is no room for personal growth
 It results in poor communications
 There are numerous informal organizations
 Bureaucracy is slow in adapting to new technology.

Contribution of Bureaucratic Theory to Administration

 It is used to improve or maximize profits and minimize loss as well as risk bearers in business
 It brings about orderliness and controls in production activities
 It tends to improve human living conditions socially, politically, culturally, psychologically,
educationally and economically.
 It will lead to transparency in the mode of operation and receives or eradicates bills approach in
the scientific findings.
 It acts as a link between management and labor in the formalized network of social interactions
 To enhance the capacity by which objectives of government are achieved.

53
II. Human Relations Theory or Neo Classical: There are various kinds of organization outside the broad
description of classical that are relevant to organizations within the public sector. Elton Mayo was among
the theorists of this new school of thought. The neo classical theory challenges the economic man
concept of classical theory. Mayo conducted the Hawthorne study with Fritz and Roethlisberger. The
study led to many revelations about organizations process. Three elements came to the fore during the
research.
 Individuals: The theory emphasizes differences among individuals. Each worker brings to the
job situation certain attitudes, beliefs, ways of life, as well as certain skills; technical, social and
logical.
 Workgroups (informal organizations): It emphasizes upon social aspects of workgroups. The
informal organization that exists within the structure of the formal organization is emphasized.
Thus, the theory focuses its attention on the social aspects of man, whose overriding need is seen
as a desire to belong, to be accepted by and stand well in his group.
 Participative Management: Participative management emerged because of increased emphasis
on the individual and work groups. It refers to the involvement of employees in decision making.

Abraham Maslow’s Hierarchy of Need Theory:

i. Psysiological Needs (food, shelter, clothing) which provided the foundation for the human
person’s next greatest need
ii. Safety Needs (economic security)
iii. Social Needs (love and belongingness)
iv. Self-Esteem Needs
v. Self-Actualization needs

Contributions of Human Relations Theory to Public Administration

i. It stresses the importance of people in an organization

ii. It stresses good human relations and productivity
iii. It stresses the importance of good management style and good leadership traits
iv. It stresses the importance of allowing employees to participate in matters affecting them
v. It encourages good communication and managerial skills
vi. It stresses that inter-personal relationships are very vital for managerial success
vii. There is direct link between good managers and stable industrial society.

54
CIVIL SERVICE IN NIGERIA
Civil service is a complex organization with a body of permanent officials appointed in a civil capacity to assist
the political executive in the formulation, execution and implementation of government policies in ministries,
departments and agencies within which specific government works are carried out.
Characteristics or Features of Civil Service
 Permanency
 Neutrality
 Impartiality
 Anonymity
 Expertise
 Bureaucracy
 Merit system

Structure of the Civil Service

i. Administrative Class: This comprises of the most senior Civil servants, who organize and coordinate
the activities of the ministries. They execute high level administrative work, advise ministers on
formulation and implementation of policies and serve as communication link between the minister and
other civil servants. Recruitment to this class is based on university education and very competitive written
examinations and oral interview conducted by the Civil Service Commission. In this class include:
Permanent Secretaries, Directors, Deputy Directors and so on.
ii. Executive Class: This class implements the general policies and programs of the government on a daily
basis. They supervise and control the activities of their subordinates. This class comprises of Executive
officers, Senior executive officers who are recruited after possessing HND certificates or promoted from
Assistant Executive Officer’s Grade.
iii. Professional Class: This class of officers are recruited as a result of their specialized training, skills,
scientific and technical knowledge. They include teachers, engineers, doctors, accountants etc.
Recruitment into this class is based on professional or university qualifications.
iv. Clerical Class: This class include typists, clerical officers, secretaries, who help staff in the other classes
to carry out their functions. They are holders of Secondary School Certificates and G.C.E Ordinary Level
or equivalent.
v. Sub-Clerical Or Auxiliary Class: This class include drivers, gardeners, cleaners, messengers, porters
etc. Qualification for this grade is a possession of primary six school leaving certificate.

55
Functions of the Civil Service:

 Assisting government in the formulation and implementation of public policies and programmes
 Data collection, storage and input to public policy formulation by government
 Provision of continuity in public policy for the good of the nation irrespective of party affiliations
 Maintenance and operation of an efficient and effective administrative machinery for the day-to-day
discharge of government functions
 Preparation and implementation of annual estimates/budget of government
 Collection of government revenue and control of government expenditure to ensure the judicious
application of public funds
 Maintenance and operation of efficient and effective personnel management system covering all
personnel in government service
 Assisting government in the promotion of national unity and integration.
 Provision of efficient and effective social services to the citizens of Nigeria

THE CIVIL SERVICE COMMISION: The Civil Service Commission is a body independent of the civil
service itself, established by the government to administer the civil service. The commission is insulated from
partisan politics and is made up of a full time chairman, some full-time commissioners and some part-time
commissioners. The chairman of the Federal Civil Service Commission is appointed by the president, while that
of each state is appointed by the governor. Members are appointed from people of proven integrity and good
education.

Functions of the Civil Service Commission

 It recruits highly qualified personnel into the civil service, based upon good educational qualifications,
performance in competitive examinations and federal character principles.
 The civil service commission promotes competent and productive senior civil servants from one grade to
another
 It can transfer civil servants from one department to the other
 The commission has disciplinary powers, like suspension or dismissal of erring civil servants
 It is vested with the power of retiring senior civil servants and advising in the payment of their pension
entitlements and allowances.

56
 REFERENCES

 THEORY AND PRACTICE OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION BY AUGUSTINE ENEANYA

PAST QUESTIONS 18/19

TEST
1. Scholars of public administration have accepted the fact that ecological factors contributed to the development
of public administration in Nigeria. Discuss[20 marks]
2. The debate between politics and administration dichotomy has continued to attract debate among scholars in
public administration literature. Discuss[20 marks]
3. Describe and discuss Henri Fayol 14 principles of management and their relevance to public administration [20
marks]
EXAMINATIONS
1. Identify and explain five approaches in the study of public administration that you know[20 marks]
2. Describe bureaucratic theory and the features of bureaucratic organizations[20 marks]
3. Identify and describe the principles of scientific management and its implications to the management of factory
workers and managers[20 marks]
4. Compare and contrast the differences and similarities between private and public administration in Nigeria[20
marks]
5. Explain the structures and functions of civil service administration in Nigeria[20 marks]
6. a) Describe the reasons for the establishment of public corporations in Nigeria[10 marks]
b) Explain the challenges faced by public corporations in service delivery in Nigeria [10 marks]

57
 COMPARATIVE POLITICS
COURSE OUTLINE
 COMPARATIVE POLITICS
o Actors
o Basic Concepts
o Scope

 PROBLEMS OF COMPARATIVE POLITICS

 THEORETICAL APPROACHES TO COMPARATIVE POLITICAL STUDY
 CHOOSING THE COUNTRY FOR STUDY IN COMPARATIVE POLITICS
 CHOOSING THE MEDTHODS OF COMPARATIVE POLITICAL STUDY
 METHDOLOGY OF COMPARATIVE POLITICAL STUDY
 RESEARCH DESIGN IN COMPARATIVE POLITICS
 FACTORS AFFEVTING COMPARATIVE POLITICAL EXPLANATION
 EXPLAINING RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN VARIABLES IN COMPARATIVE POLITICAL
STUDY

COMPARATIVE POLITICS

Comparison is at the root of all human thoughts. Humans constantly compare their past with the present or the
present with that of others or that of others with others. Comparing as above as always occupied us and deepened
our knowledge. Comparison makes our thought system more meaningful.
Comparative politics is concerned with significant regularities, similarities and differences in the working of
political institutions, actors and behaviour. Comparative or comparison approximates the nature of life of the
political man. Also, it almost approximate the experimental laboratory of the political scientist. Comparative
politics enables the search for general pattern of politics across time and space. Thus, it helps us to appreciate the
possibilities of politics. It helps us develop explanation and test theories of the ways in which political processes
work and in which political change occurs.
ACTORS IN COMPARATIVE POLITICS: The actors in comparative politics are states and their political
system. These states covered the entire surface of the world. They are the subjects on which comparative political
studies are conducted. Some of these states are new, old, big and some are small. Some are richer than the others.
It is this differences and similarities within and between states that formed the focus of comparative politics. It is
possible to describe and explain the different processes and institutions and other combinations found in the
politics of different state. In this regard, comparative politics can be seen as an old discipline dating back to 2000

58
years ago when Aristotle in his book “politiks” compared the political structure of several Greek city states in
order to deter mine their effect on policies.
BASIC CONCEPTS IN COMPARATIVE POLITICS
1. Theories: The main purpose of comparative politics is the development of theories about political life.
Theories are laws of generalizations which provides systematic explanation of some areas of knowledge
or body of observations in politics and which may be used to predict and prescribe conducts. There are
two types of theories in political science, namely:
a. Normative: This theory specifies how things in the society ought to be given a desired set of
outcomes and philosophical position.
b. Empirical: This theory seeks to establish causal relationships between two or more concepts in
order to explain observed political occurrences.
2. Methodology: It means the way and manner of conducting research in comparative politics which
involves collecting data, analysis of data and formulati0n of findings. Data can be collected through a
number of ways including the examination of historical records, open ended interview with political
actors, participant observation and survey of sample population. Analysis on the other hand is clarification
of political issues for maximum understanding, explanation and prediction.
3. Case Study: It is the approach in political research which focuses on the study of specific countries or
areas. Cases are then the countries that feature in the particular comparative study. They are used to
represent a larger population.
4. Units of Analysis: They are the objects on which data are collected in a study and these units could be
individuals or groups, electoral systems, social movement or they could be political system. Each unit of
analysis will consist of variables relevant to the particular study.
5. Variables: These are concepts that assume changing value over a given set of unit e.g. income level, party
membership etc. Every study has its own variables. It might be the instrument used as in the case of
‘violence’ study. The values of variables for each unit can be expressed in numbers. Variables can be
independent or dependent. Independent variable is the causal variable (explanatory, exogenous or
explicandum variable) which explains dependent variable. The dependent variable is the outcome
variable (endogenous or explanandum variable) which the study of trying to explain. Most political
phenomena have more than one explanation and so it possible to have more than one independent variable
for a given dependent variable.
6. Levels of Analysis: This refers to the category on which analysis is made. This is divided into macro and
micro levels. The micro level is the individual level and examines the political activities of individuals
within a given political structure. The macro level is the system level which examines the activities within
59
 a political system. Level of analysis is related to level of observation and must correspond for the
comparative study to be dependable.
SCOPE OF COMPARATIVE POLITICS: Comparative politics is a specialization within the discipline of
political science. Comparative politics is at the heart of political science. Its scope includes: Cut across the
discipline of political Science: This means the methodology of comp. politics is utilized in all the
specialization in political science such that we can talk about comparative public admin, comparative foreign
policy, comparative political economy e.t.c. Even though it is a special political science but the methodology
of comparative studies is applied to study other specializations.
1. It runs through the discipline of political science. Comparative thinking and analysis is the hall mark of
political study even when we are not conducting comparative study, we nevertheless think comparatively.
2. It involves knowledge of the various social sciences and other discipline.

Objectives of Comparative Politics: There are four major reasons we engage in comparative political
analysis:
1. Description: This leads to the lowest level of understanding. Description serve as the raw data for
those comparative studies that aspire to higher levels of explanation. The researcher conducting
comparative political analysis must describe the observed facts. The objective of description allows
us to know what happened in the countries under study or what the situation is like in those countries.
Usually, the researcher proceeds from the known to the unknown. Descriptions are usually detailed
and contextual for us to gain knowledge of the event we are studying. All systematic research begins
with good description.
2. Classification: This is an advance on description in that it specifically distinguish between or among
the observed phenomenon. It refers to the categorization of subjects of study according to identifiable
shared characteristics. It reduces the complexities of the world by seeking out those qualities that
countries share or do not share. It enables the researcher to come up with ‘containers’ into which
observed data are organized. Classification can be done in simple dichotomies or more complex
typologies.
3. Explanation: This is seeking out the factors to explain what has been described and classified. It is
the reduction from unfamiliar to familiar, therefore making what is unknown to be known.
Explanation allows the cross checking of data in order to show relationship between causality and
outcome. Explanation therefore, allows for hypothesis to be tested. Thereby, enabling a more complete
theory of politics.

60
 4. Prediction: This enable us to make claims about political outcomes. Predictions are probabilistic
statements about likely outcomes in the present or future given the existence of certain conditional
factors.

PROBLEMS Of COMPARATIVE POLITICS

1. Problem of Research Design: Research design is like a plan done in order to aid the research such as
choosing the title of research, location, methodology, variables and so on. The problem of research design
starts from the issue of topic then moved up to design variable. The number of the countries must be more
than the independent variables if there will not be problems. If the number of independent variables is
more than the case studies (note: case study refers to countries. Usage of this term will help you get
more marks) there will be problem in the research because at the end, one will not know which one
influence the dependent variable. There will be too many inferences, not enough observations. This is the
problem is also known as indeterminable research design. It can be said that indeterminable research
design occurs when a study have too many generalizations and not enough observation. This problem is
more associated with single or two case studies, in which more variable or explanation for a phenomenon
are identified then there are countries to be observed. This means that the study has too many possible
explanation for the phenomenon. Hence, arriving at the correct explanation is problematic. The solution
to this problem must be based on the number of case studies/countries. A comparativist can raise the
number of observation to allow the key factors of the study greater overall variation. This is called Degree
of Freedom. It can be achieved by adding more countries to the study or by comparing more section of a
country being studied. Another solution will involve comparing countries or sections of countries over a
long period of time because the variables might change over those periods. This is referred to as ‘Pooled
Cross Section Time-Series Analysis’
Another soluti0on is to work with a research design that include similar countries such that it would be
easy to explain for different outcomes because it is easy to know which variable is applicable to all
(MSSD, proper explanation will be given in subsequent topics). The next solution involves the research
design of different countries where explanation will be seek for similar outcome (MDSD)
2. Problem of Conceptual Equivalence: A comparatvist must aggregate the concept in a country across all
countries being studied. This is a problem of defining concepts as specifying indicator in such a way bas
to allow for shred meaning and valid comparison. In other words, how can the comparativist assign
equivalent values to his concepts across multiple contexts (case studies) such that these concepts mean
the same thing across different countries and different times. For comparison to have meaning, it is not
enough that the concepts are identical or even similar but they must be equivalent. In these regard, two
61
 major argument have been made namely; the Universalist and the Relativist. The Universalist argued
that concept must have the same meaning everywhere while the relativist said the meaning of concepts
must be locally determined and that a general science of comparative politics is necessarily limited if not
impossible. A middle position however, has argued that comparativists must strive for general conceptual
definitions that are as equivalent as possible but they must also at the same time strive to modify these
meanings according to contextual and cultural specificity. The solution to problem of conceptual
equivalence lies in the comparativists carefully specifying his concepts and constructing models that
operationalized these concepts in the various context of his study. According to Mayer 1989:57, he
argued that “the contextual relativity of meaning and measures of indicators constitutes the most
serious impediment to cross contextual validity of empirically testable explanatory theory”
3. Problem of Research Bias: Comparative faces two problem of bias. First, is the problem of bias in
selecting countries of study or respondent of the study. Often, comparative politics uses intentional
selection instead of random selection of countries. In other words, selection bias in comparative studies
refer to the non-random selection of countries or the deliberate selection of countries. This problem faces
mainly those studies that compare few countries or within a single country. In this regard, problem of
selection bias can lead to problem of generalizations. Often countries are chosen because they exhibit
attributes which the research want to explain. When countries are chosen base on their possession of the
attributes we seek to explain, it may leads to over estimation of relationship that do not exist or an
underestimation of relationship that actually exist. Both would mean that the analysis will arrive at false
generalization. To solve this problem, countries exhibiting an attribute should be compared with countries
that do not exhibit such attributes.
Selecting Countries is not only selection bias, there is also bias in Qualitative Comparative Study where
we depend on existing data (secondary data) like books, magazine, Newspaper. Bias comes in here when
we select the works or data of people or sources that have the same inclinations as the researcher i.e. only
the works that are favourable to the researchers presumptions. This arises when a study relies on historical
sources that support the particular theory being tested. This can be solved by relying on multiple historical
sources at a time so as to arrive at an average of event.
The third form of selection bias is Time Framing Bias which arises from the time period used in a
comparative studies which spans over a long period of time. This problem manifest when the researcher
manipulates time-frames to bring in or to keep out certain individual or periods of time in the study. The
problem can also manifest when a particular time frame is used to get data but analysis is conducted
covering a longer time frame. For example, “Election and Rigging in Nigeria 2003-2019” in this kind of
study, t is possible to gather data from 2003 to 2011 and use it to explain 2015 and 2019 which will result
62
 in false generalizations. A comparativist must gather data that covers up to the time frame in his study for
adequate and correct generalizations.
A final selection bias called Spuriousness or the bias of omitted variable. Spuriousness is an
explanation in which some unidentified factor is responsible for an attribute or outcome but this outcome
is attributed to a wrongly identified factor. To avoid this, the comparativists must identify only those
variable that have possible relationship to the attribute being study.
The second problem of research bias is called Value Bias. This refers to the sentimental disposition of
the researcher which can influence the research. Our values include our sentiments, commitment and our
positions on issues including the perspective we hold. The particular cultural, political and philosophical
predisposition of the researcher necessarily biases the conduct and conclusions of the enquiry. All these
types of values push us into holding views or arriving at conclusion that are partial. This problem can
solved firstly, the researcher must admit his sentiments or value and specifying in what ways his values
has been prevented from coming into his study. Secondly, the researcher must remain objectives and this
he can do by staying within his data.

THEORETICAL APPROACHES: In comparative politics, the researcher must look for existing theories that
explain such topic. Therefore, embarking on a research, the researcher must try to verify the validity of the theory.
Then such theory become the explanatory or theoretical framework. Theories can make the research different but
often result in the same conclusion. Theoretical framework serves the following purpose:
 It serves as a guide in research work
 It points out what to look for in research work
 It makes the research work less cumbersome
Comparative Politics and Theorization in Politics: It is in comparative politics that we can come up with
theories we used in political science. It makes us more knowledgeable. It is a theory because it can be generalized
to many case studies (countries) or several places after it has been conducted or tested by comparativists. Theories
can be built at different level or formation. That a theory has been formed does not mean it will be like that
forever. Theories must be used in research to maintain its validity and any theory that fails must be reformed or
refined. Every study in comparative politics is a work in theorization i.e. formation-confirmation-refine-
discarding.
Theories of Comparative Political Studies
a. Political Systems Theory
b. Structural Functionalism
c. Decision Making Theory
63
 d. Group Theory
e. Political Culture
All the above theories have been explained in Political Analysis except Decision Making Theory. Hence, we will
look at what it entails.
Decision Making Theories: It is plural because there are many ways to make decisions. Although, they are
saying the same thing in a different way. They said politics is equal to the process of decision making in the
society. They posited that decision making is fundamental bases of politics in society as well as the manifestation
in the society and that when the process of decision making is explained, politics is understood. Decision making
theories include:
 Rational Comprehensive Model: All the information needed for a decision are procured and all the
possible option of that decision are identified with their consequences and the best decision is taken. But
there is no decision taken that has followed the RC model because it is not possible to acquire all
information about the particular decision. Although, we cannot pretend that this doesn’t mean we should
not acquire all info but we only act or decide based on what we know which otherwise is not everything
there is to know about such decision.
 Incremental Model: They argues that it is not possible to make rational comprehensive decision because
we do not have all the information needed instead what we do is to adjust existing decision in such a way
they can satisfy present needs. This is the process of IM
 Garbage Can Model: They argue that there is no science about decision making. They affirmed that
decision are like a garbage can of problem that each time we look at the garbage can, what we do is to
solve one problem and when we have resources, we solve other problem which is in the form of decision
making. After solving some, there will be more problem for us to solve. That we cannot solve all problem
at the same time.
When Decision Making theories are used as framework of comparative political analysis, we try to identify
decision making process in the country we are studying especially as it affects the issue under study. We look at
how the decision made are implemented and then we look at how the issue we are studying are affected by the
decision taken and implementation of those decisions.

CHOOSING THE COUNTRIES FOR STUDY: The decision as to the number of countries to be chosen for a
comparative study s subject primarily to the level of generalization that a study seeks. This level of generalization
can be wide for example “Terrorism in Asia” and “Terrorism in Middle East” the first level of generalization in
the first example is wider than the second example. The first factor that affect the number of countries to study is
the level of generalization you are seeking. So when the level generalization is wide, you will have more
64
countries and vice versa. Wider level of generalization will mean that knowledge will be gained from several
context and which could then be applied to specific context (deductive) but studying few or single countries mean
that detailed knowledge will be gained from specific which can then be applied to a wider context (inductive).
The level of generalization is captured by the research question. The questions which the study seeks to answer
will determine the level of generalizations that will flow from that research.
The second factor that determines the countries to be chosen is the resources available to the comparativists.
Certainly, when the resources available are inexhaustible, then the researcher will choose as many countries of
study as possible but when the resources available to the researcher is limited, then the number of countries to be
chosen will be few. Relevant resources to the choice of country include time constraint, funding shortages,
security fears an terrain. Where these constraints can be surmounted, then the number of countries to be chosen
will increase.
Another factor that determine the number of countries is the research method adopted by the researcher. If the
researcher prefers the quantitative method, he will be dispose to choosing several or more countries for the study
but if he is more conversant with qualitative methods, he will likely choose fewer countries for the study because
of the depth of information.
The last factor is the theoretical standpoint of the researcher. If the researcher strives or prefers deductive theory,
he will have to study more countries. But if he prefers inductive theory, he will have to choose few countries for
the comparative study.
CHOOSING THE METHODS OF COMPARISON
1. Comparing Many Countries: This is the method of Comparative Politics which several countries are
compared in a study. This study normally include as many countries as possible usually up to more than
ten and involves the specification of concepts. This is necessitated so they can apply universally. Because
of the extent of study, comparative study of many countries usually utilized statistical or quantitative
studies. Explanation resulting from this study are often stronger and the relationship between variables
can be demonstrated in such study with great certainty. Country that exhibits deviant characteristics is
more easily detected in this type of study. But the comparative study of many country has the major
problem of validity of measurement of concept across the many them. This is even more difficult in
qualitative comparison of many countries.
2. Comparing Two or Few Countries: This is the method of comparative in which two of few countries
are compared in a study. The two or few countries are carefully selected for intensive study. It usually
adopts the case study strategy because they represent samples. It is more amendable to specific and
inductive generalization. Often, this method focuses on the similarities and differences among countries

65
 so as to uncover the commonality and variations among them that explain a particular political
phenomenon.
3. Comparing Within Single Country: This is the method in which study is conducted in a single country.
A single country comparative political study can be one or several events at a time or overtime.
Whichever, a single country study is comparative only if it develops or uses concepts applicable to other
countries and if it seeks to make generalizations applicable to other countries. For this purpose, it is
important that single country study provides classification useful for comparison. Single country study
may not produce generalization that are as dependable as those of many countries or even of the few
countries because the data may be very limited to that particular country. But single country study are still
very important in comparative political study. This is because single country can help generate
preliminary or tentative hypothesis to be tested in wider studies. Deviant cases in wider studies can be
taken up as a single country studies and this can help generate, confirm or infirm theories of political
science.

METHODOLOGY OF COMAPARATIVE POLITICAL RESEARCH

1. Quantitative Methodology: It is the method of gathering and analyzing data that show numeric
differences between data. Quantitative data can be an official aggregate data published by government or
corporate organization or they can be unofficial individual data obtained in surveys. It examines the
distributions that the data exhibits as well as the relationship between their variables. This will involve
using simple or advanced statistical method. Generally, quantitative method is amenable to the
comparative studies of many countries.
2. Qualitative Methodology: These are methods that explain the characteristics, attributes and traits of the
objects of inquiry, and the nature of the method necessarily requires a focus on a small number of
countries. Qualitative method seeks to identify and discuss the element that explains the political
phenomenon. There are three types of qualitative methods: macro-historical comparison (and its three
subtypes) in-depth interviews and participant observation and what is variously called
interpretivism, hermeneutics, and ‘thick description’. In none of these types of method is there an
attempt to give numerical expression to the objects of inquiry, and in all of them, the goal is to provide
well-rounded and complete discursive accounts. These more complete accounts are often referred to as
‘ideographic’ or ‘configurative’, since they seek to identify all the elements important in accounting for
the outcome. Through focus on a small number of countries, comparative macro-history allows for the
‘parallel demonstration of theory’, the ‘contrast of contexts’, or ‘macrocausal’ explanation. Parallel
demonstration of theory tests the fruitfulness of theory across a range of countries. The contrast of contexts
66
 helps to identify unique features of countries in an effort to show their effect on social processes, while
bringing out the richness of the individual countries and aspiring to ‘descriptive holism’. Macro-causal
analysis seeks to explain observed political phenomena through the identification and analysis of ‘master’
variables. In-depth interviews and participant observation strive to uncover a deeper level of information
in order to capture meaning, process, and context, where explanation ‘involves describing and
understanding people as conscious and social human beings’.
Similarly, interpretivism, hermeneutics, and ‘thick description’ are concerned with interpretation,
understanding, and the deeper structures of meanings associated with the objects of inquiry. Over the
years a division in political science has developed between those who use quantitative methods and those
who use qualitative methods; however, it seems that this division is a false one if both methods adhere to
the goal of making inferences from available evidence. In other words, this book is grounded in the belief
that the same logic of inference ought to apply equally to quantitative and qualitative methods. Perhaps
more importantly, the qualitative distinction made among categories in comparative classification
schemes necessarily precedes the process of quantification.

RESEARCH DESIGNS IN COMPARATIVE POLITICS

1. Most Similar System Design MSSD: This follows J. S. Mills method of differences which is the logic
that identifies different features across similar units. This research design seeks to compare political
system that are largely similar such that a particular political phenomenon can be explained by the
differences among the systems. The difference among the system will then account for the political
phenomenon. In the MSSD, the political system that are similar as possible with respect to as many
features as possible constitute the samples for comparative enquiries and significant differences found
among these otherwise similar countries will then account for the observed political phenomena. Thus,
inter-systemic similarities or common systemic characteristics are taken as control factors while inter
systemic differences are seen as the explanatory variable. This type of research design is well suited for
areas studies i.e. study of particular geographical region such as West Africa, East Asia. As the focus on
countries from similar regions of the world immediately control for their similarities while looking for
the differences among them that will explain the observed political phenomena. It gathers countries with
a host of common features in their political system in an effort to neutralize some differences while
highlighting the others that are the causative factors that explain the observed political phenomena.
2. Most Different System Design: This follows J. S. Mills method of agreement which is the logic that
identifies similar features across different units. This research design seeks to compare political system
that are largely different such that a particular political phenomenon can be explained by the similarities
67
 among the systems. In the MDSD, the political system that are different as possible with respect to as
many features as possible constitute the samples for comparative enquiries and significant similarities
found among these otherwise different countries will then account for the observed political phenomena.
Thus, inter-systemic differences or differing systemic characteristics differences are taken as the control
variable while inter systemic similarities are seen as explanatory variable. This type of research design is
well suited for intentional selection choice of countries based on a predetermined political phenomenon.
As the focus on countries from different regions of the world immediately control for their differences
while looking for the similarities among them that will explain the observed political phenomena. It
gathers countries with a host of differing features in their political system in an effort to neutralize some
similarities while highlighting the others that are the causative factors that explain the observed political
phenomena. The countries do not share any common features aside the political outcome and one or two
explanatory factors.

FACTORS AFFECTING COMPARATIVE EXPLANATION

People could exhibit behaviours that are not their own (internal reality) but due to external factors. The dual
factor behavior affect the explanation. Comparative political researcher is concern with understanding the
behavior of individuals within them. In other words, there are some factors that make for differences in
phenomena among political systems and distinguished them from other system. These factors that account
for comparative explanations are namely:
1. External Influence: When political systems come in contact with some change will result i.e. the stronger
system will influence the weaker system. In comparative research, care must always be taken to find out
which aspects of an observed phenomenon is attributable to external influence rather than intra-systemic
variables. This is especially so in this era of globalization which has led to tremendous diffusion of
cultures and values that in turn have affected intra-systemic variables.
2. Internal Characteristics: These are formal characteristics that confront all individuals within a political
system and which affect their political behaviours. Such characteristics could be historical such as length
and nature of independence or it can be institutional such as the type of constitution, form of government
e.t.c. Internal characteristics are largely structural and usually predispose individuals to certain type of
behaviours because the political system behavior would have been identified.
3. Informal Realities or Systemic Context: Informal realities are those factors that affect the context of
behaviors of individuals within a political system i.e. there are some behaviors that are not formal but
actually affect the behaviors of the people. Population context are behavioral characteristics that affect
the manner of behavior of individuals within a political system. A good instance is when income level in
68
 a country are such that a majority of the people live below poverty line. A comparative study of such a
country where more people are living in poverty and another country where the poverty level is not so
high could throw up a conclusion that individuals in the latter are more resourceful than in the latter.
EXPLAINING RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN VARIABLES
We explain the relationship between variables to explain the political phenomenon. Comparative studies usually
start with a focus on two variables. One is dependent while the other is independent. There are various types of
relationship between the two variables. This relationship could be positive or negative. Having this in mind,
comparativists have identified three relationships between these two variables, namely:
1. Linear: This means that as the independent variable changes, these changes (decrease or increase) affect
the dependent variable in corresponding manner. Increase in independent variable will result in increase
in dependent variable and vice versa.
Examples: Corruption and Underdevelopment
Poverty and Electoral Malpractice IV
Democracy and Political Stability
DV

2. Curvilinear: This is when there is a positive relationship between both variables at first but with higher
levels of change in the independent variable, the change in the Dependent variable tapers off or dries off
i.e. there is no more change.
Examples: Literacy and Development
Democracy and Development IV
Political Education & Political Participation
DV

3. ‘Step’: This is an inverted comma because comparativists have not found the right word for it. The
diagram looks like a staircase that’s why it is called ‘step’. In the ‘step’ relationship, the dependent
variable changes positively with the independent variable, but this does not continue after a certain level

IV Example: “Political Instability and Development”

DV

69
 REFERENCES

 Issues and method in comparative politics; an introduction. Second edition by Todd Landman. (PDF)

PAST QUESTIONS 18/19

TEST

1. What is conceptual equivalence, and how is it a problem in comparative politics? Examine the two major positions
on how to approach the problem of conceptual equivalence. What is your own solution to the problem?
2. Differentiate between the problem of intentional selection, and the problem of selection bias in qualitative
comparative political studies. Explain in detail how the problem of bias can be solved in qualitative comparative
studies.
3. Describe the political systems theory and the structural-functional theory as theories of comparative politics.
Explain how each of these theories can be used in comparative political studies.

EXAMINATION

1. With the aid of a diagram, explain the relationship between variables in comparative political studies. Identify
three of such relationships, and the variables involved in each, and explain with the aid of diagrams.
2. What is selection bias in comparative political studies? Discuss the four forms of selection bias, and explain how
these biases can be controlled.
3. Describe the two design formats available in comparative political studies and explain the type of combination
of countries that each design format is best suited for.
4. Identify two factors that affect comparative explanations and explain how each of the systemic characteristics
makes for differences among political systems.
5. Explain the problem of research design in comparative political studies. Exhaustively discuss the various
solutions to this problem.

70
 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
COURSE OUTLINE

 CONCEPTUALIZATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

 THE EVOLUTION OF THE STATE SYSTEM
 SOVEREIGNTY
 THE CONCEPT OF NATIONALISM AND NATIONAL INTEREST
 IS INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS A SCIENCE?
 NATURE OF THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM
 THEORIES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
 STATE ACTORS AND NON STATE ACTORS
 ORDER AND CONSISTENCE IN INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM
 DIPLOMACY

What is International Relations? It simply describes the interaction or the relationship between or among
sovereign states or government of sovereign states. It is the study of the relationship among nations in the
international system. There are five germane questions that international relations seeks to answer

 Why do states behave the way they behave?

 Are states subject to rules and regulations?
 If there are rules, how are they implemented?
 Why after the Second World War, war continues/persists in international relations?
 Why in an age of globalization to inter-dependence do nationalism and the state survive?

The fundamental principle of international relations is based on the interest that the nations pursue and these
interests propel their actions. The state act in a very selfish manner. The national interests which is the guiding
principle among states continue to be the basis of actions and inactions of states in international system. The
fundamental law of nation just like human beings is based on self-preservation. The statesman must do everything
to preserve the health and the strength of the state.

Scope of International Relations

1. International Politics: This essentially focuses on the politics among nations. International politics is the
study of the interaction among governments in international system. It explains the game nations play
among themselves to get what they want or in pursuant of their interests.

71
 2. Foreign Policy/Foreign Policy Analysis: This is simply the guiding principle adopted by states to
achieve their interests. It is the policy options adopted by different states in international system to change
the behavioral patterns of state in their relationship with one another. Every states in international system
pursue these policy objectives with all the resources at its disposal. In foreign policy analysis on the other
hand the personality, objectives, resources and conditions are very important elements or critical in
analysis of state actions and inactions.
3. International Organisations/Institutions: The study of international relations also focuses on the
workings and functions of international institutions. Nation states in international system join international
institutions as the basis to pursue their interests. In other words, it provides state the platform to implement
their national interest. These institutions include United Nations which is at global level, African Union
at the regional or continental level. European Union, ECOWAS are at sub-regional level.
4. Diplomacy: This is simply the tactics, techniques or strategy or skills that are adopted or employed by
states to resolve issues such as conflicts, trade negotiations and to bring about end of war. Diplomacy is
an instrument for the implementation of foreign policy of a state
5. International Law: International law is the rules and regulations that guide state behavior in their
relationship with one another in international system. International law is in form of treaty, conventions,
protocol, charter, declarations, resolutions e.t.c. international law is a legal framework established by
states to guide their conduct at every point in time.
6. Strategic Studies: This is also an area of specialization in international relations that focuses essentially
at the issues of war, crisis, conflict, security and peace in international relations. It is an aspect that deals
with an issue of military science i.e. how war is conducted and how peace can be attained in international
system.
7. International Economic Relations: This has to do with the trade relations among nations i.e. it bothers
on the issues of international trade among nations of the world. The international economic system is an
interdependency system whereby nations are bound to depend on one another for those goods or
commodities which they are not producing in international market. No nation can claim to be self-
sufficient. Therefore, they engage in international trade for their mutual benefit.
8. International Political Economy: This is an area of specialization in international relations that is closely
related to international economic relations. It has to do with the inter-connectedness between politics and
economics at the global level.
Purpose of International Relations
 To know the various indices of powers: Those things that make a nation to be powerful. Power cannot
be measured but through its indices we can do that. The basis of weakness and strength can be
72
 understood through its power potential such as population, military strength, vastness/size, economic
endowment, industrial capacity, natural resources etc.
 To understand the problems that exist among nations in the world.
 To foster cooperation among nations to know more about the impact of international events on
our lives e.g. the issue of nuclear proliferation, transnational crimes and human rights e.t.c.
 It is essential for human survival

Precondition for Conduct of International Relations

1. The existence of global and international system in which international actors are seen to co-exist.
2. The existence of different international actors such as state and non-state actors.
3. The international actors engage in interaction among themselves through bilateral and multilateral
diplomacy
4. The problem of conflict of interests are to be resolved by the international actors. All conflicts must end
in resolution which can be in form of treaty.
The Changing Phases of International Relations: Kenneth Thompson have identified four stages in the
development of international relations as a discipline:
1. Before First World War: This was the stage describes as diplomatic history. This period, diplomatic
historians were dominants or dominated the field of international studies. Their concern was to understand
the past relationship that existed between or among states.
2. After First World War: The study of current affairs.
3. Before Second World War: Emphasis was on the study of international institutions and the development
of legal framework to solve international problems of war, economic and social. The emphasis have
shifted from diplomatic history and current affairs to international laws and institutions.
4. After Second World War: The emphasis was to understand the forces and influences that shaped the
international behavior of states such as foreign policies, techniques adopted by state in the conduct of
foreign relations and how conflict are resolve between states. This stage also saw the emergence of realist
school and the development of scientific study of international relation
The Autonomy of International Relations as a Field of Study: There are various argument as to whether
International relations can be studied independently or not or whether it is an autonomous discipline. The
argument that international relations is autonomous is backed up with the following reasons:
1. International relations has its own definition and can be distinguished from other disciplines in the social
sciences even though it remains a branch of political science.

73
 2. International relations has its own methods, sub-divisions and experts. This means that just like other
disciplines, it adopts its own methodology in the conduct of its research. Similarly, it has areas of sub-
division with their own experts
3. International relations has disciplinary consciousness in that its experts and scholars are conscious of the
discipline and often times try to defend it and use its language.
4. It has a standardized method of analysis of events in international system which non experts find it
difficult to understand.
5. It has its peculiar concepts and terminology which other discipline do not have. These concepts at are
develop in a scientific manner which made the discipline quite different from others.
6. It has body of generalization in abstract terms.
On the contrary, some have argued that international relations is not an autonomous discipline because:
1. It is not well organized i.e. it borrowed from other disciplines
2. It lacks a clear cut conceptual framework and a systematic body of applicable theory
3. It is dependent on other well organized discipline like History, Law, Sociology, Political Science etc.

THE EVOLUTION OF THE STATE SYSTEM

A state is simply defined as a politically organized unit with a well-defined boundary or territory occupied by a
reasonable number of people with a well-organized government and enjoy the status of sovereignty or
independence. The state system and modern international state system was established following the Westphalia
Treaty of 1648. This treaty abolished the empire building and established the modern state system and by
extension, modern international system. The basic characteristics of state are Sovereignty, territory, population,
government. The only entity that can use the force of arms to maintain internal order and also to protect the
citizens against external invasion. Also, the state is the only entity to enter into diplomatic relations with other
state in international system.
SOVEREIGNTY: This is the most important attribute which is the legal status of a state that enables it to
participate in international relations sovereignty is the supreme legal authority vested in a state to manage its own
affairs without any interference from any other state. It is the exclusive legal authority of a government over its
population and territory, independent of eternal authorities.
Prerequisites of a Sovereign State: the states must be recognized as an independent state and also have equal
rights with other entities. Jean Bodin who popularized the theory of sovereignty in 1576 talked about absolutism
of the ruler. In J. Bodin view, sovereignty is the absolute right that is vested on the monarch to rule his people.
This absolute right was based on the theory of the divine right of the law i.e. God giving right to make laws to
punish those who break law. Tis theory of sovereignty by Bodin has legal implication in the sense that it is no
74
longer in respect of ruler and the ruled but as regards the state in relations to other state. The concept of absolute
ruler implies that a ruler does not acknowledge any other earthly political superior vis-a-vis the relationship
between states. In international law, the act of recognition is both political and legal. The legal conditions for
statehood are:
 A well defined boundary
 A permanent population
 Well organized government with effective control and willing to honor international obligations like
treaties, conventions, resolutions etc.
No government or state should be compelled to confer recognition on a state. However, it is only an act of
recognition that can bring legality to statehood.
Types of Sovereignty:
 De Facto
 De Jure
 Legal
 Political
 Internal
 External
Legal Implication of Sovereignty: Sovereignty is the legal equality that is enjoyed by state in international law.
It bestows on the state the right to control domestic affairs, the right of self-defense, freedom from foreign
intervention unless authorize by United Nations on humanitarian ground or for any serious breach of international
law. The right to participate as a full member in international diplomacy or to engage in multi-lateral diplomacy
to create new laws and to be sued in international court of justice. When the situation get out of hand in a sovereign
state, humanitarian crisis, refugees are pumping out of the state, the UN cannot close its eyes, other international
community has responsibility to make sure humanity is saved, hence, they can breach the sovereignty of such
state.
Rights imply responsibility while recognition confers upon the state a duty to respect international law and not to
interfere with right of others. The issue of legal equality of a ll state in international system does not contradict
the practice of veto exercise by 5 permanent members of UN security council. Similarly, all state are equal in law
and also equal in diplomatic relations. In practice, a state recognized as sovereign may find it difficult to exercise
a sovereign power. A state may be politically sovereign but not economically or culturally sovereign.

75
Political Implication of Sovereignty: Given the diversity of sovereignty in international law, and the diversity
of sovereign members of international society, their capacity to exercise sovereign powers varies and in
consequences affect their standing/ranking among other nations. In practice, there tend to be international
hierarchy as state are ranked from super-power, great power, and middle power to small and micro power
depending on their range of interest and their capacity to defend themselves. The following are factors that affect
a state capacity to exercise sovereign power:
 Geographical size of the state, climate, place of the state in world map.
 The plurality or heterogeneity of the state.
 The political culture: This has to do with traditional value system of the state which can shape not just the
policy but also the process by which the decision are reached and image of the country present to the
outside world.
 The position of the country in the world economy
 The diplomatic arrangement in terms of its membership of international organizations or entering into
alliance with others for protection.
 Military Capability: This is often taken as a key indicator of a country standing or ranking in international
system.
Limitation
1. War
2. Advancement of Science and Technology
3. International Law
4. Inter-dependency
5. Constitutionalism
6. Membership of Inter-organization

NATIONALISM
Nationalism is the feeling of oneness or belonging to a nation. It is also seen as a movement by a group of people
that share the same historical experience. Nations in international relations are willing and ready to sacrifice all
they have in defense of their nation. This explains why nation are ready to go to war when those interest which
they cherish so much are being challenged by others. Nationalism has its own impact in international relations as
most wars were fought by states or nations in international system to protect and defend those values which they
cherish so much. It is also seen as the need to feel part of a community. It is the spirit of loyalty to one’s country,
territory or civic order. These people are called patriots. Nationalism is where there is a strong attachment by a

76
group of people in a particular political implications and we call them nationalists. Thus, the movement and
political beliefs they devise is term ‘nationalism’. Therefore, nationalism is political identity focus that makes
most people patriotic about their country but not their hometown or village or their ethnic group. A nation is a
people who mutually identify culturally ad politically to such a degree that they want to be separate to control
themselves politically. The persistence of nationalism in international relations.
The primary
Forces behind the increasing nature of nationalism was anti-imperialist independent movement in Africa, Asia
and Latin America e.t.c. more recently, nationalism has reappeared in Europe e.g. the re-emergence of East and
West Germany following the collapse of the Berlin wall. Also, in the Eastern Europe following the collapse of
the Soviet Union and the disintegration of Soviet Union e.g. Yugoslavia dis-integrated into 5 countries.
Czechoslovakia became two countries. Nationalist movement has the following element or characteristics
 The existence of perceived threat or deprivation at the handy of the powerful who are not ready for a
peaceful change or changes in the political structure and economic power.
 The emphasis on the differences between “them” and “us”
Impact of Nationalism on International Relations
 It has become the source of conflicts within and between states
 It has been seen as an instrument of reshaping global maps as new states are incorporated into the global
system.
 Nationalism of the new states ensure that the less develop countries problems are top on the international
agenda
 Nationalism brings into existence many viable states together.

National Interest: This is a key factor that governs the affair of state and their interactions on the global stage.
National interest is the guiding principles of the foreign policy of states. It is the main objective that shapes state
action and conduct in international relations. It is the cornerstone of foreign policy in international relations, the
realist believe that national interest is defined in terms of power.

Basic Ingredients of National Interest: What is define as interest is generally seen as an abstract goal e.g.
security, welfare, prestige, preservation of a country’s territory in international systems or the projection of its
values e.g. liberal democracy, communism, capitalism, Islamic fundamentalism etc. The core of national interest
is the promotion and protection of the country’s territorial integrity and strategic economic resources. In the
process of translating abstract goals and values into specific goals and practical policies, there is always room for

77
disagreement e.g. whether security is to be sought through strength or negotiations, alliance or integration may
bring about disagreement.
IS INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS A SCIENCE OR AN ART?
Science is a body of systematic knowledge acquired through empirical facts. Here, the claim knowledge must be
back up by evidence or facts that is in existence. There are arguments as to the category in which international
relations falls in to whether as a discipline or an art.
Why International Relations is a Science
1. It makes use of deductive method or reasoning base on certain proposition.
2. It adopts taxonomy, classification scheme or conceptual framework which provides for orderly
arrangement of data.
3. Science has to deal with series of propositions about international political behavior which inductively
derived from empirical studies or the comparative examination of case materials from the past e.g.
integration, alliance etc.
4. The development of series of statements about rational behavior base upon dominant motive such as
power
5. It has a theory that lay the foundation for describing of political behavior of state actors
6. International relations is a science because it deals with the issues of norms or values indicating how
international political actors ought to behave from this perspective, international relations has some ethical
issues to be considered
7. Because certain proposals or actions are prescriptive and base on certain assumptions about the
international system such as the existence of balance of power in which political actors attempt to take
certain course of action to achieve a particular kind of goal.
Why International Relations is not a Science
1. It is different to observe certain regularities and uniformities in state behavior.
2. Useful generalization cannot be made about state behavior.
3. The principle that guides scientific experiment in the laboratory are not possible in international relations
because state actors cannot be subject to such laboratory test as in pure sciences.
4. Behavior of state are unpredictable because statesmen name who are acting on behalf of their state are
human beings that cannot be predicted.
5. International relations deals with issues of subjective which has to do with human feelings, attributes,
opinions, preferences etc.

78
 6. It is difficult to employ statistical method in interpretation of state behavior besides that because of the
lack of agreement among scholars in international relations on the basic concepts and the categories of
the study of international relations e.g. war or crisis.

NATURE OF INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM

The international system is where nation came together to interact among themselves. It is also where input and
output are being made. It is also an arena where states interact among themselves and exchange ideas.
International system is that environment where we talk about input and output the contribution the nations make
the idea they brought into the system their participation, how international institution paly active roles in terms
of decision, passing of resolution which becomes the output, the foreign policies of nation.
The nature of the international system from the period after the Second World War can be described as bi-polar.
The Bi-polarity of the international system came as a result of the ideological war between the two super power;
USA and the Soviet Union. These two super powers engaged in arms. This situation raised tension in the world.
Subsequently, with the end of the Second World War, two military alliances were formed, the North Atlantic
Treaty Organisation (NATO 1949) and Warsaw Pact (1955). The formation of non-aligned movement. There
was ideological struggle between capitalism and socialism. The west propagates capitalism under the leadership
of USA while the East propagates socialism under the leadership of Soviet Union. The world was threatened by
the movement for self-determination on nationalism, sovereignty, insecurity, economic problem and
environmental degradation. There was also a division between the north and south. The north represents the
industrialized country while the south represents non-industrialized or developing country. This division between
these two groups brought about another issue in the international system. The issue of dominance of North over
South, the dependency relationship between these two groups while little emphasis was placed on south-south
cooperation. There is also the fear that modern international system will continue to witness balance of terror as
the major powers continue to exhibit arrogancy in the use of power. There is a structural imbalance in international
economic relation i.e. the developing in terms of imbalance in world trade and resource distribution while the
developed countries continued to be confronted with the problem of energy consumption, unsteady international
oil prices and raw-materials. The International system is best described as being hypocritical, sentimental,
ignorant and deceit.

Types of International System

1. Hierarchical: In this type of international system, the super powers are found at the top. The two military
bloc in existence at the time NATO and Warsaw Pact were structured hierarchically with chains of
command, information and communication flows from the top to the bottom.
79
 2. Diffuse/Universal: This is the international system where power and authority are distributed among the
interacting states in accordance with their capability e.g. African Union is a body where there is no
dominant member.
3. Diffuse Power Bloc: This system recognized the existence of two opposing blocs and at the same time
have countries that are either aligned or non-aligned e.g. in the UN, here exist different blocs namely the
African blocs, Asian, South America, European, North America e.t.c.
4. Bi-Polar: This emerged after the end of the 2nd world war where the world was divided into east and the
west.
5. Multi-Polar: This type of international system that is characterized by different powers. The UN
represent this arrangement. The UN is an organization where different countries come to join on equal
bases irrespective of size or strength.
6. Uni-Polar: At the end of the cold war, a new world order was established as pronounces by USA president
George Bush Snr. Who saw the end of the cold war as the beginning of a uni-polar world i.e. a new world
that is being led or dominated by USA as a single policemen of the world.
The Workings of International System
1. Essential Rules: This is the rule that govern the International organization such as UN, EU, AU and
ECOWAS. These rules established the relationship among actors and the roles that each are expected to
play. e.g. the charter of UN, Article of AU e.t.c. These are essential rules that define the role of each
member.
2. Transformation Rule: These have to do with law of change and procedures for effecting those changes
in the system e.g. the appointment of the UN Secretary General, the President of UN General Assembly,
and the chairperson of AU e.t.c. These appointments follow basic transformation rules to bring about a
change.
3. Actor Classificatory Scheme or Variables: This explains the extent to which state and non-sate actors
can influence decisions and policies in the international system in taking major decisions, alliances can
be formed as a way of pushing the decision or policy. The classificatory scheme influence the behavior
of other state. State with military might, tech advanced and economically stable tend to influence decisions
or behaviours of other states especially the weak states.
4. Flow of Information: This is another variable in understanding the working of the international system.
Information gathering s essential during a period of intense international crisis. This is because it helps
for the resolution of the crisis or conflict.

80
Changes in the International System: At a time, the European states were very dominant figures in International
system and continue to play hegemonic role in international system. The European hegemons were engaged in
empire building and expansionism, the world peace was rested on the triple stand between Triple Alliance and
Triple Entente. Subsequently, America emerged on the world stage and approach to world events was
characterized by isolationism as she was not prepared to entangle herself with European politics in the world
politics. The changes that occurred in international system were based on the transformation of the behavior
of state actor. The parameter value which are the input and output change radically fr instance, the first world
war and second world war brought some radical changes in the international system.
After the WWII, the global politics impresses the nation of the world and become all-encompassing because
nations that were left out before, became involved in diplomacy. USA that was completely not involve in
European policy became involved. There was also the internationalization of the nation-state system, the shifting
of attention from Europe to America and also the redefinition of the collective defense and balance of power, also
a change from uni-centric to multi-centric.

THEORIES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Realism: This theory sees the world as it is. The realists believe that the main actors on the world stage are states
which are legally sovereign actors and the realists also believe that the actions of states are based on their self-
interest and that states pursue power to preserve their interest or identity or the territorial integrity. Essentially,
states conduct their foreign affairs so as to ensure the security of the state. The realists oppose to universal moral
principle because of the desire for state to survive. They believe force is an instrument of foreign policy and that
international politics is characterized by self-help in which states rely on their own military resources to achieve
their aim. Indeed, we are in world of mutual fear and suspicion and characterized by conflict as each state struggle
to survive and to secure its interest at the expense of others. States are pre-occupied with how to survive. They
see force or war as an instrument of diplomacy
Rationalist: rationalism is linked with idealism, in fact it is seen as an extreme version of idealism which is
liberalism. Rationalism is based on rule making and rule application. The rationalist believe in international
cooperation and harmony. The rationalist also believe in the system of social institution that will bring about
harmony and cooperation. They believe that international system is a mixture of conflict and cooperation. The
rationalist like Woodrow Wilson believe that the future of war could be avoided if there exist international
organization.
Revolutionist: The Stalin’s revolutionalism was born out of the experience of communist revolution of 1917.
This revolution led to the dissolution of Russian federation and led to the establishment of Soviet Union or USSR.
This was precipitated by ideology of Karl Marx. Marxism believe that there is an essential harmony of interest
81
between various social groups. To this end, Marxist believe that the society is systematically prone to class
conflict. In their view, the history hitherto existing society is the history of class struggle. In the capitalist society,
there is an inevitable conflict between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Soviet Union International relations
was dedicated to the ideology of the state which is socialism or communism. During the world war II, soviet
union, USA & Britain formed an alliance against the Nazi;Germany as axis power with Italy and Japan. The
alliance between the capitalism countries with conflicts do not have any barrier, it transcend national boundaries.
To them conflict is from the incompatible ideologies. They believe war were used as instrument of foreign policy
and to protect domestic class and that in a capitalist society, Conflict is inevitable. The mission of the
revolutionary was to establish a classless society or a world without state or classes which communism tend to
achieve.
STATE ACTORS AND NON-STATE ACTOR: State actors are sovereign state or nation states that constitute
the international system and are members of international organizations. They can sue and be sued in the
international court. The state is the basic unit of analysis in international relations. Non state actors means those
actors that deals with issue in the world economy and international political system and are not sovereign state
meaning that they are not state entity.

Global Inter-Governmental Institutions: League of Nations and United Nations because their membership cut
across all continents of the world. Before the League of Nations which came into existence in the 20th century,
there was the recognition of multilateral diplomacy although it was after the end of WWI that first international
institution was created which was called the League of Nations. The LoN was designed to replace the balance of
power politics and secret diplomacy. The founding covenant of the league established an Assembly of all member
states which was originally 42 members and later rose to 60 before the collapse of the LoN. The league has the
following structures:

 League Council comprising four permanent members who were great powers. The council was not strong
as that of the UN because it was vulnerable to manipulations.
 It had s secretariat composed of international civil servants who were responsible for deterring, punishing
or defeating aggression, settling disputes, promoting disarmament, encouraging economic cooperation
and administering former colonies of the Ottoman Empire and Germany.

The Paris Peace Conference: This was where the covenant of the LoN was adopted in April 1919 by the
representatives of 5 great powers namely Britain, France, USA, Italy and Japan. In 1920, the covenant formally
came into operation. The LoN headquarter was in Geneva and the first Secretary General was Sir Eric Drumond.
The LoN established permanent Court of International Justice composed of 11 judges and 4 deputy judges

82
elected by the assembly in conjunction with the council for a term of 9 years. The main objective of the LoN was
to maintain international peace and security. To deter aggression from any quarters. It must be noted that the LoN
failed because the two great European powers, Britain and France were not committed to the principle of
collective security.

The United Nations: The UN came into existence on October 24, 1945 due to the failure of the LoN to prevent
the advent of WWII that broke out in 1939. The war signaled the end of the LoN. As the war continued from
1939, the great powers i.e. USA and Soviet Union began to meet to find a possible end to the war and to find a
lasting solution of peace. Various conferences and meetings were held in Moscow, Iran and USA. In April 1945,
the San Francisco meeting, the charter of the UN was drafted and countries like France and China were invited
to join in the big power politics and in the meeting of October 24, 1945, 51 members signed the charter of UN
which was in New York. The headquarter of UN from 1945 remain in New York till date. Today, the membership
of UN have risen to 192 members. It is important to note that after the collapse of Soviet Union, the members of
the former Soviet Union joined the UN as an independent states.

The Structures of the United Nations

1. General Assembly: This is composed of all member state. The General Assembly is the largest and
highest deliberative organ of the UN. It elects its president on yearly basis. Each members has equal vote
i.e. the principle of one man, one vote.
2. Security Council: It is composed of 15 members, 5 permanent members and 10 non-members. The non-
permanent members are elected on 3 year term. The permanent members are USA, Britain, France, Russia
and China. These 5 members exercise veto power. The veto power simply means unanimity vote i.e. a
decision of one great power cannot be binding on all the members except all the members anonymously
agree. In other words, when any member opposes a decision, it will not be binding on that member and
by implication, that decision cannot be taken.
3. The Secretariat: It is headed by the Secretary-General and other international Civil servants. The
Secretary General holds office for 5 years, and can be re-elected, for another 5 years. He is elected on the
recommendation of the UN Security Council to the UN General Assembly. The first Sec-General was
Tryve Lie.
4. Social and Economic Council: This comprised of those agencies of the UN that are established to cater
for the needs of the member state e.g. World Bank, International Monetary Fund, World Health
Organisation e.t.c. are agencies under Social and Economic Council.
5. International Court of Justice: It is composed of 15 judges elected for 9 years at a time. It is headed by
a president. ICJ is to adjudicate on matters that affect member states
83
 6. Trusteeship Council: This organ replace the LoN mandates trusteeship agreement. The trusteeship
council is to oversee the colonies or the defeated powers and to prepare them for self-government. The
trusteeship council appear to be redundant today since the independence of Namibia in 1991.

Similarities between League of Nations and United Nations

 They are both establish to maintain peace and security.
 They are to deter aggression from any quarter.
 They have their Secretariat in Geneva
 The have their ICJ in Hagues
 The LoN covenant is much shorter document than UN charter but both of them have six essential features
in common
o Both are composed in the legal form appropriate to multilateral treaties binding states which ratify
them.
o Both envisaged a widening membership that are potentially global in scope.
o Both of them are the work of victorious war time allies led by great powers.
o Both are constitutions for a new governmental organisations.
o Both have principal organs for their inter-governmental organization and specify the functions,
compositions and at the same time limit the power of those organs.
o Both are founding document for new system of international peace and security intended to ensure
that states have a better ways of conducting international relations and avoiding war.
Differences
 The Covenant of the LoN was negotiated as the first item of business at the Paris peace conference
of 1919 while the charter of the UN was negotiated in a single purpose conference on international
organization held in San Francisco in USA in 1945.
 The LoN addressed social and economic issues through its international commission on
intellectual cooperation. The League lacked the drive of its successor, UN for instance UNESCO
which is an agency of the UN is to bring education, science and culture to the countries of the
south.
 The UN specialized agencies are independent with their own membership, constitutions and
international legal personality e.g. the economic and social council is the principal body for the
coordination and dialogue on issues of economic and social development.

84
  The UN has the capacity to intervene in conflict areas of the world through voluntary military
contribution by member states e.g. 1991 military intervention in Iraq led by the allied forces.
 The charter of the UN provides for collective security which confers much stronger power on the
UN security than the LoN council ever enjoy.
 The league council contained 8 members while UN Security Council contained 15 members.

Organisation of African Unity or African Union

OAU was established on May 25th 1963 in Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia. At the formative stage of OAU,
there were 32 independent states. These were the founding members of OAU. There 54 members of AU
presently. The process of transforming OAU to AU began with the signing of African economic community
treaty in 1991 in Abuja under the chairmanship of Gen .Ibrahim Babangida who was the military head of state of
Nigeria in 1999, There was a declaration known as Sirte declaration calling for the establishment of African
union. Subsequently, in 2000 a summit was held in Lome, Togo which adopted a constitute act, later the Lusaka
summit was to create a road map for the Implementation of AU. In 2002,the Durban South Africa summit AU
was launched and the first meeting of the assembly of head of state and government was held.
Changes into by AU
1. AU was made up both political and administrative bodies.
2. The assembly of head of state and government is the highest decision making organ of AU all the head of state
and government constitute this body.
3. The Pan-African Parliament: It is made up 265 representative elected by the national legislatures after EU
parliament of member state.
4. Executive Council: It is made up of foreign ministers of member states that prepare the decision 4 the assembly
of Head of States & Government.
5. The Permanent Representative Committee: This is made up of Ambassadors to Addis Ababa of member
states.
6. Economic, Social and Cultural Council: This is the body that deliberates on economic, social and cultural
issues as they affect member states.
7. Civil Society Constitutive Body: This body is made up of civil society of African state.
8. African Union Peace and Security Architecture
9. Peace and Security Council.
10. Panel council of wise of 5 members: African elders of people whose voices can be heard.
11. Regional Economic Communities: We have 5 major regions in Africa.
West Africa South Arica East Africa North Africa Central Africa
85
Transnational Organizations as a Non-State Actor: Before the age of sovereign state, the actors which have
considerable political, religious and economic influence have to be transnational in nature i.e. their influence cut
across the territorial boundaries of state until recently. The state was the sole bearer, the main actor that enjoy
international legal right and treaties. Individual, groups, corporations and collective entities are seen as objects of
international law rather than subjects. They have no right to full diplomatic representation or to make treaty or
laws as the case may be. However, in the 20th century intergovernmental organization and non-governmental
organsation NGOs began to spread across the territory of the world and they began to acquire corporate legal
personality in terms of rights and responsibilities although not on the same rights with sovereign state. The
multinational corporation today have assumed some importance in international relations. In economic terms, the
revolution in communications, transport and management, international investment, production and marketing
are some of the activities that are engaged in by the multinational.
Many of the multinational corporations have big influence on the government of the country where they are
situated to accept their presence in return for investment, tech know how and employment opportunities for the
citizens of the countries where they are located. They are seen to be a threat to a sovereign states in many ways.
They have interfered in internal politics of member states e.g. the Anglo-Iranian oil company later known as
British Petroleum played a key role in restoring the shah of Iran to power after being overthrown in the 1950s.
Ethno-nationalist movement are non-state actor but their activities have influence on international relations either
positive or negative e.g. Palestine Liberation Organisation.
Individuals i.e. how relevant is international relations since the end of WWII, we have seen the increasing nature
of individual role. In international law, individual cannot appear before the ICJ but does not mean individuals are
not protected by international law. Two military tribunals were created Nuremberg and Tokyo to try war criminals
in International war.

ORDER AND COEXISTENCE IN INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM

Power: It is defined as the ability of a man to control the minds of others. It is also the capacity to compel others
to do what one wants and not to do what one does not require them to do. It is usually carried out by the threat of
deprivation or the imposition of sanction. It is the ability to get one wishes to be carried out despite opposition
and capacity to influence the actions of others in accordance with one’s own end. In International relations, power
is the capacity of a state to use its tangible and intangible resources in such a way as to affect the behavior of
others. It is the sum total of a nation nation’s capabilities. In International relations, power politics means politics
of force i.e. the conduct of International relations by the use of force or the threat of force without consideration
for the right of justice.

86
Balance of Power: It simply describe a state of equilibrium parity. Balance of power is one of those concepts in
International relations that lacks a precise meaning i.e. it is very ambiguous. It has no definite meaning. People
give different interpretation of the meaning or concepts of BoP. It can be seen as distribution of available assets
at a particular time. It describes parity between two contending power US and Russia during the cold war era.
BoP can also be seen as a guide to policy. It seeks to correct a dangerous imbalance through distribution of power
between a state or bloc and its potential rival. The policy of balance of power is associated with various
mechanisms design either to maintain or to restore some level or equilibrium. These have led to formation of
alliance or conditions of mutual security system. Balance of Power could be through the payment of compensation
either through territorial, economic or diplomatic means.
DIPLOMACY: Diplomacy is defined as the process of trying to advance a country’s national interest by
applying the power potential of a state in an attempt to persuade other countries. In other words, power is the
foundation of diplomacy. In our world of conflict, diplomacy performs a function basically of advancing the
national interest through methods such as observing, reporting, negotiating, representing, intervening and
carrying out propaganda. Until the 20th century, many diplomats have carried out several functions as mentioned
above.
Old Diplomacy: Old diplomacy is characterized by secrecy, dishonesty, unrepresentativeness, lack of political
accountability, and the use of outdated languages and ceremonies. The old diplomacy is being criticized for its
secrecy i.e. that politicians have access to secret agreement and not necessarily diplomats. Negotiation in the old
diplomacy was private and therefore it was not known to the public when such negotiation takes place.
New/Neo Diplomacy: The WWI from 1914-1918 could be regarded as the beginning of modern diplomacy or
new diplomacy or it could be seen as a transition to modern diplomacy. Indeed, it marked the end of European
dominance of world affairs. It also marked the fall of German, Austria, Ottoman and Russia empires. New powers
like USA, Japan and china began to assert themselves and they also replicated the declining European powers.
The old diplomacy as a matter of fact did not vanish but it changed substantially. To this extent, the new
diplomacy is characterized by the following:
 Expansion of geographic scope for example UN is a universal organization with membership across all
continents of the world. This truly symbolizes global scope of diplomacy.
 Neo-Diplomacy is characterized by multilateralism i.e. the use of conferences involving a number of
nations to discuss important global issues.
 Modern diplomacy is also seen to be parliamentary. This is a practice whereby debates and voting takes
place in international organizations as well as negotiations.
 Modern diplomacy can be described as democratized diplomacy. This is a situation whereby the elites
who were the dominant character of early diplomacy which has changed in several ways. The major
87
 change therefore is that diplomats are now drawn from a wider segment of society and to some extent
they are representative of their nations rather than just the rulers of the state.

REFERENCES
 A Systematic Approach to International Relations by Solomon O. Akinboye and Ferdinand O. Ottoh.

PAST QUESTIONS 18/19

TEST

1. Discuss the impact of non-state actors in International Relations

2. Discuss four divisions in International relations as a discipline
3. Examine the impact of nationalism in International Relations.

EXAMINATION

1. “The idea of states as autonomous, independent entities is collapsing under the combined onslaught of monetary
unions, CNN, the internet, and the non-governmental organizations. But those who proclaim the death of
sovereignty misread history. The nation-state has taken a keen instinct for survival and has so far adapted to new
challenges- even the challenge of globalization”. Stephen D. Krasner. What are your views on the challenges and
how has nations-states tried to deal with these challenges?
2. Conceptualize the term ‘International Relations’, and provide a justification for the autonomy of the discipline in
view of the dynamic nature of the discipline in the contemporary world.
3. What are the contributions of globalization in the 21st century international relations?
4. Highlight the major changes in the transformation of OAU to AU?
5. Write notes on the following three traditions:
i. Realist
ii. Rationalist
iii. Revolutionist

88