The Fall of Chichen Itza: A Preliminary Hypothesis

Anthony P. Andrews

Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 1, No. 3. (Sep., 1990), pp. 258-267.

Stable URL:
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=1045-6635%28199009%291%3A3%3C258%3ATFOCIA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-6

Latin American Antiquity is currently published by Society for American Archaeology.

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at
http://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained
prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in
the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at
http://www.jstor.org/journals/sam.html.

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed
page of such transmission.

The JSTOR Archive is a trusted digital repository providing for long-term preservation and access to leading academic
journals and scholarly literature from around the world. The Archive is supported by libraries, scholarly societies, publishers,
and foundations. It is an initiative of JSTOR, a not-for-profit organization with a mission to help the scholarly community take
advantage of advances in technology. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

http://www.jstor.org
Fri Dec 7 17:58:04 2007
 THE FALL OF CHICHEN ITZA:
A PRELIMINARY HYPOTHESIS

Anthony P. Andrews

The fall of the Early Postclassic capital of Chichen Itza is generally described in native chronicles as the result
of a widespread revolt of native Yucatec Maya against the Itzci rulers of northern Yucatan. This historic event
was the outcome of complex social, economic, and ecological processes that ultimately led to the weakening and
dissolution of the Itzci polity. The historic legends that trace the fall of the Itzci are a superficial manifestation of
deeper problems, which likely included tense relations with subjugated peoples, excess economic and human
tribute, overpopulation, scarcities of land and agricultural resources, and possible climatological changes resulting
in drought. The Itzci economy was linked to all these processes, but as they primarily weref o m e d on theexploitation
of coastal resources and long-distance trade, they.failed to establish a viable economic system in the interior. This
failure, coupled with the overexploitation of a decliningsocial and economic resource base, led to the Itzci collapse.
This essay presents a preliminary discussion of these processes.
La caida de la capital de ChichPn Ztzci en el Postclisico Temprano es comtinmente descrita en las fuentes
indigenas como el resultado de una sublevacibn regional en contra del liderazgo itzci del norte de Yucatcin. Este
evento histbrico fue la culminacibn de complejos procesos sociales, econbmicos, y ecolbgicos que llevaron a1
debilitamiento y disolucidn del estado itzci. Las leyendas histbricas que trazan la caida de 10s itzci resultan ser
una manifestacibn superficial de problemas rncis serios, que incluyen relaciones problemciticas con 10s pueblos
subyugados, exceso de tributo econbmico y humano, sobrepoblacibn, escasez de tierra y recursos agricolas, y
posibles perturbaciones climatolbgicas acornpafiadas de sequias. La economia itzci estaba ligada a estos procesos;
dependientes en gran parte de recursos costeros y comercio con el exterior, 10s itzaes no lograron imponer un
nuevo orden econbmico viable en el interior. Est~zfalla, unida a la sobreexplotacibn de 10s menguados recursos
sociales y econbmicos, llevb a1 colapso itzb. Este ensayo presenta una discusibn preliminar de estos procesos.

The rise and fall of the Itza state in the northern Maya lowlands of the Yucatan peninsula, Mexico,
during Terminal Classic and Early Postclassic times, was probably the single most important process
in late Maya history. This was a time of momentous changes, of great social stress exacerbated by
foreign influences, invasions, and warfare. It was also a period in which the elite of a single capital
embarked on an attempt to forge the largest polity in Maya history, and, for reasons that are poorly
understood, failed to do so.
Research on this period of Maya history has been extensive and has focused primarily on the
archaeology of Chichen Itza and the cultural history of the Itza state. Still, despite the data accu-
mulated over six decades, our basic knowledge of the chronology of events surrounding the rise and
fall of the Itza capital remains mired in contradictory historical accounts that do not correlate well
with the archaeological record. Beyond this, our attempts to explore the causes behind this overall
process are still very preliminary.
In a series of earlier papers, Fernando Robles and I explored a number of factors that may have
played a role in the rise of Chichen Itza. These include a combination of internal factors, such as
overpopulation, widespread warfare, and a general weakening of the polities of the Terminal Classic
period, coupled with several waves of external invasion led by military entrepreneurs who appro-
priated the coastal resources of the northern lowlands and established a capital at the Terminal
Classic site of Chichen Itza (Andrews 1978; Andrews and Robles Castellanos 1985; Robles Cas-

Anthony P. Andrews, Division of Social Sciences, New College of the University of South Florida, Sarasota,
FL 34243

Latin American Antiquity, 1(3), 1990, pp. 258-267.

Copyright O 1990 by the Society for American Archaeology
[Andrews] THE FALL OF CHICHEN ITZA 259

tellanos and Andrews 1986). This scenario, which built on earlier studies by Thompson (1970) and
Ball (1974) offers only a tentative working framework and needs further corroboration.
While we now have some preliminary notions regarding the rise of Chichen Itza, little has been
written about its collapse. Most texts simply refer to the accounts in the chronicles that attribute
the fall of the Itza to a revolt led by the native Maya elites of northern Yucatan (Henderson 198 1:
2 19-220; Morley et al. 1983:167-168; Thompson 1966:136-137). The reluctance of Maya scholars
to explore the processes behind the fall of Chichen Itza is owed in part to the problems encountered
in reconstructing historical and archaeological records. As noted above, these problems present
serious obstacles to ongoing research.
The historical record of the chronicles, for one, is not a consistent linear western account of events.
The three main sources are the Books of Chilam Balam of Chumayel, Mani, and Tizimin, and they
are not in agreement; attempts to derive a historical sequence of events from these chronicles are
numerous (Ball 1974; Edmonson 1982,1985,1986; Roys 1933,1954,1962,1966; Thompson 1970;
Tozzer 1941, 1957). As many scholars have noted, Maya notions of circular time account for the
confusing repetitive nature of the chronicle accounts, what Bricker (1981:9) has called the "tele-
scoping" of events into the past and future. Further compounding the confusion is the fact that
Maya texts are rich tapestries of interwoven strands of history and myth that may be impossible to
unravel; seen as a whole, the chronicles are historic metaphors for prophecies of the future, and the
key to their understanding may lie not in the historical events per se, but in their underlying structural
themes (Bricker 1981). The notion of history as a cyclical sequence of recumng themes is not unusual
in nonwestern culture, as Sahlins has demonstrated in his study of the early history of the Hawaiian
Islands (198 1).
The problems with the archaeological record are also of a serious nature. Basic to this issue is
the ongoing debate over the chronology of Terminal Classic/Early Postclassic Yucatan, and the
resulting confusion over the history of occupation of key sites such as Chichen Itza, Uxmal, and
Mayapan. Of central concern is the history of Chichen Itza; we have yet to amve at a consensus
on the chronology of the site and on the dates of the amval of various foreign groups who played
a major role in its history (cf. papers in Mills [1979], and Sabloff and Andrews [1986]). These issues
will not be resolved without further stratigraphic excavations and the development of more refined
chronologies based on ceramics and radiometric dates.
Given the problems in the historical and archaeological domains, it is difficult to reconstruct
cultural processes with any degree of accuracy. Still, despite these problems, I believe it is possible
to extricate from the archaeological and historical data some preliminary ideas as to why Chichen
Itza fell. I recognize that such an exercise can only be exploratory and attempt here the task in the
spirit of stimulating further discussion.

TRAJECTORY OF THE ITZA STATE

As noted above, the rise of the Itza state needs to be viewed against the sociopolitical and economic
background of Yucatan in the Terminal Classic period (ca. A.D. 750-1000). Overpopulation, land
shortages, political turmoil, and warfare most likely failed to prevent the deployment of foreign
groups along the coasts, and these groups in turn appropriated coastal resources and exploited
internal weaknesses to establish a new capital at Chichen Itza.
The ethnic composition of the peoples who came to rule at Chichen Itza still is understood poorly,
though there is growing evidence that the political body was a mix of native northern Maya and
foreign groups.' The collapse of the polities of the southern lowlands, coupled with the intrusions
of unidentified Gulf Coast populations into various parts of the Maya Lowlands, generated a series
of population movements that led to a reorganization of the political geography of the entire region
(Fox 1987, 1989; Thompson 1970).The eventual convergenceof several of these groups into northern
Yucatan in the ninth and tenth centuries set the stage for the rise of the Itza state.
There is now a growing body of evidence to suggest that Chichen Itza began to crystalize as a
major political center in the middle of the ninth century. The traditional model of a Yucatec Maya
Terminal Classic phase at Chichen, followed by a "foreign" Early Postclassic phase, is now giving
260 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 1, No. 3, 1990

way to a widely held view that the incorporation of foreign groups and their cultural manifestations
was a gradual process that began sometime after A.D. 800 (Kowalski 1985; Lincoln 1983, 1986;
Sabloff 1990; Wren 1989; Wren and Schmidt 1986).
That such a process commenced at the same time that the southern Maya cities were in decline
was no coincidence, and the emergence of Chichen Itza was in several respects a response to the
factors that led to the southern demise. Recent epigraphic research by Krochock (1988) suggests
that a new type of political structure was forged at Chichen Itza, one that shifted the focus of power
away from the Classic period emphasis on individual rulers to the development of a larger ruling
class, perhaps under the control of multiple rulers or even brothers (cf. Lincoln 1988; Schele and
Freidel 1990; Wren and Schmidt 1986). Some scholars envision the emergence of a confederate
type of government, similar to the rnultepal confederacy of later Postclassic states (Fox 1989; Freidel
and Schele 1989; Schele and Freidel 1990).
This departure from the Classic period focus on individual rulers and lineages marks an evolu-
tionary step in Maya political organization, in which the small dynastic city state was replaced by
a larger polity with a more complex state level of organization. This shift is evident in the devel-
opment of historic and symbolic imagery at Chichen. Classic Maya glyphic texts, which traditionally
provide a narrative record of major events in the life of rulers, do not serve such a purpose at
Chichen Itza; rather, they record names of individuals and relationships between them, without any
historical narrative (Krochock 1988; but see Davoust [I9801 for a differing view). Moreover, glyphic
texts cease to be inscribed early in the tenth century, and are replaced by iconographic imagery with
a broad variety of themes that incorporate a substantial body of foreign elements. In short, Chichen
was developing into a cosmopolitan mesoamerican capital with a multiethnic social and political
structure radically different from that of previous Maya polities (Freidel 1986a; Schele and Freidel
1990; Wren and Schmidt 1986).
The elite, who came to be known as the Itza, established one of the largest and wealthiest capitals
in mesoamerican history, and from there ruled a polity that extended from Campeche to northern
Quintana Roo. The capital also became a major pilgrimage center, perhaps the most important in
late Maya history (Kubler 1985; Roys 1933:173). Itza power appears to have been based on a
combination of tribute from their subjected domain, plus the administration of coastal resources
and concomitant control of long distance trade networks that brought in exotic goods from central
Mexico, Guatemala, and lower Central America.
The economy of the Itza state was undoubtedly complex. The Cupul province, in which Chichen
Itza was located, was most likely the main supplier of agricultural produce; this area has been the
major corn granary for eastern Yucatan in historic times, and was also a major producer of cotton,
cacao, and other crops (Andrews et al. 1989). Other areas may have supplied tribute in the form
of foodstuffs as well. There is some evidence to suggest that Coba may have supplied tribute to the
Itza (Andrews and Robles Castellanos 1985:69), and the presence of Itza ceramics at Uxmal and
Kabah (Andrews 1978:79) raises the possibility that the Puuc area was also a supplier of foodstuffs,
as it was a major breadbasket for the northern lowlands during the Prehispanic and Colonial periods
(Dunning 1989:11;Robles Castellanos and Andrews 1986:80). The Itza capital also imported marine
resources from the north coast, including fish and shells for making craft goods (Carr 1989; Cobos
Palma 1987); the Itza may have also traded these items, along with cotton and cacao, to other
inland communities in exchange for foodstuffs. In short, the Itza were able to supply their capital
with basic foodstuffs, but only through a complex interdependency with the coast and other com-
munities of the interior.
The most visible evidence of the wealth of Chichen Itza can be seen in the long distance trade
goods it imported, which included artifacts made of fine paste ceramics, basalt, obsidian, turquoise,
copper, gold, jade, and other greenstones. At the time of the conquest, Yucatan's major exports
were salt, cotton cloth, honey, and slaves (Cardos de Mkndez 1959; Roys 1943; Thompson 1970);
it is most likely that the Itza controlled the export of these items, especially salt, which was in
demand throughout the Maya lowlands (Andrews 1983). The north coast, where the Itza had
established a series of outposts and a major port at Isla Cerritos, was the key to Itza long distance
trade, as it contains the richest salt beds in Mesoamerica, and provided the Itzi with access to trade
Andrews] THE FALL OF CHICHEN ITZA 26 1

networks that extended from central Mexico to Central America (Andrews 1978; Andrews and
Robles Castellanos 1985; Andrews et al. 1988).
While historic chronicles and archaeological evidence clearly attest to a high degree of political
centralization, the exact boundaries of the Itza state have yet to be established. Itza ceramics have
been reported from the Campeche coast to Cozumel Island, and as far south as northern Belize. As
I have argued elsewhere, these attest to a strategic deployment of the Itza along the coasts for
purposes of controlling resources and trade (Andrews 1978; Andrews and Robles Castellanos 1985).
Their commercial presence extended even farther, to the Gulf of Honduras and beyond (Roys 1966).
The archaeological evidence of a strong Itza presence at interior sites in northern Yucatan is scant,
though recent surveys of the areas around Chichen Itza are beginning to uncover data on the nature
of the Itzb's relations with their neighbors, including Yaxuna and Ek Balam (Andrews et al. 1989;
Freidel 1986b; Ringle and Bey 1988). Interestingly, many sites around Chichen Itza and between
Chichen Itza and the north coast yield substantial amounts of Itza-related ceramics, but display
little of the unique late architecture that characterizes the capital. In fact, many sites continued to
erect structures in the Terminal Classic style during this period. As several authors have suggested,
the new rulers may have allowed local Maya chiefs to continue to rule over their provinces while
paying tribute and allegiance to the Itza (Andrews et al. 1989; Morley et al. 1983:160; Relaciones
de Yucathn I : 120-121).
The extent of the Itza polity may have also been limited in the east, as suggested by the scant
evidence for an Itza presence in the domain of Coba in north-central Quintana Roo. As we have
argued elsewhere, there is some evidence to suggest a standoff between Chichen Itza and Coba at
Yaxuna, in which Coba managed to keep the intruders out of its region (though it may have agreed
to pay tribute to the Itza). Still, a strong Itza presence at Cozumel, and widespread evidence of
contacts and trade with areas farther to the south, suggest that the Itza managed to circumvent the
Coba polity and cut off its access to the trade networks of the Caribbean (Andrews and Robles
Castellanos 1985; Freidel 1986a; Robles Castellanos and Andrews 1986).
The western extent of the Itza political domain is also unclear; while many sources attribute Itzi
origins to Chontal groups in Tabasco, and Miller's (1977) interpretation of the murals at Chichen
raises the possibility of Itza military activity in the Usumacinta River drainage, there is little
archaeological or historical evidence of direct Itza control of that region. On the other hand, ar-
chaeological and historical evidence indicates a strong commercial presence in this southwestern
region as far as Tabasco (Roys 1966). The large amounts of Terminal Classic/Early Postclassic fine
gray and fine orange ceramics found in northern Yucatan, which appear to have their origin in the
general Usumacinta drainage area, add further corroboration of Itza trading activities on the southern
Gulf Coast (Robert Rands and Ronald Bishop, personal communication 1990).
In short, while it is clear that the Itza established military and/or commercial control over a very
large temtory, there is some evidence to suggest that their domain did not include all of the peninsula.
Moreover, there is also substantial evidence to suggest that their rule over the territory they did
control was far from benign. This evidence lies in the chronicles.

THE CHRONICLES AND THE ITZA

Few historic accounts portray the Itza as benevolent or popular rulers of the Maya countryside.
Roys (1933:83, 1966:159) notes one passage in the Chilam Balam of Chumayel in which the Itza
rulers are said to have recited the good prayers, sought the lucky days and kept watch on the stars,
and "then everything was good." These rulers are said to have been pious men of reason, and during
their rule there was no illness, for "at that time the course of humanity was orderly" (cf. Edmonson
[1986:147-1481 for an alternate translation). Whether or not this passage refers to the rulers of
Chichen Itza is open to question, as it also could refer to Maya rulers who preceded the arrival of
the Itza. Another passage remembering the Itza rulers favorably comes from Bishop Landa; he notes
that they "governed in great peace and justice for some years," and that they "were devoted
worshippers of their God"; they also "lived without women, and in perfect decorum; and for all
the time that they lived thus, they were held in great esteem and obeyed by all" (Tozzer 1941:177).
262 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 1, No. 3, 1990

If the Itza were initially well received in Yucatan, they did not hold the esteem of the populace
for long. In fact, what may be called an "Itza black legacy" far outweighs the positive accounts.
Landa himself notes that after awhile one of the Itza rulers left and that his absence
was such a loss to those who had ruled after him, that they at once began to be partisan in the government
and so dissolute and unbridled in their habits, that the people came to abhor them so greatly that they put
them to death. They laid waste and abandoned the land [Tozzer 1941: 177-1781,
There are numerous passages in the Books of Chila'm Bala'm damning the Itzas; too many, in
fact, to quote here. These chronicles abound with strong epithets, refemng to the Itza as heathens,
heretics, stupid foreigners, and the ultimate Yucatec insult, "people without fathers and mothers."
There are also many references to their immoral behavior, wanton speech, lewdness and carnal sin,
widespread adultery, excessive avarice, corruption, and greed for power (Tozzer 1957:46-50). While
some of these passages may be references to Late Postclassic descendants of the Itza following the
fall of Chichen, they are nonetheless a powerful indictment against this elite ruling class, and as the
histories make clear, retribution was the logical outcome of their behavior.
The chronicles offer a variety of differing versions of the events that led to the unraveling of the
Itza state; the most widely cited in current texts is the Hunac Ceel episode at the wedding of the
king of Izamal, which Roys (1933: 177) has dubbed the "Trojan war of Yucatan." Hunac Ceel, the
Cocom ruler of Mayapan, used the plumeria flower (Plumeria rubra) to inflame the passion of Chac
Xib Chac, the ruler of Chichen, who carried off the bride; Izamal, already angry at Chichen for its
demand for Izamal youth in its sacrifices, went to war.2 Ultimately, Hunac Ceel orchestrated the
sack of Chichen Itza, and Mayapan emerged as the new capital.
Whether these machinations have any basis in reality is not important; what is clear, from the
above and other accounts, is that several rulers of Yucatecan cities rose up in revolt against Itza
rule, and with widespread support from numerous allies, put an end to the Itza hegemony over the
countryside. The Hunac Ceel incident has appealed to past and present historians, in part, because
it offers a rationale for the revolt in the purported kidnapping of the Izamal bride by the ruler of
Chichen. It is, then, a metaphor for the excesses of the rulers of the Itza state.
It is clear from the chronicles that the fall of Chichen was viewed by native Maya historians as
the outcome of historical events, which included the idiosyncratic behaviors of individual players.
It is also clear that underlying causes set the stage for whatever intrigues were played out. The Itza
had alienated a large sector of the population in the northern lowlands through their actions, while
at the same time losing their ability to govern their polity. The question is, what were the underlying
causes?

THE FALL OF THE ITZA:

A TENTATIVE PROCESSUAL EXPLORATION
While not denying the possible veracity of the events recorded in the chronicles, we must go
beyond them and explore the underlying processes that led to the destabilization of the Itza regime
and ultimately led to its collapse.
First, the Itza took over a region that was already under tremendous stress from overpopulation
and land shortages and probably ravaged by internecine warfare. Whether this situation was a
"delayed" version of the collapse that occurred in the southern lowlands has yet to be determined.
It may well have been, and its delayed occurrence may have been owing to a slower population
buildup than that of the south. The intensification of agricultural practices may have accelerated
population growth in the south, bringing on an earlier crossing of the threshold of the carrying
capacity. In the north, the absence of any large-scale means of intensifying agricultural production
may have resulted in a slower rate of population growth.
The imposition of Itza tribute over the northern countryside would have only added more stress
to the system. The chronicles refer to a heavy tribute burden, and this undoubtedly came in the
form of agricultural surpluses, labor, and victims for sacrifice. The channelling of this tribute into
Chichen Itza is reflected clearly in the relatively rapid massive growth of the city, and in the energy
Andrews] THE FALL OF CHICHEN ITZA 263

GULF
0F lsla Cerritos
MEXICO

lzamal
A Ek Balam
A

A CHICHEN ITZA

\
Yaxuna

CARIBBEAN

100 kms

Figure 1. Map of the northern part of the Yucatan peninsula, showing the location of major sites discussed
in the text.

invested in construction. The Itz6 capital became an economic vortex, absorbing vast amounts of
people and resources from all over the northern plains.
This exploitation only further weakened the interior. The situation may have been further ex-
acerbated by a deterioration in climatic conditions. Maya chronicles make numerous references to
drought and famine, and paleoclimatic evidence raises the possibility that the Early Postclassic
period may have been unusually dry and warn (Dahlin 1988; Folan et al. 1983). Possibly related
to this series of events is the gradual abandonment, in the eleventh century, of the Puuc cities of
the south and of the outlying communities of the domain of Coba. These were major centers of
agricultural production during Terminal Classic times, and their loss would have placed additional
stress on the system. Despite this overall weakening of the economy and society of northern Yucatan,
the Itz6 managed to embark on a period of growth and commercial expansion for more than 300
years. It is difficult to believe that this growth could have been sustained on the basis of the weakened
internal economy of the region. As I have argued above, Chichen Itza was heavily dependent on
coastal and external resources for its growth, namely the salt beds and marine resources of the north
coast; these allowed the Itza access to much larger spheres of trade, which is reflected in the strategic
deployment of coastal outposts around the peninsula, and in the exotic trade goods recovered at
the capital.
Recent archaeological evidence from the site of Isla Cemtos, most probably the main port of
Chichen Itza (Andrews and Gallareta Negron 1986; Andrews et al. 1988), corroborates this depen-
dence on the coast and foreign trade. Trade goods recovered at the site are much the same as those
recovered at Chichen Itza, and can be traced to central Mexico, Guatemala, and lower Central
America. Moreover, provenience analysis of the obsidian from Isla Cemtos adds further support
to the notion of dependence on external spheres of trade. Over 80 percent of the obsidian recovered
at the site has been traced to the highlands of central Mexico, which represents a clear break with
264 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 1, No. 3, 1990

traditional Maya obsidian trade patterns (Andrews et al. 1989). Prior to this period, the majority
of obsidian at northern lowland sites came from sources in the Guatemalan Highlands (Nelson
1985). The Isla Cemtos obsidian procurement pattern undoubtedly reflects Itzi trading patterns
and attests to an involvement with foreign economies on a scale unmatched in Maya history.
This dependence on coastal and external economies raises an interesting question regarding the
location of Chichen Itza. When its economic base lay on the coast, why was it located in the interior?
The capital may have been initially located in the central area of the northern lowlands to better
control the inland polities and their human and agricultural surpluses. However, as time went on,
it was caught in the midst of a desolated and increasingly hostile countryside, far removed from its
main economic base, the coast. This isolation from the coast, its resources, and related trade networks
may have rendered Chichen Itza's position all the more vulnerable to the destabilization in the
interior. Ultimately, the Itza were unable to sustain their position and were swept away in the
ensuing chaos.
Robles and I have argued elsewhere (1986) that the Itzi's inability to establish a northern lowland
empire lay in their failure to adapt to changing times in northern Yucatan. The creation of a new
political order focused on the state rather than individual rulers was probably the key to their initial
success, but this alone could not guarantee continued stability. The new focus on the state rather
than individuals may have been a response to a multiethnic elite constituency and foreign ties, but
this adjustment to a new "international" order failed to address local needs. Conditions called for
a restructuring of the social and economic order of the region, which the Itza were unwilling or
unable to carry out. Despite all the evidence of external influence at Chichen Itza, and historic
suggestions that the Itza themselves were outside intruders, their capital was by and large a Maya
metropolis, and their rule sought to build on the socioeconomic traditions of the past. However,
the past could no longer be sustained, and the Itz6 failed to make a break with it, thus becoming
the new "Masters of the Old Order." To put it simply, they were bad managers and were destroyed
by the past.

Acknowledgments. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 54th Annual Meeting of the Society
for American Archaeology in Atlanta in 1989. I am grateful to Mary K. Andrews, E. Wyllys Andrews V, David
Freidel, Ruth Krochock, Prudence Rice, Linnea Wren, and two anonymous reviewers for their comments and
suggestions, and to David Stuart for his permission to cite the Hunpiktok reading and the Lizana connection.

REFERENCES CITED
Andrews, A. P.
1978 Puertos costeros del Postclasico Temprano en el norte de Yucath. Estudios de Cultura Maya XI:
75-93.
1983 Ancient Maya Salt Production and Trade. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.
Andrews, A. P., F. Asaro, H. V. Michel, F. H. Stross, and P. Cervera Rivero
1989 The Obsidian Trade at Isla Cemtos, Yucatan, Mexico. Journal of Field Archaeology 16:355-363.
Andrews, A. P., and T. Gallareta Negron
1986 The Isla Cemtos Archaeological Project, Yucatan, Mexico. Mexicon VIII:44-48.
Andrews, A. P., T. Gallareta Negron, and R. Cobos Palma
1989 Preliminary Report of the Cupul Survey Project. Mexicon XI:9 1-95.
Andrews, A. P., T. Gallareta Negron, F. Robles Castellanos, R. Cobos Palma, and P. Cervera Rivero
1988 Isla Cemtos: An Itza Trading Port on the North Coast of Yucatan, Mexico. National Geographic
Research, 4: 196-207.
Andrews, A. P., and F. Robles Castellanos
1985 Chichen Itza and Coba: An Itza-Maya Standoff in Early Postclassic Yucatan. In The Lowland Maya
Postclassic, edited by A. F. Chase and P. M. Rice, pp. 62-72. University of Texas Press, Austin.
Andrews, E. W. V, and J. A. Sabloff
1986 Classic to Postclassic: A Summary Discussion. In Late Lowland Maya Civilization: Classic to Post-
classic, edited by J . A. Sabloff and E. W. Andrews V, pp. 433-456. University of New Mexico Press,
Albuquerque.
Ball, J. W.
1974 A Coordinate Approach to Northern Maya Prehistory: 700-1000 A.D. American Antiquity, 39:85-93.
Barrera Vasquez, A. (director)
1980 Diccionario maya Cordemex. Ediciones Cordemex, Merida.
Andrewsl THE FALL OF CHICHEN ITZA

Bricker, V. R.
198 1 The Indian Christ, the Indian King. University of Texas Press, Austin.
Card6s de Mtndez, A.
1959 El comercio de 10s mayas antiguos. Acta Anthropolbgica, Epoca 2, Vol. 2, No. 1. Escuela Nacional de
Antro~ologiae Historia, Mexico.
Cam, H. S: -
1989 Patterns of Exploitation and Exchange of Subsistence Goods in Late Classic-Early Postclassic Yucatan:
A Zooarchaeological Perspective. Paper presented at the 54th Annual Meeting of the Society for American
Archaeology, Atlanta.
Cobos Palma, R.
1987 Shelling In: Marine Mollusca at Chichen Itza. Paper presented at the 52nd Annual Meeting of the
Society for American Archaeology, Toronto.
Dahlin, B. H.
1988 An Ecological Approach to Northern Plains Archaeology. Ms. on file, Department of Sociology and
Anthropology, Howard University, Washington, D.C.
Davoust, M.
1980 Les premiers chefs mayas de Chichtn Itza. Mexicon II:25-29.
de Lizana, B.
1988 [I 6331 Historiu de Yucatcin. Cr6nicas de America, 43. Historia 16, Madrid.
Dunning, N. P.
1989 Archaeological Investigations at Sayil, Yucatan, Mexico: Intersite Reconnaissance and Soil Studies
during the 1987 Field Season. Anthropological Papers No. 2. University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh.
Edmonson, M. S.
1982 The Ancient Future of the Itza. The Book of Chilam Balam of Tizimin. Translated and annotated by
M. S. Edmonson. University of Texas Press, Austin.
1985 The First Chronicle of Yucatan (692-1848). In Fifth Palenque Round Table. 1983, edited by V. M.
Fields, pp. 193-209. The Palenque Round Table Series, vol. VII. Pre-Colombian Art Research Institute,
San Francisco.
1986 Heaven Born Merida and Its Destiny. The Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel. Translated and
annotated by M. S. Edmonson. University of Texas Press, Austin.
Folan, W. J., J. Gunn, J. D. Eaton, and R. W. Patch
- Patterning- in Southern Mesoamerica. Journal of Field Archaeolo~y10:453-468.
1983 Paleoclimatoloejcal
Fox, J. W.
1987 Mava Postclassic State Formation. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge.
1989 0n'the Rise and Fall of Tulcins and Maya . ~ i-
g m e n t a r ystates. American ~>thropologist
- - 91:656-68 I.
Freidel, D. A.
1986a Terminal Classic Lowland Maya: Successes, Failures and Aftermaths. In Late Lowland Maya Civi-
lization, edited by J . A. Sabloff and E. W. Andrews V, pp. 409430. University of New Mexico Press,
Albuquerque.
1986b Yaxuna Archaeological Survey. A Report of the 1986 Field Season. Report submitted to the Com-
mittee for Research and Exploration, National Geographic Society, Washington, D.C. Copies available
from the author.
Freidel, D. A., and L. Schele
1989 Tlaloc-Venus Warfare and the Triumph of Confederacy at Chichen Itza. Paper presented at the 54th
Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, Atlanta.
Henderson, J. S.
198 1 The World of the Ancient Maya. Cornell University Press, Ithaca.
Kowalski, J. K.
1985 Lords of the Northern Maya: Dynastic History in the Inscriptions of Uxmal and Chichen Itza. Ex-
pedition 27(3):50-60.
Krochock, R. J.
1988 The Hieroglyphic Inscriptions and Iconography of Temple of the Four Lintels and Related Monuments,
Chichen Itza, Yucatan. Unpublished Master's thesis, Department of Anthropology, University of Texas,
Austin.
Kubler, G.
1985 Pre-Columbian Pilgrimages in Mesoamerica. In Fourth Palenque Round Table, edited by E. P. Benson,
pp. 3 13-3 16. The Palenque Round Table Series, vol. VI. The Pre-Columbian Art Research Institute, San
Francisco.
Ku jack, E. B.
1988 On the Toltec Invasion. Mesoamerica. Winter 1988:31-35.
Lincoln, C. E.
1983 Chichen Itzi: Clasico Terminal o Postclhico Temprano? Boletin de la Escuela de Ciencias Antropo-
lbgicas de la Universidad de Yucatcin 10(59):3-29. Merida.
1986 The Chronology of Chichen Itza: A Review of the Literature. In Late Lowland Maya Civilization:
266 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 1, No. 3, 1990

Classic to Postclassic, edited by J . A. Sabloff and E. W. Andrews V, pp. 141-96. University of New Mexico
Press, Albuquerque.
1988 Dual Kingship at Chichen Itza. Paper presented at the 53rd Annual Meeting of the Society for American
Archaeoloav. Phoenix.
Miller, A. G.
1977 "Captains of the Itza:" Unpublished Mural Evidence from Chichen Itza. In Social Process in Maya
Prehistorv. edited by N. Hammond, PP. . . 197-225. Academic Press, London.
Mills, L. (ediior)
1979 The Puuc: New Perspectives, Scholarly Studies in the Liberal Arts No. 1. Central College, Pella, Iowa.
Morley, S. G., G. W. Brainerd, and R. J. Sharer
1983 The Ancient Maya. 4th ed. Stanford University Press, Stanford.
Nelson, F. W.
1985 Summary of Results of Analysis of Obsidian Artifacts from the Maya Lowlands. Scanning Electron
Microscopy/l985/ZZ:631-649.SEM, Chicago.
Relaciones de Yucatcin
1898 In Coleccibn de documentos inkditos relatives aldescubrimiento, conquista y organizacibn de las antiguas
posesiones espariolas de ultramar. 2nd Series, vols. 2 (RY I) and 13 (RY 11). Sucesores de Rivadeneyra,
Madrid.
Ringle, W. M., and G. J. Bey 111
1988 Preliminary Report of the Ek Balam Project. Report submitted to the Centro Regional de Yucathn,
Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia, Merida. Copies available from the authors.
Robles Castellanos, F., and A. P. Andrews
1986 A Review and Synthesis of Recent Postclassic Archaeology in Northern Yucatan. In Late Lowland
Maya Civilization: Classic to Postclassic, edited by J. A. Sabloff and E. W. Andrews V, pp. 53-98. University
of New Mexico Press. Albuaueraue.
- -
Roys, R. L.
1933 The Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel. Carnegie Institution of Washington Publication 505. Wash-
ington, D.C.
1943 The Indian Background of Colonial Yucatan. Carnegie Institution of Washington Publication 548.
Washington, D.C.
1954 The Maya Katun Prophecies of the Books of Chilam Balam, Series I. Carnegie Institution of Washington
Publication 606, Contribution 57, pp. 1-60. Washington, D.C.
1962 Literary Sources for the History of Mayapan. In Mayapan, Yucatan, Mexico, by H . E. D. Pollock, R.
L. Roys, T. Proskouriakoff, and A. L. Smith, pp. 25-86. Carnegie Institution of Washington Publication
61 9. Washington, D.C.
1966 Native Empires in Yucatan: The Maya-Toltec Empire, Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropolbgicos
20:153-177.
Sabloff, J. A.
1990 The New Archaeology and the Ancient Maya. W . H. Freeman, New York.
Sabloff, J. A., and E. W. Andrews V (editors)
1986 Late Lowland Mava Civilization: Classic to Postclassic. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
- -

Sahlins, M.
1981 Historical Metaphors and Mythical Realities. Structure in the Early History of the Sandwich Islands
Kingdom. Special Publication No. 1. Association for Social Anthropology in Oceania, University of Michigan
Press, Ann Arbor.
Schele, L., and D. A. Freidel
1990 A Forest of Kings. Royal Histories of the Ancient Maya. William Morrow, New York.
Thompson, J. E. S.
1966 The Rise and Fall ofMaya Civilization. 2nd ed. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman.
1970 Maya History and Religion. University of Oklahoma Press, Nonnan.
Tozzer, A. M.
1941 Landa's Relacibn de las cosas de Yucatcin. Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology
and Ethnology Vol. 18. Harvard University, Cambridge.
1957 Chichen Itza and its Cenote of Sacrifice. A Comparative Study of Contemporaneous Maya and Toltec.
Memoirs of the Peabody Museum XI and XII. Haward University, Cambridge.
Wren, L. H.
1989 Composition and Content in Maya Sculpture: A Study of Ballgame Scenes at Chichen Itza, Yucatan,
Mexico. In Ethnographic Encounters in Southern Mesoamerica: Essays in Honor ofEvon Zartman Vogt,
Jr., edited by V. R. Bricker and G. H. Gossen, pp. 287-30 1. Studies in Culture and Society Vol. 3. Institute
for Mesoamerican Studies, State University of New York, Albany.
Wren, L. H., and P. J. Schmidt
1986 Elite Interaction during the Terminal Classic Period: New Evidence from Chichen Itza. Paper presented
at the School of American Research Advanced Seminar, "Elite Interaction in Classic Maya Civilization,"
Santa Fe.
Andrews] THE FALL OF CHICHEN ITZA

NOTES
I The identity of the intruders who came into the peninsula is still a subject of debate. For many years, it was
thought that they were Toltecs from the central Mexican capital of Tula, but a consensus has emerged that this
was probably not the case (Andrews 1978; Andrews and Robles Castellanos 1985; Andrews V and Sabloff 1986;
Ball 1974; Kujack 1988; Lincoln 1986; Robles Castellanos and Andrews 1986; Sabloff 1990; Thompson 1970).
Currently, most scholars favor the view that some of the intruders may have been non-Classic "Mexicanized"
groups from the southern Gulf Coast region, who have yet to be specifically identified. These groups are now
thought to be responsible for introducing central Mexican trade goods and artistic and architectural traits into
the northern Maya Lowlands. A few scholars, such as Lincoln (1986, 1988) and Kujack (1988), see no evidence
of military intrusions at all. Local native elites were clearly a major component of the people who came to be
known as the Itza, but their origin is not known. Their name, from the Maya patronymic, "Itsa," also means
"brujos del agua" (water witches or shamans), which likely refers to the locale of their capital, Chichen Itza,
which is translated as the "mouth of the well of the Itsa" (Barrera Vasquez 1980). In short, they may have been
a local lineage, and their early prominence may be related to the activities of their shamans and the great well
they lived next to.
* Ties between Chichen Itza and Izamal were complex and still are understood poorly. In the Relaciones de
Yucathn, it is recorded that Izamal was originally conquered by the Itza, and an Itza faction may have ruled
the city (Roys 1933: 178). Bernardo de Lizana, an early seventeenth-century source, notes that one of the mounds
at Izamal was the home of a captain named Hunpiktok ("eight thousand flints," or warriors; de Lizana 1988:
57, 72; cf. also Barrera Vdsquez 1980:252). David Stuart (personal communication 1990) recently has identified
the name of this individual in two ninth-century texts at Chichen Itza and will explore the connection in a work
currently in progress.

Received June 27, 1989; accepted July 4, I990

http://www.jstor.org

LINKED CITATIONS
- Page 1 of 2 -

You have printed the following article:

The Fall of Chichen Itza: A Preliminary Hypothesis
Anthony P. Andrews
Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 1, No. 3. (Sep., 1990), pp. 258-267.
Stable URL:
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=1045-6635%28199009%291%3A3%3C258%3ATFOCIA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-6

This article references the following linked citations. If you are trying to access articles from an
off-campus location, you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR. Please
visit your library's website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR.

References Cited

A Coordinate Approach to Northern May a Prehistory: A.D. 700-1200

Joseph W. Ball
American Antiquity, Vol. 39, No. 1. (Jan., 1974), pp. 85-93.
Stable URL:
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-7316%28197401%2939%3A1%3C85%3AACATNM%3E2.0.CO%3B2-S

Paleoclimatological Patterning in Southern Mesoamerica

William J. Folan; Joel Gunn; Jack D. Eaton; Robert W. Patch
Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 10, No. 4. (Winter, 1983), pp. 453-468.
Stable URL:
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0093-4690%28198324%2910%3A4%3C453%3APPISM%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Z

On the Rise and Fall of Tuláns and Maya Segmentary States

John W. Fox
American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 91, No. 3. (Sep., 1989), pp. 656-681.
Stable URL:
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-7294%28198909%292%3A91%3A3%3C656%3AOTRAFO%3E2.0.CO%3B2-5

Notes

NOTE: The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list.
http://www.jstor.org

LINKED CITATIONS
- Page 2 of 2 -

1
A Coordinate Approach to Northern May a Prehistory: A.D. 700-1200
Joseph W. Ball
American Antiquity, Vol. 39, No. 1. (Jan., 1974), pp. 85-93.
Stable URL:
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-7316%28197401%2939%3A1%3C85%3AACATNM%3E2.0.CO%3B2-S

NOTE: The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list.