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To cite this article: Gonzalo Bravo & Jorge Silva (2014) Sport policy in Chile, International
Journal of Sport Policy and Politics, 6:1, 129-142, DOI: 10.1080/19406940.2013.806341
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/19406940.2013.806341
COUNTRY PROFILE
Sport policy in Chile
Gonzalo Bravoa* and Jorge Silvab
a
Department of Exercise and Sport Sciences, West Virginia University, Morgantown, WV 26506, USA;
b
División de Actividad de Actividad Física y Deportes, Instituto Nacional de Deportes de Chile,
Santiago, Chile
In Chile, every now and then, at the end of an international sporting event, the role of sport
becomes a topic of heated discussions for many interested parties. Among those who express
their points of view are members of the press, leaders of national governing bodies (NGBs),
government officials, members of the Chilean Olympic Committee as well as the general
public. For the most part, these discussions focus on issues such as the lack of funding, the
absence of a national policy on sport, the minimal support given to athletes while attending
college and the lack of corporate sponsors for amateur sports. Although these discussions do
not bring much change to the system they do give voice to the frustrations of athletes,
officials and other stakeholders with regard to the multiple challenges they face to compete
internationally as well as to foster grassroots sport at home. Perhaps, more importantly, these
public forums serve to influence other more serious debates regarding sport policies and
government involvement in sport.
Over the last decades, Chile’s economic growth has increased at a faster pace than most
advanced economies (Schwellnus 2010). In addition, in terms of global competitiveness,
Chile ranks 31st among 142 nations (Schwab 2011), which puts Chile first among Latin
American countries and above many European countries such as Italy, Spain, Greece, Czech
Republic, Hungary and Russia – all economic indicators that make Chile a safe and attractive
place for foreign investment (Rittorno 2012). Moreover, Chile’s human development index’s
(HDI) scores made it not only qualify for the group labelled as very high human development
nations, but also receive the highest HDI among the Latin American countries, and the only
one, along with Argentina, that qualifies in that group (UNDP 2011). While several studies
have found that a country’s economic indicators (e.g., size, GDP, etc.) significantly con-
tribute an explanation of a country’s sporting success (Bernard and Busse 2004, Moosa and
Smith 2004, Rathke and Woitek 2007), in Chile, this relationship did not always occur in that
way. For years, the Chilean sport system has strived to achieve similar levels of success as it
has reached in other areas of life.1 While, undoubtedly, some progress has been made, there
is still a perceived gap between general national progress and development and stagnation in
sport. Nevertheless, this paradox has contributed to prompting a more intense debate about
sport, more specifically about the role of government in its development. As a result,
politicians, sport administrators and government officials have been urged not only to find
more effective solutions to problems related to sport, but also to define their vision of the
type of sport policy Chile needs.
The next section presents an overview of how sport polices have been developed in
Chile. A brief historical description of government involvement in sport through the role of
public bureaucracies and how key legislation has shaped the pattern of sport is presented. It
is followed by an examination of the structure, funding and key strategic initiatives of the
current public sport administration. The article ends with a reflection of some the issues
affecting the growth of sport in Chile and the challenges facing the future.
readiness for war, particularly in the aftermath of World War I and World War II. Hence, the
value of physical activity was seen as contributing to enhanced fitness and also to the
education of the population in civic values. This perception of the function of sport was
demonstrated in 1931 when President Carlos Ibañez del Campo (an Army officer) signed a
decree that placed the High Council of Physical Education under the jurisdiction of the
Ministry of War. This decree established, for the long term, the location of the sport public
bureaucracy within the machinery of government (Muñoz 2001). The linkage between sport
and the military ended only in 2001 with the passage of Law 19712. This law changed the
location and accountability of the sport office DIGEDER (General Directorate Sport and
Recreation) from the sub-secretariat of War in the Ministry of National Defence to the
Ministry General Secretariat of Government.2
sporting organizations that benefit from receiving public resources; (c) the promotion and
implementation of recreation programmes; (d) the promotion and implementation of coach-
ing education programmes; and (e) the administration of public sport facilities. While in
1970 this law represented the most comprehensive legal document ever written about sport,
it was also criticized. A press article published prior to its passage stated: ‘it aims to do too
much without sufficient resources’ (Revista Estadio cited in Muñoz 2001, p. 97). Perhaps the
distinguishing element of this law was the language used in many of its articles, which
suggested that the role of DIGEDER was primarily to be an implementer as opposed to being
a facilitator. Nevertheless, and despite the ideological differences between successive
administrations during the life of this law (1970–2000), the notion that DIGEDER should
be directly responsible for implementing and carrying out all these tasks became a pattern of
functioning to all four governments that administered this law.
In 1975, during the military government of Augusto Pinochet, Decree Law 1298 was
enacted to provide additional financial resources for sport. This legislation, known as Polla
Gol, established a system that allowed people to bet on the results of the weekly games
played in the professional football tournament. This idea was not novel as it had already been
successfully implemented in several countries around the world. This initiative, along with a
few others implemented throughout the 1980s and 1990s, introduced a significant amount of
money into the sport system – not just to professional football. However, as time went by, the
total revenue allocated to sport started to shrink. In 1989, funding coming from the different
types of sport lotteries represented 80% of the public budget allocated to sport but, by 1993,
International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics 133
the proportion had fallen to 39% (Bravo 1996). While the introduction of the lotteries was
important, the variability in the income they generated did not bring financial stability to
professional football. Consequently, during the 1980s, many clubs went into bankruptcy or
operated on the financial border line. As noted by Bravo, ‘the influx of easy money through
the sport lottery in fact did not contribute to develop a culture of responsible management
within the clubs’ (2012, p. 39). Most clubs not only spent more than they possessed, but also
spent more than their most optimistic projections of future income.
Despite some advances during three different administrations, particularly in the areas of
mass sport and infrastructure,3 by the end of the 1980s and throughout the 1990s, many
parties agreed that the current body of law was insufficient to provide the boost the sport
sector needed in Chile. As a result, during the government of Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle
(1994–2000), a Presidential Advisory Council was appointed with the task of evaluating not
only the strengths, weaknesses and opportunities that characterized the sport system in
Chile, but also to provide a proposal for new legislation for sport (Bravo 1996). In
January of 1995, the Presidential Advisory Council delivered to the president a comprehen-
sive 900-page report and a set of recommendations for a new body of law. The deliberative
process inside and outside of Congress lasted six years, and in January of 2001, Law 19172 –
known as the Sport Law – was passed. Among the distinctive features of this law were: (a) it
defined four categories of sports for programmes of action: sporting education, recreational
sports, competitive sports and high performance sport with international focus4; (b) it
created a competitive grant for projects related to sport; (c) it authorized tax deductions for
donations for sport projects; (d) it set up regional offices in each of the 15 regions of the
country; (e) it ended the institutional subordination to the Ministry of Defence as functional
responsibility was transferred to the jurisdiction of the Ministry General Secretariat of
Government; and (f) it elevated the rank of the Director to that of Sub-secretary. It also
established the philosophical principles upon which the National Sport Policy should be
built.5
When compared to previous laws, Law 19712 established conditions to create stronger
relations between the public sector and the interested parties, particularly by stimulating the
involvement of sport organizations through a competitive grant fund, by providing subsidy
to infrastructure projects via a match funding system, by allowing tax deductions on
donations towards sport projects, and by granting existing public infrastructure in commo-
datum6 to private organizations. As previously noted, this law defined four areas of action
and not only established a distinction between the different levels of participation, but also
addressed the need to attend to all four levels of participation. In this regard, and while this
law also authorized the National Institute of Sport (IND) to fund any project in these four
levels of participation, decree 46 established that funding priority must be given to the
development of sport in the school system (Decreto 46 2001, article 19).
Several studies have noted that one of the key challenges to develop the sport system in
Chile has been the lack of professionalism of its managerial structures (DIGEDER 1987,
Biblioteca del Congreso Nacional de Chile 2001, Muñoz 2001, Rios and Kennet 2008,
Pumarino 2009). In this regard, the passage of Law 20019 of 2005 was intended to alleviate
this problem, particularly in the context of professional football clubs. This law required
football clubs to become Public Limited Sport Companies and thus become legally accoun-
table when financial mismanagement occurred. It was not intended solely as a punitive
mechanism but, on the contrary, it was intended to boost the football industry by enabling
these clubs to raise investment from the stock market (Bravo 2012). Similarly, Law 20178
from 2007, which governs labour relations for professional athletes, establishes norms and
responsibilities for football clubs with regard to players’ employments. This law addresses a
134 G. Bravo and J. Silva
wide array of issues regarding the working conditions of players including: payment of
salaries, bonuses and prizes; social security; working hours; and vacation days. Also, it
establishes penalties for clubs that do not comply with these obligations. This law replaced
an old law that dated from 1970 (DFL 1 1970). The current law not only covers issues not
addressed in the 1970 legislation, but also it re-examines and updates labour relations in
professional football in the context of today’s industry standards. Hence, considering the
peculiarities of the job of professional footballers, Law 20178 represents a fair attempt to
comply not only with Chilean labour laws, but also with those norms and statutes of football
as mandated by FIFA and the Chilean Football Association (Misraji and Recabarren 2009).
Finally, Law 20620 from 2012 establishes norms and penalties for acts of violence in the
football stadiums. This law replaced an existing law from 1994 that addressed similar issues.
The new text established responsibilities and penalties not only in relation to those directly
involved in the act of vandalism, but it also put responsibility on those clubs participating in
the match at which acts of violence occurred. Establishing legislation on matters related to
football, particularly professional football, is critical in a country like Chile in which football
is the preferred sport for those who watch on television as well as those who practice it as a
recreational activity.7
Sport funding
In Chile, public funding allocated to sport comes mostly from the national budget. As
previously noted, in the past, several types of lotteries were the main funding source for
sport in Chile. However, that is no longer the case. In 2012, the budget for the IND totalled
USD 194 million (Ministerio de Hacienda 2011). Of this amount, USD 25 million was
transferred from the lotteries, an amount that represented a mere 12.8% of the revenue
budget approved for that year. Thus, the largest portion of the IND income budget comes
through the national budget which, in 2012, was USD 161 million. In terms of specific
funding allocated to sport programmes, the IND assigned USD 63 million to the division of
Physical Activity and Sport (32.8%). Of this amount, high-performance programmes
International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics 137
Table 2. Budget allocation of the division of Physical Activity and Sport (2012).
Item USD %
High-performance sport 33,424,004 17.2
Competitive sport (schools) 11,964,454 6.2
Recreational sports 18,389,309 9.5
Sub-total division PAS 63,777,768 32.8
Total budget 2012 194,236,179 100
Source: Ministerio de Hacienda (2011).
measure the children’s fitness level; investment in infrastructure; and a strategy to bid for and
host major regional multisporting events.
As previously noted, today the jurisdiction of physical education falls within the scope of
the Ministry of Education. Nevertheless, the current sport law states the need for the
curriculum of physical education taught at schools to include objectives concerned with
the development of sport (Ley del Deporte 2001, p. 7). Considering the intersection that
exists between physical education, sporting education and the further development of habits
for an active life, the current sport law establishes the need to implement a fitness test to
assess all children attending 8th grade at school. In 2010, results of this test known as SIMCE
Educación Física (System of Information and Measurement of Quality in Education)
showed that only 9.2% of the children tested had an acceptable fitness condition
(Ministerio de Educación Chile 2010). Although the SIMCE-PE is carried out entirely by
the Ministry of Education, the impact of its results affects not only future changes within the
physical education curriculum, but also further policies regarding sport infrastructure and the
provision of sporting opportunities outside the school.
In terms of infrastructure, two major initiatives have been put in place by the current
administration: Chileestadios (Stadiums for Chile) and Chileentrena (Chile works out). The
Chileestadios programme represents the single largest investment for a football infrastruc-
ture in Chile. It involves the renovation and expansion of seven stadiums that host games of
the Chilean national championship. Work in these stadiums involves reaching the standards
mandated by FIFA, so future international championships can be organized in Chile. In
addition, the government has set up a public fund to refurnish up to 150 other football fields
used by amateur football leagues all over the country. The total investment of the
Chileestadios programme is USD 170 million, with USD 95 million invested in stadiums
that host professional football, and USD 75 million in facilities used in amateur football
(IND 2011). Similarly, the Chileentrena programme aims to equip 30 multisport centres
located throughout the country. Access and use of these facilities is intended to serve the
needs not only of elite athletes, but also of the community. The total cost of this programme
surpasses USD 100 million, with funding provided by the IND (through the National Sport
Fund), regional governments, municipalities and, in some cases, from the private sector
through partnership with local municipalities (IND 2011).
Chile’s role in organizing major sporting events has had a chequered history. Despite
being the host country of the 1962 FIFA World Cup and the organizer of several world
championship in sports like basketball (1953, 1959), skiing (1966), FIFA World Cup Youth
Championship in 1987, IAAF World Junior Championship in 2000 and the U-20 FIFA
Women World Cup in 2008, the country has not organized a regional multisport event since
1986 when it hosted the third edition of the South American Games. Moreover, on two
occasions, Chile declined to organize the Pan American Games after being selected to host
the games in 1975 and 1987. Recognizing the importance of being a host country, the current
administration has committed to organize the South American Games in Santiago in 2014.
While these games are perceived to offer a lower level of athletic challenge when compared
to the Pan American Games, the governing body ODESUR has recently introduced reg-
ulatory changes to make these games not only more spectator-friendly, but also to increase
the standards of athletic competition. Today, the scope of the South American Games
involves the participation of 4000 athletes representing 15 countries, competing in 33 sports,
during 12 days. This represents a major growth from the early editions of these games which
attracted only a few nations and a few hundred participants. Nevertheless, for a country like
Chile, the South American Games represent not only a test of its true organizational
capabilities, but also provide the justification to keep investing in high-performance sport.
International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics 139
Following a similar rationale, in January of 2013 the government of Chile and the Chilean
Olympic Committee formally presented Santiago as a biding city for the 2019 Pan American
Games.
enhancing human capital formation in Chile represents one of the main challenges to
achieving improved economic growth in the country. Perhaps this reality that is observed
in the macroperspective is also true in the context of Chilean sport.
Notes
1. In this analysis, sport success refers to medals achieved at the Olympic Games or world titles in
high-performance and/or professional sports.
2. The Ministry General Secretariat of Government was established in 1990. It is a cabinet-level
administrative office equivalent to the President Chief of Staff.
3. During the administration of Salvador Allende (1970–1973), the emphasis was given to provide
opportunities for children and low income people to get involved in sports. One of the most
successful initiatives involved a national plan on swimming with more than 50,000 participants. In
addition, an attempt to decentralize DIGEDER’s action took place through the creation of
CINDERs, a municipal unit that worked at the grassroots level and acted in coordination with
DIGEDER. During Augusto Pinochet’s administration (1973–1990), two of the most tangible
legacies were: (a) investment in new sport infrastructure and (b) the establishment of the sport
lottery as a mechanism to provide funds for sport organizations. The growth in infrastructure was
possible through the allocation of resources from the sport lottery, as more than 40% of the
revenues went to fund sport facilities. As a result, during this time there was a growth of more than
300% in the number of sport facilities (Muñoz 2001). Patricio Aylwin’s administration (1990–
1994) focused on providing opportunities to restore civic and humanistic values through sport
participation. Several initiatives targeted women as the main beneficiaries of these programmes,
which included fitness, aerobics and recreational activities. In addition, a plan to decentralize the
administration to make DIGEDER’s action more effective was also a priority. Other
accomplishments included a plan of National Coaching Education and Sport Management
(ENADYR), the creation of the TOP programme that provides support to high-performance
athletes, and the allocation of ten million dollars through a loan from the government of Spain
that was fully allocated to build new sport facilities around the country (Navarro 1994).
4. In the Spanish language, these categories of sport are referred to as: Formación para el Deporte
(Sporting Education), Deporte Recreativo (Recreational Sport), Deporte Competitivo
(Competitive Sport) and Deporte de Alto Rendimiento y Proyección Internacional (High
Performance Sport with International Focus). The law does not mention professional sport.
5. Article 3 of Law 19712 states: ‘the respect for the autonomy of the sport organizations and the
freedom of association based on the principles of decentralization and subsidiary role of the State’
(Ley del Deporte 2001, p. 6).
6. A commodatum is defined as ‘gratuitous loan of property to be used and returned by the borrower’
(Commodatum 1996).
7. According to a FIFA survey on global football, there are 2.6 million footballers in Chile (FIFA
2006). A 2008 national survey on habits of physical activity and sport showed that 8.4% of the
population, 18 years and older, indicated football as the preferred sporting activity (IND 2010).
The total population in Chile in 2012 was estimated at 17,402,630 people (INE 2012).
8. ADO Chile stands for: Asociación de Deportistas Olímpicos (Association of Olympic Athletes), a
private non-for profit corporation that supports the development of a high-performance sport. This
organization mirrors the ADO programme established in Spain in 1988.
9. In 2011, Chile ranked sixth among ten South American countries in terms of total budget allocated
to high-performance sports. The Brazilian government allocated USD 630 million to the high-
performance sports, Venezuela USD 80 million, Ecuador USD 72 million, Argentina USD 65
million and Colombia USD 50 million (IND 2012).
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