Some Aspects of The Hamitic Problem in The Anglo-Egyptian Sudan

Some Aspects of the Hamitic Problem in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan.
Author(s): C. G. Seligmann
Source: The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol.
43 (Jul. - Dec., 1913), pp. 593-705
Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2843546 .
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593
SOME ASPECTS OF THE HAMITIC PROBLEM IN THE

ANGLO-EGYPTIAN SUDAN.
BY C. G. SELIGMANN,M.D.
[WITH PLATESXXV-XXXVIII.]
PAGE PAGE
Introduction ... 593 Cultural-continued
Customs connected with Milk and
Physical
Cattle ... ... ... ... 654
Beja ... ... ... 595
The Placenta ... ... ... 658
Barabra 610
Otiose High Gods and the Cult of
Nomad Arabs ... 625
the Dead ... ... ... 660
Nilotes and Half-Hamites ... 632
Divine Kings .. ... ... 664
Mutilation ... 639
Burial... ... . ... .. 674
Face Scars ... ... ... 646
Appendix I.-Description of skulls
Cultural and physical measurements ... 684
Social Organization ... 649 Appendix II. -Dr. Bowley's note on
Totemism and Animal Cults ... 653 Dinka measurements ... ... 703
IN the followingpaper I have attemptedto weave to6gether a number of strands

of evidencethat have only one featurein common,viz., theyapplyto peoplewhom
we regardas Hamites,or at least as havingHamitic blood in theirveins.
The firstportionof the paper dealing with the anatomical'evidence was, in
an abbreviatedform,the stubjectof an Arrisand Gale lectureat the Royal College
of Surgeons during the spring of 1913. It was my intentionat firstto deal
with the physicalside of the problemonly,but as I came to examinethe material
collectedby Mrs. Seligmannand myselfduringtwo expeditionson behalf of the
Sudan Governmentin the wintersof 1909-10 and 1911-12, the beliefunderlying
much of my recentwork,that manyof the customs and ideas which exist in the
Sudan are not Negro,Arab or even Islamic as theyappear at firstsight, became
strengthened, and I then decidedto collect and publishas muchas possibleof the
cultural evidencebearingupon the subject. In doing this I have made use in the
firstplace of the materialrecordedin my own and Mrs. Seligmann'snotebooks,and
have supplementedthis withan examinationof a considerablenumberof modern
authors,of ancientEgyptian recordsand media3valArabic writers. Comparison
of thismaterialleads me to believe that ainong the culture strata lying buried
beneaththe present day culturesof North-Easternand EasternAfrica there are
remainsof one whichpresentssuch substantialaffinities withthatof ancientEgypt
that therecan be no legitimateobjectionto speaking of it as Hamitic. There is
indeed some reason to believe that this stratumgoes back to the times of all
undifferentiated Hamito-Semiticculture,but whetherthis be so or iiot the idea of
an underlyingHamitic culture layer is not only entirelyconsistentwith the
physicalevidencebut is supportedin a remarkableway by Westermann'srecent
researcheson the Shilluk and otherNiloticlanguages.

594 C. G. SELIGMANN.-SOme Aspectsof the
In view of the wide area fromwhichthe facts recordedin this paper have
been gathered,I have been led to consult a nuLmber of friendsand colleagues,
to whomI am greatlyindebtedfor ungrudgingassistance. Foremostamongthem
I would number Miss M. A. Murray and ProfessorT. W. Arnold, both of whom
have given me information of the greatest value. Mr. C. M. Doughty has given
me the benefitof his unique experienceof Arabia. To ProfessorWestermarck,as
also to Major A. J. Tremearne,I am indebted for informationconcerningthe
Berbersand West African Arabs,whlich,although not quoted here,has been of
considerableassistance. On the physicalside I have been guided by the methods
elaborated by ProfessorElliot Smith, and applied by him and his assistants,
Drs. D. E. Derry and F. Wood Jones,to the anatomicalmaterial excavated by the
ArchwologicalSurveyof Nubia. I am furtherindebted to all these gentlemenfor
advice on special points, while the comparativematerial in the Reportsof the
Survey has been of constant assistance. ProfessorWaterston has courteously
placed at my disposal his manuscriptrecordof the measurementsof Nilotes taken
by the late Dr. Pirrie on the expeditionwhich cost him his life, and some of the
measurementsprintedin this paper will serve as a supplementto thosepublished
by ProfessorWaterstonin his accountof Pirrie'swork.' I have also made use of
a numberofmeasurementstaken by otherinvestigatorsand would speciallyrefer
to the workof Drs. A. Mochi and C. S. Myers.
On the linguisticsideI am greatlyindebtedto Mr. S. H. Ray; but forhis help
and advice I shouldscarcelyhave venturedto use linguisticevidenceas freelyas I
have done,though he must not be held responsible for what I have written.
Dr. B. Malinowskihas greatlyassistedme by the skill and care with which he has
followedup a number of obscure references. I hope and believe that I have
acknowledgedin the text my indebtednessto all other authoritiesupon whom I
have drawn. But above all I would acknowledgethe assistanceI have received
frommywife,bothbyherconstanthelpin thefieldwhilethe observations whichform
the basis of this paper were beingmade and fromthe use of her notesand journal.
To introducemy subjectI cannotdo betterthan referto anymap whichshows

the distributionof languages in Africa at the presentday.2 It will be seen that
Hamiticlanuogages are spokenbypeoples spread overperhapsone-fifthof Africa,and
omittingHottentot,whichcontains a Hamitic element, Bernhard Struck has been
able to classifythemintoforty-sevenstocklanguagesand seventy-one dialects. The
area inhabitedby people regardedas Hamitic is even larger,including,as it does,
many tribes superficially semiticizedunder the influenceof Islam, for beforethe
Arab expansionHamitic languagesmust have been spoken over byfarthe greater
part of thenorthernhalf of the continent.
I "Report upon the Physical Charactersof Some of the Nilotic NegroidTribes,"Third
ResearchLaboratories
Reportof the Wellcome (1908).
as that given by Meinhofin Die moderne
2 Such,forinstance, Sprachforschungin,Afrika.
Berlin,1910.

Hamitic Problemin the Anglo-EgyptianSudan. 595
Consideringthese factsit mightseem reasonableto expect thatno insuperable

difficulty should exist in tracingthe migrationsand definingthe home of the stock
which has given rise to so manypeoples spread over so vast an area, but,in fact,
the very reverse is the case, the cradle-land of the Hamites, thoughgenerally
consideredto be Arabia, is unknown.' It cannot be said that a uniformphysical
type exists; little is known of the migrationsof this widelycivilizingpeople,so
little indeed,that anthropologists have as yet scarcelysoughtto definethem. Yet
lest it should be thought that the Hamites are but a rude and insignificantfolk,
concerningwhom there is little to be discovered,let me once morerepeat what
manyothershave said, namely,that even nlow,afteryears of controversy, we. have
no directknowledgeof the home of the Aryansand that thereis everyreasonto
believe we shall neverknowthe physicalcharactersof the primitive" Aryan" race.
I do liot proposeto deal with such highmatters,and shall be contentif I can
throw some added light on the Hamites of the Anglo-EgyptianSudan and show
that the least modifiedof these are physically identical with the predynastic
Egyptians. I shall also indicate that just as the Zulu-Kaffirscontaina strong
Hamitic element,so the Nilotic Negroidsof the Sudan containa varying,and in
some tribesconsiderable,amountof Hamitic blood. I shall also tryto demonstrate
that among the Hamites of the Anglo-EgyptianSudan and thosetribesof mixed
Negro and Hamitic origin,the Nilotes and their congenersinhabitingBritishand
GermanEast Africaand the neighbourhood ofthe Great Lakes, there exist certain
non-Negroand non-Semiticcustonis which, thoughpossiblynot characteristicof
all Harniites,may be regardedas characteristicof a greatgroupof Hamitic peoples
and thereforediagnosticof Hamitic influence.
It is usual to recognizetwo main divisions of the Hamitic stock which,
followinig Sergi,may be called (i) The NorthernHamites (or Mediterraneanrace);
(ii) The Eastern Hamites or Ethiopians. These two groups shade into each other,
and in manyparts a Negro adinixturehas taken place, nevertheless, culturallyif
not always physically,eitherdivisionstalndsapart fromits fellow.
In this paperI deal withthe membersof the easterndivisiononly,and with
some of the mixedpeoples who have sprungfromits contactwith otherraces.
The Beja.
Excluding Abyssinia,eastern tropicalAfrica northof the equatoris divided
by the Nile into two great ethnologicalprovinces,an eastern province,inhabited
almost entirely by Hamitic peoples who do not speak Arabic and such "half-
Hamitic ' 2 tribesas the Masai, Nandi, etc.,and a western,occupiedbynomad and
I Sergi suggestsAfrica (Antropologiadella Stirpe (Cacmitica);
Stuhlmannlooks to Asia,
perhapsin theneighbourhood of thePersianGulf(Handwerkundlndu8triein Ostafricka).
2 I proposeto use the termhalf-Hamiteas a convenient, if notveryexact,synonym for
thosepredominantly pastoral peoples of East Africawho, having arisenas the resultof the
admixtureofHamitewithNegro,retainmanyHamitictraitsand do not speak Bantu dialects.
Though illogical the latter limitationis, I think, convenientin the presentstage of our
knowledge,if necessaryit can be ignoredlater.

596 Aspectsof the
C. G. SELIGMANN.-SoMe
sedentaryArabic-speaking" Arab " tribes,the resultof the fusionof Arab invaders

with the previous inhabitantsof the country,the whole well tincturedwithblack
blood. The admixture of much Negro blood becomes less surprisingwhen it is
rememberedthat west of the Nile the Nilotic Negroids occupythe countrynorth
of the Nile-Congowatershed,extendingin a compactmass to about 90 N. lat. and
beyond this occupyingthe banks of the White Nile to withinabout 300 miles of
Khartum.
At the present day the true Hamitic area of the Anglo-EgyptianSudan
extends fromthe Red Sea to the Nile, fromthe Egyptian boundaryin the north
to the neighbourhood of the junctioxnof the Atbara with the Nile. South of this
there are no easily definednatural boundaries,but the tribesdo not come west
of the Athara in any strength,so that, roughly speaking, this river may be
consideredtheir westernlimit until it reachesthe Abyssinianboundarybetween
150 and 140 N. The area so definedembraces the Red Sea coastal plain and
thewholeof the EasternDesertwhich,southof Tokar(about 180 30' N.), givesplace
to hills and irregularmuch dissectedplateaux,grass coveredand well wateredfor
a considerablepart of the year. Clouds and heavy dews are coinmonon these
hills and the traveller fromthe Eastern Desert or the arid steppesof Kordofan
is surprisedto find,even as late as March,an abundant crop of yellow trefoil,
scarcelydiffering fromour ownLotuscorniculatus, and flowersof suchhomelygenera
as A?entha, Geranium,and Saxifraga.
Though not richlyvegetatedfroma European pointof view,the comparative
fertilityof these hills affectsthe entire famiilyand triballife of the Beja in a
mannerdifficult to realize beforeexperiencingthe sun-parchedsteppesof Kordofan,
w,here surface water does not exist in the dry season and wherewells are fewand
far between. Rocky hill-sidesand arid peaks oftenhide pleasant valleys clothed
with freshgreen-leavedtrees and shrubsthat affordfair pasturageforcamels and
goats. Where the vegetationlooks brightesta hole dug a few feetin the shingly
soil will assuredly yield water, and places wherethe water lies on the surface
throughoutthe year are not unknown. One such fula was described in glowing
termsby an inhabitantof Sinkat as holdingenoughwater forthe whole worldto
drink from. It was a prettyenioughlittle pool under the shadow of a great
rock. Instead of the numberof people and cattle who mighthave been expected
to have gatheredthereby anyonewho had seen the people collectedaroundsimilar
surfacepools in northernKordofan,only threeor fourmen and womenwere found
wateringtheirgoats and sheep and fillingskins with drinkingwater with which
theyloaded theircamels and donkeys. To obtainthis it was only necessaryto dig
about a footdeep in the shingleby the side of the pool, and although the dry
season was half over it was evidentthat numerousotherwadies were still yielding
water. Stonecrops,salvia and a plant resemblingsea-holly grew in scattered
clumps. Higher up were wide plains where the ariel fed on the dry grass that
grew among the thornbushesand liliaceous plants bearing clustersof red waxy
flowers. Here stiff,candelabra-likeeuphorbiascharacterizedthe scene. Riding

Hamitic Problemi,n the Anglo-EgyptianSudani. 597
along stonypasses,valleys and hill-sidesclothedwith softgreengrass may be seen

now and again. Furthersouth the pasturageis more luxuriant,indeed,in March,
1911, the hills round Khor Gamarotawere all coveredwith finesweet grass, the
music of running water (due, it was said, to an unusuallylargerainfallon the
Abyssinian slopes) was heard in the kheiran,and at AsseramaDerheib the ground
was carpetedwith trefoiland sweet-scentedheliotrope. Betweenthe hills and the
sea lies the maritimeplain,in places bare salt marshes,but moie generallycovered
withcoarsegrass makinga goodgrazinggroundforcamels. As a rule in the Sudan
pastoraltribesand even clans with territoryof theirown may not straybeyond
theirown borders,but in thispart the knowledgethat watermay be foundnearly
everywhere allowsa certainfreedomofmovement.For instance,Gebel Erkowitis in
the territoryof the Sherab division of the Hadendoa, but owingto the extremely
cold weather the Sherab descended with theircamels to the coastal plain in the
spring of 1911, and another section, whose grass had been exhausted,came to
Erkowit to graze theircattle,the Sherab makingno objection. Thus, inter-tribal
strifeon accountof wells and grazing grounds is not at all common,nor do the
people need to move in large numbers in order that the women,cows,and goats
may be within reasonabledistanceof the knownwater supplyof the district. On
the coastal plain the water is brackish,hence womenwho do not like camel'smilk
usually stay on the hills.
Except at places like Sinkat,wherethe inhabitantshave almostgiven up their
nomadlife,tents are usually seen in groupsof threeor four. In the dry season
some of the men must take the camel herdsto the best and-widestpastures,many
of the herdsmenof the Hadendoa (especially of the Sherab and Bishariabdivisions)
goingto the coastal plain,and the Ashrafand the Artega to the green hills south
of the Khor Baraka, while theirfamiliesmoveabout in small groups,erectingtents
thatvaryin size accordingto the lengthof theirproposedsojourn,which,of course,
is regulated by the amount of pasturage for their cattle. Where the halt is
likelyto be fora fewdays only a tent of threeor fourmats is enough, or even a
ruder shelter may suffice. There will be a roughzariba forthe young goats and
sheep,or they mustbe broughtinside the tent at night. Dead euphorbia stems
affordexcellentprotection whendriveninto the earthin a semi-circleand slantedso
thattheirlightwoodformsboth walls and a half-dome roof. Such sheltersare built
wideforthe cattleand are furtherstrengthened at nightwiththorn. Smallercircles,
formingrealhuts in whichthe people live, are sometimesseen,and in these cases
tentsare dispensedwith altogether. Many such encampmients whereinthe people
werelikelyto stay till the end of the dryseason were seen on the Erkowitslopes.
Further south in a dry river bed the Beni Amer had taken advantageof a
place wherethe wet season torrenthad cut a bay,leaving a cliff-likebank some
10 feet high; this natural shelterwas improvedwithmats,wood and thorn,and
threefamnilies had settledthereforthe dryseason. The pasturage in this neigh-
bourhoodwas unusually good, and though this particular khor was no longer
yielding water, there was a plentifulsupply in another valley not more than
VOL. XLIII. 2 R

598 C. G. SELIGMANN.--Some
Aspectsof the
5 miles distant. In the samelocalitythosewhopossessedsufficient

miatshad erected
fairlycommodioustents.
The tribes inhabitingthe area underconsiderationmay be divided into three
groups:-
(i) The Bisharin,extendingforsome 80 milessouth of the Egyptian boundary,
and occupyinga stripof territorystretchingalong the rightbank of the
Atbara.
(ii) The Hadendoa,comprisinga numberof closelyallied tribesof which the
Hadendoa is the strongestand best known. Includingthe Amara, the
Nurab, the Ashraf and the Artega,the countryof the Hadendoa extends
south and east of the Bisharin territoryas far as Tokar and the Khor
Baraka. Scatteredgroupsof Hadendoa are foundamongthe hills to the
southof this khor,thoughhere the Beni Amer so predominatethat the
countrymust be consideredto belongto them. East of the Khor Baraka
and its main tributarythe Khor Langeb the countrybelongs to the
Hadendoa, who stretch south-west to the Abyssinianborder in the
neighbourhood of Kassala.
(iii) The Beni Amer,who occupythe countrysouth of the Khor Baraka and
extend into Eritrea,wheretheyare one of the most importantelements
in the population.
The Bisharinand Hadendoa (and allied tribes)speaka Hamitic languagecalled

To Bedawi, the Beni Amer speak a Semiticlanguageknownas Tigre. Except for
a fewhoursspentin the companyof some Bisharinsailorsfromthe neighbourhood
of Donqonabl I have no first-hand knowledgeof thistribe,butmyconversationwith
these men,supplementedbyinformation givenme by Mr. C. Crossland,enablesme
to state confidently
that the social organizationand generalcultureof the Bisharin
and Hadendoa are identicalin all essentials. Further,in spite of the difference
in
language, the habits of the Beni Amer and Hadendoa are practicallyidentical,
althoughthe latter are, on the whole,a fiercer,wilderpeople than the Beni Amer,
whosemannersappear to have been softenedby the same Semiticculturalinfluence
that has given thema Semiticlanguage.
The Bisharinand tribesof the Hadendoa groupare extremelydemocratic, and
this,no doubt,is fosteredby the independenceresultingfronm of
theirmode life,as
well as from their consciousnessof a common origin.2 By all accounts the
1 Donqonab is on theRed Sea coast,in the neighbourhood

ofMahommedGul.
It is said thatthe nation is descendedfromone Hadat, whosegraveon the bank of the
2
Khor Ametis still recognized. Her husbandwas one MohammedBarakwin,fromthe other

side of theRed Sea, and a descendantofAbbas, Mahommed'suncle. Her sevensons gave rise
to seven of the divisionsof the Hadendoa. namely,Gamilab,Gurhabab,Hamdab, Amirab,
Wellaliab,Samaraidoaband Shebodinab. The sonsofthefoundersof these divisionsmarried
the daughtersof the land and fromthese unionssprangthe Hadendoa nation. This legend
illustratestwointeresting points; the traditionaloriginof the tribefroma womanagreeswith

Hamitic Problemigbthe Anglo-EgyptianASudan. 599
Hadendoa would,if the necessityarose,yield readyobedience to the head of the

Wellaliab divisionin the neighbourhood of Kassala, who is recognizedas the old
hereditaryparamouintsheykh of the Hadendoa. But the local sheykhs who,in
some cases at least, owe their position to the Government, do not seem to be
greatlyreverenced,unless they are also men of distinctionin religious matters,
when theymay wield veryreal influence,as in the case of Sidi Hassan of Tokar,
who is looked up to as a fikiand whoseinvocations,whenmutteredover a knot he
is tying,are believedto be of undoubtedefficacy. The social organizationof the
tribes consists of a number of divisions (called by the Hadendoa bedana)
withpatrilinealdescentand with territoriallimitsmoreor less strictlyfixed. In
spite of the latterthere is a very considerabledegree of give and take in the
arrangementsmade for the pasturageand watering of the flocks,and while the
boundariesof each divisionare known,theyare by no means strictlyadheredto'in
practice. This applies even to such large units as tribes,forthe Hadendoa allow
the Amara to graze their beasts freelyover their lands forno otherreason than
that the territoryof the Amara is inconveniently small in relationto the number
of their flocks and herds. The Amara and the Hadendoa divisions in the
neighbourhood of Sinkat and those around Suakim,in otherwords the stroingest
and most advanced divisionsof the tribewho have long been subject to foreign
influence,practisesome cultivation,using the land at the edge of the khor,or even
withinit when no otheris available; on the otherhand,some of the moreisolated
and backwarddivisionslivingamongthe hills inland in the neighbourhoodof the
Italian frontierhave absolutelyno cultivatedland. Such divisions,of which the
Bedawib and Sinkatkenabmay be taken as examples,are in manyrespectsfarmore
backward and uncontaminatedby foreign(Arabic) cultural influencethan the
conditionof the mass of the tribewould a priori suggest.
The Bedawib do not cultivateat all and it is said that theywould not touch
graineven if it were given to themso that theylive almostentirelyon milk and
meat. They have no camels,' their tents are small,poor and rough, anid their
weaponsare the spear,curveddaggerand circularshield. The sword,whichunder
Arab influencehas penetratedeverywherethroughoutthe non-Negroportionof
the Sudan, is scarcelyknownamongthem.
AlthoughI have writtenof the Bedawib as thoughtheyundoubtedlybelonged
to the Hadendoa group,theirpoliticalpositiontendsat firstto make theirrelation-
ship obscure. Thus, they speak both Tigre and To Bedawi, and both Hadendoa
and Beni Amer unite in regardingthem as their inferiors,though the latter
Arabhistorians
whatis saidbymediaeval concerningthematrilineal
successionandmatriarchal
habitsoftheBeja,andthedragging inofa descendantof theprophetas ancestorillustrates
the
marked tendencywhichall thesetribesexhibitto glorify
everythingArabian, nomatterhow
remotelyconnectedwithMecca. I shallhaveoccasionto referto boththesematters againin
to notethatthe Hadendoacallthemselves
itis sufficient
thispaper,meanwhile, " Arabs" and
speakofa number ofArabtribesbytheirtribalnamesorsometimes callthemBedu.
1 AlthoughtheBedawiblivesouthofthedesertzone,theircountry is welladaptedto the
camel,whichis mosthighlyvaluedbythesurrounding tribes.
2 R 2

600 Aspectsof the
C. G. SELIGMANN.-SOnle
accentuatethis farmorethan the former,calling themtigriand speaking of them

almost as slaves, though theyadmit that they could never sell them.' Various
accounts are given of the origin of the Bedawib. Accordingto soine theyare
degenerateBeni Amer who have learnt to speak Hadendoa bycontact,oftenhostile,
withthe latter; other accounts speak of them as a people of composite origin
formedlargelyby the fusionof brokenmen and escaped slaves. Anotheropinion
is that theyare a sortof inferiorHadendoa, and this was perhapsthe generalview
taken by membersof the most northerntribes, the Hadendoa and Artega,with
whomthe matterwas discussed. I have little doubt that this view is, broadlv
speaking,correct; the build and physiognomy of thoseBedawib withwhomI came
in contact convinced me that they belonged to the Hadendoa stock. It was
admittedby my best informant2 that at one time,long ago, the Bedawib had their
owA chief and were in an independent position, so that consideringtheir
appearanceand languagethereis no reason whythey shouldnot be looked upon as
outliersof the Hadendoa, who have acquired a knowledgeof the Tigre language
fromcontactwith the Beni Amer. No doubt therehas been considerablepressure
fromthe southleading to the overlappingof the mostnorthernBeni Amer and the
most southernHadendoa groups. My experiencesuggeststhat thegreaterpart of
the evidenceforthis must be soughtamongthe Tigre-speakingtribes ratherthan
amongthose speakingTo Bedawi, forin the list of eighteenmain divisionsof the
Beni Amergivenme by Saleh Idris, seven are given as Tigre-speaking, six as speak-
ing To Bedawi, and fiveas using bothlanguiages. This list includes Bedawib,the
Sinkatkenab,and the Labet; the firsttwo being consideredto belong to the
Hadendoa group. This view is supportedby a remarkof Makrizi that Suakim
was inhabited by Hasa, whom he calls Khasa just as the Arabs do at the present
day.3
Democraticfeeling,so strongamongthe Hadendoa, is weakeramong the Beni
Amer,who differfromtheirnorthernneighboursin that theyare a nation thathas
arisenfroma numberof politicallydistinctelements,ratherthan a people formed
by the cohesionof a numberof closelyrelated divisions. Thus fromthe national
standpointthe Beni Amer are less homogeneousthan the Hadendoa and kindred
tribes,fortheyinclude a numberof To Bedawi-speakingor bilingualcommunities,
whose physique and appearance betoken northernrather than southernorigin.
These communitieshave,in fact,been subdued by the northwardadvance of the,
Tigre-speakingtribes4so that it is not surprisingto findthat amongthe Beni Amer
1 Tigriis also thetermappliedbythenobility oftheBogos-a HamiticpeopleofAbyssinia-

to the mass ofthe tribe,about doublethemselvesin number,who stand to themsomewhatin
the positionofvassals (of.Munzinger,Sittenubnd RechtderBogos,pp. 43-47).
2 One Saleh Idris,an elderlyman ofAqiq, closelyconnected withtherulingfamilyof the
Beni Amer.
3 Quatremere, sur J'Egypte,
Me'moires II, p. 155.
4 The Belli Amer call their language Hasa, which is also the name of their strongest
division. I have heard this term looselyapplied to include the two numericallypowerful
divisionsBeitmalaand Aflenda.

certaindivisionsrank farabove others,and it is no exaggerationto speak of the

highestof these as formingan aristocracy.'
The followingtable shows some of the chief physical charactersof these
closelyallied tribeswhichare capable of beingexpressedin figures
No. C.I. N.I. F.I. Stature.
Bisharin2 ... 78 79 00 76 08 104412 1650
Hadendoa ... 54 76 39 +?26 71P58+ *67 92-78+ 56 1676 + 5
BeniAmer3... 51 7470+ 32 7052+ 63 9212+ 49 1643+5
The most strikingfeatureof these figuresis the steadyrise in cephalic index

from74-7 in the south(Beni Amer) to 79 in the north(Bisharin).
The absolute measurementsaffordvaluable confirmatory evidence of the
nature of the change, and show that whereas the length of the head in the
Hadendoa is onlyslightlyless than that of the Beni Amer,the breadthof the head
is definitely
increased.
No. H.L. ll.B. N.L. N.B.
Hadendoa ... 54 189 97 + 52 14541+ -48 51P86 36 95
Beni Amer ...5 61 19049+ 58 14225+ 49 51P96 3657
The absolutelengthand breadthof the nasal measurementsare given forthe

sake of completeness,though their close agreement is probably not specially
significant,
for, generallyspeaking,the noses of the two peoples are by no means
similar in shape, and in some cases present such extremesof variationas are
shownin Plate XXVII, Figures 1 and 2, and in Plate XXIX, Figures 3 and 4.
There are, in fact, so many more or less well-markedphysical differences
betweenHadendoa and Beni Amer that it is not difficult,aftera little experience,
to pick out by theirappearanceonlythe majorityof the membersof the two tribes
I At the presenttimethe Nabtab are the head of the Beni Amer(myinformation applies
onlyto thosein the territory of the Aiiglo-Egyptian
Sudan),and in a looseway whichimplies
littlemorethanthe collectionof a certainamountoftribute,maybe said, I believe,to rule the
Beni AmerfromAqiq. Accordingto local tradition, the Nabtab attainedthis positionat the
expenseofthe Bello,the formerleadersofthe Beni Amer,a people of uncertainorigin,noneof
whom remain in British territory,thoughaccordingto Munzinger(OtafrikanischeStudien,
p. 287) theystillriuledcertainterritorynorthofMassaua fiftyyearsago.
2 Measured by M. E. Chantre,cf. Recherches Anthropologiques en Egyptep. 255, (Lyoln,
1904).
3 These wereall genuineBeni Amer,i.e.,all belongedto old and importantTigre-speaking
divisions.

602 C. G. SELIGMANN.-Some Aspectsof the
in a mixed gathering. Broadly speaking,the Hadendoa are morestronglybuilt

than the Beni Amer,whilea considerablenumberexhibitNegroidtraits. Further,
the " Armenoid" or so-called" Jewish" nose is byno meansuncommonamongthem,
thoughit is not usual to find it in so exaggerateda formas in the man shownin
Plate XXIX, Fig. 4. In spite ofthese differences and the rise in cephalicindex the
generalbiologicalcharactersof the two peoples are so similarthat therecan be no
doubt that the Hadeiidoa are representativesof the Beni Amer stockmnodified by
foreigninfluence. In supportof this view I would specially draw attentionto the
character of the hair, the colourof the skin,and the generalconformation of the
craniumand face.
No absolute measurenments can be given forthe Bisharin,as Chantrerecords
only indices, but the rise of threeor four units in the nasal index is probablyof
little significance.
Although the Beni Amer are shorterthan theirnortherncongenersthereis
no regular rise in statureas thereis in cephalic index fromsouthto north. The
veryconsiderabledifferencebetween Beni Amer and Hadendoa is no doubt to be
explainedas a resultof miscegenationwith the tall Negroesof the Nile Valley. It
needs only a glance at any considerablegatheringof Hadendoa to be convinced
that as a people theyhave absorbedmuchNearo blood. My impressionis that the
Bisharinare less mixed,but I have seen so fewthat this mustremaina conjecture.
The rise in cephalic index from 74'7 iri the south (Beni Arner) to 79 in
the north(Bisharin) can only be due to the intrusionof a foreignelement. The
mlost enthusiasticbeliever in the mnodifying effectof environmnent will scarcely
claim effectiveinfluencefor the slight changeof climatebetweenthe southand
north,indeed, what change there is seems to be in the wrongdirection,forthe
inhabitantsof the somewhatmoisterhills or hillyuplands are longerheaded than
thoseof the lower desertcountryto the north. This foreignelement can scarcely
be Negroid,for the tall, extremelydolichocephalicNegroids (Shilluk, Dilnka,etc.)
of the Nile Valley cannotbe held responsibleforthe increasedtendencyto brachy-
cephaly shown by the Hadendoa and Bisharin, although theyprobablyare the
cause of the increasein staturenotedamongthe Hadendoa.1
1
It is truethatthisargumentdoes not sufficeto negativeinfluence exertedby the round-
headed Burun occupyingthe countryimmediatelynorth of the Sobat River, nor the
mesaticephalic Nuba of SouthernKordofan,the twonearestpopulationsshowingany degreeof
round-headedness, but thereis not the slightestreasonto suppose that eitherof these people
have affected the Beja, and it wouldbe meregratuitousassumptionto bringthemseriouslyinto
theargument. Indeed, the geographicaldifficulties in the way of any considera.ble contact
betweenthe two peopleseemto be insuperable. Further,thereis na traceof any culturaldrift
fromthesewesternNegroidsto the Beja in the east. Similarargumentsserveto eliminatethe
possibilityofthecomparative round-headedness
ofthenorthern Beja tribesbeingdue to influence
exerted by the mesaticephalicbrownish-skinned Negroes or Negroids now occupyingthe
Nile-Congowatershedand its neighbourhood.With regardto the influenceof Negro slaves
no information was obtainedin the Red Sea Province,but amongthe Kababisb, thestrongest
tribeofnomadArabs in Kordofan,the larger numberof femaleslaves appear to be Dinka
whilesomecomefromDar Fertit.

Hamitic Problemi,n the Anglo-EgyptianSudant. 603
Nor does it seem reasonableto regardEgypt,with its strangelyhomogeneous

sedentarypopulationof dolichocephalsor low brachycephals,1 as responsibleforthe
tendencyto round-headednessthat exists in the Bisharinand Hadendoa. Even
if a certain amountof fusionof dolichocephalicBeja and mesaticephalicEgyptian
be postulated,this could hardly have the effectof raising the cephalic index
of the Bisharin to 79. To the west lies the Red Sea with a brachycephalic
Arab population occupyingthe Hejaz and the Yemen.2 At firstsightit would
seem that it is these brachycephalswho are responsiblefor the mesaticephalyof
the Bisharin and the plausibilityof this view appears to be enhancedwhen it is
rememberedthat there has been continual traffic betweenthe oppositecoasts of
the Red Sea. Yet on careful examination it appears that thereare difficulties
in the way of acceptingthisidea. Where Semite (Arab) and Hamite have mixed,
the latterhave ever adoptedthe language of the former,and whenmixedpeoples
have arisenI thinkit can be said that theyare moreArab than Hamite. It is clear
that nothing of this sort has happened in the Red Sea Provinceofthe Sudanl.
Except in the neighbourhoodof the towns,Arabic has not made progressamong
any of the Beja tribes who have kept their own languageand such of theirold
culturalpeculiaritiesas were not summarilyrejected because theywere opposedto
Islam. Since the round-headedinfluenceunder considerationdid not come from
the east, south, or 'west it is necessaryto considerwhetherit may not have come
fromthe north,and on examinationeverythingseems to favour thisview. In the
north there is a round-headedArmencid populationwhich, as Elliot Smithhas
suggested,exerted a profoundinfluenceon Egypt fromthe earliesttimes. This
population once having begun to press south, would probably exert an even
greaterinfluenceon the easternside of the Red Sea, because thisarea is nearerits
homeland,and could never have been capable of supportinga native population
comparablein sizeto thatoccupyingtheValley of theNile. It followsthatthebrachy-
cephals whoinfluencedthenorthernBeja werethese same Armenoidintruders,and
this explains the occurrenceof theso-called" Jewish" nosewhich,as alreadystated,
is by no meansuncommonamongtheHadendoa, while no instancewas notedamong
the Beni Amer. There are no data available which allow of any preciseestimate
being formedof the time when these foreignersentered the country,but the
paintingsof the Aamu on the walls of the rock tombsat Beni Hasan indicatethat
1 C. S. Myers,"ContributionstoEgyptianAnthropology,"intheJourn.Roy.Anthrqop. Inst.for
theyears1903to 1908. These paperscontaina largenumberofmeasurements, e.g.,136 menof
Kena and GirgaProvincesgive an averagecephalicindexof 74,13? *23(Journ.Roy. Anthrop.
Inst.,vol. xxxvi,1906,p. 239).
2 The cephalicindex of seventeen malesfromthe Yemen worksoutat 83-18? *73; twelve
malesfromthe Hejaz give 79-25. Theseaveragesarecalculatedfromthefigures givenby Mochi,
" Sulia Anthropologia degliArabi,"inArchivio et la Etnologia,vol.xxxvii,1907.
perl'Antropologia
Mr. G., Wyman Bury has published photographsof a numberof hillmenfromSouthernl
Arabia (The Land of Uz, London,1911). Theseshowthatmanyofhissubjectshave pronounced
Armenoidnoses,such as mightbe expectedto accompanyrouind-headedness due to northern
influence,cf. speciallyplates facingpp. 233 and 296,thesubjectof thelattercloselyresembles
the pronouncedtypeof Hadendoa shownin Plate XXIX, Figs. 3 and 4.

604 C. G. SELIGMANN.-SOMe Aspectsof the
strangerswiththe mostpronouncedtype of Armenoidphysiognomy were received

in Egypt as earlyas the twelfthdynasty. In this paintingthe four men following
the chief are armed with bows,spears,and throwing-sticks; since theycarrythe
latter perhaps theymay be regarded as dwellers in the Eastern Desert,though
this is not Professor Petrie's view, for he considersthat their rich clothing
indicates that they come froma countryless sterilethan the Red Sea desertand
would connectthemwithNorthernArabia. Yet, duringthe twelfthdynasty,when
these Armenoids were being received in Egypt, Egyptian artists less than 50
miles southof Beni Hasan were recordingwithunsurpassedfidelitythe appearance
of contemporary desert men uncontaminatedby Armenoidinfluence. Mr. A. M.
Blackman has recentlycopieda nunmber of representations of these people froma
tomb chapel at Meir on the west bank of the Nile some 30 miles northof Assiut,
and a photographof the best preservedof thesepaintingshas been publishedby
the EgyptianExplorationFund.' Owing to the kindnessof the Committeeof the
Fund and of Mr. Blackman I am able to give a reproductionof this photographso
that no long descriptionis necessary. It will be seen at once that the figure
(Plate XXX, Fig. 1), whichI regardas one of the mostsuccessfulexamplesof racial
portraiturestandingto the creditof Egyptianartists,representsa Beja. The long
thin figureand limbs, with broad chest, narrow flanks,and almost retracted
abdomen are no doubt conventional and exaggerated representationsof the
characteristicsof the pastoral desert men as they appeared to the agricultural
Egyptians,but there can be no criticismof the splendidnaturalismof the lined
face,the thin pointed nose and the mop of hair projectingover the forehead,and
standingout stiffly over the whole head to the nape of the neck. The beard is the
usual chin tuftof the Beja tribes.
From what has been said it is obviousthat while the Bisharin have been most
modifiedby the foreignround-headedeleinent, the Beni Amer are the least
influenced,so that,broadlyspeaking,theirphysicalcharactersmay be taken to be
thoseof the originalBeja inhabitantsof the Eastern Desert.
Summarizingtheir physical characteristicsit may be said that they are
moderatelyshort,slightlybuilt men,withreddish-brown or brownskins in which
a greateror less tingeof black is present,while in some cases the skin is definitely
darker and presents some shade of brown-black. The hair is usually curly, in
some instances it certainly might be describedas wavy,but the methodof hair
dressing adopted tends to make difficultan exact descriptionof its condition.
Often,as is everywherecommonamongstwearersof turbans,the head is shaved.
Where the hair is verytightlycurled or approaches the woolly,this is to be
regardedas evidence of Negro admixture,and indeed in these cases there is
generallyotherphysicalevidenceof Negro influence. The developmentof hair on
the bodyvaries considerably,often thereis none on the chest,but a considerable
quantitymay be present. The face is usually long and oval, or approachingthe
1 Reportof theEgyptianExplorationFund, 1911-1912,Plate VIII.

Archceological

Hamitic Problemin the Antglo-Egyptiant
Sudan. 605
oval in shape, the jaw is oftenlightlybuilt,whichwith the presenceof a rather

pointedchin may tend to make the upper part of theface appear disproportionately
broad. The nose is well shaped and thoroughlyCaucasian in type and form,
except in thoseindividuals,comparativelyfewin number,in whomNegroinfluence
may be suspected. The hair on the face is sparse,slightside-whiskers, moustache,
and chin-tuftbeard are the rule, leavingthe area betweenthe lowerlip and the
chin bare, while there is also some considerablespace betweenthe whiskersand
the moustache. Occasionally when the facial hair tends to outgrowthese limits
shaving may be resortedto in orderto reduce the beard to the usual type. Not
uncommonly,especially in the younger men, the whole face is shaved. A
comparisonof Figs. 4 and 5 of Plate XXX will show the resemblanceof the chin
tuft of the present day Beja to the beard of the protodynasticEgyptians,Fig. 4:
being a drawing fromthe photographof an ivoryhead foundat Hierakonpolis.'
The general resemlblanceof the Beja to some ancient Egyptianswill,I think,be
appreciated on comparingthe photographreproduced in Fig. 3, Plate XXX,
withthat of the Turinstatue of Rameses II. (Plate XXX, Fig. 2).
The skull is moderatelylong and not particularlyhigh; in the Hadendoa
skulls,to whichreferenceis made later, the heightis less than the breadth. In
shape the skull is a moreor less well-filledpentagonor oval oftenshowinga very
notableprominenceof the occipitalregion. This is especiallycommonand clearly
markedin the less well-filledskulls and is oftento be appreciatedby the hand as
a definitebulge in the calvaria when it cannotbe detectedby the eye owingto the
mop of hair. In some instancesit appears that this projectionis only relativeand
is, in fact, an expressionof a marked supra-occipitalflattening. Turningto the
skulls already referredto, although they are not Negroid they exhibit certain
primitivecharacters. The supra-orbitalridgesare absent, or only very slightly
developed,the nares may open directlyupon the canine fossee,and there may be
a slightamountof subnasal prognathism. The jaw is usually slightwith a short
broad ascendingramusand a broad shallow sigmoid notch. The coronoidprocess
is, forthe mostpart,slightlyor moderatelydevelopedso that the notchhas some-
what the shape of a shortbow or well-curvedthrowing-stick withequal limbs. In
two instances,however,the processand the notchare of a different type; in these
the processis taller,its anteriormarginhas a forwardcurve,the notchis narrower,
and as a result tends to assume more theformof a fish-hookwitha somewhatopen
bend than that of a bow or throwing-stick.
So far the comparisonsmade have all been within the Beja group, but
considerationof the physicalcharactersof the Beni Amer detailedabove indicates
that these people closely resemble the predynasticEgyptiansand certain of the
people datingfrompredynastictimes onwards to about 2000 B.C., whose remains
have been foundin large numbersin Lower Nubia betweenAswan and Korosko.
1 Hiercklonpolis,
I, Plate VI, Fig. 4. I am indebtedto ProfessorPetrieforpermission
to
publish this drawingas well as forthe printofthe statueofRamesesII, reproducedon the
same plate.

606 C. G. SELIGMANN.-SomneAspectsof the
The following table brings out some of these similarities,correctionsof
No. H.L. f H.B.
Beni Amer (C. G. S.) ... ... 51 1835 13375
Earliest predynastic Egyptians 45 184-8 131P5

fromNaga-ed-Deirl
Naqadacj2 ... ... ... ... 139 185413 134-87
Late predynasticEgyptians (Mac- 125 - 1335

Iver)
Early dynasticfromNubia,GroupA4 91 183-0 134-3

(82)
Middle Nubian, Group CO ... 60 181P8 133-05

(58)
Ditto6 ... ... ... 123 183-0 134-0
(117)
7 mm. for the lengthand 8-5 mm. for the breadth having been applied to the
averages of the Beja (living) to make the absolute measurementsof the length
and breadth of their heads comparablewith those taken on the skeleton,7while
for the same reasontwo unitshave been deducted fromthe cranial indicesof the
living.
In staturethe Beni Amer and the predynasticEgyptiansstand close together,
the formermeasuringy about 1P64m. and the latter 1P63 M.8 It seems then that
it is justifiableto regardthe Beni Amer, the least modifiedof the Beja tribes,as
1 Surveyof Nubia,p. 22.

Elliot Smitlhand Wood Jones,Archaeological
2 Quoted by Elliot Smith and Derry,Archceological
Surveyof Nubia,p. 23.
3 Ibid., BulletinNo. 6, p. 20.
4 Elliot Smithand Derry,op. cit.,p. 17.
5 Ibid., p. 16.
6 Ibid., p. 17. A good deal ofinterest attachesto thefiguresforthe two groupsofMiddle
Nubians (Group C) as showingthe results of dealing with long series. The secondseries
includes the first,but it is only on consideringthe additionalmaterialthat it is seenthat
GroupsA and C are identical.
7 In subtracting 7 mm.forlengthand 8-5mm.forbreadthI havefollowedProfessorElliot
Smith who, as the result of a seriesofobservations on Egyptiancorpses,findsthattheseare
"the maximathat can safelybe deductedfromtheaveragesin dealingwithEgyptianmaterial"
on
(ArcheologicalSurveyof Nubia, Cairo, 1910,vol. ii, p. 25). As theresultof investigations
aged membersof the White raceDr. JohnH. Anderson, in a paperwhichappearedin vol. xl,
1910, of the Journ.Roy. Anthrop. Inst.,suggeststhatabout 9 mm.shouldbe subtractedfrom
bothlengthand breadth.
8 ArchceologicalSurveyof Nubia, vol. ii, p. 19.

Ham,iticProblemin the AAnglo-Egyptian
Sudan. 607
the modernrepresentatives of the old predynasticEgyptian (and Nubian) stock,

and it furtherappearsthat themodification undergoneby the latter duringa period
of some 7,000 or moreyears is extremelysmall.
An examinationof a small seriesof Hadendoa skulls,now in the RoyalCollege
of Surgeons,affordsnothingbut confirmation ofthe view that these Beja tribesare
closelyrelated to the proto-Egyptians.1Owing to the courtesyof ProfessorKarl
Pearson and Dr. Derry I have been able to comparethesewith a numberof the
Naqada skulls and also a few sent to this countryby the members of the
ArchaeologicalSurveyof Nubia. Comparingthe Hadendoa withthe Naqada skulls
it is at once obviousthat thereis the closestresemblancein generalappearanceand
biological characters,with this reservation, that the Hadendoa crania are,
generallyspeaking,rather better filled than are the Naqada skulls thatI have
handled.
This conclusion is furtherborne out on comparingthe photographsof the
skulls and jaws (only threeof the latter) figuredin Miss C. D. Fawcett'spaper on
the Naqada crania.2 In individual instances the resemblanceis astonishingly
close, thus a skull numbered1417, thoughless well filled,is very like Hadendoa
No. 5 and even moreclosely resemblesHadendoa No. 6. So, too, Naqada 1505,
though slightlymore massive, is very like Hadendoa No. 1. The jaws are so
similarthat it is no exaggerationto say that theymighthave come froma single
fainilyburial ground. In all there,is the ratherweak bonedevelopment,the short
broad ramus,and the wide shallowsigmoidnotch.
The Hadendoa skulls also closelyresemblesome of the Nubian C groupskulls
shownto me by Dr. Derry. I would especiallyreferto 76/87femalewhich,though
longer(L. 183, B. 130) than Hadendoa No. 1, closely resemblesthe latter,.while
87/39, a femaleskull whichhas the appearanceof a male, is very like Hadendoa
No. 3, bothbeinggood examplesof the proto-Egyptian (predynastic)type.3
I may emphasizethis similarityin type by quoting Elliot Smith'sdescription
of the earliestknowninhabitantsof Upper Egypt. These " were a people slightly
below the average size of mankind. Their muscular developmentwas so-feeble
that it frequentlybecomesa very difficult problem to determineto which sex an
isolated skull or long bone belonged. Their physical characteristicsexhibit a
1 I considertheseskullsmale becausetheywereobtainedundercircumstances thatmakeit

almostcertainthattheyare so,thoughthe appearanceof someofthemis suchas wouldrender
sexing difficultor even impossible. A descriptionand the chiefmeasurementsof theseskulls
are givenat the end ofthispaper.
2 In onlytwoofthe Hadendoaskullshave thejaw bonesbeen preserved,but thereare other
jaws available for examination. Two of these appear to be of a different
type(Armenoid),
ignoringthese,what I havesaid above holdsgood ofthe remaining.
3 Measurementsdo not bear out the close resemblancesbetweenthe Hadendoa,Naqada,
and Nubian (C group) skulls, which are readily detectedby the eye,doubtlessbecausethe
numberof Hadendoa skulls is too small for fair comparison;forthe samereasonthereis a
discrepancybetweenthe figuresobtainedfromlivingHadendoa and fromthe skeletalmaterial
derivedfromthistribe.

608 C. G. SELIGMANN.-SOme Aspects of the
remarkabledegreeof homogeneity. Their hairwas darkbrownor black,and either

straightor wavy,withoutthe slightestsuspicionof alnyNegro characteristics. In
the men therewas'the scantiest developmentof facial hair, except on the chin,
wherea tuftwas found recalling that seen in the conventionalportraitsof the
later dynastic Egyptians. There are many other features of the skeleton
and soft parts which are quite distinctive of these people, but I shall
refer only to two or three points to illustrate my meaning. These people
had long, narrow heads with an exceptionallynarrowforeheadand prominent.
occiput,so that the skull,when viewed fromabove,presentsa characteristicform,.
which ProfessorMacalister has aptly termed 'coffin-shaped.' The face was a
moderatelyloingand narrowellipse; the nose was broader and especiallyflatter
than that of the European, without,however,being definitelyNegroid, the
horizontallyplaced,elliptical orbits were oftendecidedly flattened,and the chin
was almostalways pointed."'
Under the title Crania Habessinica(Rome, 1912) Dr. Sergio Sergihas recently
publishedtheresultsofhis carefulstudyofthe longseriesofTigreskullscollectedby
Schweinfurth and sent to Berlin. A glance at the plates shows that these skulls,
belonged to a people having the samie general cranial type as the Beja, and
althoughonly seven mandiblesare figuredit can be seen that the majorityof these
are of the proto-Egyptiantype. Nevertheless,some of the skulls are decidedly
higherand rounder,a total of 94 adult skulls of both sexes giving5 brachycephals
and 29 mesaticephals.2 Some such result as this might be expected in view of
Schweinfurth'saccountof the northernAbyssi'nians. " The NorthAbyssiiiiansori
Tigri are in any case a very mixed race . . . . Although I have paid attention
to thousands . . . . I have always failed to find a single common feature, a
characteristicpeculiarityin their appearance,by which,in the majorityof cases,
they might be distinguished from the other . . . . races of this district,for
instance, the Hamitic . . . . Habab, and Beni Amer. The one thing in
common biniding them tog,ether is their speech, a branch of the old
Geez . 3
This accountsuggeststhat the Tigre-speakingnatives of Abyssiniaare more
mixed thanthe Beni Amer of the Anglo-EgyptianSudan, and thisidea is confirmed
on examiningsuch of the measurementsgiven by Sergi as are comparablewith
those takenby myselfon the living. Even a cursoryglance at the followingtable
shows that the Tigre stand closer to the Hadendoa than to the Beni Amer,and to
both these Beja tribesthan to the longer-headedKababish whose H.B. and F.B. are
bothslightlyin excess of those of the Beni Amner.4
1Elliot Smith,ThePeople of Fgypt(Addressto CairoScientific Society,1909),p. 8.

2Op. cit.,p. 13. The C.I. forthemales(69) includingapparentlyfourimmaturesubjectsis.
74 2, forthe females(25) 74-1.
3 Letter fromSchweinfurth to the BerlinAnthropologicalSocietytranscribedby Sergi,op.
cit.,pp. 1 anid2.
4 The Kababish are a nomadArab tribe, cf.infra,p. 627 etseq. It maybe suggestedthat

in the Anglo-EgyptianSudan.
HamniticProblern?, 609
H.L. H.B. F.B.
Beni Amer (51) ... 1834 1337 12084
Tigre (65) ... ... ... 183 6 136 2 125

(42)
Hadendoa (54) ... ... 182 9 136 6 122
Kababish (24) ... ... ... 18691 13536 1237
The facial(bizygomatic)breadthhas been includedbecausethismeasurementis

taken betweentwo definitesubcutaneousbonyarches overwhichthe skin does not
tend to roll,so thatif the average thicknessof the cutaneous tissueswere known
and a correctionapplied the figuresobtainedwould probablybe as reliable as those
forhead lengthland head breadth. In the table the H.L. and H.B. of the living
have been reducedby 7 and 8-5 mm.respectively,and the F.B. by 7 mm.,'in order
to make them comparable with the measurementstaken on the Tigre skulls.
I have not ventured to make use of the facial or upper facial lengths on
account of the much greater difficultyin taking these measurementson the
living.
Summing, up the information givenin the tables and collating it with what
has been said of the biological charactersof the skulls and heads of the peoples
under considerationit may be stated:-
(i) In theirbiological charactersthe heads of Beni Amer and Hadendoa are
essentiallysimilar,both closelyresemblingthoseof the proto-Egyptians
and some of the less modifiedstockswhich have arisen by the action of
foreigninfluenceupon them. But while the crania of Beni Amer and
Hadendoa are so nearly alike in length that theymay be said to be
identicalin this respect,theyshow a difference in breadth sufficientto
raisethe cephalicindex of the Hadendoa by nearlytwo units. Judging
by their skulls the Tigre of Abyssinia, though they speak the same
language as the Beni Amer;are less nearly related to them than to the
Hadendoa.
the increasedfacialbreadthoftheTigre,Hadendoa,and Kababish is due to the greateramount

of foreignblood(Armenoidand Negro)'in thesetribes.
1 The correctionsforH.L. and H.B. are those given by Elliot Smith(p. 606,footnote),
that for F.B. is suggestedby the figuresquoted by H. von Eggeling ill Physiognomieund
Schddel(Jena,1911). The authorgivesthe averagethicknessof thesofttissuesoverthehighest
point of the zygoma oftwenty-onewell-nourishedmale Europeans(presumablyGermans)as
4-33mm. I should expect a rathersmallerfigureforthe Beja and kindredpeoples,and have
accordinglysubtracted7 mm.fromthe averageofthe measurements takenon theliving.

610 C. G. SELIGMANN.-So,SOe Aspectsof the
(ii) While the noses of the two peoples scarcelydifferin length and breadth
they are differentin character in a la-rge number, perlhaps in a.
majority,of individuals.
(iii) The Hadendoa are considerablytaller than the Beni Amer,theycertainly
show more foreign(presumnably northernArmenoid) influencethan the.
latter,and probablymoreNegro influelnce.
(iv) The genetic relationshipthat all these facts imply is confirmedin a
remarkableway by measurements.
The Beni Amer,the mostdolichocephalicof modernBeja, stand very close to

the earliest predynasticEgyptiansand the Nubians of GroupsA (early dynastic)
and C (Middle Nubian). In skull breadththemeasurementsare so close thatthey
may be taken as identical. The increased breadth which distinguishes the
Hadegndoafromthe Beni Amer and which,judgingfromChantre'sindices,is carried
still further in the Bisharin (C.I. 79), is paralleled by the considerable
increasein breadth,with onlyslightand inconstantincreasein length,whichoccurs.
in Egypt in passing,fromearly predynastic(H.B. 131P5) and late predynastic
(H.B. 133-5) throughNaqada (H.B. 13487) to the Old Kingdom (Giza skulls.
H.B. 139.021)and the Middle Kingdom(Naga-ed-Deir skulls H.B. 138-92).
It seems thereforelegitimateto concludethat the Beja are essentially similar
to the old proto-Egyptiansand that they representthis stock to-day,its least
modifiedmembersbeing the Beni Amer, while the rise in head breadthin the
Hadendoa and Bisharinis due to the influenceof the same relativelyround-headed
race that increasedthe breadthof the skulls of the proto-Egyptians. The increase
in statureof the Hadendoa, and to a less extentof the Bisharin,is doubtlessowing
to this same influence,but it is possiblethat it may be due in part to Negro
(Nilotic) influence.
The Barabra.
The originof the inhabitantsof Nubia, the Barabra or Berberines,is by no
means clear. Perhaps this is in part due to the confusionintroducedinto the
problemby FrederickMuller and Keane, who have insistedon applying linguistic
criteriato determinethe ethnologicalpositionof the Barabra. Muller erected a
Nuba-Fulah groupof languagesto include the Barabra dialectsand Fulah. Keane
rejectedthis view,almostwith scorn,but,on accountof similaritiesin the language,,
or some of the languages,spokenin Northernand CentralKordofanto thosespoken
by-theBarabra,did not h;esitateto proclaimnthe essentialunityofthe Barabra and
of Kordofan,in spite of the factthat Lepsius,who has&
the tall black Negro hillmnen
on
1 From measurements materialin the Cairo SchoolofMedicinedatingfromthe fourth
to the sixth dynasties,quotedby Elliot Smithand Wood Jonesin the Archcoloyicald Strveyof
Nubia (1907-1908),vol. ii, p. 27.
2 Elliot Smithand Derry,Archceological Sitrveyof Nubia, BulletinNo. 6, p. 20.

Ha',miticProblemintthe Anglo-EgyptianSudan. 611
made an exhaustive study of the Berberine dialects, traces the Barabra to the
Wawat, a people mentionedover and over again in recordsdatingfromthe time
of the Pyramid-buildersto that of the Ptolemnies.The confusionmay have been
increased by the similarityof the names Nuba and Nubia.' In any case it is not
in the lightof fullerknowledgeof the Nuba themselvesanidof the history
difficult,
of Kordofan,to explain the similaritiesin language whichmisledKeane. A much
greater difficultywhich must be faced is the repeatedreferenceon the Egyptian
monumentsto Negroes in Nubia at a timewhen,as shownby the excavationscon-
ducted by the membersof the Nubian Archbeological Survey,the inhabitantsof
Nubia, though they may have -exhibitedsome Negroidtraits,were by no means
Negroes,or even franklyNegroid. I shall returnto thesematterslater,meanwhile
a comparisonof some of the indicesyieldedby the present-dayBarabra and the
Nuba of Kordofanwill show at a glance how dissimilarare these two people.
No. C.I. N.I. F.I. Stature.
Barabra2 . ... 89 76 59 80 42 101 058 16903
Nuba4 ... ... 82 76 60 97 08 81-72 1723

(?+28) (?66) (?+33) {_(?5)
Although the cephalicindicesare almostidenticalthe differences in the nasal

and facial indices of the two peoples are both strikingand significant. These
differencesare borneout by a whole seriesof physicalcharactersnot susceptibleto
expressionby measurement. The Nuba is stoutlybuilt, muscular,and so dark
skinnedthat he may be called black; the Barabra is of slight,or more commonly,
mediumbuild,not particularlymuscular,and in skin colourvaries froma yellowish
to a chocolate brown. The hair of the Nuba is invariablywoolly,that of the
Barabra, thoughapproachingthe Negro in individualinstances,is commonlycurly
or wavy, and may be almost straight,while the featuresof the Barabra are not
uncommonly .absolutelynon-Negroid.
Thus, there can be no doubt that the two peoples are essentiallydifferentin
physical characters,and the same holds good on the cultural side. The Barabra
scar theirfacesin the mannercommonto the Beja and riveraintribesof so-called
1 This is, e.g., probablythe origin6fthe curiousconfusion in Westermann's recentbook,

The Shilluk People,in whichthe authorspeaksofNyakang,thefounderoftlheShilluknation,
who camefromthe southor possiblythe west,bringing" Nubians" withhim(op. cit.,p. 143).
2 Chantre(Recherches Anthropologiques en Eqypte). It is to be regrettedthat this author
has not publishedhis figures,and that he has not always kepthis measurements of the sexes
distinct. Ofthe 89 Barabrahe examined,at least 25 (probably29) werewomen.
3 The statureis the averageof seventyniales(op. cit.,p. 258).
4 Frommeasurements takenby myself(cf.Journ.Roy.Anthrop. Inst.,vol. xl, 1910,pp. 505-
524) and by Dr. C. S. Myers(ibid.,pp. 141-163).

4'Arabs"; they circumcizetheir youthsand mutilatetheirgirls,'but they do not

cover the bodies of their women with cicatrices,neither do they remove their
incisorteeth, nor do theirwomenperforatethe lower lip in order to wear a lip
ornament. The Nuba do not circumcizetheirboys or mutilatetheirgirls, but do
practisethe remainingdeformations mentionedin the last sentence. Both make
pottery,but the technique employed and results attained are utterly different,
indeed,the Barabra potterystill strikinglyresemblesthe Egyptian, and there is
the clearest evidence that the predynastictraditionin pottery continuedin full
-swingas late as the eighteenthdynastyin Upper Egypt and Nubia.
This brings us to the greatestdifficultyexperiencedin placing the Barabra,
namely, the historical; the natureof the difficulty will be appreciatedby a brief
statementof the data whichit is necessaryto consider.
The recent excavationsabove Aswan, conducted by the members of the
ArchMologicalSurveyof Nubia,show that long ago Nubia was inhabitedbya people
who buried in the same way as the predynasticEgyptians,while the pottery
indicates that some at least of these people had a technique closely resembling,
thoughnot identicalwith,that of the prehistoricEgyptians.2 Other graves con-
tain seriesof objects identical in materialand manufacturewith the contents of
predynasticgravesin Egypt. Further,on physicalgrounds,ProfessorElliot Smith
has identifiedthese early inhabitantsof Nubia (Group A) with the prehistoric
Egyptians. These facts stronglysuggest,but do not prove,that the Nubians of
Group A and the predynasticEgyptians were contemporaneous; this is made
,certain,however,by the discoveryof typicallate predynasticobjectsof the finest
techniqueand greatestvalue in earlyNubian graves.
Specimenssuch as the double-birdslate palettesand magnificent gold handled
mace recentlyfoundin a Nubiangrave3bear out earlytraditionsof contactbetween
-thetwo peoples such as that implied by the legend that Horus passed into Nubia
.afterconqueringSet and therewon a greatvictory.
Again, in the firstdynasty,the Palermno Stone recordsthe smitingof a people
,called the Troglodytesat Elephantine. No doubt the contact between the two
peoples increased,and, accordingto a Ptolemaic tradition,Zoser,thefounderof the
third dynasty,so controlledthe region of the cataract that he could grant to
"Khnum the god of the cataractat least nominalpossessionof both sides of the
river fromElephantine . . . to Takompso," some 75 or 80 miles above the
cataract.4 Yet in the times of the Pyramid-builders the Nubians were sufficiently
iun-Egyptianto be treated as foreignersto be raided without mercy,and it is
recordedin the thirddynastythat Sneferubroughtbackfromhis Nubian campaign
1 For thesignificance
ofthemutilationofgirlsand cheek-scars
cf.infra,pp. 639 and 640.
am greatlyindebted to Mr. C. M. Firthforshowingme the specimensin question,I
2 I
particularlyreimaemberone delicatelymade bowl with a buffcoloured body upoIl which a

numberofanimalswerepaintedin brightred.
3 This mace has been figuredby Mr. Firthin TheArcha?ological
S1urveyof Nutbia,Bulletin
No. 7, 1911,p. 18.
4 Breasted,Historyof Egypt,p. 112.

Ham'itioProblemi'mthe Anglo-EgyptianSutdan. 613
7,000 livingprisonersand 200,000 large and small cattle.' Booty of this descrip-
tion could have been obtailnedonly froma land such as Nubia if Sneferu and his
generals" eat up " the countryas Chaka's Zulu " eat up " the surroundingpeoples.
Further,the spoil carriedoffindicatesthat Nubia was inhabitedby a moreor leAs
settledsemi-pastoralpeople who grew catch cropson everyinchof cultivableland,
so Sneferu'srecordgives us valuable informationconcerningthe conditionof the
Nubians duringthe Old Kingdom.2
In thesixthdynastyraidsintoNubia alternatewitharmedtradinigexpeditiolus.
Yam, Kau, Temeh,Irthet,Mazoi, and Wawat3 occur as names of places ill Nubia
and the chiefsof the threelast did homageto King Merenra on his visit to the
First Cataract.4
In this reignUna, an old and triedservant of the royal family,visited the
First Cataractwithonly one war-boat. This is mentionedas a unique occurrence.5
During a later expeditionwhichlasted a year,the chiefsof Irthet,Wawat,Yam, and
Mazoi broughttimberto Una with which lie built boats.6 In the same reigni
Harkhuf,a governorof the South, was sent to "explore a road" to Yam; no
mentionis made of fightinig.A second expeditionsent to Irthet, Mekher and
Tereresreturnedin eight months laden with gifts. Once moreHarkhuf went to
Yam and found the "chief of Yam going to the land of Temeh as far as the
westerncorner of hleaven. I went forthafter him to the land of Temeh and I
pacifiedhim,until he praisedall the godsfortheking'ssake."7 Afterthis vigorous
co-operationwithYam the Egyptianstraversed the land of Yam to Irthet and
returnedthroughSethu and Wawat on the eastern bank, everywhereleaving the
tribesat peace and reachingEgypt with 300 asses laden withincense,ebony,heknu,
and " every good product."8 All
[oil], grain,pantherskins,ivory,throwing-sticks,
1 PalermoStone,cf.Breasted,AncientRecords,I, 146.
2 This suggestionis conifirmed by informationgivenme by ProfessorPetrie,namely,that
bags of bran, i.e., pillows stuffedwith bran, have been foundin predynastic tombs. The
conditionofthe peoplemaywell have been somewhatsimilarto thatof the Nilotictribesofthe
presentday, a people predominantly pastoral and dependinglargelyon milk for food,yet
growinga certainamountofgrainto makebeer and to providefoodforthemselves, but except
in unusuallyfavourableseasonsneverproducingeinough to last themtheyearthroughwithout
times of scarcity,whichin bad seasons,whenthereis littlefoodforthe cattle,becomeperiods
ofwantor ofactualfamine.
3 Irthet has been identified by Maspero as the region fromDerr to Dongola,or Upper
Nubia on the west, Yam is betweenIrthetanidAswan or LowerNubia on the westside,and
Wawat is oppositeYam on the east (Petrie,Historyof Egypt,I, p. 94). The journeyto Yam
and back occupiedsevenmonths.
4 A steleon the rockat Aswan recordsthis,the inscription runs: " The cominig
of thekinig
himselfappearingbehind the hill-country thathe mightsee thatwhichis in the hill-coulntry,
while the chiefsof Mazoi, Irthet,and Wawat did obeisanice and gave greatpraise." Breasted.
AncientRecords,I. 318.
5 Breasted,Ancient Records,1, 322.
6 Ibid., I, 324.
7 Ibid., I. 333-335.
8 Ibid., I, 336.
VOL. XLIII. 2s

614 Aspectsof the
C. G. SELIGMANN.-SO?ne
this trade so impressedthe chief of Irthet,Sethu, and Wawat, that he presented

bulls and small cattle.'
Under Pepi II., Pepi-nekht,who was sent on a campaign against Wawat and
Irthet,returnedvictoriouswith manyliving prisoners. He was sent again " to
pacifythese countries" and broughtback the two chiefsof Wawat and Irthetaind
theirchildrenwithmanybulls.2 Later in the same reignSebni journeyedsouthto
fetchthe body of his fatlherMekhu who had died in or beyond Wawat. He has
recordedthat he wentat the head of " a troopof my estate and 100 asses
bearing ointment,honey, clothing, oil . . . in order to make presents in these
countries." Sebni returnedfromWawat and Irthetwithhis father'sbody- and with
incense,clothing,ivory(one tusk 6 cubitslong),hides and " all kinds of giftsfrom
these countries."3
These and other records seem to show that towards the end of the Old
KingdomEgyptexercisedat least so much controlover Lower Nubia that much of
the countrycould be safely traversed by small militaryparties and by strong
caravans. Neverthelessan enduringpeace was not established throughoutthe
lenath and breadthof the land and local difficultiesled to the despatch of more
than one punitiveexpedition.
In connectionwith the Pyramid-builders'expeditionsit inay be significant
that it is about the timeof the thirddynastythat the bones of the Nubians then
livingabove Aswan begin to show definiteevidence of Nearo admixture.4 This
influxfromthe south can only have been helped by Sneferu's wasting of the
country,so that fromthe thirddynastyonwardsthe populationthatgrewup was a
mixture of early Nubian and dynastic Egyptian with an ever-increasingNegro
element. During the time that this mixed populationwas fusinginto a more or
less commonprogressively darkertypes"the people of Nubia buried their dead in
graves which, on archa!ologicalevidence, are quite distinct from those of the
Egyptiansof the same and, in fact,everyotherperiod."5
From the end of the sixth to the establishmentof the eleventhdynastylittle
is knownof Egyptianhistory. It was a timewhendomesticstrifetooktheplace of
foreignaggression,the garrisonsof the south,if such existed,were withdrawn,and
Egyptianinfluencewaned southof the cataract. The result may have been that
the country was left in an impoverishedconditionwitha reducedpopulationin
an unsettledstate.
No doubtduringthis periodthe wildertribessouthof the Second Cataractnot
onlycontinuedindependent, but exertedpressureon theirnorthernneighbours, who
would be driveninto Lower Nubia, perhapseven into-Upper Egypt.6
I
Loc. cit. 2 Ibid., I, 358 and 359.
Ibid.) I, 366-369.
3
4 Archceological Surveyof Nubia, BulletinIII, p. 22.
5 ibid., p. 24.
6 More or less steadypressurefromthe southmustbe assumedin orderto accountforthe
innumerablerevoltsin Nubia whichoccurredfromthe twelfthto the eighteenth dynasty,
-wheneverthe Pharaoh was strongenoughto be concernedwiththe happeningssouthofthe

IlamniticProblemin the Anglo-EgyptianSudant. 615
During thesecenturiesthe process of fusionof Egyptianand Negro elements

continued"until the new hybridpopulationassumedthe remarkablyhomogeneous
blend of Egyptianand Negro traitswhichcharacterizethe Middle Nubian people,"1
a typewhich,accordingto Elliot Smith," seems tohave remaineddominantin Nubia
ever since then, for the span of almost 4,000 years, which separates the
Middle Empire frornthe present."2
As faras we know the eleventh dynastydid not pay much attentionto the
situationin the south,thoughthereis a mentionof " ships to Wawat,"3but in the
twelfthdynasty Nubia is once more the subject of many inscriptions. That
vigorousrulerAmenemhatL has leftthe record" I seized the people of Wawat, I
capturedthe people of Mazoi."4
There is an inscriptionat Wadi Halfa, dating from the time of SenusertI.
referringto the captureof ten townsin the neigbbourhoodof the Second Cataract
the graintaken beingthrowninto the river.' Ameni, the hereditaryprinceof the
Oryx nome,led an expeditioninto Nubia, " I passed Kush sailinigsouthwards,I
advanced the boundary of the land, I brought all gifts; . . . Then his
majestyreturnedin safetyhaving overthrownhis enemies in Kush the vile. I
returned,followinghim, . There was no loss amongmy soldiers."6 Ameni
made several expeditionssouthwardfor gold and ore,sometimeswith 600, some-
timeswith400, troopsand always returnedwith soldiers uninjured,so that these
journieysmnayhave been trading expeditions.7 In the next reign, that of
AmenemhatII., one Sa-Hathor workedgold mines in Nubia and forcedthe local
chiefsto wash gold forhim.8
SenusertIII. conductedfourcampaignsin Nubia,betweentheFirstand Second
Cataracts. He canalized the' Great Cataract to allow boats to pass rapidly and
fortifiedKummehand Semneh,settingup a boundarystele 37 miles south of Wadi
Halfa, beyondwhich no Negro mightcome except as a trader.9 In his sixteenth
regnalyear he " captured theirwomen, . . . carried off theirsubjects,went
cataract. Indeed, it is difficultto imagine other conditionswhich could necessitateever

recurringexpeditionsto suppressrebellionsin a narrowstripofcounitry traversedby a great
river.
Surveyof NYubia,BulletinIII, p. 25. ProfessorElliot Smithappliesthe
1 Archceological
term " Middle Nubian" to the bodiesand gravesofthe timeofthe Middle Empire(Dynasties
XII-XVII). (Dr. Reissner)speaksof thesebodiesand gravesas constituting
The archaeologist
the C Group.
2 Op. cit., p. 26. 3 Ibid., I, 426.
4 Ibid.,I, 483. 6 Ibid., I, 512.
6 Ibid., I, 519. 7 Ibid., I, 520-521.
8 Ibid., I, 602.
9 The decree on the stelerunsthus: " Southernboundary,made in theyear8, underthe
majestyof the King ofUpper and Lower Egypt,Khekure(SesostrisIII.) whois givenlifefor
ever and ever; in orderto preventthataniyNegroshouldcrossit, bv wateror by land,witha
ship, (or) any herds of the Negroes; excepta Negrowho shall cometo do tradingin Iken or
with a commission.Every goodthingshall be donewiththem,but withoutallowinga ship of
the Negroes to pass by Heb, going downstream,for ever." Breasted, AncientRecords,
I, 652.
2 g 2

616 C. G. SELIGMANN.-Some Aspects of the
forthto theirwells,smote their bulls; . . . reaped their grain,and set fire

thereto."' Anothercampaignis recordedin the nineteenthyear of his reignwhen
he overthrew" the wretchedKush."2
The rude characterof some of the potterywhich,accordingto Mr. Firth,is
contemporary with the twelfthdynasty,suggeststhat the people who made,this
were well tincturedwithNegro blood. But howevermuch the kingdomexpanded
underthe greatrulersof the twelfthdynastyat its close there was again a dark
period. It seems.likelythat at this time some such process of withdrawaltook
place as that which may have occurredat the end of the Old Kingdom,though
perhapsnot so complete,followedby an incursionof moreNegroidtribesfromthe
south, and this would account for the princes of the New Empire having to
conquerNubia or at least Upper Nubia once more.
In the reign of Aahmes I. a campaign against the Nubian Troglodytesis
recorded.3 Amenhotep I. "ascended the river to Kush. . . His Majesty
captured that Nubian Troglodytein the midst of his army"4 and in this reign
Hormini" attainedold age in Wawat " as governorof that countryand went north
each year withits tributeforthe King.5 From this it seems that it was at last
recognizedthat the old policyof raids and punitive expeditionswas inadequate to
ensurepeace on the southernborder,and that the only thingto do was to arrange
for the administrationof the country.
UnderThotmesI. the boundarywas extendedsouthwardsto theThirdCataract.
"He hath overthrownthe chief of the Nubians,the Negro is helpless,defenceless
in his grasp. . . . There is not a remnant among the curly-haired, who came
to attack him; thereis not a singlesurvivoramongthem."6 The king returnedto
Egyptbringingback " that wretchedNubian Troglodytebeing hanged head down-
wards" at the prowof the royal barge.7 In spite of the forward.policy of this
princethe Nubians seem to have consideredthat the youthand inexperienceof his
successoroffereda favourableopportunityto revolt,for in an inscriptionnear
Aswan dated in the firstyear of ThothmesII., it is recordedthat " The wretched
Kush has begunto rebel,thosewho were under the dominionof the Lord of the
Two Lands purpose hostility,beginning to smite. him. . . . His majesty was
furiousthereatlike a panther,when he heard it. Said his majesty," I swear,as Re
loves me,as my father,lord of gods,Amon,Lord of Thebes,favorsme, I will not
let live anyone among their males. ... Then his majesty despatched a
numerous army into Nubia. . . . This army of his majesty overthrew those
barbarians; theydid [not] let live anyoneamongtheirmales, accordingto all the
commandof his majesty,except one of those children of the chief of wretched
Kush, was taken away alive as a livingprisonerwith their people to his majesty.
They were placed under the feet of the Good God. . . . This land was made a.
1 Ibid.,I, 658. 2 Ibid., I, 672.
3 Ibid.,II, 14. 4 Ibid., II, 39.
6 Ibid., II, 48. 6 Ibid., II, 71.
7 Ibid., II, 80.

Hamitic Problemin theAnglo-Egyptian
Stdan. 617
subject of his majestyas formnerly, the people rejoiced . . . theygave praise

to the Lord of the Two Lands, theylauded this god excellent in examples of his
diviniity."'l
Under ThothmesIII. the contactwithNubia becomesmore intimate,there is
an inscriptionat Semneh describingofferings of grain and cattle to be made by
local chiefsand governorsto Dedun, a god of Nubia, at certain annual festivals.2
At the same time the childrenof Nubian chiefsappear as slaves in the temple of
Karnak, and a large tributewas exacted yearly.3 In spite,or perhaps because,of
this,a campaignagainstNubia was necessaryin the fiftiethyear of tlle reign; the
namesofseventeentownsor districtsconqueredare given,all theirinhabitantsbeina
carriedaway captiveand " all theirherdsbeing led to Egypt."4 A revoltin Nubia
was again suppressedunderThothmesIV.,5 and his successor,AmenhotepIII., after
a campaignin Nubia in the fifthand sixth years of his reign,broughtback to
Egypt over 700 prisonersand the hands of morethan 300 dead.6
A revoltof the usual characterforcedHarmhab,the founderof the nineteenth
dynasty,to lead an expeditioninto Nubia7 and thereis an inscriptionin a temple
at Wadi Halfa recordingthat Rameses I. added "slaves of the captivityof his
majesty" to the e-ndowment of the temple.8 There were unimportantrevolts in
Nubia under Rameses II., but thesemust have been in the far south,9the great
rock templeat Abu Simbal,where Rameses was himselfworshipped,shows how
completelythe countryhad come underEgyptianinfluence. Here " the old native
chiefshad practically disappeared,the administrativeofficialswere in complete
control,and therewas even an Egyptiancourtof justice with the viceroyas chief
judge,"10indeed,beforethis,towardsthe end of the eighteenthdynasty,Egyptian
authorityhad been established as far south as the Fourth Cataractkl Egyptian
influencehadlconquered,the processof absorptionbegun by SenusertIII. whenhe
gave the firstplace to the Nubian god Dedun in his temple at Semneh was
completeby theend oftheeighteenthdynasty,and a wall paintingindicatesthatthe
majorityof the Nubians who accompaniedtheir governorHuy when he brought
the tributeof the southerncountriesto his master,the king Tutenkhamon,have in
clothesand coiffure done theirbest to show how thoroughlytheyhave adoptedthe
superior civilizationm12
We have no representations of the Nubians until the eighteenthdynasty,from
which timeuntil the twentiethdynastytheyare drawnand paintedin innumerable
scenes,appearingas full-bloodedNegroeswithcoarseNegro featureseven when,for
the sake of definition,the nearerof two blacks movingside by side is represented
of a browncolour. It seemsimpossibleto evade thesemanyrepresentations, or to
1 Ibid.,II, 121, 122. 2 Ibid., II, 170,171.

3 Ibid.,II, 162. 4 Ibid., II, 645.
5 ibid., II, 826-829. 6 Ibid., II, 853-854.
7 Ibid., III, 40-44. 8 Ibid., III, 78.
9 Ibid., III, 450-453. 10 Breasted, ffistory of E,qypt,p. 446.
1 Erman, Life in AncientEgypt,p. 504. 12 Lepsius, Denkmdler, III, 117.

618 Aspectsof the
C. G. SELIGMANN.-Some
read into thein any other significancethan the obvious one, that the Nubians
conqueredby thegreatkingsoftheNew Empire wereNegroesin thebroad common
sense of the term. Fuither,althoughI have been able to findno twelfth -dynasty
representations of Negroes,nehesi,the wordused by SenusertIII. in his celebrated
decree,thoughstrictlymeaningan inhabitantof the land of Nehes, is commonly
used forNegro in the inscriptionsof the New Elnpire. Thus in the inscriptionof
ThothmesI. " The Negrois helpless,etc.,"alreadyreferredto, the word translated
Negro is nehesi,while of the captivestaken by AmenhotepIII. (supra,p. 617) the
word translated" Negresses" is. nehesyt, the fem. pl. of nehesi,and " servants of
"
the Negroes" is written servants of the nehesi."I Moreover,there is no doubt
that even in early times Nehes signifiedthe land to the south of Egypt. The
earliest mentionof Nehes is on thePalermo Stone in Sneferu'sreign,though the
prisonersof Sneferu are not said to come definitely fromNehes.2 Pepi I. (sixth
dynasty)made war againstthe Yrthet-nehesi, the Maza-nehesi,theYam-nehesi,the
niehesiof Wawat, the nehesi of Kau, and the nehesiof Temeh.3 Under his
successor,Pepi IT., Sebni goes to the lands which Breasted translatesas " countries
of the Negroes,"4 i.e.,nehes.
With regard to the word in the inscriptionof ThothmesI. (supra, p. 616)
rendered" the curly-haired," i.e.,as a synonymof " Negro" (niehesi), writtenearlier
in the inscription,and whichseems at once to settlethe questionofthe significance
of Nehesi,it is necessaryto exercisea certainamountof caution,forMiss Murray
pointsout thatthis wordreads niebed, and is determinedby a lock of hair,i.e.," the
curly-haired"standsfor" the nebed-haired."But nebed,accordingto Brugsch,does
not mean " curly" but is the equivalentof the French tresser-, natter,enttrelacer,
and
is akin to the Coptic 1oTBT=plectere, intexere5.Perhaps nebed-hairedmay be
translated" withhair in plaits,"if so it still bears out the Negroidcharacterof the
folktowhomit was applied,formanyNegroesand Negroidsdo theirhair in a mass
of small plaits.
Yet, as pointedout on p. 615, the resultsof excavationsnorthof Aswan show
that from the twelfthdynastyonwards the populationwas a hybridone; the C
Group skulls,thoughNegroid,were certainlynot Negro,indeed,as already stated,
Elliot Smithconsidersthat makingallowance forneweralien [Armenoid]influence
fromthe north,the C Group typeis roughlythe same as that exhibited by the
inhabitantsofNubia at the presentday.6 I do notthinkthat anyonewill seriously
1 I am indebted to Mr. Guy Bruntonfor making a careftul copyofthe originalofthis

which I understandis difficult
inscription, to read. Numerousotherexamplescouldbe given
but thesehave been selectedas beingamongthe mostconviilcing.
2 The inscriptionreads: "Hacking up the land of Nehes. Bringingof 7,000 living
prisoners."
3 Mariette,Abydos,II, 44.
4 Breasted AncientRecords,I, 366. Sethe, Urkcundeu,
I, 136.
6 Brugsch,W6rterbuch, 752. Peyron,LexiconCopticoun, 128.
6 Withoutgoing into the physicalanthropology of theBarabra in detail I maypoint out
thatthe bulging occiput,whichis a commona feature'in proto-Egyptian skullsand the heads

Hamitic Problemr
in the Anglo-EgyptianSudan. 619
challenge this broad conclusion,yet in view of the many representationsof

undoubtedNegroes fromNubia dating from the eighteenth to the twentieth
dynastyit is difficult to see how it can be accepted in the formput forwardby
Elliot Smith,namely,that the Group C type s' has remained dominantin Nubia
ever since,"i.e.,since the time of the Middle Kingdom.
A possiblesolutionsuggestsitself,thoughit does not seem to me satisfactory.
It mightbe held that the comparativelyslight difference in geographicalposition
betweenthe countryimmediatelysouthof Aswan and in the neighbourhood of the
Second Cataract, sufficesto account for the differenceexisting between the
skeletonsof the Middle Nubians and the nearly contemporaryrepresentationsof
Nubians fromsouthof the Second Cataract. But it seems that this solutionhas so
much against it that it may be allowed to drop; apart fromits prima fctcie
improbability, and the constant pressure which was exerted fromthe south,its
inadequacy is indicated by the use of the same term (nbehes) for Nubians by
SenusertIII. (who aftermiichfightinofixedhis boundaryat the Second Cataract)
and by his successors,who depictedthe dark-skinnedopponentstheyovercamein
pushingtheirconfinesfurthersouth.
How then can the similarityof the Nubian population of the time of the
Middle Kingdomand beginningof the New Emilpire to that of the presentday be
explained,while yet takingaccountoftheNeg,ropopulationexistingunderthe New
Empire? It seems that only one explanationis tenable,namely,that fora period
subsequent to the Middle Kingdom the countryin the neighbourhoodof the
Second Cataract became essentiallya Negro countryand may have remainedin
this conditionforsome little time. Then a movement. in the oppositedirectionset
in, theNegroes,diminishedby war,werein partdrivenback by thegreatconquerors
of the New Empire,those that were left mixed with the Egyptian garrisonsand
tradersand once morea hybridrace arose which,however,preservedthe language
of its Negro ancestors.
Perhaps in course of time and underthe influenceof increasedpressurefrom
the norththis race gave rise directlyto the present-dayinhabitantsof Nubia, the
Barabra,but such a conclusionis at least premature; it is highly probable that
the Beja nomads of the eastern desert may have contributednot a little to the
lighteningof the hybridEgyptian-Nubianrace,just as in bothLower and Upper
Eaypt the Ababdeh have intermarried with the Fellahin so that not only are there
Fellahin in whom recent Beja blood may be traced,but there are actually
settlementsof people of mixed blood who call themselvesAbabdeh.
In supportof this suggestionand as indicatingthat somethingof the sorthas
takenplace in recenttimesit may be mentionedthat among the Danagla thereis
a divisioncalled Gel Nas, which is said to be short for Nas el-Ghazal,because
ofthemodernBeja (supra, p. 605),also occursamongthe Barabraand is quite obviousin two of

the photographsreproducedin Plate XXXV. The man shownin Fig. 8, with his long skull,
bulgingocciput,and pointedchin,seemsto reproducea numberof themoresalientcharacters
of the proto-Egyptians.

620 C. G. SELIGMANN.-SOnle Aspectsof the
they came in fromthe desert. Moreover,among both Danagla and Mahas the
names of many divisionsend in -ab,a suffixequivalent to " sons of" or " people
of " in the Hamitic dialects of the Eastern Desert.'
Lastly,with regardto the lanauage,if the language of the southernNuba be
comparedwith the dialects (Mahass, Sukkhot,etc.) spoken by the Barabra it will
be foundthat there is nioresemblance. The inhabitantsof the jibal in Southern
Kordofan,but situateda littlenorthof theBahr el-Glhazal,have a language,orrather
a series of languages,with grammaticalstructureand vocabularieswhichdo not
resemble the Berberinedialects. The communitiesof some of these hills are as
yet unaffected by northerninfluenceas is shownby the fact that the mienstill go
absolutely naked and uncircumcized, the veryfirstresult of Arab (Mohammedan)
influencebeing the adoption of circumcisionand the assumptionof at least a
minimunm of clothing. The resemblancesfound between the languages of the
Barabra and ofthe Nuba of NorthernKordofanare in factdue to foreigninfluence, to
whichthe hillmenhave beetnsubmittedfora considerableperiod. It has longbeen
known that the southern Barabra of Dongola Province are keen traders,indeed,
the traveller in Kordofan soon comes to recognizethat these folkhave exerted a
sustainedand increasinginfluencefora considerabletime. As mightbe expected
this influenceis most mnarked in the north,whereimportantsettlementsof Barabra
have long existed,but thereis not the least doubtthat it has penetratedto a degree
not commonlyrealizeddeep into the heart of Kordofan,and it is this pacificand
inercantilepenetrationwhich, in my opinion,must be held responsibleforthe
similaritiesthathave been discoveredin the Berberineand Nuba languages.
In support of this view, which as far as I know has not been put forward
before,I woulddrawattentionto thefollowingextractsfromMr. H. A. MacMichael's
recentworkuponi the tribesof NorthernKordofan. It must be rememberedthat
the author is concernedwith the historyof the more importanttribesof the
province,not withthe peacefulpenetrationof communitiesof traders,so that the
followingpassages are of additionalweightas showingthe influenceexertedon the
formerby the immigrantBarabra.
The oldest referencegiven by MacMiclhaelis froinEl Tunisi,to the effectthat
Hashim,whomhe describesas the " most powerfiulman in Northeriiand Central
Kordofan,"collected an armyof 10,000 inen,chieflyDanagla, Shaigia,Kababish,
and Rizeiggat. to in-vadeDarfur.2 This was about 1784-5; Hashirnwas drivento
Sennar by Tirab of Darftr, and MacMichael, in his accountof Tirab's victorious
return,notes," It was at this time too that Bara, built originallyby Danagla, was
beautifiedwith treesand gardens."'
The next mentionof the Danagla appears to be by Ruppell who, writingin
1829, says that the inhabitantsof thejibal Haraza, Um )Durrag,and Abu Hadid are
1 Thus Sornaband Hakmab amongthe Danagla, and Hassanab, Sukarab,Kamlab,Deshab,

etc.,amongthe Mahas.
2 The Tribesof Ntorthern
and CentralKordofan,pp. 13 and 14.
3 Op.cit.,p. 15.

lla2nitic Problemin the Anglo-EgyptianSudan. 621
a mixture of Nuba and Dongolawi.1 The account of El Obeid as it existedin

1838-9, given by Pallme, statesthat afterthe Turks took the place theyrebuiltit
in six portions,one of which was set apart for the Danagla and otherforeign
merchants.2 The formerwereprotJgJs of the Turks,and largelyemployedby them
in the administration. Practicallyall the export trade was in their hands,and
they also tradedforslaves and ivorywith the southernmountains. Besides these
Danagla were commonlyappointed paramount sheykhs(sheykhel mnashaikh)of
districts,and when this officewas abolishedthe nazir who took theirplace were
still oftenDanagla.3
The evidenceof the inhabitantsof Jebel Midob,a massif of considerablesize
in the territoryof the Sultan of Darfurseveral days' journey west of theKordofan-
Darfur border, is particularlyconvincing, These folk say that they are the
descendantsof an ancientcolonyof Mahass and Danagla who travelledwestwards
from the Nile.- Some of them told Mr. MacMichael that theirfellowswho had
visited the river found that their language greatly resembled the Mahass and
Danagla dialectsand instancedthe wordkosi,meaninga woodenfoodbowl,"in the
tongueof MIdob and of the old inhabitantsof Dongola."4
It seems, then, that therecan be no doubt as to the widelyspread influence
exertedby the Danagla; except in the extremesouth,theywent all over Kordofan
as traders,settledas cultivatorsand took so many Nuba womento wifethat it is
scarcely an exaggerationto say that local small mixed races were produced. It is
surelythis immigration whichhas led to thoselikenesses to the Berberinedialects
which exist in vocabularies obtainedfromthe hillmen of Northernand Middle
Dar Nuba.5
In 1910 Mrs. Seligmanncollectedvocabulariesand obtaineda certainamount
of grammaticalinformation concerningthe languagesspoken by seven communities
in SouthernDar Nuba,viz.,Talodi,Lafofa,Eliri, Tumtum,Kanderma,and Kawama.6
1 Quoted by MacMichael,op. cit.,p. 86,footnote. Writingof Jebel Tubr at tbe present

day MacMichael says (op. cit.,p. 101), " The Nuibaof Abu Tubr containsomeelementsof the
sameDongolhwiblood as is founid at El Haraza."
2 Travelsin Kordofan, p. 258 (London,1844).
3 MacMichael,op. cit.,p. 34. 4 MacMichael,op. cit.,p. 103.
6 Dar Nuba at the present day maybe takento extendover2JOoflatitudefrom12i?N. to
100 N. Northof 12?foreigninfluenceis pronounced, even in Bruce's time JebelTegele and
JebelDaier had been alternatelyoverrunfromDarfurand Sennarand had furnished a garrison
to the latterprovince,or kingdomas it then was. Mrs. Seligmann'smaterialwas collected
fromthe hills south of theeleventhparallelwhich,except in the case ofa group(comprising
thejibal Funigor, Nyaro,Kau, Wernia,and Gedir)lyingwestof Melut on the White Nile, have
beenlittlesubjectedto foreigninfluence. The inhabitantsofthe hillslyingbetweentheeleventh
and twelfthparallels,thoughless sophisticated thantheirnorthernneighbours, are by no means
as u*naffected
as the hillmenfurther south. It is probablethatthismiddlezone -willyieldmore
materialofculturaland linguisticinterestthan any otherpartof Kordofaln.I have been told
that vocabulariescollectedin this area containwordssimilarto thosefoundin Barabra,and it
seemspossiblethateven grammaticalresemblances maybe found.
6 "Note on the Languagesofthe Nubas of SouthernKordofan" in Zeitschrift fiurKolontial-
sprachen,vol. i, pp. 167-188(Berlin,1910-1911).

Lafofa. Kaiiderrna. Kawama. Jebel Daier.1 Koldadji2 (R
Oiie ... ... dileti kene' wggaltgru belr... ... ... ber
Two ... ... bate6ran ... k.rievan... ... uten ... orr6 ...
.... ora ...
Three * .
... batddan .... | ... rscin ... toli ... todju * ... toju
Four .. kjka m... mal

... kuora .. ..k-endjo, kemnevjo... kcenzo
Five - grigum ... the'ne ... todene ... tishu .. . tisz6 *--|
Six ... diledidenit r.....re-n ... n'rghdl ... kordj. ... farzo ...
Seven bate'randidenit .... me

a. nc'vyiit ... ku2ritori
... k... kolatt ... falat
R,ight | batadan didenit . 665 ... dubo .iddu ... ... ebdo
Nine .... kka didenit ... theneemalu todenokurio oit ... ... ... wet ...
(? todenokwio)
Ten ... terum ... otri ... ... di ... b...
..ur t-b ...
... b2re
Eleven ... ornikene'...

terurwmdiledinenit(?) ... di nogote ... burelberko... ... bure berko
Twelve ... - oi kere'an

or| ... di 2cten ... bure are ... ... butreorakon
Thirteen ... - b- ure tudjut ... butretojukon
Fourteen ... - k-- urekendjo ... buie kenjuko
Twenty ... ... terur nia terum ... or. na ker&an ... duriduten. ... tarbe ... *-- bure edukon
Thirty ... ... - burra burra toju ... bure bure ed
Forty ... ... - b6rra burrakendjo bure buie to
1
Werner Munzinger, OstafrikanischeStudien, p. 550.
2 MIunzi
Nuba-Sprache, p. 34; this columlngives the Mahas dialect, the words fo
3 Leo Reinisch, Grammatikdekr
the suffix-a,

Hamitic Problemin the Anglo-EgyptianSutdant. 623
The structureof the languageof thesesouthernNuba is altogetherunlike that

of the Berberinedialects; in the lattergrammaticalchanges,bothinnounsand verbs,
are producedby suffixes, in the Nuba this is done by initial change. Moreover,in
the latter,alliterativeassonanceprevailsto a considerableextent,e.g.,the plural of
6alanga jote tEliri),a good club, is malanga mote. Turningto vocabularyand for
the momentneglectingKawarma,the mostthat can be said fromthe point of view
of affinitywith Barabra is that thereare a fewwordsscatteredin the lists which
mightbe connectedwithNubian or Arabic. Kawama is the mostnorthernof the
languagesinvestigatedand is spokennot only on Jebel Kawama but also on Jebel
Shwai and Jebel Heiban, both well northof the eleventhdegreeof latitude. This
language shows a decided Berberineinfluence; the positionmay perhapsbest be
made clear by a considerationof the numerals. Talodi, Eliri, and Tunitum have
special words for the firstfive numeralsbut form 6 by 5 + 1, 7 by 5 + 2, etc.
This is not a Berberinecharacteristic, though,as pointedout to me by Mr. F. LI.
Griffith,Kawama showsa decided Berberineinfluence,especiallyin the agreement
of the initial soundsin the words. The numeralsgiven by iRussegger forKoldadji
(nearly 12? N.), and by MunzingerforJebel Daier (about 121? N.), are printedfor
comparisonin the table opposite.
Using the numeralsas a testit is obviousthatthereis the greatest difference
betweenthe languagesspokenby the Nuba of Southern and NorthernKordofan,
and we may say that whereasthe formerare unlike each otherand do notresemble
Berberine,the latter closelyresembleeach other and in some cases at least are
identicalwith Berberine. Moreover,lest it should be suggestedthatthesefactsare
not due to immigrantinfluencefromii the north,but to a primarydivisionof the
Nuba of Kordofaninto two greatlinguisticgroups,I may once moreemphasizethe
multiplicityof lancruagesfoundin Dar Nuba (Southern Kordofan)' and the fact
recordedby Munzinger2that,despiteRussegger'sassertion,the languageof Tegele
in NorthernKordofanhas nothingin commonwiththe dialectsof Jebel Daier and
Jebel Kulfan.
Finially,referencemay be made to the numeralsof the people of JebelMidob3
who,as has beeii stated(supra p. 621), regardthemselvesas descended,at least in
part;fromimmigrantBarabra. From the numerals given below it will be seen
that thereis close resemblancenot only in manyof the lowernumeralsbut also in
the methodof formationof the highernumerals.
Jebel Midob. Barabra.

One ... pirrki ... .wer or ber.
Two ... ... uddi .. ... ... owi or 'uwo.
Three ... ... tasi ... ... ... toskior tusko.
I B. Z. Seligniann,op. cit., p. 168, cf. also Captain Watkiss Lloyd in the Geographical
Journal,1910,vol. xxxv,p. 262. Studien,p. 5651.
2 Ostafrikanischen
3 H. A. MacMichael, "Notes on the Zaghawa and the People of Gebel Midob,"Journ.
Anthrop.Inst.,vol. xlii,1912,p. 339.

624 C. G. SELIGMANN.-Somte Aspectsof the
Jebel Midob. Barabra.

Four ... . eg ... ... ... kenisi.
Five .. ... techior dechi ... ... digi.
Six ... ... korrchi... ... ... gorgi.
Seven ... ... ollotti ... ... ... kolodi.
Eight ... idi ... ... ... idni.
Nine ... ... ukuddi ... ... ... eskodior osicoda.
Ten' ... ... timmigi... ... ... dimninz.
Eleven ... tinmmigOrdborchirredi ... dimtewera.
Twelve ... tornoddi... ... ... dimeuqvo.
Thirteen ... selddsi ... ... dimetusko.
Nineteen ... selukoddi ... ... dimeoskodac.
Twenty ... sheddedi .. ... aro.
Thirty... ... tudasi ... ... ... ir toski.
Forty ... ... tuegi ... ... ...i r kiis.
Fifty ... ... tudechi ... ... ir digi.
Sixty ... ... ...
tugorrchi ... . . irgorgi.
Ninety ... tu iukoddi ... ... ir isk5di.
Hundred ... ir.mmil... ... ... 'i,mil.
The factthat theNegroes who came into Nubia were in the majorityof cases,
perhaps always beforePtolemaic times,of the shortrelativelybroad-headedtype'
may have some bearingon the Barabra problem. At the present day the nearest
representatives of the shortmesaticephalicNegrois to be foundin thesouthof the
Bahr el-Ghazal Province,in the neighbourhood of the affluents
of the head waters
of the Bahr el-Ghazal and the Congo,perhapsextendingilorthwardsto the head
waters of the Shari affluents. Thus between these Negroes and Nubia there
intervenethe Dinka and allied tribes in the swamps of the Bahr el-Ghazal and
White Nile, and the Nuba and Arab tribesof the steppesand jibal of Kordofan
and the southernportionof the Libyan desert. This cannothave been the case in
the thirdmillenniunlB.C. when all, or almostall, the Negroeswho canmeintoNubia
were shortand relativelybroad headed. In otherwords,at the time when Nubia
was exertingpressureon Egypt,the tall Nilotes,themost northern Negroesof the
Nile Valley at the presenttime,had not occupiedthe area in whichtheyare found
to-day. We may indeed inferthat the comingof the tall Nilotes to their present
territoryoccurredduringor later than the secondmillenniumB.C., indeed,I believe
that culturalevidencecould be adduced to show that theywere notin Nubia before
thistime. I wouldeven suggestthat it was thepressureexertedby thetall Negroes
of the south that led to the centuriesof fightingon the southernborderof Egypt.
But even if this view be regarded as fanciful there can be no doubt that in
Ptolemaictimestherewere tall, relativelylong-headedNegroeson the hills in the
1 Archceologicatl
Surveyof Nubica,BulletinsIII, p. 27, and IV, p. 20.

Hamitic Problemint the Anglo-EgyptianSudan. 625
neighbourhood of the Blue Nile some 150 miles southof Khartum. Mr. H. S.
Wellcome,digging at Jebel Moya, has discoveredone or morelarge cemeteriesof
these people whose physicalcharactershave been describedbyDr. Derryin a paper
read beforethe AnthropologicalInstitute.' Althoughseveralhundredgraveswere
opened only a few bodies were in sufficiently good conditionto allow an adequate
osteological examination to be made. These, however, enabled Dr. Derry to
determinethat he was dealingwith the remainsof a tall, coarsely-builtNegrrorace
withextraordinarily massivesktillsand jaws. Dr. Derryconsideredthatin general
appearancethese folkresembledthe coarser typeof Nuba of South Kordofan,and
comparedthemwith the men (Nos. 8 and 9) shown in Plate XXXV of my paper
on the Nuba2 who,like the Jebel Moya skeletons,appear to have particularlylarge
faces in relation to the size of the skull. I agree with Dr. Derry in these
conclusionsthe morereadilyas I had on quite other groundsconcluded that the
population of the hills between the White and Blie Niles at one time closely
resembledthe present-dayNuba of Southern Kordofan. Moreover,there is no
special reasonto suppose that the black tribeswho occupied the Nile Valley in
the neighbourhood of the confluenceof theWhite and Blue Niles in the eighteenth
dynastywere closelyakin to the Shilluk and Dinka of the present day. The fact
shown in numerous contemporarypaintings that they were bowmen seems to
differentiatethemfromthe Nilotes,while theiruse of throwing-sticks such as are
stillfoundamongthe Negroeslivingin the hills in the difficulthillycountrynorth
of the Sobat, rathersuggeststhat the Negroes,whomSenusertIII. forbadeto pass
his frontierand who were conquered by his successors,were akin to these'and to
the Nuba of Kordofan.
Nomad Arabs.
The westerndivision of easternitropical Africa,referredto on p. 596, is a
belt of countrylyingbetweenthe tenthand fifteenth parallel of northlatitudeand
stretchingfromthe Nile into Darfur.. It constitutes a vast plain dotted with
steep-sidedhills and rock masses which rise abruptlyand reach heights varying
froma fewhundredto over 2,000 feet. Some of thesejibal, suichas Jebel Eliri in
the south,are of considerablesize, while the Tegale massif in the northconstitutes
almosta miniaturerange. Moderatelyfertile,yet but sparselywateredeven in the
south,lthecountrybecomespoorerand driertowardsthe northtill beyondEl Obeid
thereis only steppe,forthe mostpart too poor to supporta sedentarypopulation.
1 Dr. Derry'spaper has not yetbeenpublished; the evidenceforthe date oftheseburialsis

the characterof the objects foundin the graves. These have been examinedby Professor
Petrie and brieflydescribedby Mr. Wellcome in the Proceedingsof theBritishAssociation
(SectionH), 1912.
2 Journ.Roy.Anthrop. Inst.,vol.xl, 1910. As pointedoutby Dr. Derrythe generalsimilarity
ofthe two groupsextendsto the C.I., thus JebelMoya c (16), C.I. 76-9,and Nuba c (32), C.I.
76-42. I do notwishto lay unduestresson this resemblance, but whenit is remembered that
the SouthernNuba are unusuallytall for Negroes,averagingabout 1 73 m.,with a maximum
of 1-90m.,it certainily
seemssignificant.

626 Aspectsof the
C. G. SELIGMANN.-Sorne
This passes by degreesinto the Bayuda Steppe and the Libyan Desert. The more
habitable part of thisvast area appears originallyto have been the homeof a race
of tall muscular Negroes who, in the majority of their physical and cultural
characteristics,are quite unlike the Nilotes. During the last few hundred years
thesepeople have been drivento take refugein the hills,iaintaining themselves
moderatelywell in the south,thoughin the norththeyhave been exterminatedor
absorbedinto the mass of NegroidArabs that formsthe sedentarypopulation of
NorthernKordofan and Darfur. In short,the whole of the western divisionof
easterntropicalAfrica constitutesthe headquartersof the Sudanese " Arab,"and
it is theirtribesthat must now be considered.
The Bayuda Steppe and the farnorth-westbeyondJebel Kaja is the home of
the nomad tent-dwelling, camel-owninigArabs of whom the Kababish and the
Kawahla are the two strongesttribes,but these grazeand water theirherds over a
considerable area to the south and east, rich enoug,hto sustain a fairly large
sedentary population. Southwards,where the soil is more fertile,the camel is
replacedbythe ox and theland is occupiedforthemostpartby cattle-owning tribes,
collectivelyspokeniof as Baqqara. In the extreme south,round the base of a
number of the hills,thereare communitiesof mixed Arabic-speakingblacks who
call themselvesArabs,but who are almost entirelythe descendantsof slaves who
revolted and fledfromtheirArab mastersa few generationsago. These Negroids
lack Arab exnterprise and vigour, though they still speak of themselvesby the
namesofthetribestheyformerly served. Considerinaonlythesedentarypopulation
it mav be said that theybecomedarkerskinnedand more Negroidfromnorth to
south,thoughthereare exceptionsto this rule. Thus the Gawama livingnorthof
El Obeid are darkerand perhapshave coarserfeaturesthan othertribesnear them
to whomtheyperhapsshow less resemblancethan theydo to the Baqqara and the
Negroids of Darfur.' No furtherreferenceneed be made here to thesedark-
skinnedinhabitantsof Souithernl Kordofan and Darfur,since,as far as is known,
theyexhibitno evidence of Hamitic influencecomparablein degreeto thatexerted
upon the less Negroidpopulationto the north.
The camel-owningnomadshave a farsmallerinfusionof Negro blood,though
the amountvaries fromtribeto tribeand even in different divisionsof the same
ribe,the richestdivisions,i.e.,those possessingmost slaves,tendingto containthe
highestproportionof numberswith Negro or Negroidfeatures.2 The figuresgiven
on p. 630, and thephotographsreproducedon Plate XXXVII, willgive some idea of
the appearance of the nomad Arabs. But howevermuch Negro blood may have
modified their physique, the black element has exerted amazingly little
influenceon their culture and mode of life. An examillation of the camp
furnitureof the richest divisionof the Kababish showed that the only distinctly
1 Jtdgingfromthe natives of Darfur met in the Sudan the mass of the folk of the
Suiltanatecan have but littleArab bloodin theirveins.
2 Owing to the Mohammedanlaw that the son ofa slave or concubine takeshis father's
c;tatus,pronouncedNegroidsmaybe quite important membersof a division. Thus,theNegroid

HacmiticProblemin the Anglo-EgyptianSudan. 627
Negro objects which played any constalntpart in the life of the tribe were
a number of the big, wooden drums commonly called nugcata. There were
a small number of large wooden food bowls traded northfromthe neighbour-
hood of Nahud which suggestedNegro influence, and a few oblong shields
resemblingthoseof the Nilotes,but fewmen possessedthese,nor were theyhighly
regarded. Potteryis not made by the nomadArabs,indeed,throughoutNorthern
Kordofanthe hill Negroids(such as the Zaghawa) seem to have the monopolyof
its production. Nor do the nomadsmnakeroundtentsor shelters,but retain the
old rectangularArab shape foreven theirsmalleststructures. The customof the
sedentaryArabs is the reverse. Even among such northerntribes as the Dar
Hamid, upon whose territorythe Kababish and Kawahla graze their herds, the
homestead consists of a number of round tn/cl,the only reminiscenceof the
old rectangdlartentbeingthe flat-roofed, oblongrekubaforming an entranceto one
of the tukl. It is in this rekuba,built usually of drygrass or dura stalks,thatthe
masterof the house lives and receiveshis coimpanions.
In NorthernKordofanthe life of the nomad Arabs, thoughpastorallike that
of the Beja of the Red Sea Province,differsfromthe latter on accountof the
severityof the dry season and theorganizedeffort that is requiredto meet it. The
movementsof families are no casual wanderings,nor are independentgroupsof
tentsto be foundscatteredoverthecountry,but all movementstake place enmasse.
Nothing is left to chance,no "here to-day and gone to-morrow," no tentsshifted
silently in the night as is so often supposed. The whole life of the tribeis
regulatedbythe supplyof grass and waterformenand cattle,and it is onlyduring
the short wet season that there is a completefreedomof moveniert within the
tribal boundaries. Thus, although the khaiif bringsits toll of fever,' it is the
favouriteseason withthe Kababish, forthen freshgrass is to be foundeverywhere
and waterlies on the ground. The comparativediscomfort of life duringtherains,
when all valuables must be broughtinto the centre of the tent under the ridge
pole, when the tent must be made smaller so that the rain may run offthe steep
sides,and the hegil, or marriagetent,cannotbe used,is nothingto themcompared
with the delightof havingfreshgrass forthe cattle.
At the close of the wet season the sheykhof each sectionsends out scouts
to find out where there is most water. There are certainiknown futla, slight
old man whosephotographis reproducedin Plate XXXVII, fig.7, is the leader of one ofthe
mostimportant,and, as far as the paternalline goes,one of themostaristocratic sectionsof
the Nurab divisionof the Kababish. And thoughthisfamilyis at preseint somewhatunder a
cloud on accountofits adhesionto the Mahdi at a timewhenthe old sheykhofthetribe,Salid
Bey Fadlullah,remainedloyal, there is a good deal of whisperingand speculationas to what
may happen at the deathof the presentsheykh. As a matterof factthe successionseemswell
establishedin the presentline,aiid a splitresultingin theformationofa new divisionis a great
deal morelikelythana changein the rulingfamily.
1 Malaria seems to be by no meansuncommon duringand afterthe rains,but it does not
seem to be severe and the chroniccases wllichcame fortreatment wereall benignquartan.
Nevertheless,it is said thata fewchildrendie each year offever.

628 Aspectsof the
depressionswitha clayeybottom,in which the waterlies forsome time,thoughin

none of these (in NorthernKordofan)does the waterlast throughout the dryseason,
and in most of the sandywadies the surfacewater disappearsas soon as the rains
are over. Great care mtustbe exercised in choosingthe summerquarters,so that
there mnay be reasonablehope of sufficientwaterforthe dry sea-son.
The countryroundShowa,wherethe Nurab divisionof the Kababish formed
theircamp for the winterof 1911-12, is typicalof WesternKordofan,a slightly
undulatingplain,generallysandy or stony,thoughin partsrockyand coveredwith
coarsegrassand thornykitrbtnsh. Low rangesof rockyhills rise abruptlyout of the
plain and drystream-beds intersectit. The betterfavouredof thesewadies are lined
with heglik(BalanitesAlgyptiaca)trees,withan occasionalgaunt tebaldi(Adansonia
digitata). Such a wady had been taken by the Nurab; the tents all facedsouth
and many had the sides built up with wood,an arrangeinentwhichkeeps out the
wind,and in additionforums a readysupplyof fire-wood. This was in the cold season
when a bitterwind blew fromthe north. AfterFebruary,when the hot weather
begins,the roofsof the tentsare usually raised, and the open frontbuilt up with
wood,leaving only a doorway; sometimesextra mats are hung up to keep out the
sun. The tents stretchedfor about a mile along the wady. Any man who hiad
Wpore than one wifeprovideda tent foreach; the concubinesof richmen also had
theirtents,those ofthe wives always beingin front, i.e.,south ofthe others. There
were also tentsforslaves and zaribasforthe horses. The head of everyfamilyhad
his retinueliving to the east of him,thencame the tentsof his brothersand near
relatives. Besides those in the main wady therewere outlying groups of tents
wherevera fewtreesaffordedshelter. Two small and ratherpoor sectionswere
encamped within a mnileof the Nurab feriq and the Berara section was about
6 miles off.
On leaving the Nurab encampment,tracks were seen leading fromevery
direction,for about 11 miles away lay the Showa wells where all watered their
flocks. The wells probablynumbereda hundred,each being about 2 feetacross
with no kind of barrieraroundthem,the sides strengthenedby mud and wattle.
Here and thereamongthe treeswere roughhuts built by thosewho broughttheir
cattle fromsuch a distance that they were obliged to spend the night before
returning. The busiesttirneat the wellswas always about noon,forto drinkdeep
the cattle musthave thewaterwarin. Shallowtroughswerepuddledout overnight
or earlyin the morningbeside the wells,and men and women,Arabs and slaves,
workedcontinually, loweringwide-mouthedskins and fillilng thesepools or pouring
the water into skins to load upon donkeys or camels. In the middleof January,
cows and goats were beingwateredeverythirdday,sheep everyfifth, horsesevery
day, and camels,kept forconveniencenear theferiq,only drankonce in telndays.
But the main wealth of the tribe,the large herdsof camels with young,were all
awayin the waterlesswastes of the north-west wherethe groundis coveredwiththe
wintergrass called gizzu. The camels and some sheep stay here fortwo or three
months,roughlyfromNovemberto February,duringwhichtimetheyare entirely

withoutwater. The herdsmenlive on camel'smilk,but this may be supplemented

by a littlecornand water broughtfromthe nearestsettlements. Mr. MacMichael
states that the beasts return fromtheirwinter grazingfat and in excellentcon-
dition,while the Arabs all say that not only do theykeep well duringthe herding,
but theyrecognizethatto accompanythe flocksnorth-westis the correcttreatment
forweaklyyouthsand children.
But to returnto the wells,the wisdoinof the Kababish in buildingtheirferiq
some distancefromthe wateris realizedwhen the enormousflocksand herdsdriven
there are seen, and it is easy to understand how the soil becoines fouled.
Naturallywhen a divisionfirstsettlesthe cattle feed near,but soon everyblade of
grass in the vicinityof the feriq is devouredand nothingbut sand and dry thorn
bushes remain. So the cattle mustgo fartherand fartherafield,even at somerisk,
as when certainBerara men who took theirsheep 60 miles away wereraided from
Jebel Midob over the Darfur border. In the Nurab section Arab women were
never seen working or tendingthe cattle, though in other sections,less well
provided with slaves, the woinen -wouldoftengo with the cows aindmake butter,
diaw water,grinddura,and take part in all otherheavy work. They do not herd
the cainels, as camel's mnilkis said not to agree with women; cow's milk is
consideredbest for themas it is richer,and goat's milk is preferredforchildren.
At the end of the season the camp is shifted,each da'n keepingtogether. A da'nw
consistsof a man and wifeor wives,children,and retainers, includingall slavesand
freedmen under his protection. The cattle are driven in front,then followthe
camels bearingthe women,each of whom,if her husbandis richenough,reclinesin
her utfa. These are in the nature of a litter and the camels carryingtheiiiare
coveredwithheavy leathertrappingsand certainelaborateceremonialbasketwork
and leather vessels. The eldest daughterrides in her tongoa,a sort of cradle
perched high}above the camel's back and usually more richly decked than her
mother's. The baggagecamels plod along,while the menmountedon theirtrotting
camels superintendthe caravan, The big drums called nugara are carriedon
camels in the sheykh's da'n and beforesunset the a'adie, fouirclear strokes,is
sounded; then all da'n must line up and take theirplaces forthe night. In the
morninlgthe camp is rousedby the dib,one strokerepeatedat iiitervalsof a few
minutes,and in a shorttimeeach da'ntis again upon its way. The marchis usually
continuedfor about ten hours without a break, but with heavily laden camels
the pace is slow. This mode of travel continuesuntil the winter quarters are
reached.
In additionto the wells that the nomadsdig forthemselveseach year thereare
a fewpermanentwells such as Bir Soderi at the footof Jebel Kaja. The making,
cleaning,and usingof such wells was oftenthe cause of tribaldisturbancesin old
timesand even now is a fruitfulsource of bad feeling.
A fairestimateof the physicalcharacteristics of the menmbersof such a tribe
as the Kababish may be gathered fromthe photographson Plate XXXVII which
will show the large amountof variationthat occurs. Skins of all colours may be
VOL. XLIII. 2 T

630 C. G. SELIGMANN.-SOrMeAspectsof the
seen,fromthe lightestwheatento a fairlydarkbrown-black, and the noses of these

people may presenteverycharacterexcept excessivebreadth; norcan the shape of
the nose and the darknessof the skin be said to be closely co-related. Thus the
ruling familyhas for generationsbeen particularlydark-skinned,so, too,is the
presentsheykhAli Tom (Plate XXXVII, Fig. 5), yet this man's nose and the noses
of a numberof his dark-skinnedrelativesare well forined,withhigh bridges and
thinnostrils. It shouldbe notedthat round-headedindividualsare foundin small
numberand also, but quite rarely,individualsare seen withwell-markedArmenoid
(" Jewish") noses,the latter,indeed,mayoccurin individualswithquite long heads.'
The followingindiceswill give some idea of the generalaverage of the tribe; it is
interestingto note that there does not appear to be any substantial difference
betweenthe main body of the tribe in Kordofan and the outlying,more or less
sedentarymembersof the tribesin the neighbourhood of Dongola.2
No. C.T. N.I. F.I. Stature.
Kababish of
Kordofan ... 15 74-13 702-
Kababish of
Dongola ... 9 74-5 68 9 =
Total ... ... 24 74-29 69-7 88 83 1709

(? 35) (?1+O4) (?+67) (?8)
An examination of the mode of life and customs of these people shows,

however,that theyhave been profoundlyaffectedby some foreign,i.e.,non-Arab,
influence.
The Kababish are the strongrest of the nomad camel-owningArabs of the
and theirmannersand customs
Sudan, probablytheyare also the leastsophisticated,
may be taken as typicalexamplesof those existingamong the least contaminated
nomads. Althoughtheydo not forma homogeneouswhole derived froma single
ancestor,the several elements which have ernteredinto the comnposition of the
tribe are perhapsless contaminatedwith Negro blood than those composingany
otherArab tribesin the Sudan. Nor do these elements differradically in their
composition,being determinedlargrelyby political considerationsand further
complicatedby questions of grazing and wateringrights. This was well shown
duringthe Mahdia, when the divisionsthat had been living long togetherforthe
1 The co-existenceof even extremelong-headednessand a "Jewish" nosemaybe noted

amongJewsin thiscountryat the presentday,but it is by no meanscommon.
2 The latter were measuredby Mr. 0. Atkey,F.R.C.S., and the measurements sentto
Dr. Duckworth,whomI take thisopportunity of thankingforallowingme to use them.

in the Anglo-Lgqyptian
HarmiticProblem? Sudan. 631
mostpart stayedwiththeirsheykh,Salih Bey Fadlulla, and even afterhis execution

refusedto have anythingto do withthe Khalifa. As a rule the other divisions
and tribeswho had joined the Kababish, in order to enjoy their privileges,broke
away and joined the revolt. AfterOmdurmansome,like the Guhaynaand Berara,
againjoinedthe Kababish, while others,suchas theKawahla and Shenabla,retained
theirindependence.'
The Kababish are dividedinto a numberof patrilinealdivisions called khasrn
heyt( ) manyof which are subdividedinto smallergroups or sections
(also often called khasrnbeyt),which, for the most part, include a number of
families,using the wordfamilyin a ratherextendedsense.
A list of the tribesand subdivisionsof the Kababish as they exist at the
presentday is givenby MacMichael.2 On examiningthis listit will be seen that
out of the names of all the divisionsand subdivisions,80 in number,no less than
24 end in -ab, the affixwhichin the To Bedawi language signifies" sons of" or
" descendantsof." This alone would suggestthe existenceof a strongBeja element
in the tribe,a presumptionconfirmedby the fact that some of these names are
identical with those of certain of the divisionsof the Hadendoa and Amara. I
cannotsay how manysuch correspondences exist,but in the fewweeksthat I spent
among the Beja I found the followingnames of Kababish divisionsamong the
Hadendoa and Amara:
Hamdab, a Hadendoa division;
Balulab, a subdivisionof the Hadendoa divisionSherab;
Nurab,an Amara division;
Maniufalab,an Amara division.
To these thereshouldno doubt be added Bishariab, which can scarcely be
otherthan the Kababish Bisharab.
The Beja (Hamitic) elementin the Kababish,whichthese facts suggest,agrees
well withresultsof an examinationof the habitsand customsof the tribe. Three
culturestratacan be distinguished;a superficialincrustationof Islamic habitsand
beliefs superimposedupon a layer of pagan Arab customswhich itselfcovers a
third,slighterbut perfectlydefiniteculturestratum,characterizedby beliefs and
customswhich,there is everyreason to believe,belong to an older social fabric.
This can scarcelybe other than Hamitic,and in this stratumI would class the
mutilationof girls,discussedat some lengthbelow,3and the greatfeastheld about
a yearaftera death,at whichmourningis discarded.4
As faras I can determinethereis no evidenceas to the leng,thof time that
has elapsed sinie the Beja ancestorsof thesetribesjoined the Kababish, if indeed
theyjoined themdirectly,forit is by no means improbablethat theycame in after
1
H. A. MacMichael, op. cit., p. 177.
2 Op. cit., pp. 173-176.
3 Cf. p. 639 et seq.
4 Althoughthis ceremony is called Sadogah,it has retainedfeatureswhichlongantedate
Islam and whichas faras I can discoverare notpagan Arab.
2 T 2

632 Aspectsof the
sojourningwithsome of the moreeasterlyriveraintribesamongwhomnames with

the affix-ab are also found.' The fact that none of the divisionscited possess the
same camel brands(wasm) as theirsupposedeponymousBeja stocks may perhaps
indicate that theirabsorptioninto the Kababish took place more than about six
generationsago, the period at which,according to my experience,familyhistory
tendsto become franklymythic.
Nilotes and Half-Hamites.

Turningnow to the Negroidtribesamongwhomthereis evidence of Hamnitic
blood,the Nilotes call firstforconsideration. There can be no doubt that there is
a foreignnon-Negro element in the Shilluk,the most northernof the Nilotic
Negroids,and thoughthis foreignelementis not so obviousin the Dinka and Nuer
therecan be littlequestionthat it exists in themtoo. Their close relationshipto
the Shilluk in physiqueand culturewould seemto indicatethatthe same elements,
even if in somewhatdifferent proportions, have enteredinto all threetribes.2 The
Nuer and Dinka, indeed,stand so closelytogetherin social organization,including
totenmism and religiousbeliefs,that I look upon themas substantiallyone people
differinigperhapsno morefromeach otherthanotheradmittedlyDinka tribesdiffer
amongthemselves.
All are tall, long-headed,dark,woolly-hairedNegroids,theirskin showing,no
traces of the reddish or copper colour found in the shorterrounder-headed folk
livingin the south of the Bahr el-Ghazal Province in the neighbourhoodof the
Nile-Congowatershed. Althoughtheirfeaturesare usually coarse,and theirnoses
verybroad,being platyrrhineor hyperplatyrrhine, individuals occur even among
the Dinka and Nuer who are broadernosed than the Shilluk,with nasal indices
below 80, while amongthe Shilluk it is not uncommonto mieetmen, especially
members of the aristocracy,with shapely features,including thin lips, noses
that are anythingbut coarse,and well-modelledforeheads. I have no measurements
of men of this description, indeed,threeyears ago it was difficultto persuadethe
Shilluk in the neighbourhood of Fashoda to allow themselvesto be photographed,
and theywould not have toleratedbeing measured. However,the matter will be
clear by consideringthe photographsof Shilluk reproducedon Plate XXXVIII;
Figs. 3 and 4 representan average Shilluk adolescent,Figs. 1 and 2 representa
menmber of the aristocracyof the refinedtype,while Figs. 5 and 6 are photographs
of the coarsestShilluk I met,whose face,Negro ratherthan Negroid,would not be
out of place amonga collectionof West AfricanNegroes.
The following, accountshowsthattherefinedtypealso occursamnong theAnuak
of the Pibor River,a people closelyakin to the Shilluk. " The Anuak strike me
at firstsightas being a verymixed people,theyvarya greatdeal in colour and a
I There is a divisionamong the Kawahla that recognizesits Ababdeh origin,the two
peoples can scarcelyhave come into immediatecontactat any period subsequentto their
occupationof theirpresentterritories.
2 The existenceof an Hamiticelementin the Dinka was recognised Mochi
by in his paper
"Sull' Antropologiadei Denca,"Archivio e l'Etnologia,vol. xxxv,1805.
per l'Antropologia

HamniticProblemimn
the Anglo-EgyptianSudan. 633
good deal in feature,someoftheirfacesare startlinglyEuropean in theirregularity

of featureand breadth of forehead. I have never seen such intelligent-looking
natives. Some of themhave got remarkablyfinienoses with their thin nostrils
and lips, but theirfaces as a class seem to lack that hawk-likelook of crueltyso
noticeablein the good-lookinaJaalin Arabs.'
The followingtable gives theresultsof the chiefphysicalmeasurements which
can usefullybe representedby figures
No. C.I. N.L. F.I. Stature.
Nuier? ... ... 40 7355 100@08 83@16 1,796

(? 35) (?1?23) (?1P06) (?7)
Dinka3 ... 85 72-71 91-63 86-0 1,786
(? 20) (? 94) (? 57) (?6)
Shilluk4 ... 21 71P3 93-36 83-27 1,776
(?+44) (?166) (?129) (?9)
It will be seen that,broadly speaking,the membersof these tribesforma

fairlyhomogeneousgroup,the moststrikingfeaturebeing the differencebetween
the nasal index of the Nuer and the othertwo tribes. With regardto the slightly
higherindex forthe Shilluk than for the Dinka, thisis too small to be regarded
as significant,and I am inclined to think that it is accidental,due to the small
numberof Shilluk measured. Certainlythe impressionI gained fromassociating
with bothpeoples was that the Dinka were ratherbroader-nosedthan the Shilluk.
The viewthat the nasal index given forthe Shilluk is not trulyrepresentativeand
may be undulyhigh is confirmed by the larg,eerrorof the mean calculatedfor this
people, viz., 1P66as against the Dinka 94 (85 subjects)and the Nuer 1P23(40 sub-
jects).
As will be seen fromthe tables of measurementsgiven at the end of this
paper the actual rangeof variationis considerable,thus;even neglectingextremes,
1 This passage is an extractfroma letter fromCaptain A. G. Cummins, R.A.M.C., to

Major Lyle Cummiiis, R.A.M.C., to whomI am indebtedforpermission to quoteit.
2 Measured by the late Dr. A. M. Pirrie; the measurements oftwenty-seven ofthesehave
been publishedbyProfessor Waterston(op. cit.,p. 348),thoseoftheremaining thirteenaregiven
in AppeindixI at the end of thispaper.
3 The cephalicindex of the Dinka are takenfrom148 subjects,measuredby Pirrie,Mochi,
C. S. Myers,and myself,includingthe series of skulls broughttogetherby Mochias well as
those collectedby myself. The latterbelongedto membersof the Bor tribe. Two unitshave
been added to the C.I. of each skullto rendercranialand cephalicindicescomparable. The
statureis takenfrom116 subjects.
heregivenare fromthesmall seriesmeasuredby Myersand by Pirrie. The
4 The figures
N.I. of 11 onlycouldbe calculated; the F.I. is the averageof 19 and the staturethatof 14.

634 Aspectsof the
the C.I. of the Dinka varies between66 and 80, and the N.I. betweeni84 and 102.
Nevertheless,it does not appear thatthis betokensthat the infusionof foreignblood
is recent, on the contrarythe comparativelyuniformcondition of the Nilotic
peoples and theirculture,and the vast area over which they are spread,seem to
indicate that the foreign,non-Negroelementin thesepeople is of high antiquity.
This view is supportedby an examinationof the curvesof distributioni plottedfor
the C.I. and N.I. of the Nilotes. These curveshave been examinedforme by Dr.
Bowley,who reportsthat forthe Dinka the actual C.I. and N.I. curve closelyfits
the normal curve of distribution,so that he remarksthat if therehas ever been
any mixturethereappears to have been thoroughfusion.'
A good deal of interestattaches to the stature of this group,of the allied
Bahima and of the tribesof the Masai groupin East Africa; nor in considering
these is it possibleto leave aside the SouthernBantu (Ztulu-Kaffirs).The men of
all these tribesare tall, the Bahima are probablythe tallestmen in the world,2yet
all seem to have sprung fromthe fusion of the short,slim Hamite,3 and the
moderatelygrown,stoutly built forestNegro. As far as I have been able to
ascertain,the numerousbreedingexperimentson Mendelian lines that have been
carried on in recent years affordno parallel instance,indeed,nothingseems to be
knownof the conditionsproducingvariationsin size in animals.4 However,it is
worthnotingthat amongplants thereis at least one instancein whicha giant race
arose under experimentalconditionswithout any selectiveeffortdirectedtowards
its productionhaving,been made,5while theremay be an interestingparallel to the
stature of the Nilotes and relatedtribes in the resultof the union of the dwarf
procumbentpea (commolnlycalled the Cupid Pea) and the bushypea, the latter
being a stiffupright-growing plant of medium to shortstature: the firstgenera-
tion of hybridsare all giants.6
No doubt it was at a relativelyremoteperiodthat a people whomwe maycall
IDr. Bowley'sfiguresare givenin AppendixII.

2Professorvon Luschan (Appendix II, to Meinhof,Die SprachenderHam7ziten,p. 251)
statesthatthe Hima oftenexceed190 cm.in height,and speaksofthemas doubtlessthe tallest
men.
3 The statureof thepredynastic Egyptianswas scarcely65 inches(164 cm.),cf.supra,p. 607.
4 I purposelyleave out ofconsiderationindividualinstancesofgigantism(lue to diseaseof
the pituitaryglandand sporadicexamplesofconditionsassociatedwithnanismor infantilism due
to abnormalitiesin qualityor quantityof the internalsecretions.
6 In Primulasinensis,observedby Dr. F. Keeble; his experiments,cf. "Gigantismin
PrirMulasinensis,"Journal of Genetics,vol. ii, pp. 164-188, indicate not only that the giant form
whichbreedstrue arose froma normalstrainof knownpedigreebut lead him to state that
" Giantswhichbreedtruemaybe producedby crossingnon-giantracesofPrimulasinensis(op.
cit.,p. 187). It does notappear to me that the experimentscited (op. cit.,p. 180) uponwhich,
if I understandDr. Keeble rightly,this statementis based,are conclusive,thoughI thinkthey
mightbecomeso ifcarriedon fora fewgenerations;theycertainlyseemto pointinthisdirection.
It is noteworthy thatthesenon-giant(or at best semi-giant)raceshave been underobservation
foryearsand have neverproduceda giant.
6 Cf. Bateson,Afendel'sPrinciples of Heredity (1909),p. 19. I am inidebted to Dr. R. N.
Salaman fordrawingmyattentionto theseinteresting experiments.

proto-Hamites,movingin a predominantlysouthernand westerndirection,fused

withtheearlierdarkerinhabitantsofAfrica-Negroes and Negroids,includingin the
latter term Negrillos-to produce a number of peoples differingenormouslyin
physicalcharacters,but unitedin the possessionof a commonstocklanguagewhich
we now call Bantu. This view,advocated by Stuhlixmann' and developedon the
linguistic side by Meinhof,has been examinedat lengthby Father Hestermann.2
Much stress is laid upon the evidence offeredby the Ful, a people of mixed
Hamitic descent3whose tongue,spokenby scatteredcommunitiesfromSenegal to
Lake Chad, is Hamitic,butvaries fromall otherHamitic languages and resembles
the Bantu in manyways. Thus, substantivesare divided into classes and thereis
the same type of alliterativeconsonance.
Hestermannalso pointsoutthatthereareremarkableresemblancesin phonology
and that " thegenitiveconstructionwiththe demonstrativeof the governingnoun "
(Die Genitivkonstrulktionmit Demonst7ativdes Regens)4is formed exactly as in
Swahili.5 Other argumentsin favourof the mixed originof Bantu may be found
in the "Sudanese" (Negro) characteristicsretained in some Bantu languages.
Such Negro,i.e.,pre-Hamitic,charactersare the occurrenceof monosyllabicroots
and the comparativelyimportantpart played by musical tone; both these features
I Handwerkund Industriein Ostafrika, p. 7 (Hamburg,1910).
2 "Sprachen und Volkerin Afrika,"Anthropos, 1912, vii, pp. 219-250, and 1913, viii,
pp. 722-760. Meinhof'spointof view is givenby Hestermannin the followingquotation(op.
cit.,viii, p. 222). " As faras I can discoverthisexchangebetweenEamite and Negritocan be
clearlyseen in a numberof instancesand I am persuadedthattheoriginoftheBantulanguages
is mosteasilyexplainedthus,that one of the languagessimilarto the Ful arose as the master
language (Uierrenspratche) among the Negritoand assimilatedNegriticelements." It mustbe
remembered thatMeinhofand his schooluse NegritoforNegro.
3 Many of the Ful have much Negro blood in theirveins,the purest"cow-Fulani" of
Nigeria have been describedto me as an almost white-skinned peopleleadinga wandering
pastorallife.
4 As if in English for " houseof stone" we said " housethatstone,"i.e., " that house(is)
stone."'
5 Concerningthis point Mfr.Ray writesas follows: "I do not quite followthe argument
that in Ful thisis exactlythe same as in Swahili." Meinhofgivesin Ful:
(i) saurnnadi yamde,rod of iron(rod thisiron);
"(ii) pu?Cu gyulami'do,horseof the king(horsethisking);
"(iii) Wdendeanasara, moneyof the European(moneythisEuropean),"
and says," This construction again stronglyresemblesthe Bantu."
In the above Ful the nasal prefixis the essentialpart of the demonstrative, the du in
(i) agreeingwith ru in sauru,rod,the Mbin (ii) with 'a in pu6'u,horse,and the de in (iii) with
the de in 6ede,money. But I do notfindexactlythe samein Swahili:
(i) ndeyeza anga, birdsofair;
(ii) loiticha sultani,chairofsultan;
(iii) mikate wa vatoto, bread of children.
Here a is the possessiveword " of,"the z in (i) agreeswith the n in ndege,birds,the ch
in (ii) with ki in kiti,chair, and w in (iii) with m in vikate,bread. Moreoverthereis no
demonstrative used. (In Swahili the corresponding demonstratives wouldbe (i) hizi,1iAyo
or ile;
(ii) hiki,hichoor chile; (iii) k'au,huo or 'le.)
A personalpronounmaybe used in Swahili foremphasisas in hciti chakesultani,chair it of
him (ke) sultan (i.e., the sultan's own chair).

636 C. G. SELIGMANN.-SOMe
Aspectsof the
occurin Duala, a Bantu languagespokenin the Cameroonsby a people occupying

the north-westernedge of the Bantu area, i.e., a portionin which the Hamitic
influencemiglhtbe expectedto be comparativelyslight.
Doubtless the proto-Hamitescame in a series of waves spread over a long
period of.years, and there must have been unendingvariations in the stocksto
whichtheygave rise,and in the peoples who sprangfromthe fusionof these,even
as at the presentday the Bantu differenormouslyamolngthemselvesin physique
and culture. Justas the Bantu arose seeminglyas the resultof the interactionof
proto-Hamite and Negro so, we may be certain,therearose tribesand peoples of
mixed blood who, in spite of minor modificationsand the introductionof some
foreignelements,retainedtheirold Africantongues. If, as seems reasonable,these
tribesare at the presenttime representedby the Nilotes and the half-Hamites,
then the similaritiesbetween these people on the one hand and theirundoubted
resemblanceto the Bantu on the other are easily and logicallyexplained. We
cannot at presentjudge whether the main interactionswhich gave rise to the
Nilotes took place at approximatelythe same periodas thoseto whichtlheBantu
owe theirorigin,but in supportof the suggestionthat parts at least of these two
great stocks may have arisen at about the same time, I would referto the close
resemblance in the social organizationand religion of the Zulu-Kaffirand the
1Dinka.' This is not the place to go illto thismatterin detail; I will only mention
the totemismof bothpeoples,the importanceof rainmakers,and the comparatively
small cult of the highgods compared withthat of ancestralspirits. With regard
to the cult of the latterthe sirnilarityin the ideas of Zulu and Dinka is amazing.
A distinct mental efforthas at times been necessarywhen readina Callaway's
"ReligiousSystemof the Amazulu" to rememberthat it was not an account by
anothertravellerof the beliefsthat I had foundamongthe Din1m. I will go even
furtherthan to urge the uniformorigin,within broad limits, of the Nilotes,the
half-Hamitesand the Southern Bantu,and will suggestthat it is on account of
Hamitic influencethat the fetishism,polytheismand human sacrificesfoundin
West Africa scarcelyoccuramongthe peoples now underconsideration.2Yet in
1 The likeness of Nilote and Kaffiris not limited to social organization and religion. The
refinedtype of Shilluk shown in Plate XXXVIII, Figs. 1 and 2, is matched by the photograph
of a Zulu girl with a narrow face and straight,high-bridged nose, published by von Luschan (op.
cit., Plate X). It must be remembered that it is by no means uncommon to find among the
Zulu-Kaffir individuals with narrow, or even high-bridged noses, thin lips, relatively light skin
colour, and hair that is by no means woolly. Von Luschan, who estimates that he has
observed more or less closely some 5,000 Zulu and other Kaffirs, says that of this number
23, i.e., nearly 5 per cent., showed a combination of a number of these characters.
2 This view is in direct opposition to that ptutforward in 1911 by Dr. Wallis Budge in
Osiris andc the Egyptian Resurrection. Dr. Budge regards the predynastic Egyptians as
cannibals, with the same lust for human flesh that is found in the savages of Equatoria at
the present day, and states that, like the latter, "the primitive Egyptians were in the habit
of burying slaves alive in the graves of great kings and chiefs" (op. cit., p. xxii), while even in
the fourthdynasty he speaks of the sacrificeof " countless human beings " (op. cit., p. xxiii), in
the Sun temples at Abii-Sir. Granting, for the sake of argument, that Dr. Budge has adduced.

Haciitiic Problenvin the Anglo-EgyptianSudan. 637
spite of the coinmonoriginof thethreepeoplesit does not seem possibleat present

to produLce evidenceof technicalprocessesor implementscommonto all, or even to
both Nilotes and SouthernBantu,whichcan be referred to early Hamitic influence.
Such cultural charactersas they have in commonseem to belong rather to the
black elementwhichoccurs ili both. Moreover,these pointsof resemblanceseem
to be negative rather than positive. Thus, consideringthe Nilotes and Zulu-
Kaffirs,coveringin the males is entirelyabsent,or exists onlyin so rudimentary a
formas the protectionworniover the glans penis by the Zulu; nor do either folk
mtutilate theirgirls.' Of weapons,tlhethrowing-stick is absent frombothpeoples,
aiid probablythe same may be said of the bow.2 There are, however,a fewpoints
of positive resemblance; neither Zulus nor Nilotes despise handicrafts,indeed,
skilled workmenare appreciatedby both people.3 Again the shieldsof Zulu and
Nilote are oblong and made of skin,thioughhere the resemblance ends,4and both
have wooden clubs thouah the Zulus habitually throwtheirs and the Nilotes
do not.
Our knowledgeof the half-Hamitesis curiouslyincompleteconsideringhow
extensivelysome of these tribes have come into,contact with Europeans of late
years,and the amountof printedmatterthat is concernedwith them. Neverthe-
comparisonscan be made withthe Beja and even with the
less, certaininteresting
Nilotes. Physically they appear to resemble the latter more closely than the
formerin spite of theirsomewhatshorterstature and lightercolour,though even
in physicalchai'actersevidenceseems to be somewhatcontradictory.Yet I think
it may be agreedthat,broadlyspeaking,theystandnearerphysicallyto the Nilotes
good evidence for the occurrence of these and the other blood-thirstyrites which he mentions
(although some will feel doubtful of this), and that he is right in regarding them as closely
related to those of West Africa, his explanation implies that the " African " religion of which
he writes as forming the basis of Egyptian belief in predynastic times is essentially Negro in
origin though Dr. Budge avoids using,this word.
This view, which has always seemed to me inherently improbable, has become even more
difficultto accept since Elliot Smith has shown that the predynastic Egyptians and earliest
Nubians were not even Negroid. It seems scarcely credible that the White Race borrowed
its beliefs from Negroes, with whom it had so little contact that miscegenation seldom or never
occurred.
I believe that the facts brought forward in this paper suggest a more reasonable
explanation of the features common to the social life and religion of ancient Egypt and of
tropical Negro-land and indicate that these are due to the infiltratiolnof the latter with the
ideas of that great White Race of which the predynastic Egyptians constitute the oldest known
-as well as one of the purest branches.
I Thie Bechuana are an exception to this rule, cf. infra, p. 645.
2 The bow occurs among the Agar Dinka of the Southern Bahr el-Ghazal. I regard this
as being due to cultural drift from the Azande or kindred tribes.
3 In this they differentirely from the half-Hamites, such as the Masai, whose spears and
metal ornaments are made for them by the Dorobbo, whom they despise.
4 The shields of the Zulu are of the well-known oval shape, those ofthe Nilotes are narrower
and tend to be rectangular, often the upper and lower edges are concave and there is usually a
central boss. Possibly no importance should be attached to this rather remote resemblance,
but it is at least worth noting that neither use round shields similar to those employed by pure
Hamites such as the Beja and Somali.

638 C. G. SELIGMANN.-Somne Aspectsof the
than to the Hamites,and though much shorterin stature their featuresdo not
approachthoseof the Hamito-Semiticbranchof the White Race so closely as do
thoseof the Bahinma. On the otherhand,unlike the latter,theycircumcise their
males and mutilate their girls. I am furtherinclined to see traces of their
lHamiticdescent in the characterof their pottery and in the predomninanice of
spiral technique. It is knownthat as regardsbasketrythis process is extremely
old in the Hamito-Semiticarea; examples are known frompredynasticand first
dynasty tombs,it persiststhroughthe whole historicperiod and is used at the
presentday amongthe Beja (Hadendoa) and the Arab tribesof the White Nile and
Kordofan. In the north-westof the continentit occurs among the Tuaregand
many tribes of mixed descent. It was in use 2,000 years ago in Arabia, for
Mr. C. M. Doughty has shown me a fragmentof a basketmade by this process
which he broughtback withhim fromthe tombs of Medain Saleh. It is in use
among the Waheial in the neighbourhoodof the great lakes at the presentday.
On the otherhand,as faras my personalobservationgoes,it does not occuramong
the Nuba of SouthernKordofan,while Ankermannstates that it is absent in the
West Africanculture zone.2 Turning now
to pottery,there is, as far as I am aware,
no evidencehow the proto-Egyptiansmade
their pots, but at the present day the
lHadendoamake vessels of the class shown
in text figureby the usual spiral technique
ofsuperposinglengthsof rolled out stripsof
clay. These pots closely resemble those
F 1 (without necks) made by the Naandiand
figuredby Mr. Hollis.3 Unfortunatelyno
mention is made of the process by which
these pots are produced,btuttheir likeniess
to the lladendoa pots is sufficient to make
it at least probablethatthe same process is
employed. The Anuak (Nilotes) of the Sobat
JFIG. 1.
and Pibor Rivers make their pots bv the
superpositionof clay rolls4 and this is the comrnonmethod in Kordofan as it is
furthersouth amongthe Zulu-Kaffirs.
Since the above was written important confirmatory evidence has been
obtainedfromlinguistics. Westermann,who has recentlyspent some time in the
Shilluk countrystudyingthe language,considersthat this,as well as Dinka (and
Nuer), belongs to a well-characterizedsub-division(Niloto-Sudanic)of a larger
linguisticgroupwhichhe speaks of as Nilotic. The Nilotic languages originally
I Max Weiss, Die V;1kerstdmrne in NordenDeutschOstafri1kas,
p. 432.
2 Zeitschrift
fitrEthnologie,
vol. XXXVII, 1905,p. 70.
3 TheNcandi,Plate XIII.
4 I am indebtedto CaptainA. G. Cumminsforthisinformation.

belonged to the family of the SuLdanlanguages, for various elements "in all
Nilotic languagespoint to this commonorigin. But at a certain former
period all these languageshad been influencedmoreor less stronglyby languages.
of a different character,whichare generallycalled Hamitic languages."
It will be seen that not only do Westermann'sconclusionsconfirmthe idea put.
forwardin this paper on physicaland cultural grounds,but since languages of,or
akin to,the Nilotic groupare spokenby the half-Hamitesof British and German
East Africaand also by a number of tribes of the Congo basin' some suggestion
is offeredof the remotenessof the periodat whichthe infusionof Hamitic blood
began.
Mutilation.
Having discussed, within the limit of available material, the physical
charactersof the chief peoples of the Anglo-EgyptianSudan who are themselves
Hamites or in whom is a strainof Hamitic blood, it is necessaryto consider the
significancefrom the ethnic standpoint of a customnwhich may be said to be
universalin easterntropicalAfrica. This customis the mutilationof the female
genitals. I use the term" mutilation" foreverygrade ofoperationon the external
organs,froma partial clitoridectoinyto the most sweeping infibulation, for,as I
shall endeavourto show,I hold that all have a commonorigin. Before proceeding
to recordthe factsI will indicatebrieflymy line of arguments,and point out that
the geographicaldistributionof the custom of mutilationin Africa and the East
indicatesthat it arose in the iHamito-Semiticarea in the neighbourhoodof the Red
Sea. It is distributedroundthis area in just such a manneras might be expected
if it had at firstremainedmoreor less localized amongthe peoples sprung froma
commonstock,and had then been carriedfarafieldby the great wave of Semitic
influencethat followedthe birthof Islam. Thus, whileits&distribution eastwardsis
sporadic,as thoughcarriedby trade and isolated colonies,it radiatesfromthe shore
of the Red Sea westwardsand southwardsacross Africa with ever diminishinlg
intensity.
There is no doubt that circumcisionis an old Hamito-Semitic custom
wherevermutilationis practisedcircumcisionalso prevails,but the area over which
this rite is foundis so much wider than that covered by mutilationthat I have
purposelychosenthe latteras presentingthe simplerproblem. To have examined
the distributionand significanceof circumcision would have necessitated a
discussionofsouthand westAfricanproblemsforwhichI am by niomeans prepared.
At this point it will be 'well to allude to a common misconception. The
Barabra,the Beja, the Arab and even the darker so-called" Arab " tribes of the
Westermann(op. cit., pp. 34,35) pointsout
1 The Bari languageis akinto Masai ; moreover,
that certaintribeslyingbetweenthe upperwatersofthe RiversRohl and Sue speak languages
which in a broad way seem to be connectedwiththe Niloto-Sudanicgroup,so thatperhaps
they may be regardedas a sub-groupofthese. To thissub-groupbelong Mittu,Madi, Madi-
Kaya (Abo-Kaya),Abaka, Luba, Wira, Lendu,Moru. Accordingto Schweinfurth the six first
namedof thesetribesspeak dialectsof one language.

640 AspectsoJthe
C. G. SELIGMANN.-SOme
Sudan all performa severe operationupon their girls, the whole of the labia
majora and minoraand the greaterpart of the mons being removed,so that after
healing has taken place the openino of the vagina is representedby a minute
orificeimmediatelyanteriorto the rectum.1 There does not appear to be any
evidencethat this (infibulation)or any seriousoperationsimilarto it is a Semitic,
Arabian,or even essentiallya Moslem custom,though since the area in which it
is practisedcoincides withthat occupied by the tribes of the Sudan who profess
Islam it is commonin the Sudan to find it regarded as an Arab, or at least
Mohammedancustomn.2But farfromthis being the case,the customis not found
in Egypt,Algeria, Morocco,or Syria,nor,so faras I can ascertain,does it occur
in Arabia.
Equally severemutilationhas been recordedamong,the Somali and T)anakil,
e.g.,by Paulitschke3and recentlyby Creignou,4who states that the object of the
operationis the completeablation of the labia majora and minora and the clitoris,
but that as the operationis done without an anuesthetic, and the operatorworks
hurriedlyaccordingto her own ideas, excision is not always complete. The
childrenare generallyfourto six years old, but sometimesyounger: almost any
old womanmay operate,and withthe exceptionof a minuteorificeposteriorlytlle
aditutsvaginfwshould be comipletely closed. To ensurethis resultthornsare thrust
throughthe opposite edges of the wound and maintainedin place by a figureof
eioht suture. To assist healingthe patientis kept on her back and her knees and
ankles bound together. The comparativelyslight operationof clitoridectomy is
extensivelypractisedin Egypt at the presenltday,at least amongthe lowerclasses,
forProfessorElliot Snmith informsme that the glans clitoridisis always wanting
in dissecting-room bodies. I cannotsay whetherthe practice is general in Syria;
1 My summary description of the operation is based on the examination of a number of

Kababish children and adult slaves, and in all these it was clear that a clean sweep had been
made of the whole vulva, except its extreme posterior edge, including the greater part of the
mons. This was also the procedure at Jebel Kaja, where I had the opportunity of seeing the
operation performed. No doubt the technique of the operation varies locally: it could not be
more severe than among the Kababish, with whom the use of the knife is an absolutely
necessary preliminaryto marriage. The Hadendoa, on the other hand, stated that the use of a
knife was unknown, and that, it would be shameful if penetration were not effectedwithout
extraneous aid. On the other hand, both people admit that so much scar tissiie is formedthat
the vulva requires incision before a child can be born.
Captain R. G. Anderson of the Egyptian Medical Corps (" Medical Practices and Superstitions
of Kordofan," in the Third Report of the WellcomeResearchLaboratories, 1908) states that two
operations are in vogtuein the Sudan. Where only the clitoris and labia minora are removed
the operation is termed Tahur-etSunna, this operation being " mostly restricted to the Bagara
tribes" (op. cit., p. 320). The more severe Tahuret Farohen is practised by other Sudanese
Mohammedans, in this the " upper two-thirdsof the labia majora are also removed " (loc. cit.),
this operation being " popularly supposed to denote an ancient method practised in, and handed
down from,the time of the Pharaohs."
2 So, e.g., says Captain Anderson, loc. cit.
3 EthnographieYVordost-Afrikas, I, 174 (Berlin, 1893).
4 SUpple'Ment 4 L'Anthropologie, " Comptes Rendus des Seances de L'Institut Fran'ais
d'Anthropologie," No. 6, 1912, pp. 111 et sqq.

lamitic Sudan.
Problemin the Anylo-Eyyptian 641
educated SyrianswithwhomI have discussedthe matterin the Sudan say that it

does not occur, but this testimonycannot be regarded as conclusive with
reaard to the lower classes, for Duhousse, writing of Beyreuth, describes
clitoridectomyas commonlyperformedby barbers on children betweeii nine
and twelveyears old.' It does not occur among the Arabic-speaking, population
of Algeria and Morocco,2but in Abyssinia the operationwas recorded300 years
ago by the firstJesuitmissionariesto that country,and we have writtenevidence
of the practicein Egypt some two thousandyearsago, forthe well-knownpassage
in Strabo Circumncidunt etiarn,mareset foe'minas excidmtntindicates thlatat least
clitoridectomy, and perhaps partial or completeexcisionof the labia minora,was
practised. Moreover,at this timnecircumcisionand "excision" were the rule
among the barbarous Cresphagi,seeminglynomad Hamites, who lived in the
neighbourhood of the harbourof Aiitiphilus(Strabo,Bk. xiv, 4, 9), identifiedas
Hamfilah on the Red Sea Coast about 100 miles south of Massaua. Nearly two
centuriesearlier,i.e.,about the middle of the second centuryB.C., Aramaios of the
Serapeumrecordsthat the motherof one Tateni,a girl in his charge,had obtained
moneyfromIiim on the falseplea that her daughterwas to be circumcised," as is
customaryamong the Egyptians,"urgingthat she requiredmoneyforthe rite and
to endowher daughterformarriage.3 The practicecontinuedinto Christiantimes,
for St. Ambrose(ob. 397) also refersto the " circumcision"of Egyptian women,
" Aegyptiiquartodecimoanno cir-cutmciduwnt mares; foeminaeapud eos eodemagino
circumcidumntur,quodeo scilicetanno incipiatflagrarepassio virilis."4
ProfessorElliot Smith,whomI have consultedwithregard to the possibility
of obtaininganatomical evidence from muminies,tells iiie that no information
can be gatheredin this quarter,for" the pelvic viscerawere so comipletelyexcised
and the remains of the labia so stretchedby the plugging of the pelvis that
nothinocan be said about the condition of the vulva during life." With regard
to predynasticwomenhe states that therewas certainlyno infibulation, and that
in some cases he was able to recognizethe labia minoraand (withless certainty)the
clitoris. But, as he points out, "a shrunken labium minus is not easy to
identify,"so that althoughthereis nothingto suggestany operativeprocedureit
cannot said that the clitorisand part of the labia minoramay not have been
be
removed.
Clitoridectomy is still the custom among the Christiansof Abyssinia5as it
de Paris, XII, 1877,pp. 124 etsqq.

1 Bulletinde la Socite d'Anthropologie
2 Some years ago I spent some weeksin Algeria and 1 thinkI shouldhave heardof the
customhadit existed; withregardto itsabsencein Moroccomystatement is basedon information

givenme by ProfessorWestermarck and Mr. S. L. Bensusan.
3 BernadinoPeyron,PapyriGrecideliliuseoBritannico di LondraPapyrusXV, pp. 85 etsqq.,
(Torino,1841).
4 Ambrosius, De PatriarchoAbrahamo, lib. II, Cap. I.
6 For this informationI am indebtedto AbyssinianmerchantswhomI metat Tokar,and
who drew the sharpestdistinctionbetweenclitoridectomy and the largeroperationpractised
by the Somaliand otherMohammedantribes.

642 Aspectsof the
C. G. SELIGMANN.-SOMTe
was in the seventeenthcenturywhen Ludolfiisdiscussed its distributionin the

Near East and notedthat the operationwas wronglycalled circumcision.'
There is niodoubt as to the formerwide extension of the rite among the
Arabs of Arabia and Syria. In folkloreils origin is attributedto Sarah, who
performed the operationon Hagar while she lay asleep in orderto lessen Abraham's
love forher,and it was onlyafterthis that Allah conimandedAbraham and Sarah
,tobe circumcizedthemselves. Moreover,the antiquityof the rite is established,
for,accordirg to lbn al-Athir(ob. 1234), Mohammedhimselfsaid, Circumcisionis
an ordinancefor men and is honourableforwomen.2 There are, indeed, actual
recordsdating fromthe earliestyears of Islam whichreferto the rite practisedby
the pagan Arabs,and whichalso seem to indicatethatthe operationperformedwas
clitoridectomy, or perhaps an even slighteroperation,more closely analogous to
circumcisionin the male. There are several referenceswhich go back to the end
of the sixth century; al-Nabigha,a poet who flourishedabout this time,said " And
(our horsemen)laid hold of maidensin a state of pleasant ease, and made them
hastenthe factof circumcision."3
Ibn Hisham (ob. 834) in his descriptionof the fightbetween Hamzah (an
uncle of Mohammed) and Siba ibn 'Abd al-'Uzza at the battle of Uhud (A.D.
625) representsHamzah as calling out " Come on, 0 son of the cutter of the
prepuces plural of bazr) of the clitoris,"referringto the fact that his
motherhabituallyoperated on girls at Mecca. The fact that Zayd ibn Thabet,
anotherwarriorpresentat this battle," circumcizedhis daughter,"is referredto in
the Kitdb al-Aqhani.4
The Poems of the Hudhaylites,composed by the poets of the Hudhayl tribe
and collected by al-Sukkari (ob. 888), contain referencesto the mutilation of
women,and show that amriong those tribes practisingthe ritethe naturalstate was
looked upon with contempt. Khalid ibn Wathilah,who lived about the end of
the sixth century,speaks of "A company of people who do not circumcizetheir
women,and amongwhomthe eatino of locustsis not reprobated."5 Anotherpoem
composed by Abu 'I-Muwarriq at about the same time says, "If you were to
become his neighbour(or guest) in Hudhayl,he would turn you away and your
motherwiththe long prepuceof the clitoris."6
There are also passages in the Kitab al-AghanIwhichindicate the contempt
feltforuncut women. Thus thereis recordeda conversationsaid to have taken
place in the presenceof the Caliph Hisham (A.D. 724-743): al-Walid, his successor,
ad SuamnHistoriamAethiopicam,
1 Commentariwbs pp. 172-173(1691).
art. " Circumcision."
2 Hastings'Encyclop}edia,
3 The wordi'dhar()Ijk ) is that generallyused forthe circumcisionof men.
4 Op. cit., vol. xvi,p. 14, 1. 26. This work, The Book of Songs,was compiledby Abu
'l-Faraj Isfahan!,who died A.D. 967, but containspoemsofmanydifferent and earlierdates.
r Op. cit.,p. 147,1. 2.
G Op. cit.,p. 179, 1. 5; the word used is 'unzab( which means "having a large
,preputiumclitoridis."

HamniticProblemin the Anglo-EgyptianSudtan. 643
twitted'Abbas b. al-Walid b. 'Abd-al Malik on account of the condition of his

-mother, who was a Greek and thereforeunmutilated. Al-Walid said to 'Abbas,
" Silelnce,0 son of an uncircumcizedwoman,"to whichthe latter answered," Do
you exalt yourselfover me on accountof what has been cut from the bazr of
thymother? "I
The Ncak i'd contains a poem in whichJarir(ob. 728) satirizes his rival al-
Farazdaq of the clan Mujashi', " The circumncisers fear in the case of the
*daughters ofMujashi' thelikenessofcrookedsticksorthe hornsof mountain-goats."2
In Burton's translationof the Arabian Nights,circumcisionoccurs as an
essenitialpart of conversionto Islam in the storyof " The Moslem Chamrpion and
the ChristianDamsel," in which the heroine " became a Moslemah,after she was
*circumcized."3But ProfessorArnold,whose assistanceI sought in the hope that
he mightbe able to determinethe date of this story,considersthat this translation
is incorrect,the wordtranslated" circumcized" signifying'" purifiedherself."4
Perhaps Burtonwas inifluenced in his translationby his knowledge of the
writingsof al-Nawawi,whomhe quotes to the effectthat in the Hejaz as in Cairo
the " circumcisionof girlsis the universalrule."5 This is in accordance with the
Fatawd 'ATiamgirt, which states,not only that the circumcisionof females was
allowed,but that it is commonlypractisedin Arabia,6and boththeseaccountsagree
withNiebuhr'sreportwritten500 years after that of al-Nawawi that girls are
1 Op. cit.,vol. vi, p. 103,1. 5 ; otherreferenceswill be foundin the same volume,p. 152,
1. 26, and in vol. xix, p. 59, 11.11 and 12.
2 Nakd i'd, ed. Bevan, vol. i, p. 230, 1. 6. The passage is interesting in that it suggests
thathypertrophy of the clitoriswas notunknownin mediaevalArabia. It seems to have been
;sufficiently commonin Egyptforthe Collegeof Cardinalsde propagandafideto accept it as a
valid reasonfora ritewhichtheirmissionaries had at firstprohibitedon accountofits imagined
Judaisingpurpose(Bruce,Tr-avels, &c.,Bk. V, Chap.12). Lane (Arabic-EnglishiLexicon,art.*? )
suggests that the conldition is by no meansuncommon in Arabia and Egypt at the presentday.
3 Burton,ArabianNights, vol. v, p. 279.
4 Professor Arnoldwrites: " I have looked up several editionsof the Arabic text of the
ArabianNights(e.g., that of Baltq. 1250A.H., vol. i, p. 649), Cairo, 1306 A.H. (vol. ii, p. 273),
and Calcutta,1839(vol. ii, p. 565), buitin none of them is there anlyauthorityfor Burton's
translationthatthe Christiandamselwas circumcized. The correcttranslationis 'She became
-a Muslim and purifiedherself,and he taughther how to pray.' The wordfor'slhe purified
herself'(.L) is tatahharatand merelymeans that she made ablutions,purifiedherselfby
washing. It is truethatthe secondconjugation(,L ) tahharais used in the sense' he per-
formedthe rite of circumcision upoil somebody,and so purifiedhim'; but I can find no
warrantfor the fifthconjugation(),;L ) being used in connectionwithcircumcision;in the
feminine (as here)it generallyrefersto a womanwashingherselfafterthe menstrualdischarge.
Moreover,I am inclin-edto doubtwhetherthe circumcisionof womenwas practisedin the
societyto which the storiesofthe Arabian Nightsrefer."
o PilgrinmagetoAl]Medinahand Meccah,MemorialEdition,1893,vol.ii, p. 20, footnote.He
-alsostatesthatto call anyoneibn-al-bazra, " son ofan uncutmother,"
is a sorereproach.
6 Op. cit., vol. iv, p. 237, quoted by Hughes, Dictionary of islam, 1895, p. 57. Th-iswork is
.a collectionoflegaldecisionsaccordingto Mohammedanlaw, drawnup by orderofthe Emperor
Aliimgir(Aurangzib,1659-1707).

644 C. G. SELIGMANN.-,Some Aspectsof the
circumcizedat Mokha though not in Sanaa.' Moreover,Hurgronje,writing of

Mecca at the present day, says that clitoridectomyis performedquietly without
any ceremony,2and Jaussennotes that the custom occurs but is not universal
amongthe Arabs of Moab.3
It is said4that everygirl in Oman submits to operationat least in Sohar and
at Baghdad,while Chardin5records that both sexes are regularlycircumcizedon
the Persian Gulf, whereas inlanldin Persia fewer women are circumcizedthan
males. Further east Niebuhr speaks of the rite being practisedby Arab women
at Cambay near Surat-one of the oldest portsof India-while at the presentday
a mild formn of the operationoccursamong the Malays of Sarawak,who no doubt
learnt it fromthe medieval Arabs,to whomtheyowe Islam and the charactersin
whichtheirlanguageis written.6
Returningto Africa,mutilationappears to be absent in NortlhAfricain the
region of Berber influence,but is said to occur among the Tuareg.7 If this
informationis correctit is not withoutsignificancethat the Ttuareg,who still lead
a semi-nomadicexistence and have femaledescent,are sociallyperhaps the least
modifiedof the IHamiticpeoples of North Africa. Infibulationis universalin
Darfur and Borgu; it is also said to occur among the Tibbu thoughnot among
the inhabitantsof Bornu.8 Perhaps it does not pass west of Borgu or Wadai,
but clitoridectomycertainlyoccurs among the Ful and the Mandingo,9and also
amonigsuch Negroidbut not Negro-racesin the French Sudan as the Toucouleurs,
the Ouassoulonkaand the Kassonka.10
Mutilationexistson the west coast amongthe nativesof Sierra Leone, Benin,
Akra, Old Calabar,and Loango; '1 someof thesepeopleare not full-bloodedNegroes
but Negroidswitha varyingand sometimesveryconsiderableainount of Hamitic
blood in them. Where this is not the case or cannot be statedwithcertainty
there is still the quiestionof foreigncultural influenceto be considered. How
thoroughly Centraland West-CentralAfricais permeatedwith this influenceis as
yet scarcelyappreciated,but evidence in this directionis rapidly accumuLlating
and I have elsewhere in this paper referredto the noteworthyfact that Wester-
de l'Arabievol. i, p. 113 (Paris, 1779).

1 C. Niebuhr,Description
2 Mekka,vol. ii, p. 142. 3 Coutumes desArabesautPays de Aoab p. 35 (Paris,1908).
4 Niebuhr,loc.cit. ' Voyagesen Persex, p. 76 (Amsterdam, 1711).
6 See Baluchistan CensusReport,1911, p. 106, BornbayCensus Report,1911, p. 120,
Rajputana Censuts Repor4,1911,p. 154.

7 H. Sarrazin,Races Hfumaines du Soudan Franpais,p. 189, writes: "Nous nous somnes
laisse dire que 1infibulation 6tait pratiqie'esur les jeunesfillesen bas Age. Elle consisteraita
trancherl6gerementles nympheset a les maintenirrapprocheespouren obtenirla soudure;
on ne m6iiages qu'unel6g6reouverture. C'estpluistard un gage de virginit6pour la jeune fille
qu'on peutlib6rer,au momentvoulu,par une incisionlongitudinale."
8 My information concerningDarfur, Borgu, Tibesti and Bornu was obtained from
headmenof those settlementsof pilgrimns (generallycalled Fellata or sometimesTekruri)from
West-Central Africathatare to be foundat so manycentresupon the chiefroutesleadiug to
theRed Sea ports. 9 L. H. Gray in Hastings'Encyclopwdia, art. " Circumcision."
10Sarrazin,op. cit.,pp. 240,263, 288. 11L. H. Gray,loc.cit.

Hamitic Problemin the Anglo-Egyptiaqn
Sudan. 645
mann states that the languages of a numberof tribesin the neighbourhood of the
or
Nile-Congo watershedall show evidenceof a more less foreigninfluenceof the
type commonlycalled Hamitic.
Turningto the half-Hamites,mutilation,but not infibulation, is the universal
practice and has been described amongthe Masai,' the Nandi,2the Suk,3and the
Wanderobbo,4besides occurringamong a number of Bantu-speaking tribes of
Eastern Africa such as the Akambal and the Akikuyu.6 As faras is knownthe
Nilotes do not mutilate their women,7in this they resemble the great lacustrine
tribes,the Bahima, the Banyoro,the Baganda, and the majorityof the Southern
Bantu, though the ritehas been recordedamongthe Bechuana.8
It will be admritted that the geographicaldistributionof " mutilation" fully
bears out the contentionthat the customis not originallyMohammedanor even
Arab, for there can scarcelybe more questionof Mohammedanor recent Arab
influencehavingbeen exertedupon such tribesas the Masai and the A-Kamba than
upon the ancient Egyptians. But since the rite existed in ancient Egypt,
and is found at the present day over so great a part of Africaeast of the Nile,
existing both in modern Egypt and among such untouched tribes as the half-
Hamites of Britishand GermanEast Africa,and also in Arabia,it followsthat the
custom must be either indigenous or due to physicalor cultural contactwitha
people who practised it and at one time or another,directlyor indirectly,exerted
their influenceover the whole of the area under consideration. Now in the
presentstateof our knowledgethereis nothingto suggestthat at anytime a single
indigenousculture prevailed over the whole of this area, so that whetheror no
the custom dates back to a periodof undifferentiated Hamito-Semiticculturein
the north,and is an offshoot of this culturein the south,it can be due to no other
cause thanthe influence(director indirect)of this culture. Lest this suggestionbe
consideredfancifulor over bold I may referto the avoidanceof bringingmilk and
meat into contact,which has led to elaborate ritual observancesamongthe half-
Hamites and kindred peoples(infra,pp. 656 and 657) and among the Jews. For
whetherthe prohibition" to seethea kid in its mother'smilk" (Exodus xxiii, 19,
and xxxiv,26) refersto this avoidanceor not,the morepious Jews of bothEurope
and Palestine9still diligentlyobservetheLaw in this respect,and take the greatest
I A. C. Hollis, TheJfasai,p. 299.
2 A. C. Hollis, TheNVandi,pp. 57-60.
3 M. W. H. Beech, TheSuk,p. 21.
4 Max Weiss,Die Volkerstdmme im NordenDeutsch-Ostajrikas, p. 401.
5 C. W. Hobley,Ethnology of theA-Kamnba and otherEast AfricanTh'sbes, pp. 68 etseq.
6 W. S. and K. Routledge,Witha P'rehistoric People,p. 164.
7 This is certainlytrue of the Shilluk,Dinka, and Bari; althoughI do not know of any
evidencesuggestingthatthe customexistsamolng the less well-known tribes,it wouldbe unwise
to be dogmatic.
8 JamesChapman,Travelsin theInteriorofSouthAfrica,pp. 44, 45 (London,1868).
9 W. M. Thomson(The Land and thteBook, 1888, p. 95) says: "They [the Arabs of
Palestine] select a young kid, fat and tender,dress it carefully,and then stew it in milk
generallysour,mixedwithonionsand hotspicessuchas theyrelish. Theycall it lebnimmn-
VOL. XLIIL 2 u

troubleto avoid themixingof meatand milkorbuttereitherin theircookingvessels

or in theirstomachs. Apart fromMerker's suggestion,now generallydiscredited,
ofSemitic influenceon the Masai,' therecan scarcelybe any questionbut that here
is a survivalamongJews and half-Hamitesof a customgoingback to a common
culture. It is noteworthy that a view somewhatakin to that put forwardhere
was held by Maimonides who, writing,in the twelfthcentury,boldly suggested
that the existenceof this customin Judaismcould only be due to the persistence
of foreignand pagan influence.2 Moreover,linguisticevidencecannotbe neolected;
afteryears of discussionas to whetherEgyptianwas or was not a Semiticlanguage,
or showedSemiticinfluence, it now seems determinedthat ancient Egyptiani(and
thereforemodernCoptic) is facta pre-Semitic,i.e.,a Hamito-Semiticspeech.3
in
If the view that mutilationis a survival froma periodof undifferentiated
Hamito-Seiniticculture be accepted,we may conjecturethat the different grades
of severityof the operatiolnprevailingin the Sudan are merelylocal variantsof the
commonwidelyspread rite, and that the operation has, on the whole,tendedto
become more and more severe as it was found that it assistedto safeguardthe
chastityof women. It is indeed probablethat amongthe half-bredSemitesand
semiticizedHamites of Eastern Africa the preservationof chastitybecame the
whole, or at least the avowed, object of the operationat a comparativelyearly
date, as it is at the present day among the Mohammedantribesof the Anglo-
EgyptianSudan.
Face Scars.
Before leaving the subject of lesions purposefully inflictedit may be worth
while to say somethingconcerninga customwhichin the Sudan exhibitsalmost
the same distributiollas infibulation,and which I was at one timedisposedto
believewas, like the mutilationof the female genitals,an old-standinghabit of
considerableethnic significance. The custom I referto is that of scarringthe
cheelks,and is commonto both sexes.
Cheek scars of one formor anotherare of almostuniversaldistributionin the
Sudan except'amongthe Negroes,and even memnbers of these tribes tend to adopt
the custom when they come under Arab influence,while slaves, whatevertheir
race, are always marked in this maniner, generallywith the same series of scars
as those borne by their masters.4 Scars such as these are produced by fairly
kid in his mother's milk. The Jews, however,will not eat it. They say that Moses
forbadeit. . . . 'lhey furthermaintainthat it is unnaturaland barbarousto
specifically
cooka poorkid in thatfromwhichit derivesits life."
1 On thispointcf.von Luschan,op. cit.,p. 248.
2 Jewish art. " Milk."
Encyclopoediac,
3 Hestermann, " Sprachenund Volkerin Afrika,"Anthr'opos, vol. viii, 1913,p. 221.
4 Some tribes affectdifferences in the size, formor positionof the scars borne by their
members. A few tribesare said to mark themselvesin such a way that theirmembersare
recogilizableby theirscars. I cannotsay at firsthand whetherthisis so,norhave I beentabJe
to obtainsatisfactoryinformation on this matter; if suclhcases exist theyare far frombeing
therule,and,speakingbroadly,cheekscars cannotbe regardedas a formoftribalor clau badge
in the Sudan at thepresentday.

deep incisionswith a sharp knife,theyheal cleanlyas a rule, and as faras I know

the cicatricesproduceddo not tend to hypertrophy, nor is any attempt made to
increasetheirsize by keepingthewoundopen,or byintroducingforeignsubstances.
Thus these scars differentirely from those massive hypertrophiedcicatrices
producedby the womenof some Congotribes,and in the Sudan by the women of
Dar Nuba,' thoughlike all these they are, in most cases,avowedly produced for
theiraestheticvalue; suichat least is the reason verygenerallygiven in answer to
inquiries.
The commnonest formof cheek scar is three,rarely two,more or less vertical
lines oni the cheek below the malar bolne or sometimesover the bone itself.
Scars such as these are of universal occurrenceamong the Barabra, who cut
them lonig and deep so that the resultino scar is comparatively, coarse. The
cosmeticresultis, however,considerednone the less admirableon this account,and
two sets of scars are sometimesmade forthe avowed purposeof addino beautyand
distinctionto the face. Scars of much the same coarse character are common
ainong the sedentaryArab tribes south of Khartum and amnongthe Baqqara,
indeed,mylimitedexperiencesuggeststhat,broadlyspeaking,the moreblack blood
the biggerthe scar. The exceptionto this rule,if I am right in formulatingit, is
that in sometribes,e.g.,the Gawama, the men scarcely scar themselves,while the
practice is universal among,the women,to whom the scars are "as a golden
ornament."
The Kababish and someat least of thekindrednomadtribesmakesmallerscars"
indeed,theseare oftenso much smaller and shallowerthat they may scarcely be
noticeablein middle-agedmen. It will be rememberedthat (as I have shown)the
Kababish havea considerableamountof Beja bloodin theirveins,so thatturninoto
the Beja it is notsurprisingto findthat althouighthe majorityof these tribes scar,
thereis no unifornm practice. Thus theBisharinscarlittleifat all; manyHadendoa
seem to think that cheek scars are of comparativelyrecent introduction,for
even now not all the Hadendoa have themland the Amara scarcelyscar at all.
Moreover,though the women of the Nabtab, the aristocracyof the Beni Amer,
scar their faces the men do not. It is then obvious that the practiceis by no
means universal among the Beja nor does it occur among the Somali, while
inquiries showed that it seldom occurs in Arabia, or among such recent Arab
immiarantsinto the Sudan as the Zebediya (Rasheida). It does,however,occur
at Mecca and it appears to be a distinguishing markof the inhabitantsof that city
and Medina.2
1 Photographsshowing searificationsof Nuba women will be found in mny paper on
the Nuba, referredto on p. 611.
2 RobertsoniSmith speaks of these gaslhes as tashrit and says that they are the
distinguishing ofMecca(Entwclopcwdia
markofthe irnhabitants Britannica,art. " Mecca,"p. 951,
while Burton (SupplementalNights,IV, p. 153) says: ' . . . both at Meccah and at
Al-Medineh the cheeks of babes are decoratedwith the locally called " Mashali"-three
parallelgashesdrawnby thebarberwiththerazordownthefleshyportion of each eheek,from
the exterioranglesofthe eyesalmostto the cornersofthe mouth."
2 u 2

648 C. G. SELIGMANN.-Sornte
Aspectsof the
Considering these facts and what has already been said concernino the
prestigeof everythingArabian,especiallywhen connectedwith the holy cities,it
appearsprobable,nay,almostcertain,that the custom is derived fromimmigrant
Arabs,and is not an ancientwidelyspread Hamitic custom.
I cannot leave the subject of cheek scars without referringto the linear
marks whichare shownupon certainof the facespaintedor carvedupon a number
of Egyptianm:onuments;thus,in the reproductions given in Lepsius' Denkmdlerof
the captives at Medinet Habu, the chief of the Libyans is shown with two
obliquelyplaced lines suggestingcheek scars. As a matterof fact these lines are
entirelyunlike themarksupon the originalmonument, whichstartingfromtheside
of the nose runoutwardsand only slightlydownwardsacross the cheek,as is well
shown in a photograph,forwhich I am indebted to Mr. A. G. K. Hayter,wlhohas
also made for me a series of careful sketches and notes concerning the
representativesof other races mentionedin this paragraph. Lines essentially
similar in character,in that they do not obviously represent the ordinary
skin-foldsof the face, occur in other drawings and in the original are quite
clear upon the face of the captive Negro chief at Medinet Habu. In this
engravingthere are two lines which in characterand position broadlyresemble
those upon the chief of the Libyans,but the captive Syrian(?) chiefin the same
tomb has two lines which fairlyobviouslyrepresentthe hollowbelow the eye and
the cheek-fold.
Turning to the brilliantlypainted figureson the tomb of Huy at Gurnet
Marai, the face of one of the Negroeswhose head appears among the horns of a
numberof cattle shows two black lines drawnupon it. These run acrossa brown
or black cheek in a nearlyhorizontalline fromnear the angle of the mouthto the
regionof the angle of the jaw. Mr. Hayter points out that single and double
lines upon other Negro or Negroid faces in this tomb obviouslyrepresentthe
cheek-foldand his sketches certainlyconfirmthis view. Considering, the facts
of bothLibyans and Negroes exhibit similar
just stated,and that representations
marks,whichif theyare not misplaced skin-foldscan only be scais or lines of
pigment,consideringtoo the variety in lines described by Mr. Hayter for the
Negroesin Huy's tomb,togetherwith the absence of any historicalrecord even
suggestingthat eitherpeoplescarredtheirfaces,it seenis almost certain that the
lines representedby the ancientEgyptiansupon these and other faces are merely
exaggeratedand oftenmisplaced representationsof the normal skin-foldsof the
face.
It has been shownon physicalevidencethat the Beja are thescarcelymodified

of an early Hamitic stock(knownas the proto-Egyptian)and it has
representatives
been suggestedthat certain practicesstill prevalentin the neighbourhoodof the
Red Sea may date back to less differentiated and even earlier culture than the
proto-Egyptian.At thispointit becomesa matterforlegitimateinquiryto determine

HamniticProblemin the Anglo-EgyptianSudan. 649
to what extentit may be possibleto recovertheessentialsof the social customsand

religiousbeliefsof the early Hamites.1
In pursuing this inquiry there are three main sources of information
available, viz.
(i) The traditionalcustoms and beliefs and the present-daypractices of the
Beja.
(ii) The customsand beliefsof the ancient Egyptians.
(iii) The customsand beliefs of the barbarous tribes aild peoples of Africa
sprungfromthe mixtureof Hamite and Negro or affectedculturallyby
ilamitic influence.
I believethat the followingsubjectsmaybe usefullyinvestigatedfromeach of
these standpoints:-
A.-Social and familyorganization.
B.-Totemism and animal cults.
C.-Customs connectedwithmilk and cattle.
D.-The importanceof the placenta,especiallyof the royal afterbirth.
E.-The belief in otiose high gods, associated with an active cult of the
dead.
F.-The cult of divine kingsresponsibleforthe productionof raini,when the
highgod may assume the formof a rain god.
G.-The positioniof the bodyin the grave.
Social and Family Organization.

In consideringthe mannersand customsof the Beja it must be remembered
that thesetribesare now perhapsthe mostfanatical Mohammedansin the Sudan,
and that consequentlyat the present day only such of their older usages have
survived as are not contraryto the writtenwordof the Koran. The majority
if not all the Beja were, however,heathen duringthe lifetimeof Makrizi (A.D.
1366-1442) and it was of these thathe wrote:-" They are nomads living in skin
tentswhichtheycarrywherevertheyfindgrazing. Theirgenealogiesare counted
in the femaleline. Each tribehas a chiefbut theyrecognizeno paramnount.They
have no religion. Property passes to the sons of sister and daughter to the
prejudiceof the son of thedeceased. To justifythis custom they say that there
can be no doubtas to the parentageof the son or daughter of a sister and that
thesemustbelong,to the family,whethertheir mother had gotten them by her
husbandor by anotherman. They formerly had a paramount chief to whom all
the other chiefs were subordinate."2 Makrizi adds that the Beja had many
that, as statedon p. 595,this paper is limitedto the Eastern

1 It will be remembered
Hamites.
Me'moires
2 Quoted by Quatrem6re, (Ggographiqueset Historiqgues
sur t'1gypte,II, pp. 136-
137 (Paris, 1811).

650 C. G. SELIGMANN.-SOmte
Aspectsof the
dromedariesand camels besides sheep anldcattleinnumerablewhichprovidedtheme

withmeat and inilk. In anotherpassage Makrizi speaks of the Beja as a people
utterlyirreligiousand unintelligent. Both men and womengo naked, having no
othercoveringthan a loin cloth anidthe majorityof themlackingeven this.'
Here is a perfectlydefiniteaccounitof a pagan, nomad, pastoral people witlh
matrilinealdescent,livingalmostentirelyupon the miiilk and flesh of their flocks.
With the exceptiononly of matrilinealdescent,whichhas been givenup owingto
the introductionof Islam, and the wearing of Arab clothing,the picture drawn
by Makrizi is that seen by any travellerin the easterndesertat the present day.
Moreover,even a slightacquaintancewith the people is enoughto show that they
retainindisputabletracesof a formermatriarchy. These are mostobviousin their
marriagecustomsas the followingaccountwill show.
Amnongthe Hadendoa the bridegroomgoes to his bride's village to be
marriedand stays therefromone to threeyears. The tent fortheyoungcouple is
usually built some 60 or 70 yardsfromthat occupiedby the girl'sparents,i.e.,at
the least distancethat the stringencyof the rules of avoidance betweenson-in-law
and mother-in-lawrenders convenient. Unless betrothedin infancyor childhood
the young man is not supposed to see his maiden,and he should spend the time,
which may be a week or less, that intervenesbetweenthe paymentofthe dowry
and his marriage,with his own people. The frameworkof the tent and the
furniture, especiallythe marriage-bed,2 are provided by the bride's relativeswho
erect the dwelling,the stripsof matting,whichwhen sewn togetherformthe tent,
should be provided by the bridegroom. While livingwithhis wife'speople a man
accompanieshis father-in-law wheneverthe lattermovesto new pasture,he should
help him in all matters and in fact be to him as a son. For about the first
monthaftermarriagethe bridespendsher days in her mother'stent,meeting her
husbandonlyat night. During this timehis foodis preparedby his mother-in-law
and sent to his tent.
There does not appear to be any strictrule that the firstchild shall be born
among its mother'speople, but it is obviousthat under the conditionsstated this
must often occur. Yet if a Nvomandoes not bear a child for some yearsafter
marriageit is perhaps a matterof indifference, regulatedby convenience,whether
it is born among its father's or mother's relatives. A more stringentrule
prevails amona the Amara, who say that a woman must be delivered of
her first-bornin her motlher'stent, or, if this is impossible,among her
mother's people, and even if she has left them she will return when her
1 Op. cit.,II, 167. In spiteof thissomeof the Beja had embracedIslam and attained a
modicumofcivilizationin Makrizi'stime,for he speaks of the Hadareb as Moslems,and as
wearingArab costume(op. cit.,II., 156). This change seems to have affectedthe historian's
estimateoftheircharacter,forhe now speaksofthemas being" generousand liberal."
2 By marriage-bed is meant the large bed, called in Sudan Arabic serir,and held offthe
groundby fourlow supportsat the corners. This is absolutelyunlike the narrowerhigher
angareb,shapedlike a Europeanbedstead,and commonly used by menwhensleepingalone.

Hanitic Problemn 651
time approaches. The Nurab who, although they consider themselves strong
enouglhto stand alone, have but recentlyceased to call themselvesAmara,follow
the custom of the latter. The Bisharin custom resemblesthat of the Amara as
does that of the Beni Amer. Among all these tribesthe husbandcarrieshis wife
away to his own people from one to threeyearsaftermarriage,the Beni Amer,
however,say that althoughthisis what happensnormallya womanhas the right
to decline to follow her husband,and that if she persistsin this attitudeher
husband would have no other resourcethan to visither fromtimeto time,since
he could not be expectedto settledown permanentlyamongher people. Thus a
girl, even when married,remains an object of concern to her parents and her
division,and her mother'sopinionsand desiresdo not cease to be of importanceto
the husband.
I may here refer to a featuireof the social organizationof the ancient
Egyptiansand certainAfricanpeoples of mixed Hamitic and Negro descentwhich
there is everyreason to believe is connectedwithmatrilinealdescentand which
is probablya legacy of an old Hamitic practice, iiamely,the customofbrother-
sister marriage in the royal family. It is so well establishedthat this occurred
in Egypt thatit does not seem iiecessaryto cite specificinstances.1 But it cannot
be said that the factthat such unionsoccuranmong the powerfullacustrinetribes
of CentralAfricahas receivedthe attention that its importancewarrants. These
tribes,namely,the Bahima, the Banyoro,and the Baganda, are all totemicand
observe the ordinaryrules of clan exogamy,yet the Bahima marrytheir sisters
and even have intercoursewiththeirsistersmarriedto others.2 Again amongthe
Banyoro,who trace descentin the mialeline,princes"mightcohabitwithprincesses
and have children by them, though . . . the couple necessarily belonged to the
same totemic clan. . . . However this cohabitation was not marriage." "The
rule,"says Mr. Roscoe,"was for princes and princesses,to live togetherpromis-
cuouslyand not to regardeach otheras huisbandand wife,thoughthe king might
take a princessand keep her in his enclosure.3 He mighteven beget childrenby
his full sister.4
The Baganda also trace theirdescent in the male line,except in the case of
the royalchildren,who take theirmother'stotemas well as certaintotemsclaimed
by everyprinceand princess.' Clan exogamywas strictlyobservedexcept in the
case of the ruling prince,who,on his becomingking,was ceremoniallymarried
who sharedwith hiin the coronationceremoniesand the
to one of his half-sisters,
1 The evidenceon this point in late historictimesis discussedby Ruth, TheMarriageof

Near Kin, pp. 35-38, who gives a genealogy of the Ptolemies; instancesof its earlier
occurrence will be foundin Petrie'sHistoryof Egypt,cf.especiallyvol. ii, pp. 1, 40-44.
2 Journ. Roy.Anthrop. Inst.,vol. xxxvii,1907,p. 105.
3 Frominformation suppliedby Dr. Roscoeto ProfessorFrazer, f.Totemism acndExogarny,
vol. ii, p. 523.
4 Frazer,loc.cit.
5 J. Roscoe,TheBaganda, p. 128; this connectsbrother-sister marriagewith matrilineal
descent.

officialmourningfor his predecessor. Yet this queen and any other princesses
that the king might subsequentlymarrymight not have any children,indeed,
unless taken by the king,princesseswere not allowed to marry,though it was
commonknowledgethat theytook what loverspleased them. If theyborechildren
bothmotherand child werepromptlykilled; this conventionled to the systematic
practiceof abortion,nevertheless, it appears that fromtime to timeprincessesbore
childrenwhomtheysucceededin passingoffas belongingto someoneelse.'
These examplesall indicate that the custom of brother-sister marriage is
somethingabnormaland foreignto the generallifeof the lacustrinetribes,if this
were not so, there would scarcely be the steady determinationthat the royal
daughtersshouldbear no children. The custommustbe due eitherto the survival
of an ancientpracticeor to foreigninfluence,and it requiresbut little reflectionto
see that the latteris the correctexplanation. The Bahima, whose divergencefrom
the Aftican Negro is noted on page 656, are an immigrantpastoral people
who have occupiedthe territory of a sedentaryagriculturalpopulation,the Bahero,
who till the groundand do all menial work. The Banyoro are divided into two
sociallydistinctgroups,the one pastoraland the otheragricultural. The herdsmen
are thedescendantsof a nomadicrace who have becomemoreor less sedentarybut
theystilldespise the husbandmenand speak of themas peasantsand slaves.2 The
Baganda are ruled by a foreignaristocracy;Mtesa who was king at the time
of the discoveryof the countrywas proud of his foreign ancestors,whose
languagehe still spoke.3
Turningto the Nilotes it is found that although the Shilluk king does not
formallyor actually marryhis sisters,in otherdetails the Shilluk princesses are
treatedsubstantiallyas are theroyal daughtersof the lacustrinekingdomls.Thus,
althoughthe king'ssons take manywives,his daughtersmustremainunmiarried, the
alleged reasonforthis beingthat it,is unfitting that a royal daughtershould marry
a commoner,while she could not marrya man of royalblood since this wouildbe
incest. The prohibitionof marriagedoes not extend to all intercourse; a king's
daughteris allowed to select loversas she chooses,and nothingis said so long as it
is not publiclyknownthat she has become pregnant; Dut if this were discovered
she would be killed,as would also the muanresponsiblefor her condition. This,
whichuntil recentlyappearedto have beensternlycarriedout,led to the frequent
productionof abortioni.4
Even if Inofurtherevidencecould be adduced,in view of what has been said
in' the earlier part of this paper, there could be, I think,no hesitationin
referring this foreigninfluenceto the Hamites and admittingthat the custom we
are discussingnot only runsparallel to that of the Eoyptiansbut that it owes its
1 Roscoe,op. cit.,pp. 82-85.

2 Frazer,op. ctt.,p. 514.
3 A. H. Keane (Ilfan, Past and Present,
p. 90) makesthisstatementon Stanley'sauthority.
4 "The Cult of
Nyakang and the Divine Kings of the Shilluk," Fourth Reportof the
WellcomeTropicalResearchLaboratories, vol. B. 1911.

Hamitic Piroblern 653
existenceamongthe Negroidtribesof Cential Africato the influenceof thatgreat

race to whichthe predynasticEgyptiansbelonged. We thus reach the conclusion
marriagewas a widely spread early Hamitic institution. Nor
that brother-sister
were consanguineousmarriageslimited to the royal family, or even to the
aristocracy,forthe practiceoccursamong commonersiii certainGalla tribesat the
presentday' and thereis evidencethat marriagesbetween near relatives were by
no means repugnantto the feelingsof the Egyptianpopulace.2
Totemism and Animal Cults.

With the exceptionof a singlepassage in Makrizi,3which possibly may be
taken to indicatethe existenceof some formof animal cult,there does not seem
to be any evidencesuggestingthat animalswereassociatedwiththe social organiza-
tionor withthe worshipof thepagan Beja, nor have any traces ofanimal cult been
discoveredamongthe Beja of the presenttime. Sacred animals,however,do exist
among the pagan Hamites of Abyssinia, among them are the hyaena,the
snake, the crocodile,and the owl,4 though there is no reason to supposethat
these are totems. Amongthe southernGalla of BritishEast Africathereis a well-
definiedtreecult. Great reverenceis paid to the ya,7 (baobab), milk being poured
overits rootsonce a month,and a whitethreadbeing tied round the trunk or its
branches, and once a year "they kill for it" (wa-na-u6-tindia)a black sheep.
They also honourthe woredeand the oda (wild fig). Karayu is the name given
by Krapf as thename of one of nine tribesof the Galla descendedfromone Wolab,
but kareyuor karayu is also the name of a treewhich the Karayu clan of the
Wasanye will not cut down.5
The animal cults of ancientEgypt are so well knownthat it is not necessary
to adduce specificinstances; I may state, however, that careftilstudy of the
evidenceleads me to regardthe ancientEayptians as definitelytotemistic.
Amongthe Nilotes of the Sudan the D)inka and Nuier are the onlly people
knownto have a well developedtotemicsystem,but animal cults exist among the
1 Paulitschke,Ethnographie I, p. 196.
Nordost-Afrikas,
2 Mr. A. W. Gardinergives a most interesting,thoughnecessarilyincomplete, family
historyof the time of Rameses III., Zeitschrift fur Agyptische Spracheund Altertumsk/tnde,
XLVIII, pp. 50, 51. In thisit is recordedthattwo ofthe daughtersof Setau, the high priest
of Nekhbet,at El Kab were marriedto their paternal uncles. 'In the same journal(vol. 1,
1912,p. 57) Sethe givesan instanceofthe probableunionoffatherand daughter.
3 Quatremere, op. cit.,II, p. 26; nor does the passagein questionclearlyreferto the Beja.
4 Littmann, Art. "Abyssinia,"in Hastings'Encyclopwedia of Religionand Ethics,p. 57.
6 Miss Werner,to whomI am indebtedfor the above information concerningthe cult of
trees,writesthat the relationsbetweenWasanyeand Galla requirecarefulworkingout. The
Wasanyeshe metspokeGalla and knewno otherlanguage,thoughtheyadmittedtheyoncehad
anotherwhichthey say is that spoken by the Waboni. Theyhave the same,or partlythe
same, clans as the Galla, but are by no means clear about the divisionsinto Iradid and
Berietuma,nor do they know of any rule obligingeach divisionto marryinto the other
(which the Galla strictlyobserve). Miss Werner did not believe theirexplanationthatthey
were reallya branchofthe Galla, thoughtheymayhave adoptedclananameswhen subjugated
by the latter,just as the Pokomohave sincedone.

Shilluk,and Nyakang,theirsemi-divineculturehero and firstruler, still appears

ainongthemin animal forms,whilehis sisterNikaiya or Nyakai lives in the Nile
and is definitelyassociatedwith the crocodile.
In BritishEast Africathe Jaluo,one of the tribesof the Nilotic Kavirondo,
inhabitthe open hiillycountryto the north-eastof the VictoriaNyaiiza and speak
a languagecloselyallied to Shilluik. Hobley describes them as totemistic,their
wordfortotembeingklwero, whichrecalls the wordkwarapplied by the Bor and
TaimDinka alike to their totenm animals and their ancestors. The toteinismof
these people is, however,extrenmely aberrantin form,theirlewerobeing considered
malignantcreatureswhomit is praiseworthy to kill.
Among the half-Hamitesthe Nandi aind Suk are certainly totemic. The
formerare dividedinto a nurmber of clans, each having one, or occasionallytwo,
totemicanimals,'the latteralso have a large number of totemic and exogarrmous
clans."2 Among the Masai totemism,if it exists, must be of a less obvious
characterthan among the Nandi, for Hollis does not mentionit, though he
adduces factswhichnot only indicateanimalcults,butso stronglysuggesttotemism
that I have little doubt that these people are totemistic.3A numberof Bantu-
speakingEast Africantribeswho resemble the half-Hamitesin physique and in
manysocial mattersare totemic,such as the Akikuyl4and the Akamba.5
Customs connectedwith Milk and Cattle.

The Beja, the half-Hamites,and the Nilotes all have a large nuimberof
customns whiclhhave this in common,that theyare connectedwiththechiefproduct
of theirherds,viz., milk, or with the grass upon whichthey feed. 1 am inclined
to thinkthat love and venerationare not too strongtermsforthe feelingstowards
theircattle whichI believe formthe basis of that special regard for milk and
grass which occurs under varied forms anmongmany of the tribes that have a
strong infusion of Hamitic blood, or who have adopted elements of Hamitic
culture.
None of the Beja tribeswithwhom I am acquainted milk into a clay vessel
or put milk into one of these,in spite of the fact that many of the Hadendoa
make pots. Nor would it be permissibleto milk into one of the nmoderntin bowls
which Europeans have recentlyintroduicedinto the country. Gourdsand basket
vessels,especiallythe latter,are consideredthe appropriatereceptaclesfor milk,
though skin vessels, girba, may be used. Nor may any man of the Bisharini,
I A. C. Hollis, TheiVandi,pp. 1-11. In a singleinstanceone of the totemiis
is inanimate,
the Toiyoiclan has as totemthe soldierant and rain.
2 M. W. H. Beech, TheSuk,p. 5.
3 A. C. Eollis, The Masai, pp. 307-308. There is no doubt as to the totemismof the
Elgeyo and Kamasia tribes, which, if I understandhim aright,Hobley considersto be
branchesof theMasai, cf. The Akambaand otherEast AfricanTribes,p. 157.
4 W. S. and K. Routledge,Witha Prehistcoric People,p. 22.
5 C. W. Hiobley,Ethnology of Akambaand otherEast AfricanTribes(hereafterquotedas
The Akamba),pp. 4-6.

HarmiticProblemin the Anglo-EgyptianSudlant. 655
Artegra, and Hasa drink the milk he has himselfdrawn,whetherthe animal is his
own propertyor not,until someone else has taken three sips. So strict is this
rule that to say of a man halab sherab,"he milked [and immediately]drank,"
would be a sore termof reproach.' There are also customsconcerningthe cooking
of milk which vary from tribe to tribe: thus the Beni Amer and Bedawib
commonlycook their milk by droppinginto it hot stones as it stands in one of
the wide-mouthedbasket-workvessels called in Arabic umia. On the otherhand,
the majorityof Hadendoa will not cook milk,and in this the Artegaand Ashraf
resemble them. Amnongthe Artega, Ashraf, and Hasa only men may milk
camels or sheep,and these tribes despise the Arab Zebediya,recent immnigrants
fromArabia, forallowingtheirwomento milk theiranimals. The Artega,Ashraf,
and Hasa have few cows, and I do not know what general rules would be
applicable to them. There are, in fact,few cattle in the southernpart of the
Beja country,and they are not held in high esteem. No doubt where they do
exist theyare a comparativelyrecentintroduction,2 and this probablyaccountsfor
the factthat an Artegawho would inilk camels and sheep joyfullywould not milk
a cow. Moreover,the Amara, who formerlyhad no cattle and have not many
now, weresaid to look upon thernwith a certain contemptand comparethemto
hyaenas. This feelingdoes not,however,preventthem milkingtheircows,nor do
the Hadendoa make any difficulty in this matter. No menstruouswomandrinks
milk lest the animal fromwhichit was drawnshould suffer, and the Bedawib say
that any infringement of this rule would rendersterile boththe woman anld the
animal fromwhich the milk was taken; nor may a menstruouswomnandrink
senm,n(butter). These prolhibitions do not extend to parturientwomen, nor are
theyenforcedagainsta homicide,nor is milk or semnavoided by mourners.
These facts all indicate that milk is not " common"(using the word in its
biblical sense) among the present day Beja; it might,indeed, almost be called
sacred or sacrosanct. This is also the attitude of the southernGalla in British
East Africa,forMiss Wernerinforms me thatthe onlylegitimatereceptacleformilk,
which may never be boiled, is a basket-workvessel called gorfa,nor may the
milkerdrinkof the milk he has drawn withoutfirsthandingthe vessel to someone
else; when this personhas drunkhis fill,the milkerhimselfmay drink.
Ralabsherab
is Arabic,I believethatin theTigrelaniguage,
spokenbythe BeniAmer,
theequivalent
wouldbe
Egale nosi& halba k-asata iti tabaitu
So andso himself milks drinks(relative sucks
pronoun)
i.e.,So andso drawsmilkanddrinkslikea suckling.
2 Theprestige ofeverythingArabic(as opposedto thingsAfrican) hasalreadybeennoted.
Strange as it mayseem,thisfeeling
extends to cattle,whicharemoreAfricanthanArabianin
theirassociation,doubtlessbecausethedryclimateofEasternArabiais unsuited tothenm.So
it comesaboutthattheZebediyahavecamelsandsheepandgoats,butnocattle. Ontheother
hand,someof theBeni Amerin theneighbourhood of the Eritreafrontier
havepromising
herdsofcattle.

656 C. G. SELIGMANN.-SOme Aspects of the
Among half-Hamitesthere are numerousceremonialobservancesconnected

with milk. Gourds are the onlyvessels in which it may be received or stored.
Milk may not be boiled, nor may those that are suffering fromwounds or sores
drinkit. Meat must not be taken fortwenty-four hoursafterdrinkingmilk,or,
if meat has been eaten,milk mustbe avoided fortwenty-fouLr hours,and even then
must not be taken until some salt and water has been swallowed. If no salt can
be obtained,blood may be substituted. Moreover,thereare certainanimals which
shouldnot be eaten if it is possibleto obtainotherfood. A Nandi havingpartaken
of the fleshof one of theseanimals may not drink milk forat least fourmonths,
and thenionly afterhavingtaken a strongpurge.1
Masai warriors(il-moran)will not partake of milk on the same day as meat,
always taking a strongpurgativebeforetheypass fromone diet to the other,so
scrupulousare theyto avoid bringingmilk and fleshor blood into contact. These
rules no longerhold when the warriorpasses into the nextage-grade,that of elder
(ol-moruo).2
The Suk agree that no one would be killed in a hostile kraal if a woman of
the kraal pouredmilk upon the raiders,while a mixtureof blood and milk drunk
by the claimantto stolenpropertyor otherwitnesswill cause the death of a liar.3
The Dinka (Shish) have a numberof observancesconnectedwith milk. Cows
should be milked by boys and girls beforepuberty; in case of necessitya man
mightmilk a cow, but this is not a desirable practice,nor should old men do so
even when theyare past sexual relations. Menstruatingwomen may not drink
milk,thoughpuerperalwomenmay,and althoughmilk is sprinkledupon the graves
of the rainmakers,who are killed ceremoniallyin their old age, the near relatives
of a dead man may not touch mlilkduring,the firstfewdays afterthe death,i.e.,
during the time that they sleep near the grave. This sacred or uncommon
characterof milk extendsto a numberof Centraland East AfricanBantu-speaking
tribes in whose veins runs much Hamitic blood or who are ruled by a foreign
(Hamitic) aristocracy. This is speciallythe case amongthe greatlacustrinetribes,
the Bahima, the Banyoro, anid the Baganda. Although all three speak Bantu
dialectsthereis farless dark blood in the Bahima thanin any otherCentralAfrican
tribe. Photographsshow how unlike the Negro are some of the membersof this
tribe,whose physical charactersare thus describedby Frazer. " They are a fine
tall race with spare,lithe figures,shapelyheads, straightwell-carvednoses, high
foreheads,and thin lips. The neck is long and graceful,which gives the head a
lighteasy poise,verydifferent fromthat of the Negro withhis squat neck. Their
complexion,too, farless dark than his; indeed,it is sometimesa pale or reddish
is
yellow. Their deportment is dignified. In appearancetheydifferabsolutelyfrom
the Negro type, and in characterthey are equally distinct frommost Bantu-
1 Hollis, The Wandi,pp. 21 and 24.

2 J. Thomson, ThroughMasai Land, pp. 429-431, 443. Cf. also Hollis, Thle Masai,
xvi, 317.
3 M. W. H. Beech,TheSak, pp. 25, 28.

HarniticProblemignthe Anglo-EgyptianSudan. 657
speakingpeoples,theiruniformapathy,listlessness,and unruffled calm contrasting

stronglywith the .excitability, and furiousgesticulationof other
rapid utteralnce,
Africanraces. The Muhima (singular of Bahima) is never in a hurry. Pride is
the keynoteof his character; his ancestorsconqueredthe countrysome generations
ago and he inheritsthe traditionof the dominantrace. All menial labour is done
by his slaves, the Bahero or Bairo,who till the ground,build huts,and carrywater
for their lords and masters. The only occupation which the Muhima deems
worthyof him is the tendingof the cattle. He loves the huge-hornedbeasts,
which,sometimesvicious with other people,are gentle and docile under his care.
He pets them,talks to them,coaxes them,weeps over their ailments,and some-
timescommitssuicidewhen a favouriteanimal dies."'
Only the men milk the cows, whose produceis not allowed to stand after
noon or to turnsour,aiid it is not lawful to boil milk or fora menstruouswoman
to drinkit.2 These folk go even furtherthaii the Masai in thosecustomswhose
objectit is to avoid bringinginto contactmilk and other foods; thus it is strictly
forbiddento eat vegetables and drink milk at the same time,nor may meat be
mixed withmilk,hence milk is drunkin the morningalndbeefeaten at night.
The Baganda3and the Bunyoro observesomewhatsimilarcustoms as regards
milk, but in addition the latter keep a special herd for the king's use and a
Tcomplicated ceremonialdescribed by Frazer was enacted tlhricea day when the
JSingdrankmilk.4
Amongthe A-Kaniba, a Bantu tribe living to the south of Mount Kenia
betweenthe Tana River and the Uoanda railway,thereis " a special curse used for
a bad wife,the husband draws a little milk fromher breast into his hand,and
then licks it up, thisis a curse which has no palliative,after it the husband can
never again cohabit with the woman."5 I venture to thiiik there can be little
doubt as to the sionificanceof this ceremony,especiallywhen it is remembered
that in the Hamitic area it is not infrequentforfosterchildrento be looked upon
as relatedto each otherin the same degreeas blood relations. Thus milk affords
as valid a bond as blood,and the ceremonyjust describedcan onlymean that the
husbandpurposelymakes hiimselfof one blood (milk) with the woman and thus
cuts himselfloose fromher forever.
Amongsome Gallas and half-Hamitesgrass is of the same sacred character
as milk. Major H. Darley informsme that some Gallas round Gore in Western
Abyssiniathrowgrass towards a lion; this is perhaps only a special example of
theirhabit of throwinggrassinto the air as a sign of peace, a customwhichalso
I Totemism and Exogamy,vol.ii,p. 533. Photographsofthe BahimaofGermanEast Africa
are givenby Max Weiss,Die Volkerstdmme im NordenDeutsch-Ostafrikas (Berlin,1910). Thes
seemto showthatFrazer'sdescription is notquite of geneial application,thoughit agreeswe 1
enoughwitha numberof Weiss'figures, especiallythoseof the aristocracy.
2 Frazer,op. cit.,p. 534.
3 Roscoe,TheBaganda, pp. 417-419.
4 Frazer,op. cit.,pp. 526-528.
s Hobley,TheA-Karnba, p. 105.

658 C. G. SELIGMANN.-Some
Aspectsof the
obtainsamongthe Masai.' Grass is also of religiousimportanceto the Nandi.2

No doubt in all these cases the explanationis to be found in the feelingvoiced in
the Masai saying: " God gave us cattle and grass,we do not separate the things
whichGod has given US."3
The Importance of the Placenta, especially of the Royal Afterbirth.

As mightbe expected thereare no records concerningthe treatmentof the
placenta amongthe ancientBeja, but it is clear that theirmodernrepresentatives
attach considerableimportanceto the afterbirth. Before proceeding,to give the
data wlhichjustifythis statementit will be convenientto referto the practicein
AncientEgypt. With Miss MurrayI have shownthat an object havingthe shape
of the placenta occurs as a cult-object upon Egyptian monumentsfromproto-
dynastic to Ptolemaic times, and that its conventionalizedformis called the
Inner Thing of the King," or " The Royal Child"; moreover,there is always
the closestassociationbetweenthe king and the cult-object.4 There can then be
little doubtas to the importanceof the afterbirthlin Egypt,and the examination
of the evidencesuggeststhat the placenta was regardedas the double,physicalor
spiritual,of the infantit had nourished.
Returningnow to the Beja, the coastal Bisharin hold that it is importantfor
the futurewelfareof the child that the afterbirth should not be eaten by dogrsor
birds,it is thereforethrowninto the sea or placed in a tree and watched forsome
days. Probablytheyensureits safetyby some such method as that employedby
the Hadendoa, who enclose it in a basket and tie it in the branchesof a tree if
theycannotthrowit into the stream. The Artega treat the afterbirthin the
same way,but some of the Beni Amer buryit some little distancein frontof the
door of the tent,place a camel saddle over the spot and leave it there forseven
da.ysand then,afterremovingthe saddle, theykill a sheep on the spot and make
a feast.5 Considerable importanceseems to be attached to the placing of the
camel saddle over the placenta,forit was said that if the fatherdid not himself
possessa saddle he would borrowone forthe purpose.
Amongthe Arab tribes of the Sudan thereare a number of customswhich
indicate that considerableimportanceis attached to the placenta. The Dar
1 HIollis, The Masai, p. 289. Other customsconcerninggrass are given Upoln pp. 290
and 350.
2 Hollis, TheiVandi,pp. 74, 77, 78, 85.
3 Hollis,op. cit.,p. 290.
4 "Note upoinan Early EgyptianStandard,"'Man, 1911,97.
5 This feastwas called by the Arabic name karama. I do not know how much stress
shouldbe laid on the use of thisword. Properlyit signifies a feastgivenwithpiacularintent,
at least someof whichis distributed to strangersand the poor. Sacrificesmade at gravesand
afterdreanming ofa deceasedparentare karama. The importancein the presentilnstanceof
the exact connotation of the worddid not occurto me until afterI had left the Sudan,but if
myinformant used the wordwithits propersignificance in his mind,the ritualcharacterofthe
treatment of the placentais enhanced.

in the Anglo-Egyptiant
HamniticProblenm Sudan. 659
Hamid, an important sedentary tribe of northernKordofan, bury it at the

thresholdand thrust a g,reenbranch of heglik into the ground above it. The
Gawama burythe placenta in the same way,but the leaf of the donm palm is used
instead of the heglikbranch.' Mr. MacMichael informsme that among some of
the Arab tribes of the Blue Nile District,including the Batahin,the placenta is
buriedat the thresholdwith corn,date stones,and a fragmentof woven stuff, for
preferencesilk, a palm leaf being thrustinto the groundin the usual way. I may
concludethis subject by pointingout that I have elsewhere recordedthe erection
of a shrine over the afterbirthof a saint among a population predominantly
composedof Barabra.2 This occurredat Bara in noithernKordofan.
Among the Bahima of Ankole who formthe Hamitic aristocracyof a Bantu
state,the placenta is buriedunderthe threshold,the hole dug,to receiveit being
lined with sweet smellinggrass.3 Mr. Roscoe does not mention whetherthe
graves of adults whichare dug in the cattle kraal are preparedin this way,but
clearlythe positionin which the afterbirthis buried,as well as the preparationof
its " grave,"alike show the importancethat is attachedto it.4
Amongthe Nilotes the maximumamount of Hamitic blood is probablyto be
fotnd among the Shilluk,and, as alreadymientioned, men with well formednoses,
thin lips,long faces,and high foreheadsare by no means uncommonamong them.
The Shilluk kino has a large number of wives, but none of them bear their
childrenin the royal village,foreach is sent when preginant to some othervillage,
where she stays !until her child is weaned. Just as the afterbirthof every
Shilluk is buriednear the hut in which he is horn,so the afterbirth of the royal
child is buriedin that village,where he will live and ultimatelybe buried,while
there was a time beforethe rise of 'the present capital, Fashoda, when custom
dictated that a prince who succeeded to the throne should make the village in
whichhe was born the capital of his kingdom.
The Dinka burythe afterbirthoutsidebut near the walls of the tukl; among
the Shish tribe in the neighbourhoodof Shambe the afterbirthis washed and
then wrappedin a skiii,usually I believe an old garment,in which it is buried.
When the child is old enough to understandhe is shown the place where his
afterbirth was buried,and he will rememberthis as he growsup. The special
interestattachingto thisinformation is that a skin-that of the animal killed at
notingthatat Qurneh,nearThebes,a leafofthe date palm projectsfromeach

1 It is wortlh
of themorerecentgravesin the moderncemetery, its avowedobjectbeingto enablethe soul of

the deceasedto findits propergrave. In view of the otherevidenceadduced,I findit difficult
not to connectthe two customs.
2 In an articlecontributedto Essaysand Studiespresented to WilliamRidgeway.
3 J. Roscoe," The Bahima,"Journ.Roy.Anthrop. Inst.,vol. xxxvii,1907,p. 106.
4 The importance of the thresholdis discussedby ProfessorFrazer in a paper," Folk-Lore
in the Old Testament," in thevolumeofAntlhropological Essays presented toSir E. B. Tylor,etc.
As noted by ProfessorFrazer," theafterbirthis supposedby nmany peoples-forexample,by
the Baganda-to be a personalbeing,the twinbrotheror sisterof theinfant,whomit follows
at a shortintervalintothe world" (op. cit.,p. 172).

the funeralfeast-is used to wrap the body of a man beforehe is laid in his
grave. Probably this is the custom among the majorityif not among all the
Dinka tribes,it certainlyapplies to the Agar and the Shish.
Strikingas these examples are, they cannot compare with the conditions
foundamongthe Baganda,a Bantu people, with kings of predominantlyHamitic
blood,amongwhomthe belief in the importanceof the placenta was carriedto a
pitchwhich,as faras I am aware, is found nowhereelse in Africa. Even among
commonersthe afterbirth was called the second child, and was believed to have a
spirit which at once became a ghost, and attached itself to the stump of the
umbilical cord (mulongo).' For this reason the umbilical cord of a prince was
treated with the greatest reverence. " On the birth of a prince the umbilical
cord is driedand preserved,placed in a pot which is made for its reception,and
sealed up; the pot is wrapped in bark cloths and decoratedwith beads, in olden
timeswithvariousseeds whichresemblebeads; this is called the 'mulongo (twin),
and has a house built forits abode in the enclosure belongingto the Kimbugwe,
the second officerin the country,who takes his seat in all the councils of the
state with the Katikiro (Prime Minister). The umbilical cord of the king was
decorated and treated as a person. Each new moon, in the evening, it was
carriedin state,wrapped in bark cloths, to the king, and the Kimbugwe,on his
return,smeared the decorated cord with butter,and left it in the moonlight
duringthe night. It was looked after by the Kimbugwe until after the king's
death, when it was placed in a special shrine or temple called qnalolo,with the
king'sjawbone, iwanga, which is spoken of as the 'king.' The two ghosts,the
one of the placenta attached to the mulongoand the other of the dead king
attached to the iwanga, were thus brought togetherto forma perfectgod, to
whom offeringswere made in the malolo. The malolo or temple is entirely
differentfromthe tomb in which the king's body is laid; indeed, the malolo
is built some monthsafterthe tomb,often,it appears, at a considerabledistance
fromthe latter. The gnalolois kept in repairby the state, while the interiorand
enclosureare looked afterby some of the widows of the deceased king. Within
the malolois a dais, coveredwith lion and leopard skins,and protectedby a row of
brass and iron spears,shields,and knives; behindthis there is a chamberformed
by bark cloth curtains; here are kept the iwanga and mulongo,to which the
spiritof the dead king is attached, but they are placed upon the dais, when the
departedking wishesto hold his court,or forconsultationon special occasions."2
The Belief in Otiose High Gods, associated with an Active Cult of the Dead.
Knowledgeof the religionof the pagan Beja is almost entirelylacking,and,
as far as I can ascertain,Eayptian records supplyno clue. The earliestmention
of the Beja (Blemmyes)is made by Roman historians,who state that in the third
1 Roscoe,TheBaganda, p. 54.
2 Seligmannand Murray," Note on an EgyptianStandard,"Man, 1911,97.

Problemin the Anglo-EgyptianSudan.
Hammitic 661
centuryA.D. they took advantage of the decline of the Roman power to ally
themselveswith the Palmyrenes and invade Egypt A.D. 268. The allies seem
to have dominatedthe countryfora few years,and even the defeat of the Beja
by Probus only checked their inroads temporarily. Some eighty years later,
when the Roman Governmentwas re-established,one of the conditionsupon
which peace was made was that the Beja should be given permissionto visit
the temple of Isis at Philae, to borrow her statue and take it into their own
country for worship.' These rights were not withdrawn until the reign of
Justinian,who,by orderingthe destructionof the temple,seems to have removed
the one object in Roman territorythat the Beja really respected.,and thus
occasioned renewedraids. It is impossibleto say how long the worshipof Isis
persisted,or whetherthe "(idol" of which Makrizi and others make mention
representedthis goddess, but Procopius2states that the Beja worshippedIsis,
Osiris and Priapus, and offeredhuman sacrificesto the sun. Moreover,it is
recorded in the Life of St. Pachomius3 (ob. 346) that the Beja carried off a
monk from the neighbourhoodof Panopolis and forced him to worship their
"idol." These few statementssuggest that the religion of the pagan Beja in
essentials may have resembled that of Egypt, but though probable enough it
would scarcelybe safe to press this view.4 There is no hint of the cult of those
animal gods that so impressed the Greek and Roman historians of Egypt's
decadence. On the other hand, the systemof shamanismdescribedby Makrizi
suggeststheexistenceof ancestor-worship." TheseBeja [of the desertof Aidab and.
Aloa] . . . are still given to idolatry . I. . followingtheir priests in all
things. Each farnilyhas a priest who erects a tent of skins in which he
practises his vocation. When consulted he strips himselfand enters the tent
backwards. He comes out behaving as a maniac or epileptand says: The spirit
salutes you and advises you to give up a particularjourneyfor such and such a
tribe is about to attack you. . . . When they determineto move their
encainpment, the priest loads the tent of whichI have spokenon the back of a
camel which bears no other load. They allege that this animal rises and travels,
as if heavilyladen, and that it sweats profuselyalthough the tent is absolutely
empty."5
The pagan Galla believe in a high god called Wak,6who, as Miss Werner
states,is not clearlydistinguishedfromthe sky; nevertheless,Wak is frequently
addressed in prayer,and Miss Werner considersthat more worshipis paid to
Wak than to the ancestral spirits. The routineworshipof the recent ancestors
is somewhatas follows:-A bullockis sacrificedon the grave on the day of burial
1 A Historyof Egypt,vol. v, p. 100.
2 QuotedbyQuatrem6re, op. cit.,vol. ii, p. 133.
3 Quatremnre, op. cit.,vol. ii, pp. 130,131.
4 It is possiblethatthe adoptionby the Beja of Egyptiandeitiesmayhave been late.
5 Quatremere, op. cit.,pp. 152,153.
6 Liftmann,lOc. cit. Miss Wernerinforms me the correctnameis Wain, of whichWak is
the genitive,
VOL. XLIII. 2x

662 Aspectsof the
C. G. SELIGMANN.-SOme
and eaten by the grave-diggers. Some time later anotherbullockis killed and all
the dead man's relativesare invitedto the feast,whichis held in a shed specially
built forthe purpose. Probablythis marksthe end of the period of mourning.
It is customaryforanyonewho passes a grave to-putsome tobaccoupon it:
The Barea and iKunama,who,according to Munzinger,exhibit no traces of
degenerateChristianitysuch as is foundamong the Bogos,recognizeone god who
is lord of the universe. Yet he is not worshipped,nor has he any dealing with
mankind. The cult of the dead seems to be of more importance,a special
festivalis held in November after the harvest,which Munzingerspeaks of as a
feastof " thanksgiving,propitiationand remembranceof the dead."' Every house-
hold makes a quantityof beer,and a small pot is set apart foreach dead member
of the familyfor a couple of days,afterwhichit is drunkby the living. It is
a time of peacemaking,dancing and singing,and onlyafter this feast may wild
honeybe collected.2
All those Nilotic and half-Hamitictribes concerninig whose religiousbeliefs
we have definiteinformationbelieve in the existenceof a highgod who,broadly
speaking,concerns himselflittle with the affairsof mankind,the regulationof
which is held to depend on man's own efforts, secondedby the spiritsof the dead
(attiepand jok), whose benevolent interest is invoked by prayer and sacrifice.
Althoughtotemicor otherformsof animal cults exist in some of these tribesthey
do not seem to cause confusion; the totems are on a totally distinctplane to
that occupied by the high god,while totemismfusesso readilyand logicallywith
the cult of the dead that the two beliefsdo not exert any mutuallydisintegrative
action,but rather reinforceand tend to perpetuateeach other. Thus,amongthe
Dinka, whose religious beliefs I have describedat length elsewhere,3the social
organizationis into a numberof totemicclans,and although some of theirprayers
begin Nyatlich, ko Kwar, " God and our Ancestors,"it is the latterthat are feared,
propitiatedand invoked in the affairsof everydaylife, and it is to them that
shrines are raised, while in some cases in which appeal is made nominallyto
Dengdit the formsuggests that he has been confusedwiththe jok. Moreover,
even the high god Nyalich,perhaps most oftencalled Dengdit,is believedby the
Niel Dinka to have ruled the tribe in humanguise long ago, and the Adero clan
of this tribehave the rain (deqg) as theirtotem.4
Munzinger,Ostafrikanische Studien,p. 473.

Munzinger,loc. cit.
2
3 Hastings' Encyclopcediaof Religionand Ethics,art. " Dinka,"vol. iv, pp. 704-713.
4 The Niel Dinka say thatthe first
ancestorof theclan appearedfromthe sky as a young
womanpregnantwithherfirstchild. The peoplereverentially formeda circleroundher,killed
bullocks,and thenrubbedherfromhead to footwith the bellyfat. Next theybuiltforher a
hutwithouta door. Here, a monthlater,herchildwas born,and she called to the people,who
broughtcattle,whichshe told themto go and sacrifice. When theycameback theyfoundher
nursinga marvellousbabe withteethlike an adult, and tears of blood. Then the mothersaid
to them: " This is yourbain,look afterhimwell,forI can staywith you no longer." As she
spoke,the rain came down in torrents,and thereforethe boy was called Deng (Rain) or

I may continue my brief review of Dinka religion by pointingout that

importantas is the part played by the ancestral spirits in the every-daylife of
man, they are not thoughtto be concernedin the giving of rain, this being a
matter for Dengdit or Nyalichhimself,who mustbe approachedby the rainmaker
of the tribe,who in each generationincarnates the spirit of the greatancestral
rainmaker(cf. infra,pp. 671 et seq.).
Amongthe Shilluk thereis a quite generalbelief that the spiritsof the dead
are everywhere, and that sometimesthey come to their descendantsin dreams,
and help them if theyare ill or give themgood counsel,but this beliefdoes not
appear to have given rise to any cult of the dead comparablein intensitywith
that existingamongthe Dinka, its place as the workingreligionof the tribebeing
taken by the cult of Nyakangthe semi-divineancestorof their kings,in whomhis
spirit is immanent. The Shilluk think of Nyakang as having been humanlike
themselves,and as having led them to the land theynow occupy. He was the
firstof theirkinas and the ancestorof theirroyal house,thoughunlike his recent
successors he did not die, but disappeared during a tempest. His holiness is
especiallyshown by his position in relation to Juok the highgod of the Shilluk,
who made man and orderedall things. Juok is formlessand invisible,and like
the wind is everywhereat once. He is far above mankindand Nyakang,and
does not concern himselfwith the affairsof every-daylife. Nevertheless,certain
of the sacrificesoffered
to Nyakang,by the Shilluk king have no otherobject than
to enable him to move Juok to send rain. Apart fromthe rain ceremonyJuok
is scarcelyworshippeddirectly,'yet his name occursin such commongreetingsas
yimitiJuok," May Juok guard you."
Practicallynothingis known about the religionof otherNilotic tribes,but I
found that the Shir, the tribe living immediatelyto the south of the Dinka
(and not uncommonlyconfusedwith the Bari), have a god Long e Ke corres-
ponding to the Dinka Dengdit,and a formof ancestorworshipwhich resembles
that of the Dinka. The ancestral spirits(tilimut) linger about the village and
look aftertheirdescendants,but theyalso send sicknessand must be placated with
offerings.
Turning now to the half-Hamites,the Nandi have a supremedeityAsis, or
Asista, identifiedwith the sun, though,as noted by Sir Charles Elliot in his
Introductionto Mr. Hollis' book,we " are led to supposethat he is a benevolent
and powerful,but somewhat vague deity."2 The cult of the dead is muchmore
developed. The spirits of the deceased (oiik) protect their living kinsmen,but,
as among the Dinka, they also send sickness and the spirit responsiblefor the
disordermustbe discoveredand propitiated.
Dengdit(GreatRain). He ruledthemfora longtimeand, when he was veryold, disappeared

in a greatstorm.
1 Westermann(op. cit., p. 171), however,gives a prayerto Juok havingno reference
to
rain-making.
2 TheNandi,p. xix.
2x 2

It is less easy to summarisethe religionof the Masai. Naiteru-Kop,"The

Beginner of the Earth,"who arranged the presentorderof things,seems a fair
representativeof the Niloticand half-Hamitichighgods,but it cannotbe said that
thereis any clear evidenceof the part played by ancestralspirits.
The Suk believein a vague SupremeBeing who made the earth and is the
universalfather,whom rmost men call Torotut," the Sky,"but some Ilat, " Rain."'
The account given of the death ceremoniessuggeststhat the spirits of the dead
play the same part as theydo amongthe Nandi; some at least pass into snakes.2
Amongthe Bantu-speakingtribes of East Africathe Akamba recognizean
impersonaldeityEngai, or Mulungu,who lives in the sky,and a host of ancestral
spirits,Aii?nu,who standin the mostintimaterelationwiththe living.3
The Cult of Divine Kings responsible for the Production of Rain, when the
High God may assume the Form of a Rain God.
The chiefsof the Dinka and the kingsof the Shilluk are regardedas beings
almost divine, upon whose correct conduct the preservation,or at least the
welfare,of their people depends. In fact,they belong to that class of ruler to
whomProfessorFrazer applies the name Divine Kings, believed to incarnatethe
divine spirit,and who were periodicallykilled lest that spirit should sufferfrom
its retentionin an ageing body. Every Dinka high chief is killed in his old
age, this being done at his own request with all ceremonyand reverence. The
Shilluk king was also slain by his subjects,nor was his death postponeduntil,
in his old age, he felt that he had done all that he could for his people, but
he was killed while still in vigorousmiddle age directlyhis wives complained
that his generativefaculties were weakening. The Wawanga,a tribe of Bantu-
speakingKavirondoof BritishEast Africa,also kill their king,and thereappears
to be little doubt but that the king is a "semi-divine personage . . first
a
and foremost, priest or medicineman. . ."4 There is also a somewhat
close resemblancebetween the rite as carried out by the Wawanga and the
Shilluk. The customof king-killing,in a somewhatmodifiedform,is also found
among the Banyoro,a people with a foreign(Galla) aristocracy. Their kings
had to take their own lives while theywere still in the full possession of their
facultiesand beforetheir bodily vigour was impaired by the ravages of disease.
" As soon as the king felt unwell and thoughthe was about to die, he called his
principal chiefs,and, after discussing affairs of state with them in council he
went to a private house, where only his chief wife was allowed to visit him.
There he asked her for' the cup,' the poisonedcup . . . and having received
it at her hands he drained it and in a moment was dead. . . . If the king
1 M. W. H. Bech, TheSuk,p. 19.

2 Beech,op.cit.,pp. 20 and 22.
3 Beech,op. cit.,pp. 85-90.
4K. R. Dundas, " The Wawanga anadOtherTribesof the Elgon District,"in thisJournal,
vol. xliii,1913.

Hamitic Problemn
in the Anglo-EgyptianSudan. 660
faltered,or was too ill to ask forthe cup, it was his wife's sad dutyto administer
the poison. His death was kept secretfora time. . . . The public announce-
mentof the death was made bythe chiefmilkman."'
It remainsto inquirewhetherthereis evidencethat at any time the Egyptian
kingwas ceremoniallyput to deathlike the Dinka rainmakersand the divinekings
of the Shilluk. It is obvious that nothingof the sortoccurredin historictimes,
yet even at the height of Egypt's power ceremonieswere performedwhich can
scarcelybe explainedin any otherway than that theyarose at a remotetime when
the king was not allowed to die naturally,but,aftera moreor less definiteperiod
of office,was sent to Osiris by violence,accompaniedby such high ceremonialas
befittedso greatan occasionin the nation'shistory.
The sed festivalof ancient Egypt seems to be a survivalof the custom of the
ceremonialkilling of the king. The essential point of the ceremonywas the
identificationof the king,though still living,with Osiris the god of the under-
world, with whom every pious Eayptian was united at his death. The oldest
representationof the ceremonywhich has come down to us is that on the mace
head of King Narmer. This shows the king as Osiris seated in a shrine at the
top of nine steps and holding the flail commonlyheld by the god. At one side
of the space in frontof the king are a numberof standards,the firstof which is
the jackal Upwawat," the openerof the ways,"describedon the seal of King Zer
as "he who opens the way when thou advancesttowards the underworld." This
seal shows King Zer as Osiris preceded by Upwawat and the ostrichfeather,the
emblemof lightnessor space,called " the shed-shedwhichis in front,"upon which
the deceased was supposed to ascend. " Here, then,"to quote ProfessorPetrie,'2
" the king,identifiedwith Osiris,king of the dead, has beforehim the jackal-god,
who leads the dead, and the ostrichfeather,which symbolizeshis receptioninto
the sky."
Later discoveriesdo but confirmthe suggestionthat the great feature of
the sed festivalwas the Osirificationof the king. No doubt in historicand even
in protodynastic times this apotheosiswas ceremonial,the king was not killed but
continued his reign as Osiris. Nevertheless,it is known that in two cases an
Osiride figureof the deifiedking was treated as a dead king,no doubt in a sense
regardedas havingdied at his sed feast. Mr. Howard Carterfoundburiedin a pit
at Thebes the seated figureof a king of the dynastyMentuhotep,representedas
clothedin a tunic comingdown to thewrists,as in the Osiridefiguresof Pepi and
other early kings.3 The other example is furnishedby the remains found by
ProfessorPetrie in a ruin on the summitof the highesthill of the desertplateau
in the immediateneighbourhood of Thebes. These includeda fragmentof a seated
figureof Sankh-ka-ra,a king of the eleventh dynasty,wearing a close-fitting
garmentcomingdown and coveringthe wrist,besidesthe remainsof a sarcophagus
1 Frazer, Totemism and Exogamzy, vol. ii, pp. 529-530.
2 Researchesin Sinai, 1906,p. 183.
3 Qurneh,1909,p. 6.

lid with manygraffitiupon it. "' We must then picturea cenotaph or imitation
sarcophagus,with roll moulding,pilaster framing, and a separatelid with cornice,
standingfreelyaccessible in the chapel,wherethereis no trace of a well or tomb
pit. And along with it was a seated figurein Osiride dress as worn at the sed
festival. The limestonecenotaphwas not merelya niche or shrinefor the figure,
or it would not have had a separate lid, well finishedat the joint and rough
underneath. That lid proves that a cenotaph sarcophagusexisted,the inside of
whichwas invisible."' It seems that this evidence,all pointingto the Osirification
of the king,can have but one meaning,namely,that the sed ceremonyrepresents
the actual killingand burial of the kingwhichregularlytook place in prehistoric
times,as it does amongthe Shilluk at the presentday.
One otherpoint may be mentionedas illustratingthe close similarityin the
Nilotic and Egyptianceremonies. A representationof the sed festival discovered
at Memphis in 1909 shows the stuffedor dried arms and chest of a man being
carriedbehindthe king. ProfessorPetrie suggeststhat these are the remainsof
a deifiedking "probably the relic of the king Osiris preservedin the Metelite
nome . . . whichwere used in the investitureof the rulerfromearly times."2
Further,"these armswere perhaps at firstthe actual dried arms of the Osiris-
King. In historicages theywereprobablya cartonnagemodel of a chest
and arms whichwere carried to the investiture,and laid on the shouldersof the
new rulerto conferthe virtueof the royaloffice."3
In support of the suggestionthat the divine king may cease to be put to
death and yet maintain his importanceas priest-kingI miayreferto the simn or
priest-kingof the Bogos, a pagan tribeof Abyssiniawith some 2,000 adult males,
of whomabout a third are Schmagilli,the descendantsof one Gebre Tarke the
founder of the nation, and constitutethe ruling aristocracy. The Bogos are
pastoral Hamites alnd are described by Munzinger as by no means African
(Negroid) in type. Their skin varies in colour from pale yellow to black,their
hair,thoughthickand coarse,is not woolly,and theirfeaturesare finerand more
regular than those of their Tigre neighbours.4 The sim is head of the whole
tribe,his officedescendingin the direct line fromfatherto first-born son,the sirn
succeedingto his new positionof dignityafterfasting in isolationin his hut and
washing his whole body in the water with which his fatlher'sbody had been
washed. Munzingerdescribesthe sin as sacred and inviolable,one whose officeis
I
Qurneh, 1909,p. 5.
Palace ofApries,1909,p. 10.
2
3 Palace ofApries,loc. cit. Consecration by meansof the bodilyremainsof a greatprede-
cessorcontiniuedin Egypt to a muchlaterperiod. Makrizi recordsthatin thenmonth of Shaban,
of the year 821, the Venetianscarriedaway fromAlexandria the head of St. Mark. "The
JacobiteChristiansweresorelygrievedbythistheft,whichtheyregardedas a disasterto their
religion. For whenthe-Patriarch was electedhe proceededto Alexandria,wherethishead was
placedin his arms. They were indeed persuadedthat withoutthis ceremony his installation
was notvalid."-Quatremere,op. cit.,vol. ii, p. 262.
4 Munzinger,Uberdie Sittenund das Reclht derBogos,1859,p. 68.

Hamitic Problem? 667
a sacramentensuringa heavenlyblessing,an anointed king without royal power,

bywlhichhe apparentlymeans temporal power,forhe goes on to say that in other
countrieshe would have becomea real king and considersthat only the jealousy
of the pastoral nobilityhas preventedit here. The tribe gives the sim a state
dressand its membersappear to be jointlyresponsibleforhis comfortand food
supply,while even if he be a poorman his blood is rated higherthan that of the
proudest noble. Considering that the religion of the Bogos shows traces of
Christianinfluenceand the advance in socio-politicalorganizationthat has been
made by the vast majorityof the Abyssinian tribes,rememberingtoo that
Munzinger'swork on the Bogos was concerned predominantly with their social
organizationand legal customs,it seems reasonable to regard the sim as a divine
king,and perhapsa rainmaker,although like the priest-kingrulers of the half-
Hamites he is not put to death by his people.
Having indicatedthat the rulers of Egypt and the kings or chiefs of the
Nilotes and half-Hamitesbelong to the class of Divine Kings, it remains to
considerwhetherit can be shown that they are also rainmakers,that is to say,
are they believed to control the weather so effectively that the due supply of
waternecessaryto the countryis dependentupon their actions? It will be seen
immediatelythat there is no doubt as to this in the case of the Nilotes; it is
almost as certain for the half-Hamites; but, when considering,the powersof the
Egyptianking,there are certain special circumstanceswhich must be taken into
consideration.
In the first place, Upper Egypt is a countryin which rain falls at such
uncertainintervals that it plays no part in the economyof the land, its place
beingtaken by the inundationof the Nile. Secondly,our recordsof the earliest
dynastsindicatethat these had advanced fartheroii the road to civilizationthan
any otherHamitic or partiallyHamitic people in the Africancontinent. Never-
theless, the great mace head of Hierakonpolis,dating back some six or seven
thousandyears,one of the earliest monumentsupon which is portrayedthe king
of Upper Egypt,showshis majestyinauguratingirrigationworkswitha hoe of the
patternistill in use. The scene is so interestingand suggestivethat I may be
allowed to quote ProfessorPetrie's description: "The main part of the mace is
occupied with a record of public works performedby the king. The central
figureis the king standingwith a hoe in both hands. Before him is a man
holding a basket for the earth, and beyond that there has been another man
holdinga bunch of ears of corn. Above these are the usual standard-bearers of
the army,and immediatelyin frontof the king'shead is his title-the rosette,and
his name-the Scorpion. Behind him are two fan-bearers,and the open country
with growingplants. Beyond that is the end of a festal subject, which is the
conclusion of the scene before the king. In the upper part are figuresin
palanquins. . Below themis a row of womenwithlong hair,dancing.
"Below the king are represented the irrigation works which he is
inaugurating. Two men are engaged in making the banks on opposite sides

668 Aspectsof the
of the canal; a third is runningforwardwith a hoe; the attitude with bent

knees is drawn from the appearance of a man when runningthroug,h
long grass. Above him is a palm tree growingin an enclosure of reedsbound
withcords,like modernEoyptian field-fences.By the side of that is the prow of
a boat on the canal. At the bottom,across the canal, standsa hut built of reeds
bound withcords. . . .'')
There is a fifthdynastyinscriptionin Wady Maghara2whichseems to referto
the king Ne-user-rain his water-supplying capacity. The scene is divided into
parts,on one side is the king smitingthe enemy; on the other is an enormous
water vessel on a stand supportedon threei (life) signs. On the vessel are the
titles and name of the king,while above it are two inscriptionsreading(i) " Lord
of foreignlands " and (ii) " He gives cool water."2
There is a passage in the inscriptionsof the temple of Redesiyeh3in which
Seti I. describesthe digging,of the well near which the templewas subsequently
built, which suggests that it was the king only that could move "the god"
to grantwater,but I do not wish to lay too much stress upon this and similar
passages4since the common style in which the kings of Egypt recordtheir acts
lays continual stress on the close relationshipexisting between them and the
gods. Perhaps rathermoreweightmay be ascribedto the addressof the courtto
Rameses II. upon the Kubban stele,though even here the language is absurdly
inflated. "If thou sayest to the water 'Come upon the mountain' the flood
comes forthquicklyafterthyword,forthou art Re in limbs,and Khepri with his
true form."5
Much betterevidence is offeredby the stele at Abu Simbel concerlned with
the marriageof Rameses II. with the daughterof the Hittite king, and this is
confirmed by a poetic fragmentin the Papyrus Anastasi. The inscriptionon the
stele reads: " Then his majestytook counsel [for] the armywith his own heart,
saying: 'What are these newcomerslike! When there goes not a messengerto
Zahi in these days of floodon the upper [heights] in winter.' Then he offeredan
oblationfor[-] and forSutekh. Then he came [pray]ing,saying: 'Heaven is-
and earthis under[thyfeet]. That whichthou commandestis all that happens.
Thou-to make the flood and the cold upon the [heights] . . . which thou
hast assigned to me,King Rameses (II.).' Then his father,Sutekh,heard every
[wor]d.. "6
Though the language is obscure it is evident, as Breasted points out
1 Hierakonpolis,
vol. i, pp. 9-10.
Lepsius,Denkmdler,
2 vol. i, p. 152. I am indebtedto Miss Murrayfordrawingmyattention
to thisscene,as well as forherreadingofthe two inscriptions.
3 The villageof Redesiyehis on the Nile, about 5 milesabove Edfu. The templeis in the
desert,about37 mileseast of the modernvillage.
4 Such passagesas " Behold the god has performed mypetitionand he has broughtto me
wateruponthe mountains."-Breasted,AncientRecords,III, 172.
6 Breasted,op. cit.,III, 288.

his visitorswould have

(loc.cit.f.n.),that Rameses was disturbedat the difficulties
to face owing to their travelling during the rainy season. He accordingly
approached Sutekh with an offeringto ensure good weather,just as Hatshepshu
had made an offering forfavourableweatherto " Hathor,mistressof Punt," before
the departureof the Punt expedition.'
Moreover,the accountin the PapyrusAnastasi makes the matterclear. The
poet imaginesthe Hittite kina sendingword to the chief of Kode, presumablyone
of his vassals, bidding him prepare to accompanyhim to Egypt. The Egyptian
king's powerover the " waterof heaven" is especiallymentioned,and he is clearly
regardedas the semi-divineor divinerainmaker.
"Equip thyself thatwe mayproceedto Egypt,
Thatwe maysay: ' The behestofthegod comesto pass.'
Let us makeovertures H[ealth],
to RamesesHI.,L[ife]P[rosperity]
For he givesbreathto whomhe will,
And everycountrylies at his disposition.
Kheta is in his poweralone,
If thegod acceptsnothis offering,
It (Kheta) sees no rain,
H[ealth],
For it is in thepowerofRameses(II.), L[ife] P[rosperity]
The Bull,lovingvalor."2
Takingall these statementsinto considerationthereseems no reason to doubt

that,seen fromone aspect,the Pharaoh was the " water-expert "3 for his people,
who recognizedhis power over the weather and logicallyextended this to the
control of the "water of heaven" in those areas in whichthe rainfallwas regular
enough to be of importance. As far as I have been able to ascertainthereis no
record since the early dynasticperiod of the king inauguratingthe irrigationof
the land, but there can be little doubt that throughoutthe historicperiod the
ruler of Egypt was associated with the ceremonywhich each year initiated
the irrigationof the land in the neighbourhood of his capital. Makrizi writing
of the time of the Arab conquest says that a virgin in gay apparel was thrown
into the riveras a sacrificeto obtain a plentifulinundation. 'Amr,the conqueror
of Egypt,prohibitedthis custom,but even in Lane's time a truncatedpillar or
cone of earth called ar-useh(the bride) was raised some little distance in front
of the dam shortlybeforethe date of the great ceremony. The arusehwas washed
away by the risingwaters,generallya week or fortnightbeforethe dam was cut.4
1 Breasted,op. cit.,II, 252.

3 Magicianssupposedto have specialcontrolover particularaspectsof natureare common
amonguncivilizedpeoples. Such menare in a sense departmentalexperts. Often,as among
the Zulu-Kaffirand some half-Hamites(infra, p. 674), the expertis mergedin the all-round
magicianor " witch-doctor," havinigwell nighuniversalpower. No doubtsuchsyncretism had
to, one aspectof
occurredin the case of the Pharaoh,yet,in instancessuch as thatjust referred
his many-sided religiousactivitiesis isolatedforthe momentand consideredas independent.
4 E. W. Lane, Manners and Customs oftheModernEgyptians,p. 500 (London,1895).

670 C. G. SELIGMANN.-SOMrne
Aspectsof the
Norden,writingin 1757, records how " the bashaw and his beys go with a grand
retinue to the ceremonyof opening the bank,"' while Lane refersto a small
building of stone which had become a ruin in his time fromwhichthe gralidees
used to witnessthe ceremony, and he states that it was upon its site that the tent
forthe officialsconcernedin the ceremonywas pitched.2
The followingaccount taken fromLane's work showsthe importanceof this
festivalas late as the middleof the nineteenthcentury:
" In the afternoonof the day prece'dingthat on which the dam is cut,
numerousboats,hiredby private parties forpleasure,repairto the neighbourhood
of the entrance of the Canal. Among these is a very large boat called the
'Akabeh' . . . painted for the occasion in a gaudy but rude manner.
It is vulgarlybelieved that this boat representsa magnificent
vessel in whichthe
Egyptians used, before the conquest of their countryby the Arabs, to convey
the virginwhom it is said theythrewinto the Nile. It sails fromBoolak about
three hours after noon, taking passengers for hire, men and women. . . . It
is made fast to the bank of the isle of Er-Ro6dah,immediatelyopposite the
entrance of the Cainal. . . . In many boats the crews amuse themselves and
theirpassengersby singing,oftenaccompaniedby the darabukkehand zummarah;
and some private parties hire professionalmusiciansto add to theirdiversionon
the river. . . . In the evening, before it is dark, the exhibition of fireworks,
commences,and this is continued,together with the firingof guns fromthe
'lkabeh' and two or more gunboats,everyquarterof an hour duringthe night.
The fireworks which are displayeddurinigthe night consist of little else
than rockets and a few blue lights. The best are kept till the morning,and.
exhibitedin broad daylightduringthe cuttingof the dam.
" Before sunrisea great numberof workmenbegin to cut the dam.
With a kind of hoe the dam is cut thinnerand thinnerfromthe back (the earth
beingremovedin baskets and thrownupon the bank), until at the top it remains
about a footthick. This is accomplishedby about an houraftersunrise. Shortly
beforethis time,when dense crowds have assembledin the neighbourhood of the
dam on each bank of the Canal, the Governor of the metropolisarrives,and
alightsat the large tent beforementioned,by the dam. Some other great officers
are also present,and the Kaidee attendsand writesa documentto attest the fact
of the river'shaving risen to the heightsufficientfor the opening of the Canal,
and of this operation having been performed: which importantdocumentis
despatchedwith speed to Constantinople. Meanwhilethe firingof guns and the
displayof the fireworkscontinue,and towardsthe close of the operationthe best
of the fireworks are exhibited,when in the glaring sunshine theycan hardlybe
seen. When the dam has been cut away to the degree above mentioned,and all
the great officerswhose presence is required have arrived,the Governorof the
IF. L. Norden, Travelsin Egyptand Nubia, p. 63 (London,1757).

2 Lane, op. cit.,p. 501.

mnetropolis throwsa purse of small gold coins to the labourers. A boat, on board
of whichis an officerof the late WAlee,is then propelledagainst the narrowridge
of earth,and breakingthe slight barrier,passes throughit, and descends with the
cataractthus formed. . . Just as his boat approachesthe dam,the Governor
of Cairo throwsinto it a purse of gold as a presentforhim. The remainsof the
dam are quicklywashed away by theinfluxof the waterinto the bed of the Canal,
and numerous other boats enter, pass alonogthe Canal throughoutthe whole
lengthof the city,and some of themseveralmiles farther,and return.
" Formerly the Sheykh el-Beled, or the Ba'sha, with other great officers,
presidedat this fete, which was celebrated with much pomp; and money was
thrown into the Canal and caught by the populace,some of whom plunged into
the water with nets,but severallives were generallylost in the scramble."'
A tolerablydetailedaccountof the rainmakersof the Nilotic Dinka has been
publishedelsewhere.2 It must be understoodthat the Dinka consistof a congeries
of tribes,in each of which one man, the batin,is supreme head in the politico-
religioussphere,and this man is the rainmakerof his tribe.3
One Biyorditis the bain and rainmakerof the Bor tribe,and he also exerts
considerableinfluenceamongthe neighbouringpoorerand weaker Tain Dinka, who
have no cattle and live in small and scatteredcommunitiesamongthe marshes.
The followinginformation was derived fromhim,and indicatesthe positionof the
rainmakerin relationto the high god Dengdit. In each of the eight rainmakers
who preceded Biyordit there was immanenta great and powerfulspirit called
Lerpiu,now immanentin Biyordit,who says quite simplythat at his death Lerpiu
will pass into his son. Near a hut belonging to Biyordit there is another,
constitutinga shrine,in whichthejok of Lerpiu is thoughtto reside moreor less
constantly. Within this hut is kept a verysacred spear,also called Lerpiu,and
beforeit standsa post called rit,to whichare attached the hornsof manybullocks
sacrificedto Lerpiu. Behind the hut there is a bush of the speciescalled akoi,
whichmustnot be cut or damaged in any way,but whichstrangersare allowed to
approachwithout the least ceremony. The akoi bush is clearlythe least sacred
part of the shrine,yet its presence is essential,forthe jok leaves the hut to come
to the akoi during the great rainmakingceremony,and the slightsanctityof the
akoi at othertimesis well explainedby the absence of thejok.
I E. W. Lane, op. cit.,pp. 501-503.
2 C. G. Seligmann,art. "P inka,"in Hastings'EncycZopwdia ofReligionand Ethics.
3 Not every man called bain is a rainmaker, for the men coinmonlyspoken of as the
"chiefs" or " sheykhs" ofthe Dinka tribesare oftencalled bythisname. In spiteofthis,there
does notappearto be any tendencyfor village chiefsto attemptto emulatethe rainmaker, or
forquack practitioners to appear,forthe successfulrainmakerhas withinhimthe spiritof the
greatrainmakers ofthe past, and all recognizethe futilityof competingwithhim. Further,the
existenceof a powerfuland successfulrainmakernaturallyleads those who live withinhiis
sphereofinfluence to leaveall suchmattersto him. Althoughthe authority ofa bain is so great
as to be practicallyabsolute,I heard of an instancein whichit had been disregarded. A bain
foretoldthe defeatof his peopleat the handsof the Governmentand entreatedthem not to
fight,yethis peoplefoughtand weredefeated.

672 Aspectsof the
Centralshrinessuchas that described,whereatthe mostimportantceremonies

including rainmakingare held,exist among all the Dinka tribes. That of the
Shish tribe is at Lau, in the Bahr -el-Ghazal province,and the name of the spirit
immanent in their rainmakeris Mabor. It was obvious that to the Shish of
Shambe (some miles fromLau) the personalityof the rainmakerwas entirely
submergedin that of the spirit immanentin him, so that,when they spoke of
Mabor,the dominantidea in their mindswas that of the ancestral spiritof this
name workingthroughthe bodyof the man in whomit was immanent.
The rain ceremonyconsists of a sacrificemade in the spring(about April),
when the new moonis a fewdays old. It is avowedlymade to the greatancestral
spiritwhichis believed to be immanentin the bain,in orderto move Dengdit to
send rain. The followingoutline of the actual proceedingwas obtained from
Biyorditand some of his old men. In the morningtwo bullocksare led twice
roundthe shrine,and are tied to the n1itby Biyordit; then the people beat drums,
and men and women,boysand girls,dance round the shrine. Nothing furtheris
done until the bullocks urinate,when everyonewho can get near the beasts rubs
his bodywith-i the urine,afterwhich all except the old men go away. Presently
the bullocks are killed by Biyordit,who spears them and cuts their throats.
While the sacrificeis being prepared,the people chant," Lerpiu,our ancestor,we
have brought you a sacrifice,be pleased to cause rain to fall." The blood is
collected in a gourd, transferredto a pot, cooked, and eaten by the old and
importantmen of the clan. Some of the fleshof one bullockis cookedwithmuch
fat and leftnear the akoi forsome months,yet it is said not to smell unpleasantly,
and is ultimatelyeaten by people who have no cattle of theirown. The foodleft
near the akoi is said to be forthejokc,the meat fromthe other bullock is eaten on
the same day. The bones of the sacrificeare thrownaway,but the hornsare added
to thosealreadyattachedto the rt.
AmongtheShir the mnatat correspondsin functionand powerto theDinka batin,
and like the latter has immanentin him an ancestral spiritwhich passes from
rainmakerto rainmaker. In spite of this I obtained the impressionthat less
confidencewas shown in the matat than in the Dinka bain,the formerseemed
more mercenaryand to have more of the instinctof the magician making his
clientspay forthe benefitshe conferred, and less of the righteousnessofa spiritual
rulerstanding, in well definedand inviolablerelationto the highestpowers. Thus,
althoughI spentmoretimeamongthe Dinka than among the Shir I neverheard
a hint of a Dinka bain withholdingrain,or of it being necessaryto threatenhim.
On the otherhand,anmongthe Shir one of the firstfacts learnt about the rain-
maker is that he may withhold rain in order to extort cattle. The matat is
supposedto hold back therain byburyinga gourdfilledwithwaterunderthefloorof
his house and when the rainyseason is late he is chargedwith being responsible
forthe delay and is threatenedwith the loss of his possessionsand the death of
his childrenand even of himselfif he does not bring the rain. He will then dig
up the gourdand hurl it on the groundso that it breaksand the waterit contains

Hamitic Problemin the Anglo-EgyptianSutdan. 673
is spilt. As he does this he prays. If rain does not fall soon the people say that
it mustbe anotherman who is keepingback the rain. Not much could be learnt
concerningthe actual rain Qeremony. It was said that the matatcuts the throat
of a black he-goator sheep,splits the animal down the front,and pegs it out on
the ground; then wateris pouredupon the body,whichis subsequentlyeaten.
The chiefsof the Bari are also rainmakers,and the attitudeof theirpeople
towards them seems much the same as that of the Shir to their rain chiefs.
Accounts of Bari 'rainmakinghave been given by Mr. F. Spire' and by Captain
JenningsBramly.2 Both authors lay stress on the precariousposition of the
rainmakerwho cannotproduce rain at the properseason. Thus Spire notes that
previousto the Britishoccupationit was the custom to kill or severelypunishan
unsuccessfulrainmaker,3 while JenningsBramly writes: "As to rainmakers,of
course,the chiefwho lives near a hill has a greaterreputationthan he who lives
in the plain. The position of a rainmakeris precarious,however; he lhasgreat
power as long as the rain behaves withinbounds,as he can always get moregoats
slaughteredup to a certainamountand feastupon them. But therecomesa time
when the need is too great,and he is given a last chance. Then an ox, if theycan
affordit, is slaughteredand a great feast prepared,and some of the blood with
some roundpebbles is put in one of the hollowed stones used by the womenfor
grindingcorn. This is lefton one side,I presume as an offeringto some higher
power. The feast is held with much drumming;at its conclusion,on a given
signal,araid dead silence,all retire to theirhuts,and not a sound is made till
morning. If no rain comes in three weeks from that day the rainmaker is
killed. . . ."4
Among the Shilluk the position of the king as rainmakeris less frankly
obviouson accountof the greatamountof centralizationthat has occurredin both
the politico-economicand religious spheres. Probably this people is the best
organizedin the Anglo-EgyptianSudan; the kingis absolutehead ofa state divided
into districts,each administeredby a chiefdirectlyresponsibleto the sovereignand
actingas his proxy. Nevertheless,therecan be no doubtthatthe kingis responsible
forthe due supplyof rain to his country,and on considerationit will be seen that
his positionis essentiallysimilarto that of the Dinka rainmakers. Like them he
is a " divine king" who in due course is killed ceremonially; like them he has
withinhim the divine or semi-divinespirit of a great ancestor,6 and it is through
his influencethat the lattermoves the high god Juok to send the rain. This is
shown by the part taken by the king in the great rainmakingceremonyheld at
1 "Rainmaking in Equatorial Africa," Journal of the African Society,No. XVII,
October,1905.
2 "The Bari Tribe,"Man, 1906,65.
3 op. Cit., p. 19.
4 Op.cit.,p. 102.
6 A shortdescriptionof the ceremonyby which the spiritof the semi-divineNyakangis
transmittedto the king-electwill be found in my paper, "The Cult of Nyakang and the
Divine Kings ofthe Shilluk." Otherdetailsare givenby Westermann, op. cit.,pp. 124,125.

Fashoda. The king gives a cow and a bullock to Nyakang; the cow is added to
the herd belongingto the shrine,and the bullock is slain by one of the guardians
of the shrinebeforethe door with one of the sacred spears,the king standingnear
the beast shoutinghis prayerforrain to Nyakang and holding a spear pointing
upwards in frontof him. As much blood as possibleis collected in a gourd and
throwninto the river,and the same is done with the bones afterthe meat has been
eaten by the guardians. Much of the dura preserved in the shrine since the
beginningof the last harvestis used in makingthe merissawhich is drunkat the
ceremony. Incompleteas this accountis, it shows the predominantpart taken by
the king. Moreover,the guardians of the shrine of Nyakang at Fenikang,own
capital of Nyakang, say that the king should himselfcome to their village to
performthe rain ceremony. In spite of this the usual practice is forthe king to
send the necessaryanimals and to allow his part to be performedby a substitute.
Turningto the half-Hamites,it may be said that we lack detailed information
concerningthe religionof any one of theirtribes,but it is neverthelesspossible to
determinethat their chiefs are rainmakers. Thus,among the Masai the laibon
(medicine-man)or ol-oiboni,is paramount chief. Of Lenana the presentlaitbon,
Hollis says," All Masai acknowledgehim as theirlord and pay tributeto him,"'
while of the Nandi he writes: "The Orkojyot, or principalmedicine-man,holds
preciselythe same position as the Masai Ol-oiboni,that is to say,he is supreme
chief of the whole race. He is a diviner,and foretellsthe futureby such methods
as casting stones,inspectingentrails,interpretingdreams,and prophesyingunder
the influenceof intoxicants. He is also skilled in the interpretation
of omensand
in the averting,of ill-luck.
"The Nandi believe implicitlyin the powers of theirOrkoiyot. They look to
him for instructionwhen to commenceplanting their crops; he obtains rain for
them, either direct or throuoh the rainmakers,in times of drought; he makes
womenand cattle fruitful;and no war-partycan expectto meetwith successunless
he has approvedof the expedition."2
The Position of the Body in the Grave.

The formof burial adopted by the predynasticEgyptianswas in the flexed
position with the body lying on the side,all manner of necessitiesand luxuries
being buried with the deceased. It is, no doubt, somewhatbold to regard this
so-called "embryonic" position as peculiarly Hamitic, yet in spite of its wide
distributionand the paucityof informationconcerningthe methods of burial in
the Hamito-Semiticzone, there are certain striking coincidenceswhich cannot
be passed over as insignificant.In this connectionit is importantto remember
that Egyptian evidence shows that a method of burial may be changed some-
what suddenlywithout any alteration in the essential religious ideas of the
1 TheMasat,p. 326.
2
The Nandi, p. 49. Captain M. Mercker,who is quoted by ProfessorFrazer (Lectureson
theEarly HistoryofKingship,pp. 112-114),givesa similaraccountof the Masai chief.

in the Anqlo-EgyptianSudan.
Harnitic Problemn 675
people; necessitiesand luxuries are still buriedwith the corpse,thereis, indeed,

an exaggerationof the care bestowed upon it, when the flexed position gives
place to the extended and paintedcoffins and elaboratemonumentsare substituted
for skins or mats.' The Desert people,whose burialswe know as " pan-graves,"
retainedthe flexedpositionuntil the time of the Middle Kingdom,2and it persisted
at least as long in Nubia.3
Cominoto the presentday,the Beja of the Sudan,the Somali,and theDanakil,
have all adopted the Mohammedanmethodof burial. This is not the case with the
Galla, who lay the bodyon its side,but Paulitschke4does not recordwhetherthe
body is flexed or extended,thoughhe notes that foodand drinkand the greater
part of the valuables of the deceased are buriedwith him. Miss Wernerinforms
me that the Galla of BritishEast Africa buryin a contractedposition,the corpse
beinotied in this posture,but inhumationis in the squatting,not the lyingposture.
IBurial in the embryonicposition occurs among the Nilotes,and is practised,I
believe,by the Shilluk,and certainlybythe ShishDinka. The latterwashthe body
and shave the head; the skin upon whichthe corpsehas been lyingis placed in the
grave and the bodyis laid on it restingon its right side with the knees and arms
flexed.the head restingupon the right hand. Care is taken in arranging the
:skinto protectthe ears so that earthmay not get into them,indeed,a special piece
of skin may be laid over the upperear forthis purpose.
The rarityof burial as a method of disposal of the dead among the half-
Hamites makes it impossible to adduce evidence concerningthem, but among
the Bantu-speakingAkikuyu,whose physique and social organizationresemble
that of the half-Hamites,and who,like the latter,rarely burytheir dead, burial,
when it does occur,is on the side in the flexedposition,and is " reservedas a inark
of honour fora man who is old and rich,and has, in the ordinarycourse,at least
two grown-upsons to performthe necessaryrites. If a man is veryrichhe would
be buried,even if he had no grown-upchildren,four old men performingthe
ceremony. A woman of very advanced age is also entitled to burial, because
Xshe would have much intelligence.' . . . The old men choose the site of the
*grave,whichis outsidethe door of the hut. . . . The grave is nearlysquare in
shape,only slightlyincliningto the oblong. The bodyis placed on its side,with
the knees bent and drawnup. The head rests,if a man, on the palm of the right
hand; if a woman,on the palm of the left,or it may be placed on the two hands
placed together,palms facing. . . The whole is foldedentirelyand tied up in
the clothesusually worn,so that not even the head is visible; the oxskin,or other
bedding,of the deceased,is either also used forthis purpose or put firstin the
grave. The ornamentsare taken offand put in the grave separately."5
1 It is notrelevantto the presentargument to discuss how far this change mayhave been
due to foreigninfluence.
2 DiaspolisParva, pp. 45, sqq.
3 Archceological Surveyof Nubia, BulletinNo. 4, pp. 8-13.
4 Op. cit.,I, p. 204.
5 W. S. and K. Routledge,Witha Prehistoric People,pp. 170,171.

676 Aspectsof the
The inhabitantsof the lacustrinekingdomsof Ankole and Unyoroalso bury

in the flexed position; the Bahima committheir rulers to the village manure
heap,commonersare buriedat the door of theirhuts,but in both classes the arms
and lTgsare doubled up against the body,whichlies on its side,and the head is
bent forward.' The Banyoro place the body on its left side, with legs and arms
flexed,and the hands under the head.2 The Baganda do not buryin the flexed
position.3
So much for the positive evidence; the negative evidence, though very
incomplete,to a certain degree supportsmy argument. The least contaminated
Nuba, those of southernKordofan,do not buryin the flexedposition,neither did
the tall Negroidswho came into Nubia under the later Ptolemiesor during the
early Christianperiod,4while Dr. Derry's photographsof tall Negro or Negroid
burialsfromJebel Moya,near the Blue Nile, show that the extended,as well as
the flexedpositionwas in use.5 Holding as I do that the Negroidswho came into
Egypt were probablyrelatedto the Nuba of Kordofan,and that the folkof Jebel
Moya certainlywere,each of these factssupportsthe other.
Continuing southwardsand westwards from Dar-Nuba so as to skirt the
countryof the Nilotes the evidence is all against burial in the "embryonic"
positionby the mesaticephalsof Equatoria. The Azande are buriedin a lyinoor
sitting posture; moreover,when a king dies manyof his wives are thrownalive.
into his grave to forma carpet for his body,their limbs being firstbroken to
preventthemstruggling. The Bongo inhumein a squatting position.6 A Lendu
chiefis buriedin the floorof the hut in whichhe has formerly lived. The body
is made to take a sittingposition by means of cloth wrappings.7 In some parts
of the Congo(north-east)burial is in a square pit dug in the house,the bodybeing
placed in a sittingpositionwiththe arms foldedand wristsfixedto the shoulders.
When the pit is filledin, the grave is sprinkledwith ox blood or beer.8 These
examplesseem to indicate that the shorter,copper-colouredtribes to the west of
p. 10.
Ugaqnda,
1 Cunningham,
2Cunningham, op. cit.,pp. 30-31.
3 J. Roscoe, TheBaganda, p. 119. The Baganda and the Banyoro,but not the Bahima,
sacrificednumeroushumanvictimsat the burialof theirking. Roscoe speaksof " hundreds"
( op. cit.,p. 107) beingslaughtered,and the accountgivenby Baker of the funeralof Kamrasi
King of Unyoro(Isniail'a, p. 316),showsthata large numberof peopleperished.The factthat
the Bahima,whosenon-Negrophysicalcharacteristics have been alludedto (supra, p. 657),do
not providehumanvictimsat the deathoftheirrulers,whereasthe moreNegroidBanyoroand
Baganda do so,is an additionalargument in favouroftheviewalreadysetforth(pp. 636,637,f.n.)
that the "customs" of West Africa and other wholesale slaughteringsare Negro and not
Hamiticin origin.
4 Archweological Surveyof Nubia, platesaccompanying vol. ii, cf.Plate vi, Figs. e, f,g, h.
5 In the middle and northern Nuba zones (cf. p. 621, f.n.) thereis muchvarietyin the
positionof the body,which is squattingat Jebel Tiema and JebelKatla Kurun (Anderson).
Some of the "Nuba" of NorthernKordofanwho formerly buried on the side in the flexed
posturenowburyin the extendedposition.
6 Schweinfurth, HeartofAfrica,vol. i, p. 303.
7 Johnston,UgandaProtectorate, vol. ii, p. 554.
8 WallisBudge, Osirisand theL,qyptian vol.ii, p. 110.
Resurrection,

HarmiticProblemintthe A nglo-EgyptianSucdan. 677
the Nilotes,who have been subject to less Hamitic influencethan their eastern
neiahbours,do not buryin the embryonicposition.
Having discussed the distributionof the beliefsand customs set forthunder

the sevenheadingson p. 649, I may now considerthe parallelism of the evolution
of politico-socialorganizationas it exists on the White Nile at the presentday,
and as it seems to have developedin predynasticEgypt. From what has been
said when dealing with animal cults of ancientEgypt it may be assumed that in
theseearly timestherewere a numberof communities, of the same stockand in
the same relativelyearly stage of civilization,extending along the banks of the
Nile fromthe head of the delta to the neiahbourhoodof the First Cataract.' It
mustbe bornein mindthat the people now underdiscussionare not the Egyptians
known to historybut " naked, half-savagepeasants,"2" great hunters,as well as
skilful fishermen,"whose industries "may have resulted in rudimentarycom-
merce."3 It may be assumed that these communitiesat times foughtamong
themselves,but on this point we have no evidence. There is, however,no doubt
that towardsthe end of the predynasticperiodtheywere capable of combination,
and the fragmentof a slate palette now in Gizeh Museumshowsa numberof them
unitedin attackingthe walled cities of an enemy.4
Attackersand attackedare alike representedby signs, the majorityof which
also occuras standards. The besiegingforceis representedby a hawk,two hawks
upon standards,a scorpion,and a lion, each holding a pick with which he is
destroyingthe crenelatedwalls of the cities. The defenders,too,are indicatedby
signsrepresentinig a long-leggedbird,perhapsa heron,an owl,a "reed," a building
of conventionalizedand heraldic formand an unusual formof the ka sign. No
doubt, as firstsuggestedby ProfessorPetrie,5this represents"the conquest of
seven Egyptiantownsby variousothertribes or townswhose emblemsare figured
attackinothem." It is temptilnoto suggestthat we have here an early stage in
the confederation of the communitieswhich later became the nomes,the Scorpion
nomeuniderits Scorpionkinghavingnot yet einergedas leader. In any event it
cannotbe doubted that at this earlyperiod some at least of the unitsrepresented
I The laboursof the membersoftheArchaeological Surveyof Nubia indicatethatpeoples

of the same stock extendedinto Nubia much farthersouth,and some at least of thesewere
sufficiently " Egyptiani
" to bury typicallypredynasticEgyptian objects with their dead
(cf.especiallyBulletinNo. 7, pp. 13, 14, recordingr
the contentsofGrave 1 ofCemetery No. 137),
but this southwardextensionof the predynasticrace need not be consideredin the present
argument.
2 Erman,A HandbookofEgyptianReligiont, p. 6.
3 Breasted,HistoryofEgypt,p. 30.
4 This slateprobablycomesfromAbydos. Papers by Mr. F. Legge and ProfessorPetrie
describingand discuissingthis and otherpalettesof the same period will be foundin the
Proceedings oftheSocietyofBiblical Archeology, vol. xxii, 1900,pp. 125-141. Mr.Legge'spaper
is illustratedby photographs of seven specimens. All these,and one more,are reproducedin
Man,1900,Plates B, C, D.
5 " Note on a CarvedSlate," Proc.Soc. Bibl. Arch.,vol. xxii, 1900,p. 140.
VOL. XLIII. 2 y

678 C. G. SELIGMANN.-ASOmeAspectsof the
by animal standardswere accustomedto work togetherto a commonend, forin

the fragmentof a palette now in the Louvre,five standardsendingin hands are
representedas pullingupon thesame rope. These standardsare jackal, jackal, hawk,
hawk, and a sign which is apparentlythat which later became known as the
attributeof Min of Koptos.
FIG. 2.
Breastedarguesthat therewere probablysolue twentycommunities, states or

tribalunits of the kind describeddistributedalong the Nile in Upper Egypt,'to be
unitedaftermanyyears,perhaps centuries,under the Scorpionking who ruled at
Hierakonpolis,and to whosemace-headreferencehas been made. We do not know
nor can we ascertain the numberof these early kings who, with their colleagues
1 HistoryofEgypt,p. 31.

Sudan.
in the Antglo-Egyptian
HamniticProblevm? 679
and rivals of the North,were spokenof by the later Egyptiansas the " worshippers
of Horus," semi-divine,half-mythicfigureswhom Manetho simply calls "the
Dead."
The next step was the union of the North and South under Menes,whose
successors welded the kingdominto that stable organizationunder the firm
centralcontrolof the king whichis the prominentfeatureof the Old Kingdom.
Turning,to the Nilotes of the Sudan and the natives of Uganda we find
peoples in whom we see clearly those main stages of developmentwhich,as
outlined above, we can determineto have been traversedby the Egyptians. We
are still dealing,with peoples who,like the early predynasticEgyptians,might
be described as "naked savage peasants," hunters,and fishermen.' Further,as
has been remarked,the Nilotes show no inconsiderableadmixture with that
foreign (Hamitic) blood which ran pure or almost pure in the veins of the
predynasticEgyptians,as it does at the present day in those of the southernBeja.
The Baganda, thoughtheyhave absorbed less of this blood,are, or were,ruled by
a royal family,traditionallyimmigrantfromthe north,who belonged to a race
of predominantly Hamitic stock. Lest it should seem that I am inclinedto lay
too much stress upon what after all may seem a comparativelysmall proportion
of foreignblood in a large Negro population,I may once morereferto the type
of Shilluk whosephotographis reproducedin Figs. 1 and 2 of Plate XXXVIII. I
would point out that there is reason to believe that a comparativelysmall
numberof foreignerscarryinga superior culture may impose some at least of
the featuresof that cultureon people of inferiorrace,even thoughthe mass be too
large to be influencedconsiderablyin physicalcharacters.2
If the actual socio-politicalconditionsof the Nilotes be examinedwe findthat
developmenthas taken place upon the same lines as those along which Egypt
travelled. Everywheredulled by Negro blood this progresshas reacheddifferent
stages amono the tribes; nevertheless,the line of developmentseems to have
been identical in the two peoples,and althoughon the materialand technological
side the Nilotes everywhereshow marked inferiority to even the protodynastic
Egyptians,it cannot, I think,be denied that the magico-religiousideas and
practicesof the two peoples agree to a remarkableextent. Moreover,the " drag"
imposed by the large amount of Negro blood in the mixed Negro-Hamitic
populationsunder consideratiollhas varied in degree,and it is probablynot an
II purposelyretainthe language of Breasted and Erman lest I should be accused of

undulyglorifying the Nilotesor ofbelittlingthe Egyptians,neverthelessthe epithetsapplied
to " native" peoplesneednotalwaysbe construedtoo literally; as faras I can determinethere
is no evidencethat the predynasticEgyptianswentnaked,and thoughthemalesof theDinka
and ofthe Shillukdo not wear evena loin cloth,theirwomenare clothed,as are bothsexes of
the Baganda.
2 In supportof this statement, whichI believe holds good for a far greaterarea thaii
Africa,I would cite fromMelanesia the difference in cultureof the Northernand Southern
Massim,and in India the spreadof Aryanbeliefsand customsamongthe Dravidianand other
non-Aryantribes.
2 r2

accident that the most advanced and stable socio-politicalorganizationexisting

among the Nilotes is to be found amiiongthe Shilluk,the people in whomthe
proportionof Hamitic blood is largest. The following brief summaryof the
politicaland social conditionof the Nilotes will make clear the stages of develop-
mentreachedby the moreimportantpeoples.
The Dinka consist of a congeries of autonomous tribes often at war with
theirneighboursand each ruled by a rainmaker,who incarnatesa divineor semi-
divine spirit,and in his old age is ceremoniallykilled, in order to secure the,
continuedprosperityof the country. All the Dinka tribesare totemic,and their
religion consists of the cult of a high god and ancestralspirits. As faras can be
determined,no one tribe or chief has ever risen or atteinpted to rise to a
predominantposition,nor is there any evidence that neighbouringDinka tribes
have tendedto coalesce evenwhen inhabitingareas in whichidenticalgeographical
conditionsexist.
The Bari are less well known than the Dinka. Sir Samuel Baker, who
visitedthe countryin 1871, i.e.,beforethe Dervish troubles,speaks of the Bari as
havingmanyindependentsheykhsand none paramount,'so that at firstsight it
would appear that the political organizationof the Bari resembles that of the
Dinka. Nevertheless,Mr. E. B. Haddon, who has specially studied this matter,
has adduced evidence to show that a good deal more centralizationhas gone on
amongthe Bari than among the Dinka.2 Accordingto native legend the Bari
came into the Nile valley as the result of the fissionof an old Beri-Baritribe.
Later therewere furtherdivisionis, as a resultof which the Mundari,Shir, Nyefu,
and Fajelu tribeswere formed. There always have been amongthe Bari a nuniber
of exooamous divisions,each with special cattle miarks,but Mr. Haddon was
unable to obtain proof of the existence of totems. After these movements a
processof centralizationwent on amongthe Bari. The various clans divided the
countryamong,sttheinselves,the head of each clan being the rulingchiefin each
community,so that the whole countrywas divided into districtsgoverniedby
bonun,but under the chiefof the Bekat clan, who was principal rain-chief(mata)
or " king" of the Bari. At one time a nunmber of kindred tribes speakingBari or
one of its dialects,viz., Nyefu,Fajelu, Mundari,and Shir,were dependenton the
Bari mata forrain.3 Centralizationhas proceededstill furtheramongthe Shilluk,
whose kina, the supreme temporaland spiritual head, rules a united nationof
some 50,000 souls from his capital, Fashoda. In each king the spirit of the
semi-divineNyakang,the legendaryfounderand firstruler of the Shilluk ination,
is incarnate. Totemism does not exist amiiongthe Shilluk, nor is there any
definiiteclan organization,though it is believed that the royal line sprangfrom
aniimal ancestors. The country is divided into a number of districts,each
administeredby a chief responsibleto the king, whose place he takes in such
1 Ismailia (London,1879),p. 115.
2 " Systemof Chieftainshipamongthe Bari,"Journ.AfricanSoc.,No. XL, vol. x, 1911.
3 E. B. Haddoii, op. cit.

Hamitic Problemintthe Anglo-EgyptianSudan. 681
importantreligious festivals as the rain and harvest ceremonies,offeringsfor

whichare, at least in theory,providedby the king,who should himselfofficiate at
the more importantshrines. Probably much the same developmentmight be
traced among the half-Hamitesas among the Nilotes, indeed, I believe that
considerationof the facts and the writingsof the authors quoted in this paper
would make this clear, but, as even less is known concerninothe religiousanid
social organizationof the former, it does not seem worthwhile to seek formallyto
establishthe parallelism.'
From the brief summarygiven of the conditionsof the Nilotes it will be
evidentthat the politicalevolutionof the Dinka may be regardedas corresponding
in a certainmeasureto that stage of developmentof predynasticEgypt in which
a series of communitiesof kindred stock extended along the banks of the Nile.
Perhaps the Bari representa stage somewhatanteriorto that which seems to be
recordedon the slate palettes,when warfarewas conductedby allied communities
and led to the conditionof centralizationwhich is known to have existed under
the Scorpion King. But wlhethera parallelism such as I have sketched be
admittedor not,I thinkthe factsadduced leave no doubt as to the close similarity
in social and religious organizationof the late predynasticand protodynastic
Egypt and the Shilluk kingdomas it exists at the present day. To my mind
there is a surprising, similarityin the position of the Shilluk kings and of the
protodynasticrulers as we can reconstructit from the monuments,and this
resemblance is greatly strengthenedif, as suggested on p. 665, the view be
adopted that the king of Egypt was ceremoniallykilled as are (or were) the
Shilluk kingsand Dinka rainmakers.
There is, too,a closerparallelismbetween the animal gods of Egypt and the
divine or semi-divine ancestors of the Shilluk than is at first apparent.
Differencesin degree,if great enough,are scarcelydistinouishablefromdifferences
in kind,so at firstsightthe countlessanimal-headedgods of the Middle Kingdom
or the New Empire seem to stand apart fromanythingexisting in Africa at the
present day. Yet in the earlier periods such representationswere uncommon,
so that it is easy to give a list of at least the best known examples. On
the palette of Narmer there is a woman's head with cow's horns and ears; the
Sphinx is now usually attributedto Khafra (and even consideredhis portrait).
A lioness-headed woman is figured by Borchardt from a bas-relief of the
fifthdynasty,and he also reproduces fragmentsshowing the king as a lion
tramplingon his enemies. The upper parts of the figuresare destroyed,but, as
Miss Murray suggests,the lion had a human head as on the chariot of
ThothmesIV. I do not recall animal or human figurescarved by the northern
Nilotes, but there is a traditionconcerninga wooden image of Nyakang,and
the Shilluk certainlybelieve in divine or semi-divinebeings part animal, part
1 It maybe pointed otut;
however, thatwhilethereis the closestresenmblance
in thesocial
organization,habits,and customsof the Nandi and the Masai, the former are certainly
totemic, whileof the latterit can onlybe said thattheyare dividedinto a numberof
exogamous clans,andthattotemism maybe suspected.

mnan. Accordingto one account Nyakang was himself half crocodile, while
legend states that crocodiles,hippopotami,and other wild beasts were turned
into men at his will. His sister Nikaiya or Niyakai still lives in the river
in crocodileform,thoughshe appearsin humanguise fromtimeto time,when she
is known by the way she mouths her words. Sometimesher appearance brings
good luck,at othertimesshe comes to carryoffvictims for her crocodilefriends
in the river. The Shilltik kings still appear in animal forms,especially in the
vicinityof their grave-shrines,and some fiftyyears ago Nyakang was himself
recoanizedas a whitebull to whichsacrificeswere made.
In furtherconfirmation of what I have said, let me point out that just as
Osiris in one aspect was the firstking of Egypt and its culture hero who taught
men usefularts,so Nyakangwas the firstrulerof the Shilluk who gave themtheir
laws and customs,and to this day,when the Shilluk king is installed,the wooden
effigyof Nyakanois broughtfromits shrineand placed upon the royal chair before
the new kingtakes his seat.
In view of the greatarea concernedin this inquiryand the variousstagesof

developmentof the peoples considered,rememberingalso the ethnicand religious
floodsby which it has been submerged,either partiallyor completely,since the
time-some six thousand years ago-of the proto-Eg,yptians, I do not hesitateto
suggestthat the customsand beliefsexamined show such a substantialagreement
as can be explained best by the assumptionthat the peoples discussed either
representthe descendantsof that stockwhichgave rise to the proto-Egyptians or
have been permeatedby its influence. If this be agreed,it is permissibleto seek
to reconstructthe earlyHamitic culture fromthose ideas and customswhichare
commonto Hamites,half-Hamites,and Nilotes. A commonmeasureof these can
be stated,and this may be consideredto outlinethe beliefsof the early Hamites.
Proceedingon these lines it may be said that the Hamites were a pastoral
people with matrilinealdescent,perhapstotemisticbut certainlygiven to animal
cults. If they were totemistic,then the marriageof near kin which we know
occurred,and still occurs in some of their descendants,may indicate a coin-
parativelylate stage in their development,and may have been inducedby socio-
economiicfactorssuch as I believe are responsibleforthe " best" Arab marriage,
viz.,that of a man with his paternaluncle's daughter. Circumcisionwas practised,
as was clitoridectomy or some similar operation. The cult of the dead was of
special importance,but with this was combinedthe worshipof a god dwellingin,
or identifiedwith, the sky,who gave the rain withoutwhich the cattle would
perishand mankindwould starve. The importanceof cattle probablygave rise to
the beliefs which are indicated by the holy or sacrosanctcharacterof milk and
grass.
Exceptiingonlyin thoserare districtswheregrassand waterare superabundant
pastoral people are ever patriarchal,in the sense that theremust be an absolute
ruler in each community, whose word is law in all that concernsthe cattle; so

HarniticProblemin the Anglo-EgyptianSudan. 683
the wise senior,wlhoduringa long termof years had led his people to clean and
abundantpasture,mightcome to be regardedas havinga special influencewith the
god of the firmament. Thus the god in the sky,or identified with the sky,would
tend to assume the formof a rain-godand his arch-servantto becomea rainmaker.
The killing of the rainmakeror divine king can perhapsbest be understoodin
connectionwith the yearly renascence of vegetation on the lines advocated by
ProfessorFrazer; in anycase thiscustomseemsto have had a perfectlydefiniteplace
in earlyHamitic practice. In relationwith this it may not be amiss to referto the
East African(Hamitic) customof age-gradeseach withits own cllief,or chiefs,who
take chargeof the countryfora given time,but this matteris at presentso obscure
that I do notcare to do morethanindicatethepossibilityof some connection. The
idea of a spiritualdouble seems widespreadin the Hamitic zone,' and I have little
doubt that in this idea lies the explanationofthecare takenof the placenta,which
seems to be consideredas thedouble of the child,with a spiritof its own essentially
similarto the child'ssoul or spirit. The dead were buried in the " embryonic''
position,i.e.,lying,on the side with the limbs flexedand the head bent forward.
1 Perhapsgoingback to the undividedHamito-Semitic period,the commonSemiticidea of

the guardianangel maybe connectedwith the double,and to this day the EgyptianFellahin
who speak of the double as qarina (partner,companion)tendto confuseit with the shaitan
thatfollowsman throughlife.

684 C. G. SELIGMANN.-SOmne
Aspectsof the
APPENDIX I.
HADENDOA SKULLS.
Skull No. I.
Complete craniunm, with mandible, the left ramus of the latter missiiig.
Fragmentsof scalp found with this showed that hair was wavy. Skull rather
long, moderatelynarrow (C.I. 75-6). There is cracking and bulging outwards
of leftside of skull in regionof parietal boss whichmiakesthe transversediameter
not quite certain,though the measurementgiven can be scarcely more than
a couple of millimetresout. The posteriorthird of the sagittal suture lies in
a broad shallowdepression. No occipitalbulge.
Face not broad,orbitslarge and rounded in general form,supraorbitalridges
absent,the supraorbitalnotchis so slihlitthat it can only be said to be inidicated.
Nasal bones well developed, the aperture of the nose does not suggestNegro
influence, thoughon the rightside the rima is somewhatdeficient.
Jaw not heavily built, chin moderate,ascending rarnus short and broad,
edge of ramus at angle not turned out, but on contraryrather slopes inwards,
Angle roundedto so considerablean extent that at firstsight it almost looks as
if it had been pared away. Siamoid notch broad,moderatelyshallow. Coronoid
processmoderatelydeveloped.
To sum up, a rather slightlybtuiltskull, not of the extreimeproto-Egyptian
type,but suggestingNegroidinfluence.
There is nothingheavy or " square" abouitthe face or jaw.
SkcullNo. II.
Completeskull with mandible. Moderatelybroad and well filled (C.I. 75).
No occipitalbulge.
Face not broad,orbitstend to be angularand elliptical rather than circular,
supraorbitalridgesslight,foraminapresent.
:NTasalbones well developed,rima at base of nostrilveryslightlydeveloped,
some subnasal progiiathism.
Jaw moderatelystoutlybuilt,chin well developed,ascendingramus shortand
broad,angle not turnedout. Sigmoid notchbroad,shallow but;not excessivelyso.
Coronoidprocessmoderate.
The strongestbuilt and best filledskull of the series.
Skull No. II.

A moderatelyshort and broad cranium(C.1. 76-3),the mandible is missino,
thereis slightflatteningof the upper surface of bothparietals,thereis no bulgino
in the occipital region. A fewhairs adheringto the surfaceof the skull show
that the hair was wavy or curly.

Face: this suggests Negro influence, there is distinctprognathism,the nasal

apertureis broad for its heightand there is no rima separatingthe floorof the
nasal cavityfromthe canine fossa. The brow ridges are very slight,the supra-
orbitalnotchesare representedby foramiina, the orbits tend to be rectangularand
theirlongitudinalaxes are somewhatoblique.
Skull No. IV.

"
A long narrow coffin-shaped " skull (C.I. 72 3) with slight degree of
klinocephaly. The frontalhas been cracked centrallyby a triradiatefissureand
the adjoiningredges of the fragmentshave been thrustsomewhat outwards from
within. There is no occipital bulge. Face is perhaps slightlyprognathous,the
brow ridges are scarcely indicated,the orbits tenldto be rectanguilar,
their longr
axes are somewhat oblique. Nasal bones well developed, nasal aperture
moderatelywide.
Skull No. V.
Calvaria only; symmetricalsenile (?) atrophy of area which should be
occupiedby parietalbosses. Skull moderatelylono and fairlywell filled(C.I. 76 4).
A metopicsuture is present. Enough of rightsupraorbitalregionpersiststo show
thattherewas only the slightestdevelopmentof thesupraorbitalridges. Occipital
bulge well marked.
Skull No. VI.

Calvaria only,moderatelylong,rather narrow(C.I. 77 3). There is a slight
(not, I think,P.M.). Occipitalbulge well marked. Supraorbital
lateral asymmiietry
ridges,which in general ternis would be describedas slight,are moderatelywell
developedforthis typeof skull.
Skull No. VII.

Skull only,almostwhole of left side below temporal line has been broken
away. In shape a fairlybroad oval, the vertex and neighbourinoregion is flatter
than in otherskulls of the series.
Face not broad,orbits tend to be roundand are certainlynot sniall. Cheek
bones perhapsratherprominent. Supraorbitalridges slight,supraorbitalnotches
present.
Nasal bonieswell developed,rina everywheresharp,perhaps there is slight
subnasalprognathism.
Skull No. VIII.

Skull only,the greaterpart of the left parietal has been destroyed. Some
curlyor wavy hair remains attached to the skull,which is moderatelylong and
when seen fromabove is oval.

686 C. G. SELIGMAiNN.-SOmeAspectsof the
Face: browridgesmoderatelywell developed. Orbits large,tendto be round

ancl perhaps to droop slightly at their outer and lower angles. There is a
supraorbitalforamenon the rightside, on the lefta notch.
Nasal bones well developedyet thereis slightsubnasal prognathismand the
floorof the nostrilpasses directlyinto the canine fossa.
S/eullNo. IX.
Skull only,much of the left parietal,including the region of the parietal
eminelnce,is brokenaway. On the rightside thereis absorptionof bone,resulting
in thinningin two situations,namely,immediatelybehind and below the parietal
boss and also external to and ratherin frontof the eminence. Probablythe latter
area of absorptionwas bilateral anld symmetrical. Seen from above the skull
is a moderatelylong oval with a fairlywell markedoccipital bulg,e(C.I. 73 4).
Face somewhatcoarse,prominentcheek bones. Orbits tend to be elliptical
and angularratherthan round,theirlong axes are almosthorizontal. Supraorbital
ridgessliaht,small supraorbitalnotchon both sides.
Nasal bones fairlywell developed,nasal aperturesalmostround in form,but,
rima well markledbelow. Some subnasal prognathism. Extensive absorptioniof
alveolar process,most ofthe molarshavingbeen lost duringlife.
SkatllNo. X.
Skull only,mostof the sutureshave startedand the bones are out of positioll
owing to this,neverthelessit can be seen that skull was a moderatelybroad oval
with some but not extensive bulging of the occiput (C.T. 79 9). Both zygomata
and the underlyingportionsof the skull have been brokenaway.
Face: the orbits tend to be round, supraorbitalridges scarcely indicated.
Supraorbitalforamina,not notches,are present.
Nasal bones well developed, nares open directlyinto canine fossa, some
subnasal prognathisin.
Skull No. XI.

Skull only,leftside of craniumand almostwhole of occipitalregionmissing.
Face large, rounded orbits rather pulled down at outer angle,supraorbital
ridgesslight.
No subnasal prognathism.

MEASUREMENTSOF HADENDOA SKULLS.
L. B. Bi. H. Hi. B.N. B.A. Ai. U.F.L. Bi-z. U.F.i. N.H. N
No. 1 ... ... 176 133 756 128 72-7 100 102 102-0 74 124 59,6 49 2
2 ... ... 180 135 750 138 76 7 105 105 100 0 68 130 52-3 48 2
,, 3 ... ... 169 129 763 125 74,0 94 90 957 60 115 52'1 47 2
4 ... ... 177 128 723 127 71-8 92 92 100 0 66 108 61'1 45 2
5 ... ... 178 136 764 134 75,3 - - - - -?500
6 ... ... 176 136 773 - - - - - - - - - -
,, 7 ... ... 179 - - 135 75,4 106 98 925 64 134? 47,7 49 2
8 ... ... 180 - - 141 783 101 92 9111 67 122 54.9 42 2
,, 9 ... ... 173 127 734 119 68 8 97 101 104 1 60 130 ? 46-1 43 2
,, 10 ... ... 169 135 799 124 73 4 90 90 1000 63 116 54,3 45 2
,,11 ... - - 131 - 100 97 97,0 70 -- - 48 2
Average ... 175-7 132-8 757-7 130-2 74 0 98 3 96-3 98,0 65 7 122-3 53.5 46-2 2
MEASUREMENTSOF JAWS.
Bigonial. Height of Symphysis. Thiickness Hei

of SympJ-lysis.
Bicondylar.
No. 2 ... 116 85 34 36
4
,, . 91
. . 73 28 13

688 C. G. SELIGMANN.-SOnle Aspectsof the
BENI AMER.
No. Division. H.L. H.B. Bi-z. Bi-g. F.L. U.F.L. N.L. N.B. Bi-m. N-m. Stature.
45 Hasa ... 184 133 124 100 97 54 45 38 90 107 1,507
46 Afilenda ... 178 132 120 103 120 66 50 34 90 111 1,583
47 Beit MAala ... 200 143 120 92 126 74 53 35 93 108 1,701
48 Adhasri ... ... 186 136 120 90 111 63 51 36 90 106 1,688
49 Adhasri ... ... 196 143 130 90 123 70 55 38 94 115 1,711
50 Afilenda... ... 185 127 126 100 116 67 51 37 99 118 1,668
51 Hasa ... ... 181 139 123 97 115 67 56 40 95 112 1,604
52 Beit Maala ... 194 155 138 97 120 68 51 37 98 122 1,686
53 Beit IVaala ... 192 145 127 96 116 61 51 37 92- 110 1,815
54 199 138 139 97 118 61 50 39 98 117 1,719
55 - 200 148 134 110 112 64 55 41 99 127 1,678
56 Afilenda... ... 177 148 135 93 118 69 55 37 96 118 1,660
57 Adhasri ... ... 199 142 125 97 122 67 56 51 97 121 1,658
58 IlIasa ... ... 187 148 134 92 123 65 55 37 94 115 1,632
59 Afilenda ... 195 142 132 83 119 65 51 37 96 115 1,500
60 Adhasri ... ... 186 138 129 85 118 65 55 38 93 112 1,683
61 Adhasri ... ... 188 140 115 94 117 63 51 41 91 109 1,687
62 200 146 122 86 114 65 52 38 90 109 1,600
63 Beit M&ala ... 196 140 133 103 124 70 60 35 99 121 1,653
64 Beit M&ala ... 190 140 126 90 120 70 54 35 93 111 1,583
65 Afilenda ... 185 145 122 90 112 64 53 39 83 103 1,627
66 Adhasri ... 184 135 127 95 124 66 55 37 91 109 1,614
67 Beit M&ala ... 186( 142 124 88 120 65 51 32 91 107 1,595
68 Adhasi i ... ... 190 148 132 96 127 72 55 35 105 124 1,666
69 Adhasri ... ... 191 144 126 93 103 58 50 32 90 106 1,619
70 Hasa ... 194 138 132 96 126 63 55 33 95 117 1,650
71 Habab ... ... 187 142 135 98 125 71 55 35 95 114 1,609
72 Beit MAala ... 195 148 132 100 126 68 52 42 96 113 1,639
73 Habab ... ... 190 140 130 84 122 66 54 38 93 111 1,619
74 Habab ... ... 181 140 120 95 117 65 50 32 93 112 1,628

Hanitic Problemin the Anylo-EgyptianSgudan. 689
BENI AMER-continued.
No. Division. H.L. H.B. Bi-z. Bi-g.F.L. U.F.L. N.L. N.B. Bi-m.N-m.Stature.
75 Adhasri ... ... 196 144 119 93 123 71 60 39 95 114 1,631
76 Kantebai ... 190 138 125 88 116 60 49 36 95 117 1,664
77 Habab ... ... 190 154 135 95 125 70 54 34 97 129 1,755
78 Habab ... ... 193 143 130 100 113 63 48 39 97 117 1,644
79 Habab ... ... 189 143 128 96 122 66 52 38 97 120 1,700
80 Habab ... ... 188 140 124 96 113 58 49 35 95 117 1,677
81 Habab ... ... 191 140 126 103 117 70 51 43 94 113 1,604
82 Beit M&ala ... 186 148 134 94 121 67 57 35 97 121 1,668
83 Habab ... ... 194 139 124 94 116 62 52 33 90 113 1,630
84 Habab ... ... 184 146 130 88 114 65 48 35 96 114 1,572
87 Hakolab... ... 180 142 120 93 116 61 48 32 91 109 1,618
99 Hasa ... ... 194 142 128 94 108 57 47 34 91 113 1,640
100 Habab ... ... 186 156 124 86 113 62 45 33 93 111 1,552
101 Adhasri ... ... 200 148 134 100 121 67 53 36 97 120 1,671
102 Habab ... ... 191 140 132 100 118 64 51 35 97 122 1,693
103 Habab ... ... 203 138 130 97 125 72 56 39 95 114 1,620
104 Habab ... ... 195 142 128 100 114 63 50 37 97 118 1,642
105 iabab ... ... 198 140 136 94 111 60 47 36 98 115 1,754
106 Habab ... ... 194 140 126 90 119 68 50 34 95 120 1,606
115 194 147 130 99 115 66 51 31 93 110 1,552
116 - 183 140 125 90 112 58 45 35 93 lII 1,616

690 C. G. SELIGMANN.-SOme Aspectsof thle
HADENDOA AND AMARA.
No. Division.' H.L. H.B. Bi-z. Bi-g. F.L. U.F.L. N.L. N.B. Bi-m. N-m. Stature.
16 Amara ... ... 192 150 139 100 125 73 53 22 97 125 1,687
17 Amara ... ... 196 153 124 90 120 70 53 33 91 110 1,660
18 Amirab ... ... 194 154 133 97i 148 66 54 39 94 108 1,692
19 Amirab ... ... 208 134 124 100 124 66 55 35 95 116 1,762
20 Amirab ... ... 178 130 128 95 112 69 48 33 90 107 1,573
21 Amirab ... ... 188 146 126 93 107 59 43 36 93 112 1,577
22 Amirab ... ... 186 140 125 90 108 60 47 36 93 111 1,605
23 Bishariab ... 187 146 133 97 115 66 55 35 91 111 1,601
24 Bishariab ... 188 143 129 95 145 64 55 37 88 104 1,672
.25 Amirab ... ... 190 148 134 93 117 69 50 38 93 108 1,689
.26 Amirab ... ... 201 150 140 107 135. 79 60 34 100 122 1,706
:27 Amirab ... ... 192 143 134 97 121 71 55 39 93 110 1,756
28 Amirab ... ... 186 144 125 87 110 61 43 36 95 109 1,603
29 Amirab ... ... 192 148 124 94 119 72 54 38 89 106 1,616
30 Amirab ... ... 177 139 117 90 113 66 48 35 87 103 1,596
31 Bishaiiab ... 179 136 129 88 110 65 50 38 90 107 1,692
32 Amirab ... ... 181 148 128 100 112 65 50 36 92 111 1,669
.33 Amirab ... ... 196 150 136 98 117 61 47 37 101 119 1,800
34 Amirab ... ... 193 138 130 98 131 70 55 40 96 122 1,744
35 Bishariab ... 195 152 129 89 114 64 52 34 89 110 1,713
36 Amirab ... ... 189 148 120 92 119 65 50 36 87 105 1,754
37 Amirab ... ... 188 140 130 95 118 65 50 38 96 110 1,675
38 Amirab ... ... 190 146 132 101 130 70 51 39 95 112 1,726
39 Amirab ... ... 190 142 124 100 119 69 54 41 95 113 1,736
40 Amirab ... ... 188 148 126 95 112 60 48 35 92 112 1,627
41 194 148 134 103 126 68 51 40 98 145 1,693
42 Amirab ... ... 192 146 130 100 118 68 50 37 99 119 1,680
43 Amirab ... ... 188 146 140 100 118 65 56 41 94 109 1,732
44 Amirab ... ... 191 140 122 95 122 69 48 40 94 110 1,606
*85 Hakolab ... ... 198 150 130 90 123 70 58 37 91 113 1,675
86 Amara ... ... 180 146 128 92 115 63 56 42 90 111 1,539
88 Sherab ... ... 188 138 130 88 119 61 50 38 90 119 1,690
89 Sherab ... ... 186 138 133 97 118 65 52 38 95 115 1,652
90 Amara (Nurab)... 190 148 138 96 116 66 52 38 97 117 1,725
91 Ashraf ... ... 196 154 134 98 124 68 55 38 94 121. 1,684
92 Gumilab ... 196 144 132 94 123 67 54 40 93 122 1,785
93 Kololaib ... 190 143 129 100 116 64 51 42 92 113 1,621
94 Abel Gaur ... 190 142 128 104 109 62 53 38 91 111 1,630
95 Gumilab... ... 184 144 122 97 125 70 56 41 99 123 1,645
96 Amara (Nurab)... 193 148 122 88 117 71 51 37 92 111 1,655
1 The divisions of the Amara are not given, the other names are those of Hadendoa divisions.

HamniticProblemin the Anglo-EgyptianSuidan. 691
HADENDOA AND AMARA-continued.
No. I)ivision.' H.L. H.B. Bi-z. Bi-g. F.L. IJ.F.L. N.L. N.B. Bi-m. N-m Stature.
97 Abdelwab ... 188 150 124 98 115 65 51 37 91 112 1,663

98 Kamilab ... 184 142 132 104 117 61 45 38 95 120 1,592
107 Amara ... 196 148 130 94 124 72 54 40 103 123 1,681
108 Amara ... 194 144 128 92 111 - 51 33 95 113 1,656
109 Amara ... 196 156 130 98 127 71 58 35 91 114 1,630
110 Amara ... 184 143 124 90 114 62 49 38 91 108 1,706
i11 - 188 148 130 100 117 70 52 35 96 112 1,737
112 Amara ... ... 194 152 134 92 126 69 52 39 91 106 1,707
113 Amara ... ... 186 140 122 95 116 64 47 36 89 108 1,637
117 - 195 145 134 94 131 78 58 35 92 112 1,672
118 Amara ... ... 183 147 133 107 120 70 53 35 97 111 1,837
119 Amara ... ... 191 142 122 90 116 67 53 34 90 lll 1,633
120 186 144 124 90 108 63 50 35 88 105 1,619
121 Amara ... .. 193 144 128 100 130 74 54 38 95 98 1,671
KABABISH.
No. Division. ll.L. H.B. Bi-z. Bi-g. F.L. U.F.L. N.L. N.B. Bi-m. N-m. Stature.
1 Nurab ... ... 200 146 148 - 124 - 50 35 - -- 1,754

2 Nurab ... ... 196 144 134 - 127 - 58 40 - 1,697
3 Nurab ... 198 142 133 - 113 - 47 38 - 1,670
4 Nurab ... ... 199 148 137 - 126 - 57 36 -- 1,648
5 Nurab ... ... 191 142 135 - 117 - 56 '34 - 1,772
6 Nurab ... ...194 158 137 - 121 - 60 36 - 1,515
7 Berara ... ... 197 152 138 - 139 - 62 40 - 1,680
8 Berara ... 206 146 142 - 124 - 55 42 - - 1,698
9 Berara ... ... 194 144 138 - 124 - 61 41 - 1,810
10 Nurab ... ... 200 144 130 - 113 - 51 35 - - 1,686
11 Nurab ... ... 190 138 125 - 125 - 59 37 1,791
12 Nurab ... ... 190 146 141 - 110 - 49 40 1,684
13 Nurab ... ... 190 144 132 - 114 - 53 36 -- 1,708
14 Nurab ... ... 199 138 126 - 110 - 50 35 - 1,673
15 Nurab ... ... 198 150 132 -- 117 - 49 43 - 1,742
1 The divisions of the Amara are not given, the other names are those of Hadencloa divisions.

692 C. G. SELIGMANN.-kSOmWeAspectsof the
DINKA (DR. PIRRIE S MEASUREMENTS, THE LAST SIX SUBJECTS BY C. G. S.)
1 204 149 0.2 1 , 412 76 48 -4

3No. 19
r
54,; ,4 l *QDO
'5,, 134 G tto 7 tD G37 D Y3 E D 57
2 ~
..3 .3 ~ i ~ 3 ~ 3~ ~ 8 -4 0 18 9 04 2,
1 204 149 122 149 120 76 48 46 140 102 112 1,920

2 203 135 121 136 130 78 49 40 138 98 104 2,044
3 195 149 120 134 122 72 37 37 195 146 157 1,530
4 193 135 113 132 105 68 42 41 138 97 106 1,790
5 198 142 117 134 114 67 40 43 130 98 106 1,780
6 289 145 116 147 109 65 45 42 130 97 105 1,790
7 194 142 115 128 106 66 42 35 135 97 100 1,750
8 189 148 113 138 107 62 41 40 132 94 100 1,680
9 200 154 123 213? 113 65 46 40 140 100 100 1,800
10 198 147 122 148 - - 43 40 130 94 106 1,780
11 194 137 114 134 104 58 37 41 132 93 95 1,760
12 184 142 116 137 114 73 43 37 134 95 99 1,710
13 198 138 116 137 115 65 42 42 142 92 98 1,760
14 186 140 114 137 115 67 41 41 138 95 104 1,800
15 199 144 116 142 116 69 44 42 141 99 108 1,850
16 198 140 119 139 115 72 44 40 140 95 110 1,690
17 194 145 116 142 104 64 41 38 138 90 101 1,740
18 186 140 113 134 115 67 44 41 145 100 101 1,840
19 191 143 110 136 104 64 48 44 137 95 104 1,700
20 198 142 120 138 114 68 50 38 138 100 106 1,790
21 190 138 116 131 99 58 40 46 141 99 107 1,740
22 191 138 116 132 118 67 44 45 134 97 110 1,690
23 196 144 117 132 113 64 39 41 147 94 102 1,780
24 203 144 114 133 115 61 41 39 138 99 105 1,730
25 194 135 114 135 119 69 42 48 128 97 115 1,700
26 199 137 116 135 109 69 44 42 138 92 94 1,800
27 198 145 127 145 104 69 46 44 130 95 104 1.845
28 206 143 116 138 110 67 35 41 141 94 100 1,710
29 194 135 116 132 114 75 50 45 138 93 100 1,880
30 193 138 113 131 105 64 37 38 131 93 107 1,705
31 189 144 122 137 97 52 35 44 134 96 97 1,960
32 208 143 123 144 122 69 44 48 148 302 112 2,000
33 190 153 123 144 119 67 41 42 131 102 116 1,830
34 196 142 117 135 105 63 44 39 147 98 105 1,920
35 202 153 126 146 126 72 49 41 143 100 107 1,890
36 213? 119? 107 138 115 63 37 40 141 93 95 1,750

HamititcProblemiqn the Anglo-EgyptianSudan. 693
DINKA-continted.
No. Ca Ca C C = .i Ca
37 184 150 116 139 120 70 51 40 126 90 101 1,740
38 185 143 115 135 124 67 44 40 138 100 100 1,870
39 142 119 136 124 65 50 38 130 89 98 1,830
40 203 - 116 139 126 72 40 132 99 101 1,790
41 197 135 111 134 104 79 40 40 129 93 102 1,795
42 204 143 120 140 131 70 53 45 136 98 108 1,920
43 194 145 110 140 109 64 44 30 130 94 100 1,830
44 202 142 126 136 117 68 46 44 140 95 103 1,810
45 195 148 122 140 126 71 45 42 133 100 104 1,805
46 201 143 116 132 120 69 44 41 142 93 99 1,915
47 192 139 118 138 113 67 46 39 125 96 103 1,825
48 200 151 125 147 118 72 45 44 135 99 107 1,810
49 199 147 119 143 132 73 44 43 - 98 109 1,880
50 186 135 110 130 107 62 41 39 140 95 96 1,820
51 203 142 124 138 104 62 42. 42 135 98 103 1,860
52 180 142 113 129 118 60 39 40 132 92 101 1,710
53 179 140 '108 130 118 67 42 36 131 95 105 1,770
54 203 144 118 140 128 69 40 43 142 98 110 1,848
55 200 140 107 129 100 59 37 35 140 94 101 1,620

56 198 137 112 132 103 60 40 41 134 95 107 1,660
57 197 145 119 132 106 68 40 37 137 100 108 1,688
58 192 131 111 132 120 67 50 42 135 101 105 1,720

59 191 142 119 134 115 62 39 36 128 92 100 1,700
60 187 128 117 134 111 68 44 42 124 101 113 -
VOL. XLIII. 2z

NUER (DR. PIRRIE'SMEASUREMENTS').
acial Upper Nasal Nasal A

Head Had Biari- Bzygo-
No. cular. matic. length. iengtah length. breadth. ver
length. breadth.
1 195 135 115 137 - - 47 43 1
2 191 148 117 140 108 68 41 42 1
3 191 138 112 131 114 62 39 41 1
4 191 146 120 143 118 73 44 43 1
5 194 130 116 130 118 67 40 40 1
6 192 131 120 134 108 60 41 37 1
7 203 146 118 140 108 69 43 43 1
8 197 147 117 139 106 X,2 48 42 1
9 201 140 115 134 109 63 37 40 1
10 196 147 123 130 117 70 44 41 1
11 194 145 118 142 122 68 45 42 1
12 194 136 115 134 106 62 44 45 1
13 181 143 117 137 118 67 43 34 1
1 The measurements otherNuer measuredby Dr. Pirrieare givenin Profes

oftwenty-seven
Laboratories.
ThirdReportoftheWellcomne

HanmiticProblemin the Anglo-Egyptitan
Sudan. 695
BENI AMER.
No. Division. C.I. N.I. F.I. U.F.I.

45 Hasa ... ... ... 72*28 84 44 78 23 43 55
46 Afilenda ... ... 74 16 68 100 55
47 Beit MSala ... ... ... 7150 66,04 105 61V67
48 Adhasri ... ... ... 73,12 70*59 92 50 52'50
49 Adhasri ... ... ... 72*96 69 09 94162 53,85
50 Afilenda ... ... ... 6865 72*55 92 06 53 17
51 ilasa ... ... ... 76*80 71V43 93*50 54 47
52 Beit Maala ... ... ... 79190 72,55 86,96 49,27
53 Beit MSala ... ... ... 75,52 72,55 91V34 48,03
54 - 69 35 78 84 89 43 88
55 .. 74 . 74.55
........ 83 58 47 76
56 Afilenda ... ... ... 83162 67 27 87 41 51'11
57 Adhasri ... ... ... 71*36 91*07 97*60 53*60
58 Hasa ... ... ... 79 14 67*27 91 79 48 51
59 Afilenda ... ... ... 72*82 72*55 89*47 48*87
60 Adhasri ... ... ... 74,19 69 09 91*47 50*39
61 Adhasri ... ... 74.47 80 39 101*74 54*78
62 73 73,08 93,44 53,28
63 Beit M&ala ... ... 71V43 58,33 93,23 52,63?
64 Beit M&ala ... ... 73168 64,81 95,24 55,56
65 Afilenda ... ... ... 78*38 73*58 91*80 52*46
66 Adhasri ... ... 73.37 67*27 97*64 51*97
67 Beit Maala ... ... 76,34 62,75 96,77 52,42
68 Adhasri ... ... ... 77189 63164 96 21 54.55
69 Adhasri ... 75.39 64 81*75 46 03
70 Hasa ... ... ... 71U13 60 95*45 47 73
71 Habab ... ... ... 75.94 63164 92,59 52,59
72 Beit 'Maala ... ... ... 75*90 80*77 95*45 51*52
73 Habab ... ... ... 73168 70*37 93 85 50*77
74 Habab ... ... ... 77.35 64 97*50 54 17
'75 Adhasri ... ... ... 73*47 65 103*36 59*66
'76 Kantebai ... ... ... 72*63 73*47 92g80 48
77 Habab ... ... ... 81*05 62*96 92*59 51*85
78 Habab ... ... ... 74 09 81 25 86 92 48 46
79 Habab ... ... ... 75*66 73*08 95*31 51*56
80 Habab ... ... ... 74.47 71*43 91*13 46 77
81 Habab ... ... ... 73,30 84,31 92*86 5556
82 Beit Maala ... ... ... 79.57 61'40 90 30 50
83 Habab ... ... ... 71*65 63 46 93*55 50
84 Habab ... ... 79*35 72*92 87*69 57*02
2z 2

!696 C. G. SELIGMANN.-Some Aspectsof the
BENI AMER-continued.
No. Division. C.I. N.I. F.I. 1J.F.I.
87 Hakolab ... ... ... 78*89 66*67 96,67 50 83

99 Hasa ... ... ... 73*20 72*34 84 38 44*53
100 Habab ... ... ... 83 87 73 33 91 13 50
101 Adhasri ... ... ... 74 67*92 90*30 50
102 Habab ... ... ... 73 30 68*63 89 39 48 48
103 Habab ... ... ... 67 *98 69 64 96 15 55*38
104 Habab ... ... ... 72*82 74 89*06 49*22
105 Habab ... ... ... 70 71 76 60 81 62 44 11
106 Habab ... ... ... 72 16 68 94,44 53.97
115 75-77 60,78 88,46 50-77
116 76 50 77-78 89,60 46 40
HADENDOA AND AMARA.
No. Division.' C.I. N.I. F.I. U.F.I.
16 Amara ... ... ... 78 13 41 51 89-93 52 51

17 Amara ... ... ... 78*06 62*26 96 77 54 45
18 Amirab ... ... ... 79,38 72*22 111,27 49 62
19 Amirab ... ... ... 64 42 63 64 100 53 23
20 Amirab ... ... ... 73 03 68*75 87*57 53*91
21 Amirab ... ... ... 77*66 83 72 84 92 46 83
22 Amirab ... ... 75*27 76,60 86 40 48
23 Bishariab ... ... ... 78&07 63*64 86*47 49*62
24 Bishariab ... ... ... 76,06 67,27 112,40 49,61
25 Amirab ... ... 77*89 76 87*31 51*49
26 Amirab ... ... ... 74*63 56*67 96*43 56 42
27 Amirab ... ... 74-48 70,91 90*30 52 99
28 Amirab ... ... ... 77*42 83 72 88 48*80
29 Amirab ... ... ... 77*08 70*37 95*97 58 06
30 Amirab ... ... ... 78 53 72*92 96 58 56 41
31 Bishariab ... ... ... 75*98 76 85*27 42*64
32 Amirab ... ... ... 81*77 72 87 50 50 78
33 Amirab ... ... ... 76,53 78-72 86 03 44,85
34 Amirab ... ... ... 71V50 72 73 100 77 53 85
35 Bishariab ... ... ... 77 95 65*38 88*37 49*61
The divisionsofthe Amara are notgiven,the othernamesare thoseof Hadendoa divisions.

HADENDOA AND AMARA.-continued.
No. Division.' C.I. N.I. F.I. U.F.I.
36 Amirab ... ... ... 78 31 72 99 17 54 17

37 Amirab ... ... ... 74A47 76 90-77 50
38 Amirab ... ... ... 76 84 76*47 98-48 53%03
39 Amirab . ... ... 74.74 75-93 95.97 55165
40 Amirab . ... ... 78-72 72 92 88-89 47362
41 76 29 78 43 94 03 50 75
42 Amirab ... ... ... 76 04 74 90 77 52 31
43 Amirab ... ... ... 77 66 73 21 84 29 46 42
44 Amirab ... ... ... 73130 83133 100 56 56
85 Hakolab ... ... ... 75 76 63 79 94 62 53 85
86 Amara ... ... ... 8111 75 89 84 49 22
88 Sherab ... ... ... 73 40 76 91V54 46 92
89 Sherab ... ... ... 74 19 73 08 88 72 48 87
90 Amara (Nurab) ... ... 77-89 73-08 84-06 47-82
91 Ashraf ... ... ... 7857 69 09 92 54 50 75
92 Gumilab ... ... ... 73 47 74 07 93 18 50 76
93 Kololaib ... ... ... 75 26 82 35 89 92 49 61
94 Adel Gaur ... ... 74-74 71V70 85-16 48-44
95 Gumilab ... .. ... 78 26 73 21 102 46 57-38
96 Amara (Nurab) ... ... 76-68 72-55 95-90 58-20
97 Abdelwab ... ... ... 79-79 72-55 92-74 52 42
98 Kamilab ... ... ... 77 17 84 44 88 64 46 21
107 Amara . ... ... 75 51 74 07 95 38 55.38
108 Amara ... ... ... 74 23 64 71 86 72 -
109 Amara ... ... ... 79 59 60134 97 69 54 62

110 Amara ... ... ... 77-72 77-55 91-94 50
111 78&72 67-31 90 53-85
112 Amara ... ... ... 78135 75 94 03 51 49
113 Amara ... ... ... 75-27 76-60 95-08 52-46
117 74-36 60-34 97-76 58-21
118 Amara ... ... 80133 66 04 90 23 52 63
119 Amara ... ... ... 74 35 64 15 95-08 54 92
120 - 77 42 70 87-10 50 81
121 Amnara ... ... ... 74 61 70 37 101256 57-81
The divisionsofthe Amaraare not given,the othernamesare thoseofHadendoa divisions.

KABABISH.
No. Division. C.I. N.I. F.l. U.F.I.
1 Nurab ... ... ... 73 70 83778

2 Nurab ... ... ... 73,47 68'97 94 78
3 Nurab ... ... ... 71*72 80 85 84996
4 Niurab ... ... ... 74 37 63 16 91997
5 Nurab ... ... ... 74 35 60 71 86667
6 Nurab ... ... ... 81*44 60 88332
7 Berara ... ... ... 77 *16 64*52 100772
8 Berara ... ... ... 70 87 76,36 87*32
9 Berara ... ... ... 74*23 67*21 89886
10 Nurab ... ... ... 72 68 63 86992
11 Nurab ... ... ... 72-63 62,71 100
12 Nurab ... ... ... 76,84 81V63 78-01
13 Nurab ... ... ... 75*79 67*92 86336
14 Nurab ... ... ... 69*35 70 87 30
15 Nurab ... ... ... 75 *76 87 *76 88*64
DINKA.
No. C I. H.I. N.I. F.I. IU.F.I.
1 73 68,6 95,8 80,5 5110

2 66,6 68 81'6 95.5 57.3
3 76-4 100 91V0 53-7
4 69,9 71 5 97,6 79 5 51S5
5 71U7 65'7 107,5 90.3 50
6 93.3 74 1 44 2
7 73-2 69'6 83,3 82,8 51S5
8 78,3 69,8 97.5 77.5 44.9
9 77 70 86'9
10 74,2 65-7 930 - -
11 70,6 68 110'8 77-6 43,2

12 77,2 72,8 86'0 83,2 53 2
13 69 7 71'7 100 83 9 47.4
14 75-3 74,2 100 83,9 49.9
15 72,4 70'9 95.4 81V6 48,5
16 70 7 70.7 90 9 82-7 51S
17 74-7 71V1 92'6 73-2 45'1
18 75-3 78 93,1 85,8 50
19 74-9 71'7 91V6 76,4 47 0
20 71'7 66-7 76 82,6 49'3

HcamiticPr-obleqn 699
DINKA-continmed.
No. C.I. H.I. N.I. F.I. U.F.I.
21 72X6 74X2 115 75,5 44'2

22 72'3 70'2 102'2 89'3 50'7
23 73'5 75 105'1 85'6 48'4
24 70'9 63 95'1 86'4 45-8
25 69X6 66 114'2 88'1 51'1
26 68'8 69'3 95'4 80'7 511
27 73'2 65'7 956 71'7 47'6
28 68 117'1 79,7 48-5
29 69X6 71'1 90 86'3 56-8
30 71-5 67'9 102'7 80'1 48-8
31 76-2 70'9 125'7 70'8 37,9
32 68-7 71'1 109'0 84'7 47-9
33 80-5 68'9 102'4 82'6 46-5
34 72-4 75 88'6 77'7 46-6
35 75-7 70'8 83'6 86-3 49-3
36 66'1 108'1 83'3 45-6
37 81-5 68'5 78'4 86-3 50'4
38 77-3 74'6 90'9 91'8 49'6
39 - - 76 91-1 47-7
40 - 65 - 90'6 51'8
41 68'5 655 100 77'6 58-9
42 70'1 66'7 84'9 93.5 50a0
43 74-7 67 88'6 77'8 45-7
44 70'3 69X3 95'6 86'0 50
45 75-9 68-2 93'3 90 50-7
46 71'1 70'6 93'1 90'9 52-2
47 72-4 65'1 84'7 81'8 48'5
48 75'5 67'5 97'7 80'2 49
49 73.9 97'7 92'3 51
50 72-6 753 95'1 82'3 47-6
51 70 66'S 100 75'3 44.9
52 78-9 73'3 102'5 91'4 46-5
53 78'2 73'2 85'7 90'7 51'5
54 70'9 70 107'5 91'4 49-3
55 70 70 94'5 77'5 45'7
56 69-2 67'7 102'5 78'0 45-4
57 73-6 69'5 92'5 80'3 51'5
58 68'2 70'3 84 90'9 50-7
59 74-3 67 92'3 85'8 46'2
60 68'4 66'3 95S4 82'8 50-7

700 C. G. SELIGMANN.-Somne Aspectsof the
NUER.
No. C.I. V.I. N.I. F.I. U.F.I. Alve. J.
1 69 2 69 2 89 109
2 77 5 72-3 105 90 48,6 100
3 72-3 707 105 98 47,3 94,8
4 76,4 72-3 91 90 510 107
5 67 69 6 95 102 51,5 104
'6 68 1 70,3 88 88 44,7 107
7 71V9 68 97 80 49 3 110
8 74 6 70 1 89 84 51 8 109
9 69 7 67 7 108 89 47 0 110
10 75 70 4 93 1 90 53 8 101
11 74 7 68 93 3 85 9 47 9 110
12 70 1 68 6 102 2 79 1 46 2 106
13 79 72 9 79 0 86 1 49.9 115
BENI AMER.
No. Av. Var.of

St. Dev. Er. of Mean. Er.ofSt. Dev. Coef. Source.
H.L. ... 51 190,49 6,20 ?+58 ?+41 3,25 C. G. S.

H.B. ... 51 142,25 5-37 ?f50 ?+35 3-77
C.I ... ... 51 74,70 3,42 ?f32 ?f22 4,56
N.L.... ... 51 51 96 3 41 +*32 +*22 6 56
N.B.... ... 51 36,57 3.36 ?+31 ?s22 9,18
N.I. ... ... 51 7052 6 75 ?+63 + *45 9.57
F.L. ... ... 51 117 70 5-91 ?+55 ?+39 5 02
F.B. ... 51 127 84 5 42 ?+51 ?+36 4 23
F.J. . ... 51 92 12 5 27 ?+49 ? *35 5 72
U.F.L. ... 51 65 13 4,23 ?+39 ?+28 6-49
U.F.I. ... 51 51,21 3,82 ?+36 ?25 7,45
Statture ... 51 1,643 58 ?5 ?4 4

HaamiticProbicnm 701
HADENDOA AND AMARA.
No. Av. St. Dev. Er. ofMean. Er. ofSt.Dev. Coef

Var.of Source.
H.L. ... 54 189,97 5,72 ?+52 + 37 3,01 C. G. S.

H.B. ... 54 145,11 5,25 ?+48 ?s34 3-61
C.I ... ... 54 76,39 2,90 9+26 +*18 3*79
N.L. ... 54 51186 3 59 ?+32 ?+23 6 92
N.B. ... 54 36 95 3 08 ?+28 ?+19 8 33
N.I. ... 54 71L58 7*33 ?*67 +*47 10 24
F.L.... ... 54 119167 8,26 ?275 ?253 6190
F.B. ... 54 129 5*22 ?*47 ?+33 4*04
F.I. .. ... 54 92*78 6 13 +*56 ?+35 6 60
U.F.L. ... 53 66 94 4 32 ?+40 ? 28 6 45
'L.F.I. ... 52 51,80 3-61 ?+33 +?23 6,96
Stature . 54 1,676 60 ?5 ?4 4
KABABISH.
No. Av. Var.of

St. Dev. Er. ofMean. Er.ofSt. Dev. Coef. Source.
H.L. ... 24 193-91 5-27 ?f72 +-51 2-71 GAtkey

&
H.B. ... 24 143 96 5*08 +*70 +*49 3 52
C.I. .. ... 24 74 29 2 55 +*35 +*24 3.43
N.L. ... 24 53*5 4'61 ?+63 +*44 8 61
N.B. ... 24 37 2*82 ?+38 + *27 7 62
N.I. ... 24 69,70 7.54 ?1 04 ? *73 10,81
F.L. ... 24 118*67 5*56 +*76 ?+54 4*68
F.B. ... 24 134 29 5*18 +*71 + *50 3*84
F.I. ... 24 88 83 4 87 ?*67 + *47 5*48
U.F.L. ... -
U.F.I. - -
Stature ... 23 1,709 56 ?8 +6 3

702 C. G. SELIGMANN.-SormeAspectsof the
BARABRA.
No. Av. St. Dev. Er. of Meani.Er. ofSt.Dev. CVefa?f Source.
CI. ... ... 89 76*18 3*53 ?25 ?17 4*63 Chantre

N.I.... .. 89 82,67 9-47 ?67 ?47 11U45
F.I ... .. 89 100-83 5.51 ?+39 ?27 5,46
Stature ... 70 168 7 ?52 ?37 3.91
SHILLUK.
No. Av. St. Dev. Er. of Mean. Er. of St. Coef.of Source.
Dev. Var.
H.L. ... 21 195 5.54 ? 81 ? *57 2-84 Myers,Pirrie.

H.B. ... 21 139*48 5 01 ? *73 ?+52 3s51
C.I. ... 21 71*3 3 04 ?+44 ?+31 4-26
N.L. 11 41*91 2*57 ? *52 ? *37 6 13 Myers.
N.B. i1 39 3*38 ?+68 +?48 8 66
N.I. ... 11 93,36 8*88 +?166 ?127 9.51
F.L. ... 18 110,44 6,20 ?+98 ?+69 5,61 Myers, Pirrie.
F.B. ... 18 134 77 4*15 ?+66 ? *46 3*07
F.I. ... 19 83 27 .8.37 ?1U29 ? *91 10 05 ,,
U.F.L. - _
U.F.I.
Stature 14 1,776 53 ?9 +7 3 Myers, Pirrie.
DINKA.
No. Avj St. Dev. Er. ofMean. Er. ofSt.Dev. Coef.of Source.
Var.
H.L. ... 79 194-08 6-59 ? 50 ? *35 3-39 Pirrie, Myers &

C. G. S.
H.B ... 79 141.19 5.44 ?_41 ?_29 3.85
C.L. ...148 72-71 370

?-20 ? *14 5-08 fPirrie,Mochi,
Myers& C. G. S.
N.L ... 82 42 90 4 19 ?+31 ?+22 9-76 fPirrie,Myers&
C. G. S.
N.B ... 82 40 82 2,96 ?+22 ?_15 7*24
N.I. ... 85 91-63 12 96 ? 94 -67 14 14 f Pirrie,Mochi,

Myers& C.G.S.
F.L ... 81 112,85 8,25 ?_61 ?_43 731 Pirrie, Myers&
C. G. S.
F.B. ... 81 135,55 5'05 ?_37 +26 3-,72
F.I. ... 85 86 7*89 ? *57 ?_40 8*17
U.F.L....
U.F.... - - -
Stature..116 1,786 97 +6 ?4 5 fPirrie,Myers&

C. G. S.

NUER.
No. Average. St. Dev. Er. ofMean. Er.ofSt. D)ev. Coef.

Var.
of Source.
Hl.L. ... 40 194,05 5,51 ?+58 ?+41 2,83 Pirrie

H.B. ... 40 142 55 4- 73 ?+50 ?+35 3-31
C.I. ... 40 73 55 3 28 ? *35 ?+24 4.45
N.L. ... 40 42-47 4 38 ?+40 ?+33 10 31
N.B. ... 40 41-2 2,75 ? 29 ?+20 6,67
N.I. ... 40 10008 11 53 ?1 23 ?*86 11 52
F.L. ...
F.B.
F.I. ... 12 83 16 5 46 ?1 06 ?'73 6 56
U.F.L.
U.F.I.
Stature ... 39 1,806 70 ?8 ?5 3
APPENDIX IL
Dr. Bowley has kindly supplied the following,note on the results of his
examnination of Dinka measurements.
For each of the three groups (C.I., N.I., and stature) that normal curve
is selectedwlhichhas the averageof the standarddeviationof the group. Definite
lines of divisionare then taken in the normalcurveas follows:
Most probablenumberofinstances.
Betweenaverageand average + 2 ... ... ... 192 ofn
Average+ ,, ,, + ... ... ... 149 ofn
:3 .. ... ... *092 ofn
,3 2 ... ... ... 044 ofn
,, 2C ,, ,, ~2' ... ... ... *017ofn
2 ,, ,, 3 ... ... ... 005 of n
Outside average + 3 o ... ... ... ... ... *001 of n
500 ofn
where n is the number of observations and a- is the standard deviation.

A precisely similar distributionis to be found for negative deviations. This

schemeis then fittedon to the observations. Thus for C.I. the average is 72-71,
a-= 370, n = 148. Between 7271 + 370 = 76-41 and 7271 + 3of 370=78&26, the
2
most probablenumberis *092of 148 = 13-6. Actually thereare eleven at 77 (i.e.,
between76--5and 77 5), fourat 78 of which three may be expected to be between
77-5 and 78-26,making fourteenin the group,in this case the nearest integer to
the mostprobable.
The resultsare as follows:-
C.I. N.I. Stature.

n = 148 n = 85 n = 116
-= 3 70 - = 12'96 C-= 966 cm.
av. = 72,71 av. = 91P63 av. = 178,6
Average. Observed. Expected. Observed.Expected. Observed. Expected.
+ > 3 2* 1 0 1 0 1
+21 o-to3cr 1 *7 1 *4 2* *6
2oC ,, 2E(r 2 2,5 0 124 1 119
12 ,, 2 C 4 6,5 4 3*7 1* 5,1
1 o ,, 21o' 14 13,6 6 7-8 6* 10,7
1 1 C- 18 22-1 13 12,7 22* 17,3
0 ,, 2
0- 30 28,4 27* 16,3 24 22,3
o ,,2-
- 30 28,4 12* 16,3 25 22,3
- ,, 1 C- 25 22A1 8* 12,7 23* 17,3
-1C ,, 1 o- 13 13&6 6 7-8 6* 10,7
- 1c ,,2 C 7 6,5 4 3.7 4 5.1
-2ar ,, 21o- 2 2,5 3* 1,4 1 119
-21oe,, 3c 0 *7 1 *4 1 *6
-> ,,3cr 10 0 1 0
For any compartmenttaken singly the standard deviation of error due to

randomsamplingis /p(1 p)n, where n is the whole number in the group and
pn the most probablenumberin the compartment. The numbersmarked* differ
by more than the standard deviation,but only the two giants in the firstgroup
seriously. A test miiorerefinedin principle, but unfortunatelyrough in its
application,is as follows: formfor each compartmentthe quantity -
x2 where
e = x2 ,--,1; the sum forthe groupofthesequantitiesis a measureof the goodness
of the fit,and ProfessorKarl Pearson has shownhow to measure the probability
thatsuch observationswould come by randomsamplingfroman assignedfrequency
group. Puttingaside the two giantsof groupone,it is found that the firstgroup
(C.I.) is an extremelygood fit; that deviationsas great as are found in the second
group (N.I.) are about as likelyas not to occur,and that the chances are only

Journalof theRoyal AnthropologicalInstitute,Vol. XL III, 1913,Plate XXV.
M.-i~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
FIG. 3.-HADENDOA TEMPORARY SHELTER.
M~~~~~~l~
SOME A
FIG. 2.-HADENDOA ENCAMPMENT (SINKATKENAB).
_|SSil||w~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
FIG. 1.-A I3ENIAMER VILLAGE. ~ ~ .I

Journalof the Royal AnthropoloficalInstitute,Vol. XLIII, 1913, Plate XXVI.
FIG. 2.-GROUP OF HADENDOA (BEDAWIB).
-~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~PM
FIG. 1.-GROUP OF BEJT, IN FRONT ARE THREE BENI AMER, BEHIND TEEM TWO HADENDOA.
SOME ASPECTS OF THE HAMITIC PROBLEM IN THE ANGLO-EGYPTIAN SUDAN

::~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~1
~~~~~~~~~~~~
FIG. 1.-TYPE 87. FIG. 2.-TYPE 87. FIG. 3.-TYPE 47.
FIG. 5. TYPE 62. FIG. 6. -TYPE 62. FIa. 7.-TY PE 63.

BENI AMER TYPES.
SOME ASPECTS OF TH E HAMITIC PROBLEM IN THE ANGI4O-EGYPTIANSUDA

FIO. 1.-TYPE 16. FIG. 2.-TYPE 16. Flo. 3.-TYPE 17.
FIG. 5.-TYPE 27. FIG. 6.-TYPE 27. FIG. 7.-TYPE 96.

IIADENDOA TYI'ES.
SOME ASPECTS OF THE HAMITIC PROBLEM IN THE ANGLO-EGYPTIAN SUD

FIG. 1.-TYPE 1O8.FI. 2.-TYPE 108. FIG. 3.-TYPE 86.
FIG. .-TYP 29.FIG. .-TYP 29.FIG. .-TYP 91.FIG.
HADENDOA TYPES.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
SOME ASPECTS OF THE HAMITIC PROBLEM IN THE ANGLO-EGYPTIAN SUDA

rz- X - E. N t_,,,z5 > ~~~~~~~FIG.
2.-HEAD OF RAM>ESE IT. FIG. 4.-IVORY HEA
x W ~~~~~~~~(TURIN
MUSEUM). EGYPTIAN FROM HIE
FIG. I.-BEJA FROM TWELFTH DYNASTY TOMB. FIG. 3. HEAD OF BENI AMER SIIOWING FIG. 5.HEAD O
RESEMBLANCE TO RAMESES II. CFHIN-TUFT
SOME ASPECTS OF THE HAMITIC PROBLEM IN THE ANGLO-EUIYPTIAN SUDAN.

Journal of the Royal AnthropologicalInstitute, Vol. XLIII, 1913, Plate XXXI.
FIG. 1
FIG. 2. FIG. 3.
HADENDOA SKULL NO. I.
SOME ASPECTS OF THE HAMITIC PROBLEM IN THE ANGLO-EGYPTIAN SUDAN.

Journalof theRoyal AnthropologicalInetitute,Vol. XLIII, 1913, Plate XXXII.
~~
.~~~~~~~~~~~4~
N~ W
~ ~
0,
'- :.7
FIG 1
FIG. 2. FIG. 3.
HADENDOA SKULL NO. II.
SOME, ASPECTS OF TILE IAmitricPROBLEM IN THE ANGLO-EGYPTIAN SUDAN.

Journalof theRoyal A nthropologicalInstitute,Vol. XLIII, 1913, Plate XXXIIl.
FIG. 1.
FIG. 2. FIG. 3.
HADENDOA SKULL NO. III.
SOME ASPECTS OF THE HAMITIC PROBLEMI IN TUE ANGLO-EGYPTIAN SUDAN.

Jourtnalof the Royal Anthropologifcal
Institute,Vol. XLIII, 1913, Plate XXX1V.
F.F.
~~~~4
~~~~~~~J~J
FIG
2. FIG. 3.
HADENDOA SKULL NO. IV.

SOME ASPECTS OF TILE HAMITIC PROBLEM IN THE ANGLO-EGYPTIAN SUDAN.

F . 1. 2.
qr~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.
F.G. FIG. 3...... .
.. ... .. ...
* ' ' "' . "" ''.' . . s."'' ..."''s' - "",1- '''-: . ..;,.
...
t.
....A
F10. 1. FIG. 2.
K~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
.. . .. F1G. 3.
6.FIG.
FIG. 2. 3.
FIe..
BA1tABRA TY'PES.
SOMlE ASPECTS OF THE BAMIITIC PROBLEM IN THE AN'GLO-EGY'PTIAN

Journalof theRoyal AnthropologicalInstitute,V'ol.XLIII, 1913, Plate XXXVi.
-
FIG. ._ R '. ' _ FIG. S 2 -~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
..
BARABRA TYPES.
FIG. 3.
PART OF WALL PAINTING FROM TOMB OF HUY.
SOME ASPECTS OF THlE HAMITIC PIROBLEM IN THE ANGLO-EGYPTIAN SUDAN.

FIG. 1.-TYPE 5. FIG. 2.-TYP15 5. FIG. 3.-TYPE 7
p.-.--
FIG. 5.-KABABISHI SHERYKfl ALI TOM{. FIG. 6.-TYPE 8. FIG. 7.-TYPE 1. FIG. 8
KABABISH TYPES.
SOME ASPECTS OF THE HAMiTIC PROBLEM IN THE ANGLO-EGYPTIAN SUDAN.

* 2H s_, .. wYSsSel re..,~~ ~~ ~~ ~~~~ ~~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
FIG. 1.-TYPE 19. FIG. 2.-TYPE 19. FIG. 3
No'~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~C
FIG. 4.-TYPE 20. FIG. 5.-TYPE 17 FIG 6

SHILLUK TYPES.
SOME ASPECTS OF THE HAMITIC PROBLEM IN THE ANGLO-EGYPTIAN SUDAN.

Hamttic Problemintthe Anglo-EgyptianSudan. 705
about 7 to 1 against so large a series of deviationsas actuallyoccur inithe third

group(stature).
The conclusionis that these observationsmight have been correctlymade by
random sampling,from normallydistributedphysical characteristics,if we can
allow forthe two heads withlarge C.I., of course there are other more composite
groupings from which these could conceivably have arisen, but there is no
indicationof the mixtureof two distinctgroupswith widelydiffering averagres.
PLATE XXV.
Beni Amervillage.
Hadendoa encampment (Sinkatkenab).
Hadendoa temporaryshelter.
PLATE XXVI.
GroupofBeja, in frontare threeBeni Amer,behindthemtwo Hadendoa.
GroupofHadendoa (Bedawib).
PLATE XXVII.
Beni Amertypes.
PLATE XXVIII.
ladendoa types.
PLATE XXIX.
Hadendoa types.
PLATE XXX.
Beja fromtwelfthdynastytomb.
Head ofRamesesII. (Turin Museum).
Head ofBeni Amershowingresemblanceto head ofRamesesII.
EgyptianfromHierakonpolis(Quibell).
Ivoryhead ofprotodynastic
Head ofBeni Amershowingchin-tuftbeard.
PLATE XXXI.
Hadendoa skullNo. I.
PLATE XXXII.
Hadendoa skull No. II.
PLATE XXXIII.
Hadendoa skull No. 11I.
PLATE XXXIV.
Hadendoa skullNo. IV.
PLATE XXXV.
Barabra types.1
PLATE XXXVI.
Barabra types.
Part ofwall paintingfromtombof Huy (Lepsius).
PLATE XXXVII.
Kababish types.
PLATE XXXVIII.
Shilluktypes.
1 I am indebted to Dr. Wood Jones for Figs. 3 and 4, and to Mr. Blackman for
Figs. 5, 6, 7 and 8.


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