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Can't sing? Won't sing? Aotearoa/New Zealand ‘tone-deaf’ early

childhood teachers’ musical beliefs

Article in British Journal of Music Education · November 2014

DOI: 10.1017/S0265051714000278

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Can't sing? Won't sing? Aotearoa/New Zealand ‘tone-deaf’

early childhood teachers’ musical beliefs

Nicola Swain and Sally Bodkin-Allen

British Journal of Music Education / Volume 31 / Issue 03 / November 2014, pp 245 - 263
DOI: 10.1017/S0265051714000278, Published online: 17 September 2014

Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0265051714000278

How to cite this article:

Nicola Swain and Sally Bodkin-Allen (2014). Can't sing? Won't sing? Aotearoa/New Zealand ‘tone-
deaf’ early childhood teachers’ musical beliefs. British Journal of Music Education, 31, pp 245-263
doi:10.1017/S0265051714000278

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 B. J. Music Ed. 2014 31:3, 245–263 
C Cambridge University Press 2014
doi:10.1017/S0265051714000278 First published online 17 September 2014

Can’t sing? Won’t sing? Aotearoa/New Zealand ‘tone-deaf’

early childhood teachers’ musical beliefs
Nicola Swain1 and Sally Bodkin-Allen2

1
Department of Psychological Medicine, School of Medicine, University of Otago, New Zealand
2
School of Music, Southern Institute of Technology, Freepost SIT2LRN, Private Bag 90114, 133 Tay
Street, Invercargill, 9840, New Zealand

nicola.swain@otago.ac.nz, sally.bodkin-allen@sit.ac.nz

Singing is an important part of teaching for early childhood teachers. However, some
teachers find this difficult and may even identify themselves as ‘tone-deaf’. We invited
a group of early childhood teachers who self-identified as ‘tone-deaf’ to participate in
a study to investigate their beliefs and behaviours about singing and musicality. Both
quantitative and qualitative data were collected from 40 participants via a questionnaire.
Results indicate that these teachers considered themselves to be unmusical and revealed
negative feelings towards singing. They showed a general self-consciousness about their
singing. These beliefs had been formed through various interactions with friends, family
and in schools. While the teachers still participated in singing activities in the centres in
which they worked, their participation was marred by feeling self-conscious when singing
and they often altered their singing behaviour.

Introduction

People sometimes refer to themselves or others as ‘tone-deaf’. A Canadian study carried

out among over 2000 first-year psychology students, for example, found that 17% self-
identified as tone-deaf (Cuddy et al., 2005). Individuals who self-identify as ‘tone-deaf’
may also see themselves as ‘unmusical’ or ‘non-musical’, although that is not always the
case, and they may simply refer to themselves as a ‘non-singer’. One thing that stands out
from the literature is that ‘tone-deafness’ equates with poor singing, and this is summarised
by Sloboda et al.: ‘people are very articulate about a tone-deaf stereotype, which is of
someone singing very badly and often very loudly, either not knowing or not caring that
they sound bad’ (2005, p. 257).

Singing abilities

Believing that one cannot sing does not necessary mean that one cannot sing. Small (1998)
outlined the study of one of his students who worked with a group of self-identified ‘tone-
deaf’ adults teaching them at least one simple song. Small suggested that all of them could
sing, many of them could sing well, but that even when the researcher tried to show the
participants that they could sing, they would counter her claims with the argument that

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 Nicola Swain and Sally Bodkin-Allen

what they were doing wasn’t ‘real singing’. Small proposed that someone had taught these
self-proclaimed ‘tone-deaf’ singers that they could not, and must not, sing.
Criticism of singing ability seems to have a stronger influence on an individual’s
perception of their musical self than criticism of other musical abilities such as instrumental
skills. This is because the voice, unlike other instruments, comes from within an individual;
the body is the instrument, whereas instruments are played externally (Green, 1997;
Boyack, 2000). Criticism of the singing voice is often interpreted by the individual
concerned as a personal attack, because the voice is so directly linked to the person’s
own self (Bodkin-Allen, 2009). The voice is ‘at the centre of all musical activity, but it is
all too easy to silence and very hard to reactivate’ (Small, 1998, p. 212). Once criticised,
individuals may alter their singing behaviours. West (2009) calls this scenario Selective
Mutism for Singing (SMS). This is where an individual’s singing ability remains intact but
is not used in particular circumstances for psychosocial reasons. SMS has a range of types,
depending on the circumstances and the amount of anxiety they create. West lists a variety
of categories: from refusing to sing in any situation, through to singing in some situations
but not others, or changing the singing behaviour in certain contexts (such as adjusting
the voice or body so to sing quietly). The higher the level of anxiety related to singing, the
stronger the reaction.
In a study of primary teacher trainees, Abril (2007) focused on three students who self-
identified as having a high level of anxiety related to singing. Abril attempted to capture the
way that the participants understood their beliefs about singing. Of particular significance
were incidents in the participants’ childhoods where they had tried out for a school choir
and been rejected, an experience which had negatively affected their singing confidence. A
contributing factor to the anxiety that the participants experienced at the thought of singing
in front of others was linked to the fear of being judged, with one participant describing
singing as ‘an intimate reflection of one’s self’ (p. 12). Abril suggested that music teachers
and family members have the most influence on shaping beliefs. Likewise, Ruddock (2010)
outlines a number of participants who had negative experiences at school with choirs:
Lily, for example, after being rejected for the school choir at the age of 5 states, ‘I went
home and I cried’ (p. 5) and Jamie tells of miming the words after a teacher knocked her
confidence (p. 5).

Perceptions of singing/tone-deafness

Other literature also suggests that socio-cultural influences have a strong effect on SMS.
Another qualitative study (Whidden, 2010) focused on 12 adult non-singers. The primary
cultural perception that came out of the data was that ‘in order to be called a singer, one
must be able to perform to a high standard in front of an audience’ (p. 5). A number of
Whidden’s participants lacked confidence in singing, and related feelings that reiterated this
belief and the need to reach the cultural standard. In short, they were not talented as singers,
as defined by the society in which they lived. Whidden’s findings reflect the concepts of
talent and musicality in Western cultures outlined by Small (1977, 1998), Campbell (1998)
and Ruddock and Leong (2005). Kingsbury (1988) also suggested that musical talent is not
something that is ever proved or disproved, but rather validated with reference to the same
social process in which it first arose. Hence, families, schools or peers will assist with the

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 Can’t sing? Won’t sing?

creation of one’s self-perception of musical ability or talent. Lamont (2009) also explores the
myth of talent in relation to musical self-concept and has challenged the view that musical
development should be ascribed to talent. She posits that ‘although there is little evidence
to support its actual impact in predicting or helping develop musical expertise, the illusion
of talent still exerts considerable influence on people’s musical self-concepts’ (p. 372). This
socio-cultural concept is also discussed by Bodkin-Allen (2009) whose research into early
childhood teachers in Aotearoa/New Zealand showed that many teachers felt they lacked
the talent and expertise that Pākehā culture requires to be considered musical.
Conversely, in a study that explored some of the conceptions of tone-deafness, Sloboda
et al. (2005) found that unmusicality and tone-deafness were not always linked. Their
findings suggest that tone-deafness is not seen as a barrier to learning an instrument, for
example, and some participants saw themselves as tone-deaf, but not unmusical (and the
opposite as well). However, tone-deafness was regarded as a permanent condition and
one that could limit musical potential (p. 258). Most of the issues relating to self-report of
tone-deafness identified in this study had a social construction: unfavourable comparison
with others (also identified by Bodkin-Allen, 2009); the concept of the myth of talent
(that ‘musical people’, either through training or talent or both, have access to privileged
understanding about music); lack of self-confidence in one’s skills accompanied by the fear
of a negative response from others.
Sloboda et al. suggest that people who falsely self-label as tone-deaf may be helped
by something to reassure them that they are musical, which can promote a clearer
understanding of tone-deafness, with the Montreal Battery of Evaluation of Amusia (MBEA)
being the implied answer here. Self-identifying as ‘tone-deaf’ is not to be confused with
the condition of amusia, a musical impairment disorder (Ayotte et al., 2002; Peretz et al.,
2002; Hyde & Peretz, 2004; Mandell et al., 2007). Congenital amusia is a musical disability
that cannot be explained by brain lesion, hearing loss, cognitive deficits, socioaffective
disturbance or lack of environmental stimulation (Peretz et al., 2002). Individuals affected
by it show deficiencies in processing pitch variations, music memory, recognition, singing
and inability to tap in time to music (Ayotte et al., 2002). The MBEA has been developed
to measure and test individuals for this disorder (Peretz et al., 2003) and this consists of
six subtests that each focuses on a different musical component: contour, interval, scale,
rhythm, meter and memory. Studies that have examined whether self-labelled ‘tone-deaf’
individuals have the condition of amusia have generally shown that there is little, if any,
correlation between the two. The study of Cuddy et al. (2005) suggested that true amusia
among the self-reported ‘tone-deaf’ participants, according to their MBEA and factor score
results, may be very rare and they posit that the label reflects ‘different referents, two of
which were uncovered here – self-assessment of poor singing and lack of musical interest
and exposure’ (pp. 320–321). Similarly, Wise and Sloboda (2008) found that a group of
self-identified ‘tone-deaf’ participants, whilst scoring marginally less well than those who
self-identified as not tone-deaf, could in no way be considered to have amusia.
The term ‘tone-deaf’ has been criticised, with the suggestion that it should be avoided
due to being so vague it is without meaning (Kazez, 1985). The term ‘tone-deaf’ has been
labelled ‘odious’ (Small, 1998), and called ‘problematic’ with no agreed definition because
it is seen as a lay-term (Wise & Sloboda, 2008). ‘Tone-deaf’ is actually a misnomer because it
implies that pitches cannot be distinguished, yet anyone who could not distinguish pitches

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 Nicola Swain and Sally Bodkin-Allen

would have difficulties understanding speech (Small, 1998). We use it here only because
it is still in common use. Previous New Zealand research has suggested that the myth of
tone-deafness persists in New Zealand families and schools (Boyack, 1999) and that it is
still a term used by some early childhood teachers to describe their lack of musical ability
and singing confidence (Bodkin-Allen, 2009).

To n e d e a f n e s s i n e a r l y c h i l d h o o d t e a c h e r s

Most of the literature that examines ‘tone-deafness’ has looked at the concept as it relates to
the population generally; here we concentrate on early childhood teachers. This is because
early childhood teachers play an important role in bringing music education to young
children in New Zealand. The benefits of music education are well known and include
academic, cognitive, social and personal benefits (Russell-Bowie, 2009). As initial contexts
of musical exploration and discovery, early childhood centres are significant places for
music education (Roy et al., 2012). In New Zealand over 90% of 3- and 4-year-olds attend
some form of licensed early childhood education (Ministry of Social Development, 2010),
and in these centres music often takes the form of a teacher-directed activity (Naughton
& Lines, 2011). Moreover, music in early childhood contexts is about ‘recognising and
supporting the infant, toddler or young child as a musically aware individual who is keen
to interact with the world around them through their sense of sound’ (Roy et al., 2012,
p. 127). Singing is an important way of interacting musically with young children. Singing
songs is a way to develop, enrich, and consolidate a wide range of knowledge and skills in
early childhood, which are both musical and non-musical (Chen-Hafteck & Mang, 2012).
Therefore the ability and confidence to sing is an important skill for an early childhood
teacher (Campbell & Scott-Kassner, 2009).
While singing is important, as we have seen, not all teachers feel it is a skill with which
they feel comfortable. A large American survey of early childhood teachers found that
teachers felt ill-prepared to deliver meaningful music instruction (Lee Nardo et al., 2006).
Previous research carried out in New Zealand also suggests that leading music sessions in
the early childhood centre, and in particular, singing, may be difficult for many teachers
(Willberg, 2001; Bodkin-Allen, 2009). Boyack’s exploration of primary trainee teachers in
New Zealand found that a significant number lacked confidence in their singing ability
(1999, 2000). Another study into early childhood teachers in New Zealand found that
many did not see themselves as musical and that this was nearly always connected to a
poor self-perception of their own singing ability (Bodkin-Allen, 2009).
What the literature consistently shows is that people who identify as ‘tone-deaf’ often
restrict their engagement in singing in later life (Ruddock & Leong, 2005; Abril, 2007;
Ruddock, 2007; Whidden, 2008, 2010). While limited information is available that relates
directly to early childhood teachers, restriction of singing participation has implications for
this group in particular, because of their daily interactions with young children.

Early childhood music in New Zealand

In early childhood education in Aotearoa/New Zealand, music is not a specialist area. All
teachers are expected to join in singing and other musical activities. It has an even deeper

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 Can’t sing? Won’t sing?

significance when the bicultural and multicultural layering of Aotearoa/New Zealand

society is considered. ‘Learning in and through the Arts is a powerful way to recognise
and value the unique bicultural and multicultural character of Aotearoa New Zealand’
(Roy et al., 2012, p. 45). Music is a strong element of Māori and Pacific Island cultures,
and this can be seen in early childhood centres in Aotearoa/New Zealand (Bodkin-Allen,
2013). Waiata or songs and chants are an important part of Māori culture, for example, as
the words and expressions preserve ancestral wisdom (Mihaka, 2008). The singing of songs
from Māori and Pacifica cultures is mentioned in Te Whāriki (Ministry of Education, 1996),
the early childhood curriculum in Aotearoa/New Zealand and it is not uncommon for early
childhood centres to have their own Kapa Haka groups (traditional Māori performing art
involving singing and dancing).
Teachers are transmitters of culture and behaviour. Campbell and Scott-Kassner (2008)
outline three main qualities of good teaching practice in music: know the subject matter,
model the musical behaviours, and present with enthusiasm and energy. They reinforce
that young children learn through watching and encourage teachers to teach through
example, ‘as you model what you would have them do’ (p. 39). In further discussion of the
enthusiasm and energy that is needed when teaching young children, Campbell and Scott-
Kassner outline the ways that this can be conveyed: through a broad spectrum of vocal
inflections and facial expressions, steady eye contact, varied gestures and demonstrative
movements of the body. Te Whāriki also specifies the need for teachers to monitor their
own body language, so that they are interacting appropriately with children and using
expressive actions and songs to interact with children (Ministry of Education, 1996, p. 73).

Purpose of the present study

The purpose of this study is to focus on a group of early childhood teachers in Aotearoa/New
Zealand who self-identify as ‘tone-deaf’ and to examine how they feel about singing. We
look at their levels of singing confidence and the experiences that led them to self-identify
as ‘tone-deaf’ individuals. We ask if their singing behaviours have been affected by their
self-imposed classification. This work will have implications for teacher development and
findings will be used to support an education programme.

Method

This is a qualitative study which seeks to understand the viewpoint of a group of early
childhood teachers through the use of self-report questionnaires. We ask a group of self-
reported tone-deaf teachers to interpret their musical experiences. The analysis chosen
for the study was the General Inductive Approach (Thomas, 2006). This approach was
considered appropriate as it allows themes to be derived from the data, rather than
imposing an analytical structure. The limited previous research on this topic precluded
the development of a priori theory or hypotheses on which to base an analytical structure.
It is noted that the questionnaire may cause individuals to confirm their negative self-
perceptions. This was accounted for by immediately beginning a tone-deafness remediation
workshop series.

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 Nicola Swain and Sally Bodkin-Allen

Participants

Early childhood centres in two urban Aotearoa/New Zealand regions were phoned by
a research assistant and introduced to the study. This included both public centres
(kindergartens, 3–5-year-olds only) and private centres (childcare, 0–5-year-olds). The
researcher then visited each centre and spoke to all staff individually, asking them if they had
ever referred to themselves as ‘tone-deaf’. Any teachers who fell into this category were
invited to join the study. Participants received $10 store vouchers to attend an evening
workshop. Forty teachers responded to the request and came to the first session. No data
are available on what proportion of teachers the 40 who self-selected represent.
The mean age of participants was 41 (range 22–62 years). Thirty-nine teachers were
females. Most of the participants identified themselves primarily as NZ European (85%),
with 12.5% identifying as Maori and one person responding as Other. All participants
identified English as their first language. Seventy-three per cent were employed full-time in
the centres.

Measures

A questionnaire was used to collect demographic information on age, gender, employment,

education and ethnicity. All participants were tested using one of the six subtests from the
Montreal Battery of Evaluation of Amusia (MBEA) subtest that required them to rate 30 pairs
of melodies as same or different (Peretz et al., 2003). The whole test takes one and a half
hours and was considered inappropriate for this setting. The contour subtest was chosen
as it was also used by Douglas and Bilkey (2007) as a representative subtest. These data
were collected to be able to compare our sample to population norms.
As no existing questionnaire could be found to measure these beliefs a questionnaire
was designed by the researchers to measure singing confidence and beliefs and musical
experiences. The questionnaire contained 15 questions which were a mixture of Likert-type
responses and open-ended responses. The researchers used their collective experience in
the field to plan questions which were both open-ended and targeted to perceptions of
tone-deafness. See Appendix 1 for the questionnaire details.

Procedure

This project was reviewed and approved for ethical considerations by the Department of
Psychological Medicine, University of Otago. All participants received information sheets
and signed consent forms before taking the MBEA test, filling out the questionnaire and
attending workshops.
Participants came to an evening workshop and were asked to fill in the demographics
form and complete the MBEA subtest. They then filled in a questionnaire created by the
researchers to examine their musical experiences and levels of confidence when taking part
in particular activities that involved singing. These data were collected as the first exercise
contained in a series of four workshops that focused on improving the participants’ singing
confidence.

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 Can’t sing? Won’t sing?

Table 1 Number of participants responding to questions about singing behaviour

Question Yes No Maybe

Would you sing the National Anthem when in a group of 29 2 9
people, for example, at a sporting event?
Would you sing ‘Happy Birthday’ with a group of people in the 38 0 2
childcare centre that you work in?
Would you sing ‘Happy Birthday’ with a group of people at a 39 0 1
family occasion?
Do you sing when you are alone (for example, in the car or 36 4 N/A
shower)?

Data coding and analysis

Open-ended questions were analysed using the General Inductive Approach to identify
emerging categories (Thomas, 2006). After three close readings of the transcripts the primary
researcher developed the coding categories for the data (Thomas, 2006; Elo & Kyngäs,
2007). Following Thomas’ recommendations (2006), to assess the clarity of the categories
that had been developed, a second coder reviewed the categories and some coded text,
and then assigned a section of a coded text to the categories. Suggested modification of the
coding structure by the second rater was discussed until consensus was reached and the
coding structure was confirmed with minor modifications (Elo & Kyngäs, 2007). Coding
consistency between the two raters was 100%.

Results
The MBEA contour subtest revealed scores ranging from 16 to 30 out of a possible 30. The
mean was 25. The mean for normal participants is 27 and the suggested cut-off score for
amusia is 22 (Peretz et al., 2003). Using this criterion 5 (12.5%) participants are below
the cut-off compared with 1% in a normal sample. In the present sample two participants
(0.05%) scored a perfect score, which compares with 9% in a normal sample. The average
for this group falls around one standard deviation (SD) from the mean (average of 25).
Normed data report an average score of 27 (SD 2.2; Peretz et al., 2003).
The questionnaire asked if participants would sing in certain settings and these were
followed by six Likert-type questions, four of which asked participants to rate their level of
confidence for singing in that situation, the other two related to enjoyment of singing and
whether the participants considered themselves musical. Table 1 represents the responses
to the scenario questions. The data show that the majority of participants believed they
were able to sing in most group situations, and singing the National Anthem was the
scenario that elicited the most negative response.
The Likert response questions show mixed levels of confidence and are shown below
in Table 2. If participants answered Yes or Maybe to a scenario question then they were
asked to rate their level of confidence singing in that situation. Participants were also asked

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 Nicola Swain and Sally Bodkin-Allen

Table 2 Likert question responses reported in number of participants

1 (low) 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 (high)
How confident do you feel singing the national 2 6 10 8 6 4 1 1
anthem in a group? (1 = not confident/8 = very
confident)
How confident do you feel singing ‘Happy 2 6 2 10 6 6 2 6
birthday’ at your childcare centre? (1 = not
confident/8 = very confident)
How confident do you feel singing ‘Happy 2 6 5 6 12 1 3 5
Birthday’ at a family occasion? (1 = not
confident/8 = very confident)
How confident do you feel singing when you are 0 6 1 8 5 5 4 9
alone? (1 = not confident/8 = very confident)
Do you like singing? (1 = not all/ 8 = love it) 2 2 4 8 9 6 3 6
How musical do you consider yourself? (1 = not 8 6 11 8 6 0 1 0
musical/8 = very musical)

to rate how much they liked singing and whether they considered themselves musical.
Table Two shows the number of participants who selected each category.
The singing of the national anthem in a group elicited the lowest levels of confidence,
while singing alone elicited the highest. Overall participants were more confident singing
‘Happy Birthday’ in their childcare centre than at a family gathering. The results show that
participants have a reasonable enjoyment of singing but did not consider themselves as
musical.
The following sections report the results from the open response questions. All 40
participants provided answers to these questions.

On a normal day how many minutes/hours would you spend listening to music?

The range of responses was 0–3 hours with the mean being 43 minutes. Six participants
responded that they spend no time each day listening to music.

What are your favourite genres/types of music to listen to?

A wide range of music was enjoyed by the participants, most often pop or rock but also
classical, country, reggae, alternative and grunge, with some saying they had no preference
for style. Thirty-two participants listed more than one type of music or used words like ‘all’,
‘most’ or ‘everything’.

Do you like singing?

The teachers were asked if they liked to sing (see Table 2). In addition to the rating scale
they were asked to explain their answer. Thirty-eight participants provided a description

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 Can’t sing? Won’t sing?

of their rating. Three categories emerged: I feel bad about singing (21%), I like to sing by
myself (39%) and I enjoy singing (39%). These categories are similar to those suggested by
Chong (2010), who surveyed 90 non-vocalists about their attitudes to singing (Enjoyment
of singing, enjoyment of singing alone, no enjoyment of singing). Examples of I feel bad
about singing: ‘Enjoy singing but cannot sing in tune/am useless at it’ (P30), ‘I know I
am not that good at it; therefore I am very self-conscious’ (P19). Some participants in this
category brought up bad memories associated with singing, such as ‘being kicked out of
the choir that everyone can join’ (P1) or the judgements of others ‘I don’t sing out loud
around people because I am flat – tone-deaf. My son tells me to stop singing’ (P28).
Examples of the category I like to sing by myself include: ‘Don’t think I sing very well
so tend not to sing in front of others’ (P15) and ‘I love singing by myself but lose total
confidence when am around others’ (P21).
The final category of I enjoy singing included statements such as: ‘I love to sing and
listen to music but does not mean I am any good at it’ (P18) and ‘I feel really happy when I
sing especially when it’s a song I really know all the words to’ (P5). It is interesting to note
that while all participants identified as ‘tone-deaf’, this did not preclude nearly half of them
enjoying singing.

How much of a problem is singing for you at work?

Fourteen (35%) of the teachers said they had no problems singing at work. The majority
(53%) made comments classified as not too bad. Participants made statements such as: ‘It’s
ok, slightly nervous when leading singing’(P33) and ‘not too bad if others are singing I’m
OK, feel fine when singing with children as I know they are not judgemental – but I am not
a very good role model (tune wise)’(P30). Thirteen per cent of teachers made comments
that singing was a big problem at work. These included: ‘It is a huge problem. It has stopped
me doing my early childhood training’ (P11) and ‘I get nervous taking music/mat times and
try to avoid these if I can’ (P21). Other statements included comments about sweating (with
nerves), feeling embarrassed, and lacking confidence in front of others.

List the singing activities you participate in at work

Of the 40 teachers who responded to this question 14 specifically mentioned ‘mat time’, a
teacher-led time when all the children come together for stories and songs and are seated
on a mat. Most could list a variety of types of songs including nursery rhymes, action songs
and waiata.

Please list the singing activities you would like to participate in at work but are unable
to do so because of your tone-deafness

Twenty-two (55%) teachers felt their ‘tone-deafness’ was not having an impact on their
participation in singing activities. Of the 45% whose involvement in activities was affected
this included singing unaccompanied, and many statements were related to initiating or
leading singing or teaching new songs. One participant stated she would stop singing when
an adult entered the room (P11).

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 Nicola Swain and Sally Bodkin-Allen

Table 3 Illustrative examples responding to ‘Can you think of any previous experiences
affecting how you feel about singing?’

Family My family hate me singing and always ask me to stop. (P8)

Son and husband remind me/tell me my singing is terrible. (P28)
Being told I’m tone deaf just like my father ☺ . (P37)
Comment from mum – ‘if you can’t sing in tune don’t sing at all’ !! – (P40)
School Told me I can’t sing – kicked out of choir. (P1)
All had to stand in front of class and sing. Was told [I] couldn’t sing and
would never sing. (P9)
Was in school choirs primary and intermediate but only sang quietly not to
be heard. (P22)
Told at school I couldn’t sing by music teacher when auditioning for
production. (P36)
Friends Try not to sing because [I am] self-conscious that [I’m] not in tune. (P12)
Losing at Singstar makes me feel that my ability isn’t that good. (P15)
Fear of being out of tune so sing quieter. (P38)
Kindly but firmly instruct me NOT to sing if they are musical. (P39)
University/ Kids/teachers tell me I can’t sing. (P1)
polytechnic/ I decided not to do my early childhood training because I didn’t want to sing
childcare in public. (P11)
training Was told when training that I was tone deaf. (P13)
Put off by teacher (at college) telling us importance of being ‘in tune’ for
children, could damage their ability. (P39)
Other My parents did not have a radio when I was an infant. I probably didn’t
actually hear music until I went to kindy. (P11)
Joined music group and leader told me I can’t sing. (P32)

C a n y o u t h i n k o f a n y p r e v i o u s e x p e r i e n c e s t h a t h a v e a ff e c t e d h o w y o u f e e l a b o u t s i n g i n g ?

This question had five headings for participants to group their experiences under (family,
school, friends, training and other). The headings were designed to prompt multiple answers
in more than one domain, with the fifth heading being ‘other’ to stimulate as much comment
as possible. The comments from all participants who responded in each of the sections are
presented in Appendix 2. Punctuation (such as exclamation marks) and emphasis (such as
underlinings) are presented as in the original.
The participants’ responses reveal a number of common traits. Family members making
negative comments about singing ability, being told by music teachers that they can’t sing,
unsuccessfully (and sometimes humiliatingly) auditioning for choirs: all these are frequent.
Performing badly on the Playstation game Singstar is mentioned by three participants as
affecting the way they feel about singing, others refer to embarrassing public singing events.
Comparison with friends who are ‘great’ singers or ‘musical’ also rates a mention from some
participants. Several participants show ways they have altered their singing behaviours, by
singing quietly, for example, or lip syncing in situations where others are around, or just not
singing at all. Significantly, one participant refrained from completing her training because
she didn’t want to sing in public.

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 Can’t sing? Won’t sing?

Not all participants reported negative feelings about singing, however, with the
experiences during training boosting singing confidence for some of the teachers.

Emotional content of open-ended questions

The most common emotional response was to do with confidence, mentioned in 11
answers. The context included wanting to feel more confident and expressing what had
given them confidence. Love was also used in multiple responses (10), usually in the context
of ‘I love music’, or ‘I love singing’. Other emotional words with more than one response
were: self-conscious (9), enjoy (8), embarrassed (4), worried (3), happy (3), enthusiastic
(2), nervous (2). Emotional words used in single responses were predominantly negative:
proud, shyish, inadequate, uncomfortable, terrible, fear, intimidated, suffered, awkward,
judgemental. While there are many negative emotions expressed, the picture that emerges
is of a group of early childhood teachers who perhaps love music, but lack confidence.

Discussion

This study examined the singing confidence of a group of early childhood teachers who
self-identified as ‘tone-deaf’. It focused on what had led to the development of this self-
imposed classification and how it affects the singing behaviours of these teachers, in a job
that requires regular participation in singing activities.
While tone-deafness is sometimes confused with amusia, a congenital musical
disability, past research has shown that individuals who self-identify as ‘tone-deaf’ are
unlikely to have amusia (Cuddy et al., 2005; Wise & Sloboda, 2008). As a group, the
participants’ results in a sub-test of the MBEA indicated lower ability than the general
population to distinguish tones, and five may have met criteria for amusia had the full test
been given. A potential limitation of the study is the inability to discern true amusia from
perceived tone-deafness.
As a group, the early childhood teachers did not show a lack of musical interest. In
contrast, the majority reported listening to a wide range of genre, and for an average of
43 minutes a day. One participant did report that she didn’t think she heard music until
her first early childhood education experience, suggesting limited exposure. However, all
stated that they participated in singing on some level in the centres they worked in, with
‘mat time’ being a typical singing environment. The teachers may not have shown a lack
of musical interest, but they did illustrate a self-assessment of poor singing.
Small (1998) once observed that a group of self-declared ‘tone-deaf’ singers had been
taught that they could not sing. The same observation can be made from our study. Many of
the early childhood teachers in this group were told that they could not sing: by teachers,
family members, choir conductors, friends. Some could pinpoint the exact moment when
this occurred. The responses from a number of participants regarding auditions for school
choirs echo many of the stories told elsewhere (Abril, 2007; Bodkin-Allen, 2009; Ruddock,
2010). Abril’s suggestion that music teachers and family members are highly influential
on the formation of beliefs about singing also holds true for this group of early childhood
teachers.

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 Nicola Swain and Sally Bodkin-Allen

Other influential factors on the early childhood teachers’ self-perceived ‘tone-

deafness’ included comparing their own ability with others who were ‘good singers’ or
‘musical’; feeling self-conscious; and poor performance on the Playstation game Singstar.
Unfavourable comparision with others and the concept that some people are ‘musical’
while others are not, were two of the socially constructed aspects of self-reported ‘tone-
deafness’ outlined by Sloboda et al. (2005), as well as lack of confidence and fear of
a negative response from those listening. The confidence levels of the group of early
childhood teachers were highly varied, with a small group feeling very confident singing
‘Happy Birthday’ at their centre, while the majority lacked confidence in singing at a
public occasion such as a rugby game. The open questions showed that many teachers
felt awkward while singing; they used words like self-conscious and nervous, and reported
they worried about being in tune.
Many of the participants altered their singing behaviours according to circumstances.
The early childhood teachers here provide examples of nearly all of West’s (2009) categories
of Selective Mutism for Singing (SMS): from not singing in certain situations, such as
the national anthem singing at a sporting event; to singing in some circumstances but
believing their voice is untuneful, or having a functional problem with singing that is
not physiological; through to adjusting their voice or body in certain circumstances to
reduce or mask the impact of singing, particularly singing quietly around others. Two of
the participants talked about miming, rather than vocalising, in earlier settings involving
singing.
The setting of the early childhood centre involves a great deal of singing and teachers
are particularly important because they are transmitters of culture and behaviour (Campbell
& Scott-Kassner, 2008). In Aotearoa/New Zealand singing is fundamental to the bicultural
and continually developing multicultural society with many songs from Māori and different
Pacific Island cultures being sung in early childhood centres (Bodkin-Allen, 2013). Several
participants mentioned the singing of waiata in their centres, and some made reference to
finding Kapa Haka difficult and being criticised for poor pronunciation of Māori language. It
might be assumed that because this group of early childhood teachers self-identify as ‘tone-
deaf’ they don’t participate in singing in the centres they work in. What emerges from the
data, however, is a group who still engage in singing activities within the setting of the early
childhood centre, but with conflicting emotions and altered behaviours. Teachers spoke
of being ‘self-conscious’, of finding it difficult leading or initiating a song, or introducing
a new song. Many felt ‘embarrassed’ about their singing being heard by other adults in
particular and often sang quietly to avoid being heard.
Limitations of this study include the nature of participant selection. All participants self-
identified as ‘tone-deaf’ in the workplace. Those most impaired may not have volunteered
for this type of study, due to fear of further embarrassment or being put ‘on the spot’ having
to sing by themselves, something that previous research with early childhood teachers
has found (Bodkin-Allen, 2009). However participants were below average on the MBEA,
showing some level of impairment. Answers to questions reported here are also self-
reported and have no outside verification, so participants may under-represent, or over-
represent, the way they are affected, or have an inclination to answer in a socially or
professionally acceptable way. Furthermore, this research was conducted in two South
Island (NZ) cities which may not represent the ethnic spread of the entire country.

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 Can’t sing? Won’t sing?

‘Tone-deaf’ is a common self-description by adults, including early childhood teachers.

The term ‘tone-deaf’ for the teachers in the present study seems to be a result of past
experiences, sometimes in performance situations or through interactions with friends or
family members and manifested itself in negative feelings about their own singing. Singing
is usually a pleasurable activity, but not for people who have labelled themselves as non-
singers (Whidden, 2010) or as is the case here, ‘tone-deaf’. This negative association might
most directly affect job satisfaction but also indirectly affect job performance. Non-singers
and self-evaluated ‘tone-deaf’ teachers need support both in the education and training
system (Whidden, 2010) and in the workplace. Future work to develop early childhood
teachers’ positive feelings towards singing could be developed which would be aimed
at improving confidence and attitude. A promising therapy known as Acceptance and
Commitment Therapy (ACT) will be trialled in a future study. This should be compared
with actual singing training as suggested in the literature.

Conclusions
Data from the present study suggest several early childhood teachers feel anxious when
they sing in their workplaces. Labelling of ‘tone deafness’ is likely to have arisen throughout
childhood and adolescence due to the influence of family, friends and schools. Participants
provided examples of sensitivity to criticism of the voice. Our ‘tone deaf’ participants
enjoy or even love singing and are willing to participate in singing activities – although
they do not consider themselves musical and often lack confidence. These issues impact
on the professional lives of early childhood teachers and may have flow-on effects on
child development, transmission of culture and behaviour. This has particular importance
in multicultural societies like Aotearoa/New Zealand. Targeted interventions to address
these issues may be worthwhile. We believe tone-deafness in early childhood teachers can
be remediated, and future research should examine effective ways of doing this. We can
change early childhood teachers who can’t sing or won’t sing into confident singers.

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Appendix 1. Questionnaire of self-perception of musical ability

(1) How musical do you consider yourself to be (please circle a number)?

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Not musical Very musical

(2) On a normal day, for how many minutes/hours would you spend simply listening to
music?
(3) What are your favourite genres/types of music to listen to (e.g. Pop, rock, classical,
instrumental, reggae etc.)?
(4) Would you sing the National Anthem when in a group of people, for example at a
sporting event?
YES/NO/MAYBE
If you answered YES or MAYBE, how confident would you be when you sang?
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Not confident Very confident

(5) Would you sing ‘Happy Birthday’ with a group of people in the childcare centre that
you work in?
YES/NO/MAYBE
If you answered YES or MAYBE, how confident would you be when you sang?
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Not confident Very confident

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 Nicola Swain and Sally Bodkin-Allen

(6) Would you sing ‘Happy Birthday’ with a group of people at a family occasion?
YES / NO / MAYBE
If you answered YES or MAYBE, how confident would you be when you sang?
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Not confident Very confident

(7) Do you sing when you are alone? (e.g. in the car or shower)
YES / NO
If you answered YES how confident would you be when you sang?
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Not confident Very confident

(8) Do you like singing?
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Not at all Love it

Please explain your answer
(9) How much of a problem is singing for you at work?
(10) Please list the singing activities you participate in at work:
(11) Please list those singing activities you would like to participate in at work but feel
unable to because of your ‘tone-deafness’
(12) Can you think of any previous experiences that have affected how you feel about
singing?
a. Family
b. School
c. Friends
d. University/polytechnic/childcare training
e. Other

Appendix 2. All answers responding to ‘can you think of any previous

e x p e r i e n c e s a ff e c t i n g h o w y o u f e e l a b o u t s i n g i n g ? ’

Family Family tell me I can’t sing. (P1)

Children don’t like me singing. (P3)
My children. (P5)
Yes – my children tell me I can’t sing. (P7)
My family hate me singing and always ask me to stop. (P8)
My sister told me when I was little that I couldn’t sing so don’t try. (P11)
Only ever sang ‘Happy Birthday’ at family events. (P14)
Family call me a cow giving birth. (P16)
Being told that I can’t sing. (P20)
Often told to be quiet. (P22)
Mum sings. (P27)
Son and husband remind me/tell me my singing is terrible. (P28)
My three year old telling me to ‘stop singing’ or ‘you’re singing wrong’. (P30)

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 Can’t sing? Won’t sing?

Continued.

Sibling saying I don’t have a good voice. (P33)

Self conscious. (P34)
Other family members much better! (P36)
Being told I’m tone deaf just like my father ☺ . (P37)
Fear of being out of tune so sing quieter. (P38)
Dad sang only when drunk. Mum, never sang. Family didn’t listen to music.
(P39)
Comment from mum on long car ride when I was younger – ‘if you can’t
sing in tune don’t sing at all’!! – She feels terrible about it now, but I
remember it distinctly!! (P40)
School Told me I can’t sing – kicked out of choir.(P1)
School Choirs – didn’t like the songs. (P3)
Did not get accepted in the choir – tried out twice at school. (P7)
Having to sing by myself in class. (P8)
All had to stand in front of class and sing. Was told [I] couldn’t sing and
would never sing. (P9)
Had to try out for choir second year in but wouldn’t do it as it was solo. (P10)
I got told off in assembly for not singing. I lip synced even though I wanted
to join the choir. I always wanted to get a stamp for singing well. (P11)
Lip sang in choir at high school so I could participate. (P12)
Got put in lead role for production with many complaining about this. (P14)
Comments made in assembly at high school put me off singing. (15)
Singing waiata and getting pulled up for pronunciation. (P17)
Was singled out when I was young to not be in a choir all other girls were
[in]. (P21)
Was in school choirs primary and intermediate but only sang quietly not to
be heard. (P22)
Comment made by family members. (P23)
In intermediate I was head singer in my Kapa Haka group and sang flat (in
the Christchurch town hall in front of 20 schools) never got lead roles in
productions/ musicals. (P25)
No feedback to singing or explanation of singing. (P27)
Yes I clearly remember being told I couldn’t sing. (P31)
Dislike. (P33)
Self-conscious. (P34)
Told at school I couldn’t sing by music teacher when auditioning for
production. (P36)
Asked to leave massed choir because I couldn’t ‘get it right’. (P39)
Friends Tell me I can’t sing. (P1)
Don’t sing with friends unless alcohol is involved. (P8)
I don’t enjoy the dances etc because I feel self-conscious. (P11)
Try not to sing because [I am] self-conscious that [I’m] not in tune. (P12)
Some complain I’m a loud singer. (P14)
Losing at Singstar makes me feel that my ability isn’t that good. (P15)
All my friends were in the choir except me. (P16)

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 Nicola Swain and Sally Bodkin-Allen

Continued.

Getting lowest by a country mile at Singstar. (P21)

I sing out of tune. (P25)
I have one friend who is a great singer. And I enjoy listening to her. (P27)
Very good singers who are friends so don’t want to. (P33)
Depends on circumstances. (P34)
Fear of being out of tune so sing quieter. (P38)
Kindly but firmly instruct me NOT to sing if they are musical. (P39)
University/ Kids/teachers tell me I can’t sing. (P1)
polytech/ Didn’t like it at the end of session. Intimidated singing when parents all were
childcare watching at the end of session. (P9)
training I decided not to do my early childhood training because I didn’t want to sing
in public.(P11)
Was told when training that I was tone deaf. (P13)
Did Kapa Haka, hard to concentrate on singing and dancing at same time – I
think my singing suffered greatly. (P14)
Class was ‘rough’ – most could sing. (P16)
Waiata at College. (P21)
Became more confident because I had to! (P23)
When I did primary training we did curriculum music. (P27)
Nothing specific just need to boost my confidence I think am getting better
the more years I am in ECE and feel better about it if I am well planned. I
have my well practiced songs that I use all the time. (P29)
No we all learnt together, it was fun. (P35)
Probably made me more confident. (P36)
Sing quietly in classes – so not embarrassed. (P38)
Put off by teacher (at college) telling us importance of being ‘in tune’ for
children, could damage their ability. (P39)
Other Isn’t that enough? (P1)
My parents did not have a radio when I was an infant. I probably didn’t
actually hear music until I went to kindy. (P11)
Singstar on PS2 – Playback is not good! (P14)
Hearing my voice on tape (speaking or singing) and I really didn’t like the
sound. And then someone said that’s what your voice really sounds like!
(P26)
Also want to write I cannot ‘hear’ the note when someone plays a chord to
start a song off. I can hear/ tell when someone is out of tune – also know
that at times I feel I can sing in tune and other times I can’t! (P31)
Joined music group and leader told me I can’t sing. (P32)
Centre – Ok in front of children & most colleagues. (P38)
Old piano teacher always rang parents complaining I wouldn’t sing my
scales at practice. Always scored poorly on these in practical exams. (P40)

Nicola Swain, Senior Lecturer at the Dunedin School of Medicine, studied Music and
Psychology at university. Her research involves using psychological treatments to assist
pain management, and to treat tone deafness. She also researches well-being of children,

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 Can’t sing? Won’t sing?

childbirth satisfaction and communication. She believes music has a powerful influence in
psychological well-being.

Sally Bodkin-Allen studied ethnomusicology and composition at university. Her research

interests lie in early childhood music education, and in the concept of ‘tone-deafness’.
Other research areas include music and sport, and fostering student engagement, as well
as the use of Facebook in tertiary education. She is a board member of MENZA (Music
Education New Zealand Aotearoa) and editor of Tune Me In, the MENZA magazine.

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