Mujeres Rurales Chile

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The International Journal of
Interdisciplinary Social
and Community Studies
_________________________________________________________________________
From Economic Participation to Enjoyment

and Personal Independence
Rural Women and Empowerment in the South of Chile
GLORIA M. MORA, JUAN C. PEÑA, M. CECILIA FERNÁNDEZ, ÓSCAR G. VIVALLO, AND JORGE D. CONSTANZO
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From Economic Participation to Enjoyment and
Personal Independence: Rural Women and
Empowerment in the South of Chile
Gloria M. Mora, 1 Universidad Católica de Temuco, Chile
Juan C. Peña, Universidad Autónoma de Chile, Chile
M. Cecilia Fernández, Universidad Católica de Temuco, Chile
Óscar G. Vivallo, Universidad de la Frontera, Chile
Jorge D. Constanzo, Universidad Católica de Temuco, Chile

Abstract: We explore whether and how the economic participation of rural women in female entrepreneurship allows
them to visualize and develop strategic gender interests (SGIs) and, consequently, seek to get involved in more equitable
familial and community relationships. We focused our study in the Program for the Formation and Training for Rural
Women implemented in the Araucanía region of southern of Chile, the poorest region in the country. The research was
designed using grounded theory methodology to understand the process of economic participation of women in the
program of study, as well as the relation that this process has with the development of the participants’ SGIs. This study
follows sixty-four female program participants and five productive organizations, along with the program coordinators
and other collaborating technicians of the program studied, through semi-structured interviews and participant
observations. We found that although women participants learned to manage their entrepreneurship, they continued to be
restricted by gender-based division of labor. However, as a result of their economic participation, women developed an
overall enjoyment and a sense of personal independence. The findings showed that the use of the concept of SGIs could
be useful to account for rural women struggles to become empowered in terms of gender.
Keywords: Empowerment, Economic Participation, Strategic Gender Interests, Rural Women, Chile
Introduction
I n most societies, the division of labor based on gender is maintained in a way that men and
women continue to perform different roles. This generally implies restricting the roles of
women to the family environment, thereby limiting their entry into the labor market so that
they consequently occupy positions of subordination in their social relations (Quevedo, Izar, and
Romo 2010). Women face unequal wages, lack of access to wealth and technology, maternity
discrimination, and, in general, community norms that place them at a social and economic
disadvantage when compared to men (Mendoza and Chapulín 2015). Because these economic
and social gender-based inequalities are accentuated in the most disadvantaged socioeconomic
levels and among rural women (Soto, Fawaz, and Vallejos 2013; International Work Office
2000), various governments of developing countries have created entrepreneurial programs
(Subramaniam 2012; Giraldo 2010; Mendoza and Chapulín 2015), also known as Gender and
Development (GAD) programs.
The main object of GAD programs is to transform cultural situations, particularly
concerning power and economics, which translate into disadvantages for women, mainly in
households under the poverty line (Bozza, Cortés, and Muñoz 2016). To this end, the programs
seek to restructure gender relations or, in other words, to empower women through their
participation of in productive organizations where they have greater access to resources which
could increase their chances of making strategic decisions and, eventually, increase their access
to other material achievements (Kabeer 1997; Pérez and Vázquez 2009). As GAD programs
1
Corresponding Author: Gloria M. Mora, Manuel Montt Ave. #056, Department of Psychology, Universidad Católica de
Temuco, Temuco, Araucanía, 4813302, Chile. email: gmora@uct.cl
The International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social and Community Studies

Volume 13, Issue 3, 2018, http://thesocialsciences.com
© Common Ground Research Networks, Gloria M. Mora, Juan Carlos Peña,
M. Cecilia Fernández, Óscar G. Vivallo, Jorge D. Constanzo, All Rights Reserved.
Permissions: support@cgnetworks.org
ISSN: 2324-7576 (Print) ISSN: 2324-7584 (Online)
http://doi.org/10.18848/2324-7576/CGP/v13i03/17-36 (Article)
THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF INTERDISCIPLINARY SOCIAL AND COMMUNITY STUDIES
make advances in relation to the economic situation and social position of women, the issues of
female empowerment may be addressed, ideally placing women conditions to transform the
unequal relationships in which they take part (Young 1997a; Batliwala 1997). In that way,
female empowerment is a process that implies that women identify and transform both their
practical gender needs (i.e., those related to their living conditions, or PGNs) and their strategic
gender interests (i.e., their interests as women in disadvantaged social positions, or SGIs;
(Batliwala 1997).
The identification of women based on their SGIs marks a key moment in their empowerment
process, as these interests point to women’s changing social, economic, political, and cultural
positions with respect to men in a determined context (García 2009). However, a great deal of

research has neglected to study the development of these interests within the framework of GAD
programs; rather, scholars have focused on assessing the empowerment of women in terms of
increasing their self-esteem, self-confidence, and social capital, as well as their learning for the
functioning of the productive organization in which they participate and the new productive or
community-based roles they assume during this process (Forstner 2013; Hoinle, Rothfuss, and
Gotto 2013; Mora, Fernández, and Ortega 2016; Subramaniam 2012). Such elements, although
important for the development of women, do not in themselves imply that women question the
mechanisms that maintain their subordination as a gender, nor that they are interested in initiating
transformative processes in these terms. In fact, there is still little empirical evidence as to
whether, within GAD programs, women develop interests to learn about their rights or become
aware of their subordination as a gender (Forstner 2013; Mora, Fernández, and Ortega 2016).
There is not enough knowledge to account for whether and how the participants in GAD
programs develop SGIs—that is, interests that they can develop by virtue of their social position
and according to their gender attributes (Molyneux 1985).
The present research centered on the dilemma of how the economic incorporation of rural
women in a productive organization within the framework of a GAD program is related to the
development of SGIs. The objective of the research was to explore if and how the economic
participation of women in a productive organization allows women to visualize and, where
appropriate, develop SGIs and, consequently, seek to get involved in more equitable familial and
community relationships. To this end, the study was based on the experience of users of the
Program for the Formation and Training of Rural Women implemented by the Foundation for the
Promotion and Development of Women [Fundación para la Promoción y Desarrollo de la Mujer
(PRODEMU)] in agreement with the Institute of Agricultural Development [Instituto de
Desarrollo Agropecuario (INDAP)] in the Araucanía region of southern Chile. Using grounded
theory as a methodological strategy, participants from this program were observed by using
participant observation techniques and group and individual interviews between September 2015
and October 2017.
By addressing empowerment in terms of the development of women’s interests to change
their social position as a gender, this research avoided the evaluation of women’s empowerment
in terms of the development of their technical or emotional capacities. Instead, women’s
empowerment is addressed as the potential of women to initiate processes of integration or
participation with potential to initiate transformation processes of their gender-based position
(Kaebeer 1997). The following section presents a general outline of the status and position of
rural women in Chile and the programs that target them within the framework of development
and poverty relief.
18
MORA ET AL.: FROM ECONOMIC PARTICIPATION TO ENJOYMENT AND INDEPENDENCE
Rural Women in Chile: Their Possibilities for Empowerment under the

Women in Development and Gender and Development Approaches
In contemporary social sciences, rurality has become a dimension of analysis that alludes to
social, economic, and cultural processes that are in constant transformation (Ocampo 2001; Kay
n.d.; Valdés and Rebolledo 2015; Osorio 2011). In this way, when we talk about rurality, we are
recognizing the existence of different rural realities with individual development processes
(Romero 2012). Accordingly, rural development in Chile has responded to a historical process
where, at the beginning of the twentieth century (Bauer 1994; Bengoa 1988; Pezo 2007), the

regime of the hacienda and the large estate tenant farming system were consolidated into a
predominantly rigid, authoritarian, and paternalistic structure (Valdés 1988). For women, living
under this structure meant they were placed in the category of “relatives of tenants” with no
rights to land, grazing, or property. However, within this same environment, women assumed a
predominant role in the family nucleus, where they performed various tasks such as working the
land, raising animals, performing artisanal labors, and above all, caring for and maintaining the
home (Valdés 1988).
In the mid-twentieth century, the systematic process of industrialization in rural areas led to
a diversification of the productive base (Reardon, Berdegué, and Escobar 2001), which caused an
increase in non-rural employment (Kay 2009; Dirven 2004); wage labor, mainly for women
(Valdés 1988); and temporary workers from cities that joined the agricultural work (Caro 2012).
This new scenario prompted governments to create and implement rural development programs
funded by national institutions such as the Institute of Agricultural Development [Instituto de
Desarrollo Agropeucario] and the Agriculture and Breeding Service [Servicio Agrícola y
Ganadero] in Chile, and by international agencies such as the World Bank, the International
Monetary Fund, the Inter-American Development Bank, the Food and Agriculture Organization
of the United Nations, the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, the
American Institute for Cooperation on Agriculture, and other nonprofit organizations (Valcárcel
2007; Riano and Okali 2008). These programs sought to promote processes in rural sectors that
allowed their inhabitants to move from a family economy of subsistence farming to a family
economy based on rural microenterprises (Viveros 2010). In this way, a developmental character
of rural areas was established that promotes economic growth as the main measure and source of
development and of redistribution of benefits for the whole society (Escobar 2004; Massolo
2006).
In Chile, interventions aimed at rural development were proposed to trigger local
development processes to strengthen the people’s capacity to articulate the conditions necessary
for economic and social growth within their context (Romero 2002; Alburquerque 1997;
Gallicchio 2003). In other words, the interventions stimulated development based on the intrinsic
potential of the territories in such a way as to generate small scale initiatives based on local
production and market dynamics while at the same time oriented toward the transformation of its
inhabitants (Romero 2002; Alburquerque 1997; Gallicchio 2003). However, this approach
integrated men into the model, while women were excluded from the new labor markets (Valdés
and Rebolledo 2015).
In response to this inequality, various programs were implemented in Chile that included the
Women in Development (WID) approach in their design and implementation. The WID approach
emerged in the 1970s within the United Nations System to position women as active agents of
local economies, but it did not propose to transform gender relations (Tamayo 2003; Garcia
2009; Batliwala 1997). The WID approach recognized the productive role of women and sought
for them to generate a level of economic independence under the assumption that this would
imply a redistribution of resources and greater equality (Massolo 2006). Under this perspective,
women’s empowerment was understood as the development of their capacity to influence family
19
and community decision-making by increasing training and skills through which they would
have greater access and control over resources (García 2009). According to the WID approach,
by accessing and controlling resources, women would increase their capacity to satisfy their
PGNs, namely, those related to the material and immediate status of women, the living
conditions of themselves and their family members, and their responsibilities ascribed to the
gendered division of labor (Young 1997b; Moser 1991; Molyneux 1985).
Because the WID approach focused above all on favoring the efficiency and effectiveness of
women’s initiatives in development processes, it had little power to generate transformation
processes within male and female relations (Young 1993; Moser 1991; Kaebeer 1997; Massolo
2006). It was the Gender and Development (GAD) program, as an alternative vision, that took up

this second purpose by recognizing the cultural and historical components of gender roles and
social organization that sustain inequality between women and men (Massolo 2006). GAD
programs promote the implementation of intervention strategies to empower women not only as
productive agents, but also as a result of improving their position in relation to men (Young
1993; Tamayo 2003; Massolo 2006). Still, the main problem is unequal power relations that
impede equitable development (Wieringa 1997), as well as the lack of programs such as these
that focus on development strategies for women (Moser 1991).
Thus, GAD programs put the difference between PGNs and SGIs at the center of the
intervention (García 2009). If PGNs are those related to the material and immediate status of
women, SGIs are those concerns that women may develop by virtue of their social position
through gender attributes. In other words, these concerns are derived from the analysis of
women’s subordination and imply the formation of an alternative to set more satisfactory gender
arrangements (Young 1997b; Moser 1991; Molyneux 1985). To the extent that SGIs account for
women’s recognition of the mechanisms that oppress them as gender, so too does interest initiate
empowerment as a process of changing existing power relations (Batliwala 1997), which underlie
women’s capacity for agency and motivate them to seek structural transformations of
subordination (Molyneux 1985; Kaebeer 1997; Young 1993; Moser 1991; Batliwala 1997). In
short, empowerment is a process of developing strategic interests that aim to change the nature
and direction of social mechanisms that marginalize women (Sharma 1999). Or, in other words,
empowerment signifies a process of change not only in the condition, but also in the position of
women, a process that is enhanced by women when they develop SGIs (Batliwala 1997).
Figure 1 shows a synthesis of the relation between WID and GAD programs and women’s
empowerment.
Figure 1: Strategic Programs to Overcome Women’s Poverty and Gender Inequality

Mora et al. 2018
20
Finally, despite the comparative advantages of the GAD approach to the WID approach,
rural development policies targeting women in Chile have focused mainly on the productive
environment, following the WID approach (Taylor 1999; Baca and Herrera 2008). In other
words, they have understood women from their reproductive and domestic roles but have not
fought the social structures of gender subordination (Taylor 1999; Baca and Herrera 2008). In
this context, the Program for the Formation and Training for Rural Women emerges as one of the
national programs that, since 1992, has been implemented by PRODEMU and INDAP with the
purpose of supporting the organic development of rural women and their incorporation into the
world of self-employment by including the GAD approach as the focus of their training strategy
(INDAP-PRODEMU 2016). In this regard, the program allows us to investigate the interrelation

between the incorporation of women in the productive sphere and the possibility of triggering the
process of empowerment that implies not only greater access and control over economic
resources, but also changes in their gender positions above all. The present research investigates
these relationships by exploring whether and how the economic participation of women in a
productive organization makes it possible for women to visualize and, where appropriate,
develop SGIs that have the potential to mobilize them toward the search for more equitable
relationships in their family and community contexts.
Methodology
Context of Study
We contextualized our study in the Program for the Formation and Training for Rural Women
(hereafter, the Program) implemented in the Cautín Province in the Araucanía region of southern
of Chile, a region that presents certain territorial characteristics that distinguish it from the rest of
the country. In terms of population, 32.3 percent live in rural areas (a percentage significantly
greater than the national average, which is 13.4 percent), with females representing 50.8 percent
of the regional population (Institute of National Statistics 2015). Despite the high percentage of
inhabitants in rural areas, the settlement system of the Araucaria is highly centralized around the
regional capital, Temuco, where there is a continually growing process of urbanization and rural-
urban migration (Gunderman et al. 2009). There are also strong imbalances in terms of economic
income between men and women, a trend that is more pronounced when compared to income at
the national level. Likewise, the percentage of people living below the poverty line is 26.9
percent, making the region the poorest in the country (Institute of National Statistics 2015).
In this regional context, the Program is aimed at rural women, whom it trains for three years.
During this period, the intervention teams train the participants to develop productive
partnerships among women in the fields of agriculture, rural tourism, agribusiness, or artisanal
industry (INDAP-PRODEMU 2016). The training takes place in three areas: personal
development, organizational development and citizenship, and technical administration of the
item and management (INDAP-PRODEMU 2016). Regarding the economic characteristics, to
enter the Program every woman must be accredited as a subsistence farmer, demonstrating that
she predominately lives and works in a rural area, that her income comes mostly from forestry or
agricultural activities, that she does not cultivate more than twelve hectares (29.6 acres) of
irrigated land, and that her assets are not in excess of approximately $140,000 USD. The average
participant profile is between the ages of thirty-six and sixty, and 83.6 percent of the participants
were economically inactive before entering the program. Regarding their educational situation,
94.5 percent did not complete the thirteen years of compulsory schooling in the country, and 50.1
percent have eight years or less of schooling. With specific regard to the indigenous population,
22 percent of the Program participants identify as Mapuche (INDAP-PRODEMU 2015).
21
Method, Unit of Analysis, and Data Collection Techniques
The study sought to explore whether and how the economic participation of women in a
productive organization allows women to visualize and, where appropriate, develop SGIs that
could mobilize them towards more equitable relationships in their family and community
contexts. To this end, the research engaged a qualitative approach that allowed consideration of
the women participants’ perception and evaluation regarding their needs, values, and interests
(Piaget, Campbell, and Campbell 1976; Hernández, Fernández, and Baptista 2010). The research
was designed using grounded theory methodology with a constructivist approach. In that way, we

sought to construct a theoretical model of medium scope to be generated from the data, thus
guiding the interpretation of the research team (Charmaz 2006). Particularly, in this research, we
looked to establish a theoretical model about the process of economic participation of women in
the Program studied, as well as the effect that this process has with the development of the SGIs
by participants.
Three units of analysis were established. First, during the development of the Program,
participants were interviewed, individually or in groups, to explore the interests they represent as
women. Second, the productive organizations that the women developed in the framework of
their participation in the Program were visited during the trainings and other activities related to
the implementation of the program. During the visits, the research team took field notes over the
economic participation of women in the associative organization. Third, the Program intervention
team was interviewed, individually or in groups, to explore if they, as observers, had noticed
changes related the interests of women during their program participation.
The sampling strategy was non-probabilistic (Hernández, Fernández, and Baptista 2010),
and particular selection criteria were established for each unit of analysis. In relation to the
Program participants, the research team worked with an equivalent number of Mapuche and non-
Mapuche participants, as well as with women with diversity in terms of age, length of time in the
program, and ease or difficulty in accessing urban centers. For the selection of productive
organizations, the research team sought variability in the type of productive good that they
produced (sheep herding, vegetable produce, fruits produce, flowers produce, artisanal
production, and woven goods). Finally, we worked with the coordinators of the program and,
eventually, with other collaborating technicians who participated voluntarily. In this context, we
conducted twenty-one semi-structured interviews to Program participants, of which nineteen
were individual interviews and two were group interviews; we interviewed a total of twenty-nine
women. Also, we made twenty-nine participant observations, mainly with five productive
women’s organizations, among which time was shared during the research. Finally, we
conducted a formal interview with the Program coordinators and several other informal
interviews with them and other collaborating technicians. Each study participant signed an
informed consent document that guaranteed her participation rights, including the right to
volunteer and to have the confidentiality and anonymity of the information maintained—thus, we
reported the testimonies of the women interviewed using false names. In total, this study
followed sixty-four female program participants by interviews or participant observations.
Likewise, to guarantee the internal consistency and credibility of the study, we opted for the
continual observation and the member check (Araneda 2006; Dahlgren, Emmelin, and Winkvist
2007). In this respect, the interviews were the product of prolonged immersion in the field, which
allowed the subjects to provide rich information regarding the research foci. In addition,
following Coe (2010), the research team carried out a continual system of checks with the
subjects by means of both informal interviews with the participating women and the program
implementation teams, as well as formal interviews with the latter. During these meetings, the
research team presented the findings of the study and received comments. In that way,
researchers obtained information to confirm the research’s interpretations and to lead the research
process (Dahlgren, Emmelin, and Winkvist 2007).
22
Plan of Analysis
Concerning the analysis of the information, both interview transcripts and field notes were
analyzed line-by-line according to the guidelines of Strauss and Corbin (2002) for the
development of grounded theory, but according to the constructivist vision of Charmaz (2006)
and Kelle (2005). The latter propose carrying out the initial coding, selective coding, and
theoretical coding of the data with the intention of generating a theoretical model that fits the
data and at the same time is guided by the discipline. Table 1 below provides an illustration of
some codes generated during the initial coding, including the categories and subcategories into
which they were sorted. The analysis procedure was performed using the Open Code 4.02

program (2013). Data provided by the interviews and those provided by the field journals were
performed separately and then compared to each other as a way of validating the findings
(Araneda 2006).
Table 1: Analysis of Data: Illustration of a Description of Category and Subcategory Formation

Frequency of
Category Subcategory Examples of Codes
Codes
Managing Assuming new roles as Technical teams promoting that 19
entrepreneurship producers, owners, and women assume the role as associate
according to the associates partners
rural family Having something of “mine” 52
Connecting with the local Selling through informal networks 76
markets (family, neighbourhood, community)
Earning sales profits, Maintaining instability of sales 29
according to the revenue
organization cycles of rural
communities
Maintaining their roles as Being responsible for the housework 57
mothers and wives
Interests Receiving financial Living in poverty 54
associated with assistance Looking for economic benefits 60
PGNs
“Rising” economically Taking the opportunities 47
Looking for an entrepreneurship 81
Focusing on emerging 57
Strengthening their rural Strengthening the Mapuche culture 53
and/or indigenous culture Inheriting the culture of the mother 79
or grandmother
Interests Enjoyment as women Relaxing / distracting from 23
associated with housework
SGIs Having fun among women 28
Enjoying work and learning 97
Quest for gradual Looking for economic independence 20
independence of domestic with respect to the husband
life Educating daughters to be more 40
independent
Data Compiled by the Authors Based on Data Collected between September 2015 and October 2017
23
Regarding the findings, the theoretical model generated over the course of this research in
the first place describes the process of the economic participation of women within the
framework of the Program; secondly, it presents the interests that were visualized and eventually
developed through the women’s participation. Also, the findings show the relationships between
both processes. Regarding the first process, we consider how entrepreneurship is managed
according to the rural family economy (see Figure 2); with regard to the second, we consider the
shift from PGNs to SGIs (see Figure 3). Both are described below.

Figure 2: Process of Women’s Economic Participation in an Associative Productive Organization
Mora et al. 2018
Figure 3: Women’s Process of Development of Interests under an Associative Productive Organization

Mora et al. 2018
24
Managing Entrepreneurship According to the Rural Family Economy

The process of women’s economic participation under the Program consists of a series of steps
that begin with the participants’ experience of new roles in the productive environment and
conclude with the establishment of a productive organization that users manage according to the
needs of the rural family economy. With respect to the first step, this is largely motivated by
technical intervention teams. During the trainings, the interventionists promote a significant
change in the roles that the participants usually assume; in particular, the participants go from
assuming that they are “nothing more” than house wives to assuming new roles as producers,

owners, and associates. For women, assuming the role of producers implies giving the
entrepreneurial enterprise value as an activity that generates income, both personally and for the
home, as described in the following field note: “According to Monica, when she goes to the
market, she prefers to be at the stand taking care of things and ensuring that goods are sold at the
appropriate prices because indeed she knows their prices.” Similarly, for women, assuming the
role of owner implies that they can have personal property in their personal name, as Martha
says: “[I feel different] yes, because now I have my own sheep, that is, they are mine and now I
have my little sheep.” Finally, the participants assume the role as associate partners of a
productive organization, as Sofia states: “There are nine of us grouped [in a productive
organization]. We are going to work with bees [as a productive line].” The three roles—
producers, owners, and partners—are often new experiences for the participants.
Assuming new roles in the productive sphere takes place in the context of the intervention,
which is aimed at promoting associative entrepreneurship as a means of the productive
development of women. As a result, the intervention teams train users in terms of specialization,
certification, and marketing of a single product. In this sense, the products that were previously
considered by the participants for family self-sufficiency then acquire value as a commodity and,
consequently, the women consider whether to incorporate characteristics in the products to make
them attractive for the local markets. On this point, one of the field notes records, “The
participants comment among themselves that the INDAP coordinator has told them that they
have to learn to do their crafts well. They clarify that they already know how to make the
handicrafts, but that the coordinator indicates that they need learn to make them with finer
finishes so that they can be sold.” For the women to achieve this type of finishing, the
intervention teams encourage them to specialize in a single production line in which they will be
certified at the end of the Program.
On the other hand, throughout the duration of the three-year training program, the technical
teams connect the participants with the local markets by arranging artisanal markets or other
exhibitions where the participants offer their products for sale two or three times a year.
Occasionally, some women generate fairly stable marketing networks for themselves.
Intervention teams also encourage participants to use their family or community networks for
sales opportunities. As expressed by Julia, “I do not put myself in a fixed place to sell [my
vegetables]; I sell it house by house, and I have my clientele.” Because marketing networks rely
heavily on personal or community networks, some ventures fare more favorably than others,
depending on the geographic sector and access to potential markets. In this regard, groups with
limited access to urban or tourist centers basically have the community market, while other
groups with easy access to urban areas have a greater range of distribution of their products.
Under the Program, a pattern of sales behavior per season is established; that is, participants
earn sales profits according to the organization cycles of rural communities. One participant
describes this as a “coming and going of money in the country,” which means that there are
seasons in which the entire stock is sold, as well as other seasons in which sales are minimal or
even in which the participants cease to work within the productive organization. The summer
season, which takes place between December and February, has a particular effect on the
economic participation of women in entrepreneurship. During the summer, some of the
25
participants, especially the youngest ones, travel outside the region to work as temporary workers
elsewhere and, consequently, do not work in the productive organization. Others travel to cities
that are filled with tourists to take advantage of selling their products, either through established
shops with which they have contact with the owners or in an itinerant manner. Due to the
instability of sales revenue in this pattern of behavior, participants feel that they lack distribution
channels. On this point, a field diary records the following: “The monitor presents a video to the
participants showing the experience of another productive organization of women. She then asks
if they identified with the women. A participant responds that yes, she did identify with them
because in that group the participants also advertised by word of mouth and that’s how a tourist
knew what they were doing and went to visit them to buy from them. In other words, they had

nowhere to sell.”
However, as a general pattern, participants complete three years of training. They do so
because the associative entrepreneurship represents an opportunity for them to take on new roles
in the productive field while at the same time maintaining their role as mothers and wives. As
Juana says, “I like to participate in PRODEMU because it allows me to have an [economic]
activity but without neglecting my home.” The roles of mother and wife condition the
performance of the productive roles in the participants. In this sense, although each productive
organization is formed only by women participating in the Program, they involve their husbands,
sons, and daughters in the activities of the association. As Martina says, “Yes, my husband helps
me look after the sheep.”
Taken as a whole, the process of women’s economic participation can be understood as
participation in an associative enterprise in which the participating women assume their
productive roles, but they perform them according to the modes of production of the rural family.
That is, the fundamental gender-based division of labor remains where women continue to be
responsible for domestic care while at the same time being responsible for carrying out a variety
of activities that correspond to the economic family order. As Maria says, “In the field I raise
sheep, I breed pigs, wild boar, goats…Now we begin with the orchard of strawberries…[but] the
best thing that has happened to me in my life has been to be a mother.”
Likewise, the participants recognize a negative impact of entrepreneurship insofar as it does
not respond to their roles as rural women. As Sandra says, “What I would like is for PRODEMU
to not only promote one thing; that is, one person can sell a keyring and the other [partner] take
more to making [artisanal] baskets. Ideally, it should not be just baskets only.” In other words,
the participants value the possibility of carrying out multiple activities to generate income, as
they do in their daily lives, but they do not intend to specialize in a single item. They enjoy that
their productive work implies the “complete process,” from obtaining the raw material on their
land to generating the product and selling it in a way that does not prevent the same product from
being used for family use. As recorded in the following note, “I asked the participants if they sold
the meat of the sheep, to which the president of the group emphatically responded that it is also
for self-consumption.” In this context, constituted by the connection between the rural family
whose economy is based largely on self-consumption and participation in an associative
enterprise, women visualize a series of interests that are described below.
Moving from Practical Gender Needs to Strategic Gender Interests

The process of economic participation in a partner-based entrepreneurship goes hand-in-hand
with the women’s process of the development of interests that demonstrates moving from PGNs
to SGIs. This process represents a progressive development of interests associated with the PGNs
of women and, secondarily, their SGIs. The findings suggest that the development of these
interests is not simultaneous; that is, while the interests associated with practical needs are
explained at the beginning of the intervention, the second domain of interest gradually becomes
visible during the process of participation in the Program.
26
Interests Associated with Practical Gender Needs
In the first place, the interests of the women that arise within the framework of their position as
mothers and wives are situated in the context of a rural community, in some cases Mapuche.
These interests are of three types: 1) an interest in receiving financial assistance from public
institutions and programs; 2) an interest to “rise” economically in the rural context; and 3) an
interest in strengthening their rural, and in some cases indigenous, culture. The first interest
refers to the motivation of women to participate in the Program for the economic benefits they
receive as users. This is visible at the beginning of the entrepreneurship, especially in those
participants who come from poor families and, as mothers, are forced to seek economic support

for family welfare. However, this interest somehow develops during participation in the Program
so that, when buying the supplies for the operation of the productive organization, the participant
assumes a new role as owner, which for most represents a new role in her life, as explained
above.
In contrast, the second interest is that which the participants show when they are interested
in “rising” economically. This means that the participants show interest in doing activities (not
just receiving benefits as in the first type) to obtain money to cover family needs. In this sense,
the participants take the opportunities that are presented to generate income, among which is the
Program itself. Other activities they carry out include the sale of lunches, artisanal crafts, and
products obtained from raising small animals and gardening—that is, the functions they perform
mostly as housewives. The purpose of these activities is to earn money to “give a better future
and a good education to children,” as Inés says. These women do not recognize their efforts as a
“job”—however, as they become involved in entrepreneurship and assume their role as
producers, they refer to their participation in the Program as a “job” to generate income.
The two types of interests explained above are closely associated with the material needs of
rural women in relation to the minimum living conditions for themselves and their families. The
next level of interest, however, refers to a symbolic demand associated with the role that women
play in the conservation of culture. In this sense, women show interest in participating in the
Program if the object of the productive organization is associated with the recovery of some
activity that they ascribe to their role as women. Accordingly, Teresa, a Mapuche woman,
commented, “My grandmother wove looms and she said that we would continue to learn.”
Similarly, for the non-Mapuche rural woman, the recovery of rural culture can play an important
role, as Inés says: “My mother made me the spindle, and she gave me the wool, and then I started
to spin and I did it…and some of them I sold.” Yet the motivation of the women to develop in
areas that preserve the culture to which they belong, especially in the case of Mapuche women,
may conflict with the orientation of the Program. This is because the intervention teams favor the
development of items with market potential, but they are not necessarily oriented toward the
work of items associated with rural, mainly indigenous culture. As Isabel, a Mapuche participant
in a productive breeding and sales organization for sheep, says, “We should have training on how
to use the resources of the sea, not sheep training. When my mother was a young girl, she
collected cochayuyo [an algae] and sold it.”
The findings suggest that the economic participation of women in the Program is closely
related to a series of interests that they manifest in function of their roles as housewives and
transmitters of the culture of their communities. Because these types of interests are associated
with the roles of women in their families and communities, they are visible at the beginning of
participation in spontaneous form. In contrast, the second block of interests implies the
positioning of the participants based on gender—that is, a questioning of their traditional roles as
women. Consequently, this second form of interest emerged during participation in the Program
rather than being present from the beginning.
27
Interests Associated with the Questioning of Gender Roles
If the interests associated with PGNs manifest themselves spontaneously from the beginning of
economic participation, other interests that can be associated with the questioning of the female
position as a gender are developed mostly throughout the participation. There are two dimensions
that encompass the gender interests of the participants: 1) enjoyment as women; and 2) the quest
for gradual independence of the domestic wife. With respect to the first, the participants are
interested in participating in the Program because of the possibility of enjoying the encounter
with other women, along with the possibility of enjoying the learning activities themselves.

Concerning the enjoyment of the meeting with other women, the participants report that
although their initial interests in attending the Program were mostly associated with their PGNs,
on the other hand, they found in the productive organization a place in which to rest from the
domestic routine. As Teresa says, “At the same time, it’s really useful to get out of the house so
that the mind can rest as well—yeah, it rests because in the house are the chickens, the food, the
washing [that’s tiring].” At this level, women assume the role of associates, but not in the sense
of partners for production but for enjoyment. In this regard, Erika comments, “We are like
friends; we get along.” As partners and friends, participants can experience well-being by
attending the trainings, which they describe as “therapeutic,” because they function as a relief
from the discomfort that they live in the home.
The participants associate discomfort in the home with the domestic routine and the control
their husbands or partners exercise over them. According to the participants, their husbands or
partners are the ones who give them “permission” to leave the house, and the husbands or
partners may become jealous or criticize the women because they “neglect” the home when they
leave. Says Luz, “He [my husband] has this idea that I have to be in the house, not go out.”
According to the women, in the rural family, the man is the provider while the woman must
dedicate herself exclusively to household chores. Husbands criticize women for meeting with
each other because they only “waste time” and neglect the care of their homes. So, by having fun
with other women, women question their traditional role as housewives. At the same time, they
may become comfortable gathering with other women because they have a “good reason” for
challenging spousal criticism about leaving the house. These women may argue that their
encounters with other women are positive, since they are working together in a productive
activity from which the income will benefit the entire family.
In the same way, as women participate in the productive organizations, their interest in
enjoying learning emerges. As Lucía says, “Before I participated in the Program, I never
imagined that I could knit.” With these words, she describes the new experience of learning
which takes on a motivational value of its own. “I cannot stop”—to learn, to innovate in the field,
to try new things, to attend the program—is the phrase that women use to describe this interest.
Again, this is an interest that develops during the intervention process, since the average user
when entering the program has had few experiences of formal education and training. The
assumption that one can learn and enjoy learning becomes for the women an interest that
acquires a connotation of gendered protest because that interest is not sustained in a benefit for
the family. It is an experience of personal enjoyment.
Finally, during the course of their economic participation in the Program, the participants
develop an interest in becoming gradually independent of the husband or partner. As Lucía says,
“It depends on each one becoming more independent of him [the husband]…I take my money
and if I see something that is useful to me, I buy it. So then, I do not have to be [always] asking
my husband.” Women are interested in earning their money and having something of their own,
as well as going to the group to work, using their personal and community networks to market
their products and manage their money. There arises a genuine interest in increasing their
personal well-being beyond their role as mothers or wives; however, as a general pattern, the
participants continue to take care of domestic tasks, managing to cover both reproductive and
28
productive functions. As recorded in the following field diary, “Erika tells me that, as a woman,
she does housework, and when I ask her if the husband can help her in these labors, she replies
no—that she cannot ask more of her husband because he already attends to the animals and
plants; besides, he would become angry.”
In this sense, women continue to take charge of their traditional roles; however, they have
the experience of greater economic and spatial independence. As Lilian says, “Men are becoming
adapted to women leaving home. For example, previously we had to ask permission to go to
meetings; now we just tell them [and laugh].” Although with the undertaking they acquire a
double duty, their interest in becoming independent is transferred to their female children. In
general terms, participants expect their daughters to have more opportunities than they do, as

recorded in the following note: “Juana comments that she told her husband that they cannot
prevent their daughters from going to the city because they want them to excel, to study, and to
get ahead and have more options than they can give them in the country.” Also, participants
expect their daughters to become more self-confident, get a job, earn money, and above all, not
be mistreated by their partners or husbands. As Monica comments: “I got a divorce because my
husband mistreated me. And this is my daughter [points to another participant]. [The interviewer
says:] ‘Your daughter looks as an independent woman’. [Monica adds with pride]: Yes, she
caught my idea! [and smiles happily].”
Overall, the findings suggest that within the framework of their economic participation in a
productive organization, women move from showing interests mostly associated with satisfying
their PGNs to showing interests associated with the questioning of gender roles, namely, SGIs.
With their economic participation, women break the pattern of exclusion from the productive
sphere and are able to establish a place from which to develop other concerns and questions
associated with their subordinate position as women. The findings also show that interest in
breaking gender subordination can influence the opportunities available to the younger
generations of rural women.
Discussion
Although studies agree that access to work increases the economic independence of women, and
this in turn generates greater independence in general (Stromquist 1992), other studies recognize
that entry to the labor market may be insufficient to realize specific transformations in the larger
dynamic of gender inequalities (Wieringa 1997; Young 1993). The present research enters this
discussion in an attempt to explore if the economic integration of rural women in a productive
organization is related to the development of SGIs that have the potential to mobilize women
toward the search for greater equity of gender in their family and community contexts.
The findings showed that participation in a partner-based productive organization aimed at
rural women can be related to the development of certain interests on their behalf. In the first
place, economic participation creates a space where women spontaneously channel their interests
associated with their PGNs (García 2009; Molyneux 1985). However, these interests are
transformed during economic participation as women stress their exclusive role as housewives by
assuming a place in the productive sphere. Secondly, the economic participation of women in an
associative enterprise also leads to the development of other interests that are not associated with
the roles of mother and wife, but rather incite to personal enjoyment and the search for
independence—both interests that we could consider as SGIs (García 2009; Molyneux 1985).
Thus, the findings stress that studies have neglected the use of the concept of SGIs as an
indicator of the impact of economic incorporation programs on the empowerment of women. In
this sense, our findings suggest that concepts such as self-esteem, self-confidence, social capital,
learning, economic participation, and leadership—notions commonly used to study women’s
empowerment (Forstner 2013; Hoinle, Rothfuss, and Gotto 2013; Subramaniam 2012)—may be
insufficient to understand the empowerment of rural women in southern Chile. This is because
these concepts do not allude to the struggles of these women for the access to the enjoyment and
29
the search for personal independence. On the contrary, the use of the concept of SGIs could be
useful to account for these struggles and, in this way, to avoid the less functional employment
that the term empowerment has had in recent years to evaluate the impact of programs in the life
of women in terms of gender (Young 1997a; Wieringa 1997).
The findings could provide insight to explain how rural women, despite maintaining their
traditional gender roles within the domestic unit while not achieving significant transformations
in their socioeconomic position, develop SGIs and satisfactory experiences at the individual and
social levels with other women. From this perspective, the analysis of the processes of
empowerment in rural women, Mapuche and non-Mapuche, reveals not only the objective scope
of a possible positional change in their gender and socioeconomic relations, but also claims the

value of transformations in its subjective dimension. In other words, regardless of the success of
the enterprises and the consequent economic independence of rural women, the development of
SGIs and the personal or social satisfaction associated with them are key indicators in terms of
the female empowerment process.
From another point of view, although rural women do not seem to fundamentally renegotiate
their position within the families, they channel their gender interests, thereby giving greater
decision opportunities to their daughters. In this sense, the effective change of position within
gender relations can be expressed in a transgenerational way, where actions to transform gender
inequities are strengthened in the second generations. Thus, on the one hand, the findings
coincide with reports regarding the fact that women in rural areas, despite assuming productive
roles, continue to prioritize their traditional roles linked to domestic work and care (Forstner
2013; Fawaz and Soto 2012; Mora, Fernández, and Ortega 2016). However, on the other hand,
the findings suggest that despite this reissue of traditional roles, rural women participating in
economic integration projects could be generating a process of empowerment that operates
across generations.
In this study, the term “empowerment” was used as a signifier of change—not only in the
condition, but also in the position of women—by exploring the development of SGIs in
participants in productive organizations (Batliwala 1997). Because women’s empowerment is
aimed at generating changes and conditions for structural transformation (Massolo 2006), it is
suggested that future research follow up on women who, after graduating from the economic
insertion programs, could account for the development in the mid- and long-term SGIs, as well as
the subjective level of women’s empowerment processes and their strategic value in the field of
public/community intervention.
It is concluded that although the economic participation of rural women in economic
incorporation programs shows evidence of limited transformations in women’s gender relations
and in their connection with the local markets, it nonetheless functions as a support for the
development of interests that motivate women to look for strategies that modify their social
position and their gender relations. In this way, women incorporate new qualities into their
traditional roles while assuming other roles, the combination of which stress and reconfigure the
present structure of the rural family (Fawaz and Soto 2012). Finally, it is suggested that future
studies explore the implications of the Program for Mapuche participants in way that focuses on
their economic incorporation while not specifically focusing on an intercultural approach nor
with the explicit purpose of indigenous empowerment of the people group.
Acknowledgement
This work was supported by the Vicerrectoría de Investigación y Postgrado de la Universidad
Católica de Temuco [Vice-rectory of Research and Postgraduate of the Catholic University of
Temuco], project VIPUCT N° 2016GI-MB-02.
30
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ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Gloria M. Mora: Assistant Professor, Department of Psychology, Faculty of Health Sciences,
Universidad Católica de Temuco, Temuco, Araucanía, Chile
Juan C. Peña: Professor and Researcher, Department of Social Work, Faculty of Social Sciences
and the Humanities and the Institute of Social and Humanistic Studies, Universidad Autónoma
de Chile, Temuco, Araucanía, Chile
M. Cecilia Fernández: Assistant Professor, Department of Social Work, Faculty of Social

Sciences and the Humanities, Universidad Católica de Temuco, Temuco, Araucanía, Chile
Óscar G. Vivallo: Researcher, Universidad de la Frontera, Temuco, Araucanía, Chile
Jorge D. Constanzo: Researcher, Department of Psychology, Faculty of Health Sciences,

Universidad Católica de Temuco, Temuco, Araucanía, Chile
36
The International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social
and Community Studies is one of seven thematically
focused journals that support the Interdisciplinary
Social Sciences Research Network. The Research
Network is comprised of a journal collection, book
imprint, conference, and online community.
The journal presents studies that exemplify the

disciplinary and interdisciplinary practices of the social
sciences. As well as articles of a traditional scholarly type,
this journal invites case studies that take the form of
presentations of practice—including documentation of
socially engaged practices and exegeses analyzing the
effects of those practices.
The International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social and

Community Studies is a peer-reviewed, scholarly journal.
ISSN 2324-7576

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VOLUME 13 ISSUE 3

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From Economic Participation to Enjoyment

HEAD OF JOURNAL PRODUCTION

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The International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social and Community Studies

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Rural Women in Chile: Their Possibilities for Empowerment under the

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Figure 1: Strategic Programs to Overcome Women’s Poverty and Gender Inequality

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Method, Unit of Analysis, and Data Collection Techniques

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Table 1: Analysis of Data: Illustration of a Description of Category and Subcategory Formation

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Figure 3: Women’s Process of Development of Interests under an Associative Productive Organization

Managing Entrepreneurship According to the Rural Family Economy

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Moving from Practical Gender Needs to Strategic Gender Interests

Interests Associated with Practical Gender Needs

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Interests Associated with the Questioning of Gender Roles

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Escobar, Alejandro. 2004. “Participación Ciudadana y Políticas Públicas: Una Problematización

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and Training for Rural Women. INDAP-PRODEMU Agreement. Program

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ABOUT THE AUTHORS

M. Cecilia Fernández: Assistant Professor, Department of Social Work, Faculty of Social

Óscar G. Vivallo: Researcher, Universidad de la Frontera, Temuco, Araucanía, Chile

Jorge D. Constanzo: Researcher, Department of Psychology, Faculty of Health Sciences,

The journal presents studies that exemplify the

The International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social and

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