The Social Identity Construction of Cosmopolitanism: The Nation State and Transnational Social Justice Movements

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The Social Identity Construction of

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The Nation State and Transnational Social Justice
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BENEDICT E. DEDOMINICIS
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The Social Identity Construction of
Cosmopolitanism: The Nation State and
Transnational Social Justice Movements

Benedict E. DeDominicis,1 Catholic University of Korea, Republic of Korea
Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic is an exemplar of the consequences of global economic development contributing to
national crises that require supranational cooperation, collaboration, and coordination to address. Threat and use of
deadly force will fail to overcome these crises and is likely to worsen them. The nuclear setting proffers such responses
as potentially suicidal. Growing awareness of economic and political interdependency is expanding de facto awareness
of existing in a global polity. Complex interdependency presents opportunities to develop further these critical global
polity collective capacities. Strategic neo-functionalism can promote cosmopolitan political attitudes and values via
creation and promotion of vested interests in global integration. Social identity theory posits three forms of social
identity management on the basis of four primary individual impulse axioms: (1) a distinctive motivation of the subject
is to maintain a positive self-image; (2) subjects form in-groups vis-à-vis out-groups; (3) individuals comparatively
evaluate the social status of their in-groups with significant out-groups; and (4) individuals tend to equate the
comparative status of their ingroup with their self-image. If and when individuals comparatively evaluate themselves
negatively within their societal contexts, then they will respond psychologically and socially, individually and
collectively. Social justice movements press for the accommodation of differences to cease using them as a basis for
ascriptive hierarchical community societal status differentiation. This accommodation takes the form of creation of
substantive social creativity capacities that ultimately produce measurable, exploited social mobility opportunities. It
aims to be policy relevant by underscoring the tasks confronting regime strategists for managing nationalism.
Keywords: Authoritarian Populism, Complex Interdependency,

International Human Rights, Nationalism, Social Identity
Introduction
A community will demonstrate collective patterns of nationalistic behavior if that

community collectively views itself as a nation denied self-determination. A nation is a
community in which the latter demonstrates tendencies toward identifiable patterns of
state sovereignty-focused collective behavior as conceptualized and analyzed in Cottam and
Cottam (2001). It demonstrates these contextually dependent policy behavioral patterns insofar
as the prevailing political worldview within it sees itself as having both the right and the
capability to achieve and maintain sovereign statehood. Conflict escalation to potential violence
increases insofar as a community tends to perceive itself collectively as a nation denied the right
of sovereign statehood. This analysis focuses on institutionalized nation states or so-called
“developed countries.” It presents a framework for conceptualizing strategy for inculcating
cosmopolitan, individual-focused, human rights values to acquire greater political expression
within their respective policy making processes in a globalizing context.
International recognition of self-determination as a collective human right is a prerequisite
for peaceful conflict resolution. Nationalism can associate with other values, including
liberalism, contingent upon the dynamic political context in which the nation collectively finds
itself (Cottam and Cottam 2001, Hazir 2017, DeDominicis 2020, Galston 2020). As defined by
Ebling (2019), nationalism as a value can correlate with liberal, human rights associated, and
1
Corresponding Author: Benedict E. DeDominicis, Catholic University of Korea, International Studies Department,
43 Jibong-ro, Kim Su-whan Building, K206, Bucheon, Gyeonggi-do, 14662, Republic of Korea.
email: bendedominicis@gmail.com
The International Journal of Interdisciplinary Global Studies

Volume 17, Issue 1, 2022, https://onglobalization.com
© Common Ground Research Networks, Benedict E. DeDominicis, All Rights Reserved.
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ISSN: 2324-755X (Print), ISSN: 2324-7568 (Online)
https://doi.org/10.18848/2324-755X/CGP/v17i01/53-75 (Article)
THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF INTERDISCIPLINARY GLOBAL STUDIES
political values. The association of postwar east European national self-determination

movements with liberal values reflected the region’s imperial domination by Soviet communist
totalitarianism. “The late twentieth century European zeitgeist was conducive to the privileging
of liberal nationalism” (Mentzel 2012, 628). Amidst the instability and societal crises of the
interwar period, nationalist values displayed intensified association with authoritarian and order

values (Cottam and Cottam 2001). The increasing salience of American, Hungarian, or Polish
nationalism is now significantly evident in its association with authoritarian values amidst an
upsurge in internal political polarization. These polarization behavioral trend manifestations
include populist reactionary nationalist responses to ethically progressive human rights focused
social justice movements. Dietrich (2005) argues that cosmopolitan liberalism ethically
mandates that self-determination be limited not only to aspiring nations; human rights
protection requires compromises on sovereignty to protect minority self-expression. Añuez
(2017) recognizes that global politics largely negates liberal cosmopolitan policy prescription of
classical sovereignty for systemically oppressed minorities to realize their human rights. Añuez
advocates instead for marginalized group sovereignty over local material resources: eco-
sovereignty. This policy prescription for the Saharawi people in Western Sahara occupied by
Morocco resonates with calls by Indigenous land and “water defenders” in the so-called New
World (Lipsitz 2018, 225). They seek to express their identity sovereignty over local natural
resources to block corporate exploitation and consequent environmental and ecological
degradation. This article lays out a framework for these strategic social justice movement
responses. It conceptualizes the praxis of these movements promoting social justice via
universal human rights regimes and legal frameworks.
The spotlight of this analysis is on the state abstractly conceived as regime control system
and its evolutionary pluralization as a system of authority norms. It highlights trends in nation
state development amidst escalating global interdependency in terms of authority regime
maintenance responses. It seeks to analyze these responses by applying social identity theory in
the analysis of nationalism. It highlights these process trends and outcomes in collective
national attitudes and values. It aims to be policy relevant by underscoring the tasks confronting
regime strategists for managing nationalism amidst ineluctable global interdependency as the
COVID-19 pandemic has graphically illustrated.
According to Lachman (1997, 5), “The most common starting definition [of sustainability]
is the one for sustainable development from the United Nations’ World Commission on
Environment and Development (the Bruntland Commission) 1987 report, Our Common Future,
‘Development that meets the need of the present without compromising the ability of future
generations to meet their own needs (Brundtland 1987, 41).’” The foundational axiom of this
analysis is that intensifying societal polarization is an obstacle to sustainability amidst the
ineluctable, intensifying salience of complex global interdependency. Institutionalized
polarization includes the political division of humanity into nation states as well as intrastate
polarization. Multiplying, intensifying Anthropocene social crises increase the political salience
of inescapable interdependency. Responses include heightened intracommunity polarization
through nationalistic reactions, requiring national liberal intergovernmental political strategies
for containment of nationalism.
The polarization of American public opinion has intensified due to national leadership
politicization of public health policy emergency community restrictions. They contribute to a
less efficacious national response to limit the COVID-19 pandemic casualty toll (Aratani 2021).
Brazil is another territorial nation state influenced by the European core culture immigrant
colonizer polity foundationally reliant on race-institutionalized slavery in early capitalist
commodity-based international trade. President Jair Bolsonaro has been particularly divisive in
belittling the life and health costs of the COVID-19 pandemic and the urgency of nationwide
vaccination (Andreoni, Londoño, and Casado 2021). “‘In Brazil, when the president of the
republic speaks, people listen,’ [Dr. Miguel] Nicolelis [a Brazilian neurologist at Duke
54
DEDOMINICIS: THE SOCIAL IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION OF COSMOPOLITANISM
University, “who led a coronavirus task force in the country’s northeast last year”] said. ‘Brazil
never had an anti-vaccine movement—ever’” (Londoño, Casado, and Lima 2021, para. 30–31).
The consequences include self-reinforcing interactive domestic political systems of polarization
and institutional crises. Slavery legacy ascriptive status cleavage differentiations within
societies increase collective vulnerability to escalation into social competition in response to the

systemic instabilities of intensifying globalization. It leads to further self-reinforcing polity
disruption undercutting cooperation. “The disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on African
American communities necessitates an increased focus on the intersectional roles of racism,
stigma, and other determinants of health in influencing disease and mortality risk” (Wakeel and
Njoku 2021, 1–2). Across settler-colonized North and South America, according to Erika
Guevara-Rosas, Americas director for Amnesty International “with only 13% of the [world’s]
population, the Americas continent has 48% of the total COVID deaths” (2021, para. 15).
Globally cooperative national strategic neo-functional policy prescriptions are necessary for
resiliency in responding to globalization’s multiplication and amplification of polarizing crises.
The most blatant manifestations of these polarizations are nationalistic conflict, for example, the
rise of populist nationalism. “Postfunctionalism” with its analytical emphasis on bottom-up
societal constraining influences on Europeanization highlights the rise of identity politics in
Europe (Taggart 2020). A strategic neo-functionalist analytical critique can highlight the role of
state leadership in responding to these populist nationalist challenges. Strategies for undercutting
and circumventing this conflict spiral potential are to build supranational community identities
which supernational institutions represent and articulate (e.g., the European Union).
The EU creates opportunity structures to transform traditional, ascribed social deviance,
like marginalized gender minorities, into social creativity via the supranational European Union
value-ideal of tolerance institutionalized through EU law (DeDominicis 2020). Legal
restrictions on national ingroup derogation of actors whose behavior is traditionally ascribed as
socially deviant (e.g., LBGTQ) disincentivizes national in-group identity affirmation against the
deviant. It thereby incentivizes reduction in the salience of in-group national identity (Cameira
and Ribeiro 2014). Research indicates that in-group leadership, within limits, can play a critical
role in legitimating social deviance. Through “deviance credit,” that is, “ingroup leaders benefit
from both accrual of prototypicality and conferral of the right to depart from existing norms, or
to orient to new norms” (Abrams et al. 2018, 50). Transnational social justice movements
functionally serve to actuate and develop these opportunity structures at the global level.
The Social Identity Dynamics of Nationalism

Social identity theory has served as an analytical framework across a range of disciplines
(Brown 2020). It posits three forms of social identity management on the basis of four primary
individual impulse axioms: (1) a distinctive motivation of the subject is to maintain a positive
self-image, (2) subjects form in-groups vis-à-vis out-groups; (3) individuals comparatively
evaluate the social status of their in-groups with significant out-groups; and (4) individuals tend
to equate the comparative status of their in-group with their self-image (Cottam and Cottam
2001). If and when individuals comparatively evaluate themselves negatively within their
societal contexts, then they will respond psychologically and socially, individually and
collectively. Individuals have varying intensities of self-identification with a multitude of in-
groups, but self-identification with a national in-group is prevalent among Homo sapiens and
national social competition can lead to conflict spirals escalating into collective violence.
55

Figure 1: “Social Identity Definition”
Source: Scheepers and Ellemers 2019, 8; reproduced in DeDominicis 2021b
Upon forming an in-group negative comparative social status self-evaluation, an individual

member may choose three different response strategies. Individual social mobility seeks to join the
superior status group if the boundaries are permeable; for example, “in the United States,
…classes are permeable but races, in most cases, are not” (Cottam and Cottam 2001, 92).
Psychosocial social mobility strategies are more realistic to the extent that the relevant component
in-groups of society are comparatively penetrable. An individual conviction in the practicability of
social mobility generates a personal instead of a collective approach. To choose the social mobility
strategy, critical is the relevance of group identity. The degree to which a social actor is more
unlikely to select the social mobility approach reflects the extent to which individuals (a) have
emotionally invested into a self-identity in-group and (b) the extent to which individuals view
their self-identity in-group as suffering systematically from a disadvantage (Cottam and Cottam
2001). Social creativity involves compensatory reconfiguration of the comparison criteria to
reconstitute the individual perceiver’s positive self-identity in-group evaluation. If dynamic
interactive contexts destabilize social-structural features of intergroup status relations, then social
competition—collective action by the in-group to supersede the out-group along the same status
evaluation criteria—may be the social strategy response.
Figure 2: “Social-Structural Variables and Identity Management Strategies”

Source: Scheepers and Ellemers 2019, 12, reproduced in DeDominicis 2021b
56
Dominant core national cultural groups tend to ascriptively label marginalized groups as
inherently socially deviant when the latter appear to challenge institutionalized inequitable social
relations. This response may include formal legal action condemning this behavior as criminal
(e.g., Rosa Parks’ civil disobedience against Montgomery, Alabama bus racial segregation laws
was an illegal act in 1955). Collective mobilization challenging the marginalization destabilizes

prevailing self-serving stereotypes among the dominant ethno-racial group of individual minority
contemptible fecklessness (Cottam and Cottam 2001; Kenrick and Maner 2004). This acceleration
in changing dynamics of social relations can contribute to affective hostility leading to
intensifying intergroup conflict. State authorities may responsively stabilize the regime through
mobilization toward accommodation. They may utilize liberal institutional policies of national
incorporation to promote and institutionalize substantive tolerance (i.e., equity). The latter
functionally occurs through mandating and implementing policies to promote the creation of
societal opportunity structures for collective social creativity effective engagement and individual
social mobility. Successful strategic implementation will require nation state public policy
intervention across a range of public policies.
Regimes are control systems over a state territorial community, a vast complex organization
(Cottam and Gallucci 1978). An organization consists of semiotics that resonate with its personnel
as leadership seeks to exercise influence and control over organizational subordinates and
constituencies, an “ecology of memes” (Weeks and Galunic 2013). The authorities functionally
manipulate the integrated set of ethical symbolic self-identity components for the public to grant
legitimacy to their policy making authority. These semiotic rhetorical moral and ethical appeals to
self-identity motivate compliance including appeals to in-group loyalty, along with utilitarian
incentives and organizational punishment threats (Etzioni 1990). These in-group vs. out-group
meme ecologies can include the agglomeration of stereotypes emerging from traditional
systematic segregation, marginalization and subjugation of out-groups.
The ethical and rhetorical justifications for exclusion lead to their formation and
institutionalization around and upon which these ethical value-ideal stereotypes/memes/semiotics
of the dominant in-group emerge. These meme ecology components include romanticized
stereotype authority self-justifications. They are rhetorical value archetypes that require public
policy to make them appear as real, to rally the enthusiast constituency for the authorities, generate
accommodation, motivate acquiescence and intimidate adversaries. From the perspective of
socialization of individual members, this ecology of memes constitutes a culture, an ethical
community (Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner 2012). At its essence, a cultural-ethical
community focuses on affect-laden moral and ethical notions including proper means of conflict
resolution. This ecology of memes typically includes loyalty to the in-group organization as a
romantic self-stereotype meme component. In-group members effectively derogated by the in-
group/constituency authorities as in effect traitors are therefore demonized/stereotyped.
The authorities may also reactively aim functionally to stabilize the regime through
mobilization of the core group coercive apparatus to increase reliance on intimidation, as well
as providing utilitarian participation opportunities (Cottam and Gallucci 1978). Efficacious
social justice movements encourage state intervention to provide genuine social creativity
opportunities that foreshadow believable opportunities for individual social mobility.
[US Supreme Court] Justice [Clarence] Thomas grew up impoverished in a Gullah-

speaking community in Georgia and spent his youth as a black nationalist radical in the
mold of Malcolm X before reluctantly accepting a job with a Republican attorney general
in Missouri, the only job offer he was given, he explains…He voted for Ronald Reagan
in 1980, in what he called “a giant step for a black man.” (Casey 2020, para. 25)
Schraub (2020) highlights scholarship underscoring the hegemonic legitimation function of

cooptation of members of ascriptively marginalized groups. “When a [B]lack person uses their
57
racial identity to give authenticity to their positions, or fails to challenge others who vicariously
do it for them, the use of that commodity affects the rest of the group” (Starkey 2015, 34). The
nationalist-assimilationist elements of the Trump phenomenon illustrate this dialectical
relationship between opportunity structures for social creativity leading to social mobility,
including assimilation. Black and Hispanic vote percentages for Trump in the 2020 US

presidential election significantly—and surprisingly to some observers—increased (Cai,
Fessenden, and Scott 2020; Russonello and Mazzei 2021).
Social creativity involves compensatory reconfiguration of the comparison criteria to
reconstitute the individual perceiver’s positive self-identity in-group evaluation. Dynamic
interactive contexts can destabilize social-structural features of intergroup status relations. Then
social competition, that is, “collective action” by the in-group to supersede the out-group along
the same status evaluation criteria, may be the social strategy response (Scheepers and Ellemers
2019, 12). The target of this collective action can tactically include a focus on alteration of the
prevailing system of community norms and values; that is, the state broadly construed, via
social justice movements. These institutionalized patterns of sustained contentious politics aim
at shaping these statewide institutions as a functional goal and effect among societal actors
seeking social mobility and social creativity opportunities. “Organizers exploit political
opportunities, respond to threats, create collective identities, and bring people together to
mobilize them against more powerful opponents. Much of the history of movement/state
interaction can be read as a duet of strategy and counterstrategy between movement activists
and power holders” (Tarrow 2012, 8). Social justice movements press for the accommodation of
differences to disincentivize using them as a basis for ascriptive hierarchical community
societal status differentiation. This accommodation takes the form of creation of substantive
social creativity opportunities that ultimately produce measurable, exploited social mobility
opportunities. In sum, it produces integration and assimilation into a pluralizing and
diversifying core state culture.
Interdependency, Nationalism and Integration

The acceleration of disruptive change challenges prevailing societal perceptions, attitudes and
value motivations, intensifying polarizing, affective responses as competing constituencies
rhetorically weaponize “social justice” (Nowicka-Franczak 2018). Global crises, such as the
COVID-19 pandemic, make complex global interdependency increasingly salient. Nationalist
responses to the multiplying and intensifying societal institutional crises of accelerating
globalization include so-called climate and COVID-19 denialism. The increasing salience of
complex global interdependency requires a concomitantly increasingly salient globally
coordinated, cooperative and collaborative response for national liberal regime stabilization.
Superordinate international institutions (e.g., the EU), embodying emerging supranational
identities consequently become increasingly salient among progressive elites. Ascription-based
societal ranking is traditional and habitual societal social status assignment. It stands in tensive
relationship to comparative levels of achievement as the basis for relative status assignment
(Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner 2012). Ascriptive social status is assigned by birth. In this
Weberian ideal-typical framework, achievement-based status is earned; it constitutes the
essence of modernity. Its ascension is the foundation for national community modern economic
development. Ascriptively hegemonic core cultural groups vested in the political status quo are
prone to view this elaboration and diffusion of policy decision making loci beyond the
sovereign bounds of the nation state as a national security threat. They constitute the core
enthusiast support base for conservative populist nationalist rejections of perceived threats to
nation state sovereignty. In the US they are the traditional ascriptive hegemonic traditional core
culture (e.g., White Anglo-Saxon Protestant) (Cottam and Cottam 2001).
58
Both during the 1918 influenza and the COVID-19 pandemics, among nationalistic
dominant ethnic communities, responses included intensified collective institutionalized
stereotyping of the Other. Ethno-racial marginalized minorities suffered scapegoating (Roberts
and Tehrani 2020). Dominant majoritarian casting of alleged unhygienic, irresponsible
behaviors among ascriptively marginalized, stereotyped and despised minorities make the latter

responsible for the national territorial community’s suffering (Barnes 2021). This censure
simultaneously reinforces threat perception and stereotyping in the eyes of the dominant
majority. Institutionally disruptive global catastrophes such as the COVID-19 pandemic
instigate the unavoidable immediate awareness of critical interdependency among contestant in-
groups. The reactive response tends toward intensifying in-group versus out-group collective
psychosocial response patterns, intensifying nationalistic behavior deriving from stereotyping
and heightened affect.
Addressing a top official representative meeting of the UN Security Council in the new
Biden administration, UN Secretary-General António Guterres stated, “Climate disruption is a
crisis amplifier and multiplier” (Sengupta 2021, para. 5). Reactions to the immediate, stark
effects of complex interdependency include in-group vs. out-group mobilization that
incorporates de facto denial of this complexity (i.e., stereotyping: a perceptual simplification
pattern) (Cottam and Cottam 2001). Intense in-group collective member self-affirmation tends
toward scapegoating an out-group in order to satisfy the need for comprehension of causation,
but in simplistic/stereotyped, targeted, affective, in-group shared terms. The collective,
symbolic rhetorical expression of this digital social media-facilitated mobilizational process can
enter into the mythologically conspiratorial targeting demonic secularized minorities. The so-
called QAnon and earlier, Nazi mythology (e.g., the Jewish-Bolshevik-Capitalist-Freemason
conspiracy), and so on are opposed by a charismatic in-group individual leader. Analyzing
Weber’s conceptualization of charismatic domination, Klein (2017, 189) notes that “the prophet
differs from the traditional charismatic leader by promulgating a doctrine that provides both a
rational, moralized explanation for individual suffering and a path to salvation.”
This psychosocial collective process is one causal linkage between the multiplied and
amplified individual and societal crises due to the COVID-19 pandemic and the intensification
of national political polarization. It portends the future with accelerating anthropogenic climate
change. The COVID-19 pandemic is an exemplar of the consequences of global economic
development contributing to national crises that require global policy cooperation, collaboration
and coordination to ameliorate peacefully. Threat and use of deadly force will of course fail to
overcome these crises and is more likely to worsen them. The nuclear setting proffers such
responses as potentially suicidal. Growing awareness of economic and political interdependency
is expanding de facto awareness of existing in a global polity. Complex interdependency
presents opportunities to develop further these critical global polity collective capacities.
Strategic neo-functionalism can promote cosmopolitan political attitudes and values via creation
and promotion of vested interests in global integration. The European Union institutionally
represents the global polity region most advanced in this regard. Bulmer and Lequesne (2020)
note the necessity of incorporating an adequate conceptualization of the role of the nation state
in driving European integration.
In this analysis, use of the term, strategic, refers to the incorporation of a theory of
nationalism (Cottam and Cottam 2001) into conceptualizing the role of the nation state in
driving or blocking international integration. Nationalistic political behavior is the target which
neo-functional strategies of peacebuilding confront through economic and bureaucratic vested
interest promotion in integration. Saurugger (2020) finds that European integration’s impact on
interest group evolution is mitigated by the tendency of Europeanization to centralize EU
member state policy making under the control of the national executive. Saurugger includes
social movements under the rubric of interest groups. Saurugger (2020, 359) proffers a caveat,
“It is only at the agenda-setting phase that resourceful interest groups have the possibility of
59
circumventing the state” in representing their interests at the EU level. Effective and resourceful
social justice movements by definition focus on publicly disrupting the political status quo that
institutionalizes the marginalization of those minorities ascriptively stereotyped as inferior.
Those social movements relatively excel in their impact on political agenda setting. Their
utilization of “the exceptional construction of a European public space” depends significantly

on their own subjective perception of their capacities to utilize European integration for shaping
globalization favorably.
Pluralizing both governmental and for-profit vested organizational interests are the
institutional forms to create space for social mobility and social creativity with substantive,
concrete benefits. In accordance with global human rights regime treaties and commitments, these
human rights promotion-oriented institutions encourage institutionalization of opportunity
structures for social creativity and social mobility. They function through control and allocation of
national resources. A case example may be the new Biden administration’s creation of a high-
level Gender Policy Council to ensure that all government agencies accommodate gender equity
objectives is an example of a holistic, neo-functional strategic approach (Gupta and Goldberg
2021b). It embodies then Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton’s “iconic” statement to the
United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women: Action for Equality, Development and
Peace, that “women's rights are human rights” (Gupta and Goldberg 2021a, para. 27).
Nationalism, Globalization and Pluralization of the State
Nationalism as an identity status advancement motivation can aid the mobilization of political
resources in social justice movements and in controlling national resources by state authorities
(van Zomeren 2016). Such mobilization can be in support of integration, for example,
“infrastructure” programs broadly defined to increase social creativity and social mobility
options for the heretofore systemically marginalized. The Biden administration expanded the
discourse surrounding national infrastructure to include investments that facilitate utilization of
underexploited labor resource inputs. Supporters promote “investments in people, like the
creation of high-paying union jobs or raising wages for a home health work force that is
dominated by women of color” (Tankersley and Smialek 2021, para. 2, 16). This mobilization
has to provide utilitarian benefits for individuals in order to co-opt aspiring representative
constituency elites in a liberal, integrative bureaucratic direction (Cottam and Cottam 2001).
These integrative opportunities build upon the social creativity institutional platforms of
expanding opportunities to support individual social mobility.
Liberal state authority-led sociopolitical reform support these “dialectical dynamics of
identity” enabling intergroup equity, (i.e., social justice) (Chapman 2016, 364). Successful
individual elite representatives integrated into the pluralizing culture of the hegemonic core
national state can support additional social creativity feasibilities to overcome institutionalized
segregation through integration. Critiquing trends in African American hip-hop cultural
commercialism, Powell (2011, 469) notes that “the social group inventiveness that parlays
economic group-based identity for many hip-hop referents exemplifies the enactment of social
identity theory’s social creativity tenet,…hip-hop social mobility cannot occur without the prior
enactment of social creativity self-enhancement strategies.” Aggregation of capital via
commercial success can empower politically individuals and representatives of heretofore
marginalized groups.
The EU is a regional precursor case of international “positive integration” emphasizing
regulation of production of goods and services in addition to breaking down barriers to trade or
“negative integration” (Michalski 2020). Trade liberalization agreements with “strong and
enforceable trade rules” for “higher labor standards, tighter environmental regulation and new
mechanisms to ensure that the rules of trade agreements can be enforced” are critical (Swanson
2021, para. 17, 19). These monitoring and enforcement institutions create the nascent
60
architecture around which global civil society NGOs can form and coalesce to globalize
national social justice movements. These supernational institutions create additional opportunity
structures for supranational identity reinforcement via dialectical processes of social creativity
and mobility. A consequence of globalization includes acceleration of the internationalization of
social justice movements. Societal reforms that these social justice movements demand

strengthen the role of the state in social relations so as to gather data and enact policies.
Illustrating this dialectical dynamic, due to the feminist movement today, “The principle of
equal pay for equal work is one of the founding values of the 27-nation European Union”
(Pronczuk 2021, para. 6). Hence, “pushing member states to address salary disparities between
men and women, the European Union revealed details…of a proposed law that would require
companies to divulge gender pay gaps and give job candidates access to salary information in
employment interviews. It also would provide women with better tools to fight for equal pay”
(Pronczuk 2021, para. 1).
According to the adage “one cannot remedy what one cannot measure,” state institutions
reform and develop in response to sustained, contentious political demands for remediation of
increasingly recognized social systemic pathologies. Analysts of the European variant of
globalization highlight that the role of the EU member state executive institutions becomes more
salient in Europeanization processes that display national distinctiveness. “Although governments
are widely regarded as the ‘winners’ of European integration, the extent of the EU’s impact is
strongly contested” (Kassim and Buth 2020, 303). In sum, globalization incentivizes
intensification of nation state institutional neo-corporatist penetration in society even as
globalization facilitates internationalization of global social justice standards and demands
(DeDominicis 2021a). Strategically neo-functional globalization can thereby create new
opportunity structures for national civil society dialectical social creativity and social mobility
psycho-social group and individual behavior. Institutionalized nation states have greater capacities
relative to multi-national and multi-ethnic states because of the statewide institutionalization of
national culture to enable this globalization-fueled identity evolution, ceteris paribus. “It takes
shared meanings of norms and values that are stable and salient for a group’s cultural tradition to
be developed and elaborated” (Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner 2012, 30). The consequences
of this behavior can include supranational self-identity construction and elaboration. It would
utilize the mobilizational capabilities of nation states as building blocks, to create something that is
more than the sum of these essential building block parts.
The nation is a self-perceived shared community of fate, which has to have shared, cultural
symbolic elements and the affect that accompanies them. In understanding nationalism,
centrally important is attachment to groups and categorization of people into in-groups and out-
groups. For a politically relevant social identity attachment, at first glance, the territorial state
would seem to be ideal. As groups with which one can identity, states can be attractive because
they satisfy needs and they can as well as embody values which the group commonly shares. In
creating and ensuring the survival of a social identity with a political basis, state institutions can
provide and promote the elements necessary to do so. State institutions can do the following: 1)
create a common identity, 2) provide roles, 3) generate norms, and 4) insure the incorporation
of nonmembers into the group as loyal members (Cottam and Cottam 2001).
The European Union integration strategy to promote a cosmopolitan, pan-European identity
value illustrates the neo-corporatist importance of strengthened nation state institutions so as to
integrate societal constituencies. The EU’s emphasis on national “‘pooled sovereignty’ does not
lead to a diminution of the role of the states, but on the contrary to a strengthening of that role,
encouraging their adaptation to constraints imposed by the international environment” (Bulmer
and Lequesne 2020, 7). Effective neo-corporatist concertation of societal constituencies is
necessary for the elaboration of new group social creativity and individual social mobility
opportunities within the political strategic framework of regional integration. Development of
national legislatures’ role in EU policy making develops the regional institutional architecture
61
around which interest groups may coalesce to engage in regulated, peaceful social competition,
creativity and mobility. Cosmopolitan, universalistic individual human rights focused social
movements in particular serve functionally to pluralize the EU nation state by exploiting the
political opportunities available. Their drive is the pursuit of group and individual positive self-
image status (DeDominicis 2020). Conservative populist nationalists will tend to perceive this

pluralization as a threat to their own traditional, ascribed status in which the state
institutionalizes the core state culture. It is typically the titular culture of the European nation
state, “Italy should be for the Italians!”
Citizens exploiting collectively and individually the social creativity and mobility
opportunities which globalization accentuates would be more likely to develop positive political
attitudes towards cosmopolitan communities. These transnational collectivities include both
those that are material profit-oriented and identity-oriented, interacting in a dialectical process
of economic expansion and political participatory responses. Due to the globally
accelerating development of economic interdependence…trends that will alter societies

in fundamental ways are occurring in the economies of most states and are largely
independent of government guidance or planning. These trends are affecting the socio-
political environment so fundamentally as to threaten to alter basic identity
attachments. As the vested interests of an increasing section of the publics of every
states are tied to the needs of a global economy, the relevance of the nation state itself
is diminished” (Cottam 1994, 12–13).
Home life for this functionally and tendentially pro-globalization population sector will impact
early socialization of offspring shaping their future political perceptions, attitudes, values and
behavioral patterns (Patterson et al. 2019).
Citizenry constituencies may be more prone to be both perceptually and attitudinally
equipped to participate willingly in functionally globalizing activities. Such groups may
include diaspora communities, for example, multilingual speakers with homeland family ties.
They are collectively more likely to engage in career trajectories with international activity
components, like travel and communication. They would be prospective allies around the
development of societal vested interests in globalization and its neo-functional spill-over into
related fields, lobbying government officials to defend ease of cross-border access. Diasporas
advocating homeland nationalist agendas as international lobbyists for their respective origin
state is a challenge to cosmopolitanism. “In political science, cosmopolitanism is defined ‘as
a global politics that, firstly, projects a sociality of common political engagement among all
human beings across the globe, and, secondly, suggests that this sociality should be either
ethically or organizationally privileged over other forms of sociality’” (Dimitriu 2016, 82, fn.
17, quoting Paul 2014, x).
Cosmopolitan counterstrategies would conceivably include mobilization of international
diaspora populations that arose from the legacies of imperialism and colonialism including
displacement and enslavement (Thomas 2018). The African American and Indigenous
international diaspora-pan movements would be examples. Diasporas as imagined communities
(Anderson 1983) are a critical factor both for these colonially enslaved, dispossessed and
traumatized communities and for the global community to meet sustainable development
challenges. The Indigenous Peoples constructed global diaspora is playing an increasingly
salient role as a global social justice movement for sustainable development via their self-
determination. These self-determination demands, while short of secession and sovereignty,
rather demand protection of their native lands from deforestation and mining as well fossil fuel
production and pollution. They cooperate with the UN human rights monitoring institutional
infrastructure and the non-governmental organizations that have emerged utilizing this
scaffolding, serving “to contribute to indigenous identity building” (Fukurai 2019, 244).
62
Surveying foundational international human rights documents, Bratspies notes (2017, 269) that
“anyone looking for a clear articulation of a human right to a healthy environment under
international law is destined for disappointment.” Yet, “the notable exception is the African
Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, drafted in 1982, which explicitly provides ‘[a]ll peoples
shall have the right to a general satisfactory environment favorable to their development.’”

This colonial legacy includes their systemic national marginalization and concurrent
stereotyping as inferior across the world and the comparative immiseration concomitant with it.
It has resulted in them becoming what Franz Fanon labeled “The Wretched of the Earth”
([1961] 2005). “Fanon goes further and argues that colonialism is an attempt to impose a
Manichean structure of contraries instead of a dialectical one of ongoing, human negotiation of
contradictions. The former segregates the groups; the latter emerges from interaction” (Gordon
et al. 2018, 107). Colonialism utilizes coercion via policing to enforce Black civil and political
“invisibility.” These communities disproportionately experience political marginalization
arising from self-reinforcing dynamic negative “intersectionality” of systemic processes of
hierarchical subordination, founded ultimately upon coercion (Ruder and Sofia 2019, 4).
Consequent intersectional, sustained contentious resistance to socio-economic collective
subordination of traditionally ascribed peripheral gender, race, ethnic and class groups emerged
as progressive social justice movements (Fenelon and Alford 2020).
The international human rights movement, including its UN treaty-based legal regime
architecture and its global civil society NGO allies, contributes to their national empowerment.
Their intersectional, structural marginalization contributes to their mobilization around global
human rights norms; “human rights norms are as strong or as weak as the discursive practices
that instantiate them” (Isiksel 2016, 349). Outrage against ascriptive systemic public health
ethno-racial community marginalization gained expression in demands for “environmental
justice” … “in the early 1980s when poor, mostly African-American rural communities
mobilized against a hazardous waste dump being built near their homes in North Carolina,
USA” (Menton et al. 2020, 1623). The director of North Carolina’s Director of Environmental
Quality became the first African American to lead the Environmental Protection Agency as the
youngest member in the Biden administration’s cabinet (Friedman 2021). The African diaspora
is functionally characterized as a lobby for global sustainability; that is, creation and expansion
of social creativity opportunity structures and consequent greater social mobility access.
Tadadjeu and Munongo call for a New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD),
emphasizing mobilization of African Americans as lobbyists:
A specific participation of African-Americans to the development of Africa would no

more be considered and organized as foreign aid, but rather designed as a type of
specific self-development. If NEPAD could become a real transnational programme of
the African Union (AU), it would constitute the legal framework for this type of
networking (2016, 44).
This imagined transnational community—incorporating homelands and diasporas—is captured

in the concept of “Negritude” (Moloi 2016, 438).
Domestic political mobilization around subjective international diaspora awareness
challenges the political status quo. This status quo consists of states whose territorial boundaries
were established in pre-modern conditions of relatively miniscule levels of popular political
awareness. As a form of diaspora politics, some irredentist and pan-movements have more or
less achieved their own nationalist objectives. Pan-German and pan-Italian irredentism helped
dismember empires to constitute the German and Italian nation states. Those state actors
subsequently engaged in nationalistic imperialist foreign policies including colonization of pre-
modern communities. The latter were populations in which parochial community self-awareness
characterized prevailing individual self-identity and were at most aware of local, e.g., village,
63
politics. Diaspora politics among marginalized, post-colonial populations and territories will not
be on behalf of nation states, but rather on behalf of communities resident within or partitioned
among post-colonial, multi-ethnic states. These multi-ethnic African and Asian states are less
prone to pose nationalistic threats to the international regime systems that are the foundation for
international organizational institutionalization (Cottam and Cottam 2001). They lack both the

power capabilities and the collective foreign policy motivations to do as nation states have
demonstrated historically, namely, Imperial Japan, Fascist Italy, and Nazi Germany.
International Human Rights Movement Strategy

Ascription declining in relation to achievement as the foundation for status in a community
drives the collectivity to reform and standardize institutions statewide in response to social
justice movements. “Neutralism [i.e., the separation of church and state by disestablishing a
state religion]…is propelled precisely by a drive toward deeper conceptions of equality. The
dynamic thrust of neutralism therefore is toward prioritizing equality as a social good”
(Prud’homme 2019, 9). John Locke articulated the demands of the emerging middle class in his
political philosophy, making classical liberalism his ideology for a social justice movement of
his time (Lipset 1997, Cottam and Cottam 2001). The intensified societal intersectional tensions
due to the COVID-19 pandemic include contemporary feminist movement demands for state
policies supporting provision of daycare. They build upon the labor movement with appeals to
support dependent care as work deserving dignity, a higher, more equitable social status. This
social justice movement attacks the ascriptive assignment of childcare and daycare as menial,
racialized minority or gendered minority occupations. The aspiration for dignity requires social
justice movements to demand more rightful status; “dignity,” including the dignity of a living
wage for this so-called essential work in the COVID-19 pandemic era (Spriggs 2021).
Structural marginalization is a cross-national phenomenon, and national forms of social
justice movements learn from other national social justice movement contexts. Global feminism
relies upon Keynesian macroeconomic frameworks for comparison, e.g., the comparative extent
of national welfare state subsidization for childcare across the industrialized world. If fiscal
policy includes allocation of national fiat currencies to subsidize daycare or dependent care,
then this government expenditure is factored into the national GDP. The institution of childcare
is thus nationalized, challenging further its heretofore traditional parochial and patriarchal,
normative habitually ascribed lower status occupation identification as so-called unpaid
women’s work. As Lerer and Medina (2021, paras. 19, 22, 24) report, “the problem [lack of
more supportive national public policy for childcare] is one not only of political will but also of
deep-seated cultural norms.” As one interviewee, Reshma Saujani, advocate of US
Congressional adoption of a “Marshall Plan for Moms,” declared, during the COVID-19
pandemic, “if we [mothers] went on strike, this country would have fallen.”
The subsidization not only materially supports individual social mobility, but provides
acknowledgement of collective dignity; it broadens the psychosocial opportunity structure for
social creativity. Being a so-called homemaker becomes less of a quaint, traditional,
romanticized, lower status default occupation for the so-called typical woman. It gains
additional acknowledgment that it contributes to the reproduction of societal institutions,
including its system of authority norms, the state, broadly construed.
A critically important part of the power potential base of a state is its mobilizational base
component (i.e., the political regime in place). State authorities to whom the overwhelming
majority of the public, habitually or affirmatively, grants legitimacy to rule have a comparative
power advantage, ceteris paribus (Cottam and Gallucci 1978). US President Nixon established
the US dollar as a fiat currency by abandoning the gold standard and the Bretton Woods
Agreement with the US dollar remaining the world’s de facto reserve currency. This reality is
64
an indicator of the relative power capability and bargaining leverage of the US manifest in the
dollar’s role as the global reserve currency (Costigan, Cottle, and Keys 2017).
The economist Justin Wolfers highlighted this function of state fiscal and monetary policy
defining productive national service provision as contributing to GDP through national fiat
currency subsidization. Wolfers (2020) proposed reconsideration of US GDP calculations of the

fifty states’ unemployment relief payments to individuals furloughed during COVID-19 pandemic
social distancing lockdowns as a national service provision. He argued that they were analogous to
the vast fiscal payments the US government made to US military personnel during the Second
World War for national defense service provision. The former is providing an essential US
national public good, a public health crisis defense. “This doesn’t change the reality that in the war
against the coronavirus, people who are staying home are producing valuable “public health
services,” much as soldiers produce “defense services.” Indeed, if we paid them through the
government payroll rather than the unemployment insurance system, the same accounting
conventions would suddenly count that money toward GDP” (Wolfers 2020, para. 27).
This proposal in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic national and global emergency
highlights the potentiality of nation state capacity to define what is achievement-oriented (i.e.,
worthy, dignified, behavior). Only sovereign states can issue fiat currencies; only sovereign
states can assume public debt, including of course debt obligations to international creditors.
From an interdependent state system perspective, sovereign state fiat currency fiscal budget
allocation is a de facto equation of the output of the policymaking process as the national
interest. Fiscal policy is in part a statement of the “intermestic” nature of the national interest
amidst an international system of states (Hook 2020, 262). National fiscal and monetary policy
exists within a web of “complex interdependence” (Guevara-Rosas 2018, 66). This complex
interdependency has become globally both more intense and politically salient since the
interwar period because of the nationalistic polarization reactions to it (Heiskanen 2019,
Wohlström 2010).
Positive integration functionally recognizes a broadening range of policy making outputs
across public policy sectors as well as foreign and national security outputs as constituting the
so-called national interest. It reflects the increasing awareness and acknowledgment of
broadening societal constituencies of complex interdependency in international affairs.
Acknowledging interdependence which, without coordination, is leading to a national
corporation taxation “race-to-the-bottom,” US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen called for global
negotiations to agree on a minimum corporate tax (Tankersley and Rappeport 2021, para. 3). It
would be implemented nationally, thus allowing developing countries to increase their fiscal
revenues to purchase, for example, COVID-19 vaccine doses for their populations.
The internationally relative value of money as assessed by global money markets reflects
prevailing global trends in perception of relative power capability. As noted, the global context
reflects intensifying salience of complex interdependency which affects the perceived capacity
of a particular state’s authorities to mobilize, control and apply the power potential of the
territorial community. The translation of this power potential base into policy instruments for
diplomatic bargaining leverage capacity are significantly dependent on the state’s mobilization
base (Cottam and Gallucci 1978). It reflects the relationship of the authorities to society, the
political regime. The nature of a regime as a control relationship includes its relative
effectiveness in generating and maintaining Gramscian hegemonic control. Cooptation remains
a primary facet of such a regime, while coercion can remain significant but with minimal
reliance on blatant coercion-based chaotic terror, for example, Mao’s Cultural Revolution. The
Chinese polity’s authoritarian institutional entrepreneurialism utilizes capitalist utilitarian
societal cooption jointly with a collective normative habitual orientation to obey political
authority. It exploits globalization’s development opportunities while maintaining Chinese
Communist Party hegemony (Evans 2018).
65
Fiat currency thus becomes in the globally interdependent world not just the “master
signifier” of the condition of social relations within states, but between them as well. “To
conceptualize money as a master signifier makes it possible to understand money not as a
neutral measure of abstract value but as a general measure of value relations resulting from
political processes and social struggles” (Wullweber 2019, 313). The value of money derives

from the capacity of a government to fulfill its assumed obligations, i.e., its relative power
capability:
Money functions as a general promise of payment. The transition from a specific credit
to a general promise to pay, however, implies that said promise is socially accepted
and politically enforced.…A promise to pay only becomes money if it is a generally
valid promise, in other words, if it can be passed around at will from person to person
(within a currency area), and if the persons holding said payment promise can use it to
purchase any commodity available, provided that it covers the value of this asset in the
form of a price.…Money is a specific subset of credit. (Wullweber 2019, 318)
Sovereign debt crises such as the Eurozone emergency in 2010–12 involve currency markets
collectively evaluating the power capacity of a sovereign debtor to fulfill its general promise of
payment to be less credible. “Money is pre-eminently a political category” within the political
economy of capitalism as a “monetary production economy” (Wullweber 2019, 328,
referencing the analysis of Minsky (1982, 78) invoking Keynes).
Internally, this nation state governing authority recognizes a societal institution through de
facto or de jure fiat currency salary payment of its personnel providing a national service
provision. This neo-corporatist development then leads to path dependent orientations to
regulate and institutionally develop this national service recognition and salience further. New
York Times columnist Kim Brooks called for a similar recognition regarding childcare, as the
COVID-19 pandemic social distancing requirements disproportionately affected women by
intensifying long-existent American inequalities and inequities. Women have been excessively
compelled to choose between either child-rearing, an ascriptive traditionally female occupation,
or a career due to home schooling and home employment mandates.
And yet our entire economic system hinges on the willingness of women to do this
work for free. Caretakers who work outside the home are poorly paid, but those who
care for their own kin, in their own homes, aren’t paid at all. They receive a wage of
zero dollars and zero cents, no health insurance, no sick leave, no paid time off, no
401(k). (Brooks 2020, para. 11–13)
The construction and development of systematized state institutions within sovereign

territory neo-functionally generates incentives for greater collective sensitization to intra-
societal group inequalities. Constituency advocates promote policy prescriptions to remedy the
inequities, rhetorically claiming that they unethically obstruct fundamental citizenship equality.
Brooks (2020) argued that American public policy does not remunerate women for their roles in
occupying the predominant socializing agents for the next generation of citizens through so-
called homework and caregiving. Without payment, GDP calculations do not include this
service provision. The inequity in relegation of traditional ascriptive subordinate status
assignment to homework has become increasingly apparent to the public. The progressive
disintegration of the traditional institution of the married couple with the male as family
breadwinner and the female as homemaker continues despite its idealization by traditional
conservatives. The globalizing American economy generates negative and positive incentives
for increasing female labor force participation. Local, and increasingly national authorities, are
subsidizing—implicitly paying for—childcare and socialization.
66
For many generations, the American polity has remunerated education personnel in
institutions socializing the next generation of citizens. Parallel policy trends are evident with
women as childcare providers, to the discontent of traditional patriarchy supporters. The latter
include men and women coopted into the traditional, ascriptive normative habitual status quo.
Traditionally caregiving/caretaking is an occupation in which women overwhelmingly

predominate. Brooks (2020, para. 9) highlights US divorce court rulings requiring
“maintenance”—formerly “alimony”—payments. She calls for the American nation state
authorities to recognize caregiving/caretaking as an occupation requiring remuneration
independently of marital status. On the national level, the state increasingly penetrates society to
facilitate and regulate societal actor competition for status/dignity and security and other
objectives. Social justice movements interact with this context in order to press for the
authorities to recognize, for example, traditional ascriptive inferior status assignments as
illegitimate, even illegal.
A functional aim is to change societal ascriptive prevailing views by gaining societal
acknowledgment of these roles and functions as dignified and worthy of recognition as
achievements in contributing to the national interest. It results in part from the feminist
movement’s demands for women to have greater social creativity and mobility opportunities. The
need to increase the percentage of population in the workforce is necessary for long term
competitive macroeconomic effectiveness. This state penetration is the essence of neo-corporatism
and it becomes increasingly evident due to the accelerating pace of change with its concomitant
increase in the salience of global interdependency. Lipset (1997) describes American Gramscian
ideological hegemony as the American Creed, eighteenth and nineteenth century classical
liberalism, emphasizing minimal official national state intervention in society. The US not
coincidentally relies on its national security apparatus to take the lead in implementing social
justice reform policies. US President Abraham Lincoln’s 1863 Civil War Emancipation
Proclamation as Commander-in-Chief liberated the enslaved in US territories in rebellion to help
win the war. It does so in the name of national defense against enemies foreign and domestic,
including competing today globally in the nuclear setting which requires indirect competition.
The Private Sector and Activism

In the American case, collective institutionalized attitudes ascriptively associate poverty with
marginalized racial group as a legacy of the institution of slavery (i.e., tendentially the poor are
inherently, contemptuously derogated). Analyzing the collective attitudinal evolution of the
American polity amidst two waves of European immigration, Shanahan and Olzak (1999, 60)
note the institutionalized incentives for American racial identity polarization, “On one side was
a growing urban population of white foreign-born who emphasized the set of ethnic markers
that assured them higher status, employment, and access to other rewards. On the other side was
a historically outcast population that was burdened with a legacy of slavery and forced
migration.” Remedial strategies involve pluralizing the nation state through institutionalization
of transnational emotive social movements (Journal of International Affairs 2020).
Greenpeace USA and other environmental groups filed a complaint with the Federal
Trade Commission on March 16 that accused Chevron of “consistently
misrepresenting its image [in its most recent American advertising campaign] to
appear climate-friendly and racial justice-oriented, while its business operations
overwhelmingly rely on climate-polluting fossil fuels, which disproportionately harm
communities of color.” (Hsu 2021, para. 4)
Utilizing international human rights treaty instruments, progressive civil society NGOs
pressure on MNCs, both directly and indirectly via governments, leads corporations to create
67
executive positions such as a “chief sustainability officer” (Eavis and Krauss 2021, para. 6, 28;
Dooley and Ueno 2021, para. 29). This position monitors and reports compliance with carbon
emission reduction targets. The international environmental protection movement socializes
activists via education and experience who may exploit these expanded social mobility
opportunities. These outcomes reflect decades of social justice movement political impacts to

create social space for greater social creativity opportunities to facilitate social mobility. Private
equity firms incentivize companies in their investment portfolios to meet metrics of diverse
representation on corporate boards of historically marginalized groups. “The effort to use the
tools of private equity to promote diversity initiatives is part of a broader trend in so-called
environmental, social and governance investments as they shift to private capital from the
equity markets” (Boudette et al. 2021, para. 12). Corporate leadership should communicate
clearly to all corporate personnel that personnel decision making group diversity promotes long
term competitive corporate success. This professional socialization undercuts tendencies to
perceive enviously the promotion success of colleagues belonging to marginally ascribed
minority groups as at zero-sum cost to members of the ascribed majority core culture.
Conclusion
Commodification is concomitant with institutionalization. Commodification is the utilization of
utilitarian participation and economic incentives to control, organize and direct individuals
formed into in-groups called organizations. Production of desirable commodities to generate
organizational and individual benefits in a socially competitive environment can lead to
searches for externally appealing social creativity options. It leads to the conceptualization,
identification, creation and occupation of new market niches. Success generates individual
social mobility via achievement. Market research and marketing are significantly about
expanding dynamic societal opportunity structures for social creativity engagement by
consumers. To conceptualize, identify and create these new market niches requires elaboration
of the institutional structure of organizations. Organizations develop and evolve institutionally
to facilitate the utilization of the most effective resources that each actor within them can
potentially apply. The development of national educational-socialization institutions facilitates
the development of the human resources available upon which to draw by all organizations, at
least at a base level. The organizations themselves also offer internships and in-house training
building upon this base, e.g., literacy, numeracy, multilingual capacities. A resource should be
commodified to utilize utilitarian economic and political control incentives.
Commodification involves the utilization of institutionalized stereotypes, which include
stigmatizations and mythologizations, to appeal to and stimulate consumption behavior in return
for monetary exchange. Positive responses to these commodified stereotype appeals reinforce
the institutionalization of the stereotypes. The individual believes in their own autonomy while
their unconsciously institutionalized stereotyped/idealized aesthetic assumptions undergo
exploitation by marketers. Consumers avoid experiencing stimulation of perceptions of threat of
external control because of these unspoken, internalized habitual assumptions of aesthetic
propriety and desirability being utilized and exploited. Thereby, the typical consumer assumes
their consumption choices stem from their individual autonomy. Defending this belief in
individual autonomy is the essence of neoliberalism.
On the national level, the state increasingly penetrates society to facilitate actor competition
for security and status/dignity needs and objectives. Social justice movements interact with this
context to press for the state to recognize, for example, tradition ascriptive status assignments as
illegitimate, even illegal. The state authorities can utilize social justice demands to recognize
these traditionally ascribed roles as venues for status achievement, worthy of national
recognition and support as contributors to the national interest. Adopting national childcare
policies and subsidies would be an example. They result partly from the feminist movement’s
68
demands for women to enjoy greater access to social creativity and mobility opportunities. The
need to increase the percentage of the population in the workforce is necessary for long term
competitive macroeconomic effectiveness. This state penetration is the essence of neo-
corporatism. It becomes increasingly evident due to accelerating change with the increasing
saliency of global interdependency. The US, with its classical liberal formal ideology, today

ideologically formulated as neoliberalism, relies on the US domestic and national security
apparatus to take the lead in implementing social justice reform policies. It does so in the name
of national defense against enemies foreign and domestic, including international competition in
the nuclear setting which requires indirect competition.
The creation, provision and expansion of public goods conceived as national human
institutional infrastructure features the role of social justice movements. They reflect and
accelerate the disintegration of prevailing formal and informal institutionalized stereotypes of
self and other. These stereotypes justify hierarchical relations which determine differential
access to resources; the stereotype of the male breadwinner and the female
housewife/homemaker performing unpaid labor. They also include segregation and
marginalization of people of color, which people of color and women had internalized and
accepted. They likewise incorporate the ascriptive assumption that achievement is material, for
example, the accumulation of money. Thus, those individuals who are wealthy, even if they
inherited this capital, are higher status, even stereotyped as genetically superior. By bringing so-
called private societal relations into the public domain, progressive social justice movements
push the state authorities to adopt and reform policies that promote and enforce perceptual and
behavioral attitudinal change. Changes in behavioral patterns reinforce changes in behavioral
attitudes and perceptual stereotypes to expand opportunity structures for dialectical engagement
in group social creativity and individual social mobility.
Acknowledgment
This article was produced with the support of the Research Fund of the Catholic University of
Korea. The author would like to thank two anonymous reviewers for their insightful critiques
and suggestions as well as the editor at Common Ground Research Networks for editorial
oversight. The author would also like to thank the Virtual Online Research Laboratory at the
University of Illinois’s Russian, East European and Eurasian Center for access to invaluable
resources. Any mistakes and omissions are solely the responsibility of the author.
69
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ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Benedict E. DeDominicis: Associate Professor of Political Science, International Studies

Department, Catholic University of Korea, Bucheon, Gyeonggi-do, Republic of Korea
75
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