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Judaism
Matthew Melvin-Koushki
Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft, Volume 12, Number 1, Spring 2017, pp. 89-97
(Article)
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Afterword
Conjuncting Astrology and Lettrism, Islam and Judaism
M AT T H E W M E LV I N - K O U S H K I
University of South Carolina
1. This most recently in Stephen P. Blake, Astronomy and Astrology in the Islamic
World (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2016), which, despite its title, and
like Ahmad Dallal’s Islam, Science, and the Challenge of History (New Haven: Yale Uni-
versity Press, 2010), cites astrology only in merest passing as foil for the “moderniza-
tion” of astronomy by select post-Mongol Muslim thinkers.
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90 Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft Spring 2017
encompasses the two modes of applied occultism as a whole in its basic division into
letter magic (sı̄miyā) on the one hand and letter divination (jafr) on the other. Letter-
magical techniques include most prominently the construction of talismans (sg.
.tilasm), whose engine is usually a magic square (wafq al-adād), to be populated with
letters or numbers relevant to the operation at hand; these are designed to harness the
specific letter-numerical virtues of personal names, whether of humans, jinn, or
angels, phrases or quranic passages, or one or more of the names of God. (The latter
operation is a typical example of the Sufi-occultist practice of “assuming the attributes
of God” or theomimesis (takhalluq bi-akhlāq Allāh)—hence the divine names as a major
focus of lettrism, often termed for that reason ilm al-h.urūf wa-l-asmā,” “the science
of letters and names,” or even simply “ilm al-asmā,” “the science of names.”) Letter
divination, for its part, includes most prominently the construction of a comprehen-
sive prognosticon (jafr jāmi), a 784-page text containing every possible permutation
of the letters of the Arabic alphabet. From such a prognosticon may be derived the
name of every thing or being that has ever existed or will ever exist, every name of
God in every language, and the knowledge of past, present, and future events—
especially political events—to the end of time. This divinatory aspect of lettrism is
associated in the first place with both the House of the Prophet and the mysterious
separated sura-initial letters in the Quran (muqat..taāt), similarly held to contain com-
prehensive predictive power, and to have inspired the basic lettrist technique of taksı̄r,
separating the letters of words or names for the purposes of permutation (cf. the sister
kabbalist techniques of gematria and temurah). Most letter-magical and letter-divinatory
operations are profoundly astrological in orientation, moreover; careful attention to
celestial configurations is essential for the success of any operation, and letter magic
often involves the harnessing of planetary spirits (taskhı̄r al-kawākib), together with
angels and jinn. Fasting, a vegetarian diet, seclusion, and maintenance of a state of
ritual purity are also regularly identified as conditions of practice in manuals on these
subjects. For references and a brief overview of lettrism’s historical development see
Matthew Melvin-Koushki and James Pickett, “Mobilizing Magic: Occultism in Cen-
tral Asia and the Continuity of High Persianate Culture under Russian Rule,” Studia
Islamica 111/2 (2016): 231–84, 247–63.
7. On the late antique Christianization of the same see e.g. Joel Kalvesmaki, The
Theology of Arithmetic: Number Symbolism in Platonism and Early Christianity (Washing-
ton, DC: Center for Hellenic Studies, 2013); on subsequent Jewish receptions see
e.g. Y. Tzvi Langermann, “Studies in Medieval Hebrew Pythagoreanism: Translations
and Notes to Nicomachus; Arithmological Texts,” Micrologus 9 (2001): 219–36.
8. Exceptionally in the field, Robert G. Morrison’s Islam and Science: The Intellec-
tual Career of Niz.ām al-Dı̄n Nı̄sābūrı̄ (New York: Routledge, 2007) avoids just this
trap: it treats the astronomical, astrological, exegetical, legal, theological, and Sufi
commitments of its fourteenth-century Ilkhanid scholar as being of an epistemologi-
cally integrated piece.
9. As Idel has flatly declared, “Muslim culture is the primary source of influence
upon Jewish mysticism” (“Jewish Mysticism and Muslim Mysticism,” Mah.anayyim 1
[1991]: 28–33, 33). For a survey of recent efforts in this direction see Ronald C.
Kiener, “Jewish Mysticism in the Lands of the Ishmaelites,” in Michael M. Laskier
and Yaacov Lev, eds., The Convergence of Judaism and Islam: Religious, Scientific, and
Cultural Dimensions (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2011), 146–67; and for
examples of this new comparative turn see e.g. Steven M. Wasserstrom, “Sefer
Yes.irah and Early Islam,” Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy 3 (1993): 1–30; Gil
one another;10 and even when they do, the methodological misprision at issue
is usually merely compounded: for both camps persist in wholly disappear-
ing lettrism-kabbalah—that discrete yet universal natural-mathematical-
scripturalist occult science—into the catchall categories of mysticism and
esotericism, the dumping grounds where science goes to die. Islamic and
Judeo-Islamic occultism studies thus remains an Oriental wilderness in which
few voices cry.
The task now most pressing is therefore to both marry astrology to lettrism
and lettrism to kabbalah, and to free these sciences from the tenacious
clutches of positivism, religionism, and Eurocentrism alike—as this special
issue effectively does.
Here auspiciously conjuncted, the articles by Marla Segol and Noah Gardi-
ner demonstrate the Judaicization and Islamicization of Hellenic natural phi-
losophy, epitomized by astrology, by means of kabbalah and lettrism
respectively, allowing for the mainstream sidestepping of traditionist theolog-
ical critiques common to the two communities of faith. Segol opens the
narrative with her survey of four distinct approaches, two pre-Islamic and
two Judeo-Islamic, to the naturalization of the foreign science of astrology
within Jewish religious-scholarly discourse; most significantly, these ap-
proaches were largely pegged to the Sefer Yes.irah, the earliest extant text of
kabbalah—a product of the same late antique Near Eastern milieu that gave
birth to Islam, and Islamic occultism, itself—,11 and by the tenth century
fully incorporated Islamic dialectical theology (kalām).12 Gardiner, for his part,
taking as primary point of theoretical reference the work of Moshe Halbertal
Anidjar, “Our Place in al-Andalus”: Kabbalah, Philosophy, Literature in Arab Jewish Letters
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2002); and Michael Ebstein and Sara Sviri, “The
So-Called Risālat al-H . urūf (Epistle on Letters) Ascribed to Sahl al-Tustarı̄ and Letter
Mysticism in al-Andalus,” Journal Asiatique 299 (2011): 213–70. These aside, how-
ever, the comparative focus in most such studies is on the far more diffuse categories
of Sufism, Ismailism, or even esotericism, not on lettrism—a discrete occult science
and kabbalah’s exact cognate—as such.
10. On this obstacle and others to the comparative study of Judeo-Islamic and
Islamic mysticism see Michael Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy in al-Andalus: Ibn
Masarra, Ibn al-Arabı̄ and the Ismāı̄lı̄ Tradition (Leiden: Brill, 2014), 16–21.
11. As Steven Wasserstom has convincingly hypothesized, “it was directly out of
the ‘creative symbiosis’ of Jewish and early Islamicate occult sciences, especially from
those favored by gnosticizing intellectuals, that [the Sefer Yes.irah] emerged into the
light of historical day” (“Sefer Yes.irah and Early Islam,” 29).
12. For more on this theme see her Word and Image in Medieval Kabbalah: The
Texts, Commentaries, and Diagrams of the Sefer Yetsirah (New York: Palgrave Macmil-
lan, 2012).
13. While his article in this volume focuses exclusively on lettrism’s sanctification
and esotericization by al-Būnı̄ and the esotericist reading communities that formed
around the Sufi-occultist’s works, Gardiner has elsewhere discussed its equally
epochal de-esotericization in the late Mamluk Cairene context (“Esotericism in a
Manuscript Culture: Ah.mad al-Būnı̄ and His Readers through the Mamlūk Period”
[Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 2014]). The latter process represents the point
of departure for my own work on early modern Islamic occultism, equal parts natu-
ral-philosophical, mathematical and sanctified, and wholly intellectually and politi-
cally mainstream.
14. Indeed, as I have shown elsewhere, the early fifteenth century saw the formu-
lation by scholar-ideologues of a distinctive and unprecedented dual astrological-lettrist
Timurid imperial platform, which platform served as model for the great successor
states of the Persianate world, Aqquyunlu, Mughal, Safavid, and Ottoman, through at
least the seventeenth century (Matthew Melvin-Koushki, “Early Modern Islamicate
Empire: New Forms of Religiopolitical Legitimacy,” in Armando Salvatore, Roberto
Tottoli, and Babak Rahimi, eds., The Wiley-Blackwell History of Islam [Malden, Mass.:
Wiley-Blackwell, 2017]).
15. For more on both themes see e.g. our forthcoming co-authored case study
“Divining Chaldiran: Ottoman Deployments of Astrology, Lettrism and Geomancy
in the Ottoman-Safavid Conflict”; Ahmet Tunç Şen, “Astrology in the Service of
the Empire: Knowledge, Prognostication, and Politics at the Ottoman Court, 1450s–
1550s” (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 2016); Cornell H. Fleischer, “Ancient
Wisdom and New Sciences: Prophecies at the Ottoman Court in the Fifteenth and
supplies both the sociopolitical and the history of science frameworks that
must be embraced going forward if the field as a whole is to transcend the
positivist-religionist binary that has so badly warped it, rendering the histori-
cal theory and praxis of Islamic and Judeo-Islamic occultism all but illegible.
But what of Arabic astrology in its own right? No characterization of the
science in the premodern Islamic world can be complete without a discussion
of its most influential theorist: Abū Mashar Balkhı̄ (d. 886). This ex-
traditionist and protégé of Islam’s first philosopher, al-Kindı̄ (d. 873), was
responsible for reformulating Hellenic astrology in strictly Aristotelian terms
as core and culmination of natural philosophy as a whole; this reformulation
in turn became standard in Jewish, Muslim, and Christian scholarship
through the early modern period, and indeed the primary vector by which
Aristotelianism as such was introduced to Europe. Arabic astrology, quite
simply, and by extension Hebrew and Latin, was Abū Masharian; and
Arabic-Hebrew-Latin natural philosophy was heavily astrological. Yet the
Aristotelian tenor of Abū Masharian astrology was subsumed by the defini-
tive Neopythagorean turn in the Islamic heartlands from the early fifteenth cen-
tury onward—a turn which emboldened Timurid-Safavid astronomers to
dispense with Aristotelian physics,16 and whose engine and index was pre-
cisely the freshly sanctified, de-esotericized, and mathematicalized form of
lettrism discussed above. To supply this lacuna, I therefore refer the reader to
my review essay immediately following in this volume, on Liana Saif ’s The
Arabic Influences on Early Modern Occult Philosophy, which discusses the recep-
tions and transformations of Abū Masharian astrology in particular in the
Islamo-Christian world; it therefore serves to complete the new narrative so
bracingly put forward by Segol, Gardiner, and Şen by widening their analyti-
cal aperture to include medieval and early modern Christendom, where intel-
lectual developments similarly ran curiously parallel.
As our four contributions conclusively show, in sum, a focus on lettrism-
kabbalah is the most efficient means of exploding the science-magic-religion
triad hobbling the historiography of Western astrology, on the one hand, and
of annulling the illegitimate intellectual-historiographical divorce of Judaism
from Islam and Islam from Christianity, on the other—for this occult science