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15
THE SOCIOLOGY OF SOCIAL STRUCTURE
FABRIZIO BERNARDI
JUAN J. GONZÁLEZ
MIGUEL REQUENA
Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia, Spain
I
n the most general sense, the notion of “structure”
refers to a set of relations between elements that has
some measure of coherence and stability. It is, then, a
concept with a heavy load of abstraction, a concept that we
could, in principle, apply to any parcel of reality where we
perceive a certain order. The way it is commonly used in
the social sciences, it simply designates the deepest, most
recurrent aspects of social reality, its framework or under-
lying form. In this sense, it is often used to distinguish the
fundamental elements of society from the secondary ones,
the essential aspects from the superfluous ones, the stable
ones from the contingent ones (Boudon 1968). The idea of
social structure refers, in this general case, to the idea of
an ordered or organized arrangement of elements (Smelser
1992). On other occasions, the structure of a social aggre-
gate is equivalent to the distribution of its elements in
given positions. Sometimes the structure of a social entity
is simply identified with its form or shape.
As the previous paragraph suggests, the meaning of the
term social structure is not free from ambiguity. Adapting
a famous joke of Raymond Aron’s (1971) on the hetero-
geneity of the approaches of sociology, we could say that
the only thing that the sociologists who deal with social
structure share is that they all acknowledge how hard it is
to define social structure. But the reference to Aron’s joke
may be more than just an analogy. Due to the importance
of the concept of social structure in sociology, its defini-
tions end up reflecting the plurality and heterogeneity of
162
Published in in B. Bryant and D. Peck (eds.), 21st
Century Sociology: A Reference Handbook,
Newbury: Sage, pp. 162-170.
approaches that characterize the discipline. As the late
Robert Merton aptly said (1976:32), the evolving notion of
social structure is not only polyphyletic—because it has
more that one ancestral line of sociological thought—but
also polymorphous—because these lines differ partly in
substance and partly in method.
Where does this semantic ambiguity that envelopes the
term social structure come from? The Latin source of the
word structure is struere, which means “to build.” And
the most general notion of this term does, in fact, refer to
the framework of elements and materials that constitute
and support a building (López and Scott 2000). Another
relevant and more recent (nineteenth century) historical
source of meaning for the term structure comes from the
anatomy of living beings, where the term designates the
relation of the parts to the organic whole. In his classic
work on structuralism, Jean Piaget (1970) went far beyond
the constructive and organic analogies to specify three
important characteristics that define the idea of structure in
a great variety of scientific fields and disciplines. Every
structure is, first, a totality whose properties cannot be
reduced to those of its constituent elements. Second, it is a
system with its own laws or mechanisms for functioning.
And third, it is a self-regulated entity that to some degree
maintains itself or preserves itself throughout time. These
characteristics that Piaget pointed out have, in one way or
another, impregnated the meaning of the concept structure
in the social sciences and, more specifically, the use of the
Bryant-45099 Part V.qxd 8/24/2006 9:51 PM Page 163
term social structure in sociology. As we will see,
however, this Piagetian minimum common denominator
has not been enough to produce a paradigmatic consensus
on the concept of social structure. In addition, the contri-
butions from neighboring disciplines have not always
facilitated the task of achieving this paradigmatic consen-
sus. The use of the idea of social structure in social anthro-
pology, where it moves at very different levels of
abstraction (Radcliffe-Brown 1940; Nadel 1957; Lévi-
Strauss [1949] 1968) and is oriented toward very diverse
empirical referents (e.g., Murdock 1949), is a good
illustration of this.
In this chapter, we have three principal objectives. First,
we will present two main visions of social structure that
correspond to two important currents of structural socio-
logical thought: on one hand the institutional or cultural
vision and on the other the relational or positional vision.
Both visions try to determine which element of society is
the most structural one, in the sense of the element that
conditions others the most, by answering the following
question: What is social structure and what does it consist
of? These visions of social structure, although they share
some generic traits, can be distinguished because they give
analytic priority to certain aspects of the social structures
as opposed to others. Deep down, the difference between
these visions reflects the discussion about the relationship
between the sphere of culture and the sphere of social rela-
tions, a discussion that repeats itself throughout the devel-
opment of sociological theory. Nevertheless we will
discuss some efforts at a theoretical synthesis of the two
visions that have arisen. Afterwards, in the rest of the
chapter, we will try to organize the debate on the notion of
social structure by presenting two key aspects that are
clearly interdependent from the analytic point of view but
that should be treated separately for the sake of explana-
tory clarity. The first aspect refers to the definition of the
different levels of social structure and the analysis of the
relations that hold among them. Here, the relevant question
is, How many levels of social structure is it possible
to identify and what is their configuration as a whole?
(Prendergast and Knottnerus 1994). The second matter has
to do with the margins of freedom and creativity left by
social structure to individual action, and how individual
action tends to modify or reproduce the structure (Sewell
1992; Kontopoulos 1993). The question, in this case, is,
What relationship is there between social structure and
individual action?1 We will end the chapter with a sum-
mary of the main ideas presented.
VISIONS OF SOCIAL STRUCTURE
The different approaches to the term social structure make
it quite clear that there is no basic paradigmatic consensus.
To illustrate these relevant differences, we are going to
examine two different visions of social structure—the
institutional and the relational visions—that, without
The Sociology of Social Structure– • –163
exhausting the inventory of existing approaches, point to
the two main currents in structural sociological thought
and, more generally, in sociological theory.
Institutional or Cultural Vision
In the first place, we will consider the institutional or
cultural vision of social structure. From this point of view,
the basic elements of social structure are the norms,
beliefs, and values that regulate social action. A complete,
influential sociological tradition understands social struc-
ture to be an institutional structure—namely, a set of
cultural and normative models that define actors’ expecta-
tions about behavior. The structural sociology that favors
the ideational contexts of action—for example, norms,
beliefs, values—has clear antecedents in the currents of
thought that defend some kind of cultural determinism of
human behavior. But the idea that the social structure con-
sists of institutions, understood to be cultural phenomena
and collective representations that regulate social action, is
present above all in the functionalist theorization of the
1940s and 1950s. The clearest and most systematic expres-
sion of the relevance of cultural models for understanding
the basic structure of social relations can be found in the
work of Talcott Parsons. In fact, Parsons (1951) imagined
a social system made up of differentiated roles that main-
tained structured (systemic) relations among themselves.
Each role is defined in the value system shared by the indi-
viduals who form the society, so that the society is ruled by
cultural norms that are transmitted from one generation to
the next by a process of socialization. Individuals internal-
ize these roles in their infancy: they learn to behave and to
relate to others according to these shared cultural models.
What we wish to highlight is that the social institutions—
namely, the shared norms that reflect the fundamental val-
ues of society, constitute the skeleton of the social system
(Parsons 1951). As Hamilton (1983) observes, in Parsons’s
theorization, social structures coincide with the systems of
expectations—normative orientations—that regulate the
relations between the actors, with the objective of satisfy-
ing the society’s functional needs. In this approach,
society’s material structure itself derives from its cultural
structure. This means that we can apprehend the basic
structure of social relations (from kinship to stratification)
from the contents of the culture that the members of the
society share.
After a hiatus of almost 20 years, these visions of social
structure have reappeared with renewed energy in the
current of thought known as neo-institutionalism (Brinton
and Nee 1998). The most recent position of the neo-insti-
tutionalists, particularly in economics, political science,
and the sociology of organizations, is much less ambitious
and deterministic than the version of Parsons and his more
orthodox followers. In other words, there is no attempt to
provide a general explanation of how society functions,
nor is the idea that the cultural/value sphere constitutes
the ultimate essence of social structure held. In fact,
Bryant-45099 Part V.qxd 8/24/2006 9:51 PM Page 164
164– • –SOCIAL AGGREGATIONS
the neo-institutionalists in economy and political science
“limit” themselves to acknowledging the importance of
institutions as shared norms and cultural representations
that regulate individual action. Institutions function as
“game rules” and procedures that give a sense of stability
and order to interactions and reduce the insecurity of mar-
ket transactions. On the other hand, neo-institutionalism in
the field of the sociology of organizations has introduced
the concept of institutional isomorphism to describe how
the emergence of similar structures among previously dif-
ferent organizations is the result of the diffusion of organi-
zational languages and cultures (DiMaggio 1994).
Relational and Distributive Vision
Second, we have the relational perspective. From this
point of view, the elements that make up social structure
are, basically, social relations, and the analysis of social
structure focuses on the tissue of social relations that con-
nects individuals, groups, organizations, communities, and
societies. With reference to the antecedents of this perspec-
tive, we must mention, first of all, the Marxist tradition,
which interprets social structure as a system of relations
between class positions, with the basic relations being the
relations of exploitation of the dominated classes by the
dominant classes; these relations are defined by the modes
of production of a given society in a particular historical
period (Marx [1859] 1936). Authors such as Simmel
([1908] 1950), for whom society exists insofar
as individuals enter into association or reciprocal action,
should not be forgotten as pioneers of this vision of social
structure.
For the sociology of social structure, however, this rela-
tional perspective has its nearest origins in British social
anthropology. English anthropologist Radcliffe-Brown
(1940:2), for example, saw human beings “connected by a
complex network of social relations” and used the term
social structure “to denote this network of actually exist-
ing relations.” Social structure thus includes both all
person-to-person social relations and the differentiation of
individuals and of classes by their social role. Of course,
contemporary applications of this approach go well
beyond the anthropological study of small groups and
communities. And, in all probability, the main develop-
ment in this vein nowadays is modern network analysis,
with a really broad range of studies, from personal rela-
tionships to kinship, from organizations to markets, from
cities to world economy. Modern network (or structural)
analysis aims to study “the ordered arrangements of rela-
tions that are contingent upon exchange among members
of social systems” and claims that social structures “can be
represented as networks—as sets of nodes (or social sys-
tems members) and sets of ties depicting their interconnec-
tions” (Wellman and Berkowitz 1988:3, 4). Network
theorists try to map social structures, studying regular
and enduring patterns of relation in the organization of
social systems and analyzing how these patterns affect the
behavior of individual members (see, e.g., Granovetter
2005, for an analysis of the impact of social networks on
economics outcomes).
An important variation on this second vision of social
structure is the distributive or positional perspective. From
the distributive point of view, social structure is an ordered
or hierarchical set of positions. For example, according to
Blau (1976b, 1977a, 1977b, 1980, 1994), social structure
is defined quantitatively in terms of the distributions of the
members of a population in different social positions. In
Blau’s own words (1976b), social structure refers “to pop-
ulation distributions among social positions along various
lines—positions that affect people’s role relations and
social interaction” (p. 221). A set of parameters—or crite-
ria of social distinction, such as age, sex, race, and socio-
economic status—defines a social structure, which is
composed of social positions and social relations. Under
these assumptions, Blau’s theory essentially deals with two
things: (1) establishing the structural conditions of a spe-
cific society—namely, defining the quantitative properties
of its social structure (e.g., the number of individuals who
occupy the different social positions and the size of the dif-
ferent groups and social strata) and (2) analyzing how a
society’s structural conditions, understood in quantitative
terms, affect the models of social interaction or of associ-
ation (e.g., marriage or friendship) among those who
occupy its different social positions. Furthermore, Blau’s
theory of social structure is not only distributive but also
macrostructural and multidimensional. One of the objec-
tives of the social structure theory of Blau (1977b) is to
explain certain forms of social inequality. In a similar vein,
Lin (2001:33), in his recent work on social capital, defines
a social structure as consisting of “(1) a set of social units
(positions) that possess differential amounts of one or
more types of valued resources and that (2) are hierarchi-
cally related relative to authority (control and access to
resources), (3) share certain rules and procedures in the
use of the resources, and (4) are entrusted to occupants
(agents) who act on these rules and procedures.”2
Some Attempts at Synthesis
A persistent problem in the debate between the cultural
vision and the relational vision is that it often leads to a
dual representation of the social structure and to a split
image of society. In some classic authors, such as
Durkheim ([1893] 1964) and Weber ([1921] 1968), and in
other contemporary ones, such as Dahrendorf (1972),
Giddens (1984), Sewell (1992), and Bourdieu (1989), we
can find a broad conception of social structure that
attempts to include both the ideational and the relational
aspects. Dahrendorf (1972:163) uses the expression
“the two faces of social structure” to refer to this idea.
According to Dahrendorf (1972:157ff.), the categories of
integration and values, on one hand, and the categories of
authority and interests, on the other, correspond to these
two faces of social structure.
Bryant-45099 Part V.qxd 8/24/2006 9:51 PM Page 165
Giddens (1984) presents a very elaborate development
of a dual theory of structure that encompasses both the
relational and the ideational aspects of social reality.
According to Giddens, social structure represents a kind of
grammar that orients social action. While the action consti-
tutes an activity that is situated in space and in time, the
structure has only a virtual existence that becomes explicit
in the actors’ models of action. Another fundamental dis-
tinction in Giddens’s theorization is made between struc-
ture and social system. As has already been mentioned, the
notion of structure denotes basic, deep principles: structure
consists of “rules and resources” that the actors employ
to manage in situations of social action and interaction
(Giddens 1984). However, when he uses the term social
system, Giddens refers to the concrete relations between
actors and collectivities. A social system can, then, be con-
sidered to be the manifestation and updating of a particu-
lar social structure. The application of rules and resources
by the actors involves the production and recursive repro-
duction of the social structure and, consequently, of the
social system. The structure does not consist of the models
of social practices that make up the social system but of the
principles that give models to the practices. Thus, the two
key ideas of Giddens’s structuration theory can be as fol-
lows: (1) structure, understood to be the set of rules and
resources belonging to a specific social system, limits and
makes possible the action of individual actors; and (2)
action, insofar as it consists of carrying out and updating
the structure, contributes to reaffirming it and transmuting
it and, consequently, to reproducing and transforming the
social system.
Giddens’s theorization has been the object of numerous
criticisms, some radical and others more favorable. Among
these last ones, Sewell’s (1992) stands out: he upholds a
revision and broadening of Giddens’s theory and focuses
on two aspects: the nature of moral rules in the structure of
legitimization and the immaterial character of resources.
Sewell (1992) criticizes Giddens’s concept of rules and
advocates substituting it with the “schema” to include “not
only formally established prescriptions but also the
schema, metaphors, and presuppositions that are assumed
by these prescriptions, which are informal and not always
conscious” (p. 8). These are procedures that can be gener-
alized to the most diverse contexts of interaction, known or
new, and that are applied on several levels of depth, from
the deepest levels described by Lévi-Strauss to the most
superficial ones, such as protocol norms. The schemata
are, therefore, not distinguished by their field of applica-
tion, as Giddens’s distinction between semantic rules in the
field of communication and moral rules in the field of
sanctions suggests, but by their level of depth.
Sewell’s notion of “schema” comes close to Bourdieu’s
(1989) notion of habitus, a system of “durable and move-
able” dispositions that generate sensible practices and
perceptions capable of giving meaning to the practices that
are generated in this way. The dispositions that form the
habitus operate as mental schemata that routinely orient
The Sociology of Social Structure– • –165
individuals’ actions and offer a practical knowledge of the
meaning of what has to be done and of how it should be
done. The crucial point is that the mental schemata operate
like a filter that puts the options available to the actor in
order, without the actor having to actively worry about
them (López and Scott 2000:103). Bourdieu (1989)
defines the habitus as a “structuring structure,” since the
logical categories with which the social world is perceived
are, in turn, a product of the division of social classes. This
is the same as saying that the dispositions of the habitus
depend on the position that the actor occupies in the
society’s system of differential positions.
Other attempts at synthesis present a kind of contextual
vision of social structure that is much broader than the
institutional and relational visions but also much more dif-
fuse and indeterminate. From this other point of view,
social structures are, simply, the context in which social
action happens and develops. According to another expo-
nent of this current, Rytina (1992), social structure
is a general term for any collective social circumstance that is
inalterable and given for the individual. Social structure thus
provides a context or environment for action. The size of orga-
nizations, distribution of activities in space, shared language,
and the distribution of wealth might all be regarded as social
structural circumstances that set limits on feasible activities
for individuals. (P. 1970)
Clearly, with this broad contextual perspective of social
structure, we have moved far from the bounded field of
norms, or of social relations and positions, to situate our-
selves in the diffuse world of all those factors that—inso-
far as they are, in some measure, structured—can influence
social action.
In summary, the two broad visions of social structure
share some generic traits that are implicit in the very idea
of structure, but at the same time they present crucial dif-
ferences. As for the similarities, we will mention three
common features. First, the elements of the structure are
organized or ordered in some way; in other words, they
maintain patterned or nonrandom relations—and, pre-
cisely because of this, we can say that they form a struc-
ture. Second, these relations among the elements of social
structures are constituted by regular or recurring behaviors
that are repeated and that give the structures a certain per-
manence in time and space. And third, these regularities
that constitute the social structures condition, in several
ways, many social choices and behaviors. As for the differ-
ences, it is obvious that these visions of social structure
differ, above all, in the specifications they make about
which is the fundamental dimension of social structure:
normative contexts of action or social positions and rela-
tions. This disagreement has, in addition, crucial sociolog-
ical implications because the analytic key to the
explanations of social action depends on which structural
aspects or dimensions are judged to be most relevant.
In other words, the relevant dimensions of the social
Bryant-45099 Part V.qxd 8/24/2006 9:51 PM Page 166
166– • –SOCIAL AGGREGATIONS
structure—norms or relations and positions—are not only
structured in the sense that they are ordered, regular, per-
sistent sets but they are also structuring in the sense that
they offer opportunities and establish constraints for social
action.
THE PROBLEM OF THE
LEVELS OF SOCIAL STRUCTURE
Another problem that any approach to social structure
must resolve, no matter which aspect or dimension
receives priority, is the question of choosing the units or
elements that make up the social structures on which the
analysis will focus. The obvious candidates for becoming
units of analysis are those social entities that are suscepti-
ble to establishing relations, occupying positions, or con-
stituting contexts that are relevant for action. But it is
difficult to make an exhaustive list of all the social entities
that can operate as units of analysis for social structures.
Why is it so hard to make a complete list? The difficulty
arises because opting for one entity or another depends, on
one hand, on the kind of range that the phenomenon we
want to investigate has; it is, thus, an eminently empirical
problem that can have many solutions. On the other hand
it depends on the theoretical and methodological orienta-
tion chosen, which will favor some structural units over
others in explaining the phenomena studied. Furthermore,
several inventories of elements are also possible, depend-
ing on the degree of abstraction at which we wish to move.
Prendergast and Knottnerus (1994) identify six levels of
social structure: interpersonal relations, networks among
individuals, relations in organizations, relations among
organizations, societal stratification, and the world system.
Other classifications are, logically, feasible. But, keeping
in mind that the identification of levels reflects growing
ranges of complexity, one possibility for classifying these
different levels is to resort to a triple scheme that distin-
guishes, moving from simple to complex, three main social
levels: micro, meso, and macro. The crucial factor that
allows us to clarify on which level of social structure we
should be moving is not only the range of the phenomenon
we wish to study but also—and this is equally fundamental—
the theoretical and methodological assumptions that we
adopt in our explanations of social action.
If we consider that the relevant structural units are indi-
viduals and their relations, then we will be getting involved
in some form of microsociology of social structure
(Homans 1976; Collins 1981; Coleman 1990). As Homans
(1987) clearly stated, those who practice this sort of indi-
vidualist sociology “are most interested in how individuals
create social structures” (p. 73). If, for whatever reasons,
our interest is focused on intermediate entities such as
groups, networks of relations, communities, and organiza-
tions, which we consider to be causal agents or indepen-
dent variables in the social structures analyzed, then we
will be practicing some kind of mesosociology. The
sociology of organizations (Perrow 1986) fits into this
formulation. Finally, if what attract our attention are
social entities or aggregates that are very complex—either
because of the number of elements they contain or because
of their high relational density—and if we judge that these
complex social structures are the explanatory instances of
our dependent variables, then we will situate ourselves in
the area of macrosociology. Excellent examples of struc-
tural macrosociology can be found in Blau’s theories of
social structure, in which he explains the phenomena of
inequality and heterogeneity (1977a, 1977b) and formu-
lates a set of axioms on the models of social association
and interaction drawn from the quantitative characteristics
of social structure (Blau 1994).
Sociological literature has resorted, also, to different
metaphors to explore the relations among the different
levels of the structure (López and Scott 2000). We will pre-
sent three here. The first one represents the levels of the
social structure as being fitted one within the other, such as
Chinese boxes. The second one resorts to a geological
image and distinguishes between one level that is the base
of the structure and the others that are on top of the struc-
ture and are conditioned by it. A third metaphor divides
social structure into system and subsystem levels.
A Chinese box type of metaphor is used by Prendergast
and Knottnerus (1994) to explain the relation among the
different levels of social structure. Both authors understand
social structure as systems of social relations that manifest
themselves with different levels of complexity and that
maintain among themselves nested ties. Blau (1981) has
expressed this idea very clearly: “social structures are nest-
ing series with successive levels of more and more encom-
passing structures” (p. 12). In this perspective, the most
complex systems of social relations include the simplest
ones, although each level has its own properties and char-
acteristics. Besides, the logic of each level of social struc-
ture is not determined by the higher or lower levels of the
structure. The notion of social structure that can be
deduced from Simmel’s ([1908] 1950, [1908] 1955) theo-
rization offer an example of the Chinese box metaphor.
Simmel analyzes how the quantitative determination of
the group influences the form of its structure. The simplest
groups are those made up of only one, two, or three ele-
ments. The movement from one of these groups to the next
bigger one occurs through the presence of a single added
element. Nevertheless, the presence of this added element
deeply modifies the structure of group relations. The
movement from the dyad to the triad opens up the possibil-
ity of new forms of relations that were impossible in a rela-
tionship between just two elements. These forms are the
“impartial mediator,” the tertius gaudens (the third who
rejoices), and the divide et impera (divide and rule). What
matters here is that the three types of social configuration—
the single element, the dyad, and the triad—can be
considered to be forms of elemental relations that
are within one another and that, nevertheless, are qualita-
tively different among themselves. In general, we feel it is
Bryant-45099 Part V.qxd 8/24/2006 9:51 PM Page 167
important to underline that this kind of conception of
social structure remains essentially neutral with respect to
the matter of which is the ultimate, basic element of social
structure that conditions the rest.
The base and superstructure model identifies two main
levels of social structure and suggests that there is a causal
relationship between them (López and Scott 2000). One
level, the base or infrastructure, conditions or determines
the other, the superstructure. In some versions, this model
translates into a strong determinism, according to which
the superstructure is nothing more than a simple product
or epiphenomenon of the base. In others, some degree of
autonomy is acknowledged and the analysis focuses on
demonstrating the limits of this autonomy.
The clearest formulation of the base and superstructure
model can be found in the theory of Marx. According to
this author, the basic structure of a society coincides with
the mode of production that characterizes it. Marx distin-
guishes between the material basis of the social relations
of production and the superstructures formed by the polit-
ical and legal apparatuses and the collective representa-
tions (values, norms, ideologies) that are associated with
them. In addition, the superstructure reflects the nature of
the mode of production and does not have a logic of its
own. As for the political superstructure, the institutions
of the State and their ways of functioning are designed
according to the needs of the productive structure, to
guarantee its maintenance by different means of coercion;
something similar happens with the ideological superstruc-
ture, built to serve the interests of the bourgeoisie by per-
suading the proletariat of the goodness of the system.
In the “Preface” to his A Contribution to the Critique
of Political Economy, Marx ([1859] 1936) described his
approach as follows:
In the social production of their existence, men inevitably
enter into definite relations, which are independent of their
will, namely relations of production appropriate to a given
stage in the development of their material forces of produc-
tion. The totality of these relations of production constitutes
the economic structure of society, the real foundation, on
which arise a legal and political superstructure and to which
correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The mode
of production of material life conditions the general process
of social, political and intellectual life. It is not the conscious-
ness of men that determines their existence, but their social
existence that determines consciousness. (Pp. 517–18)
The vision of social structure as something that is
formed of systems and subsystems tends to be associated
with the theory of Parsons and the school of systems theory
that his work has inspired. The idea that is behind Parsons’s
(1951) AGIL scheme is that, to survive, every social sys-
tem has to fulfill four functional prerequisites: (1) adapta-
tion to the environment (A), (2) the ability to achieve goals
(G), (3) integration (I), and (4) latency or maintenance of A
latent pattern (L). In the case of the social system as a
whole, the following functional subsystems correspond to
The Sociology of Social Structure– • –167
each function prerequisite: the economy (A), politics (G),
the legal system and the community (I), and, finally, the
family, school, and cultural institutions (L). Each of these
subsystems can, in turn, be divided into four other subsys-
tems (Collins 1988). The political system, for example, is
subdivided into the subsystems of administration (A),
executive (G), legislation (I), and constitution (L). These
subsystems can in turn be subdivided into other subsys-
tems that fulfill the four functional prerequisites.
What it is important to underline is that, in this vision of
social structure as opposed to the model of base and super-
structure, there is no hierarchical relationship that sepa-
rates the subsystems into lower and higher levels. A
subsystem of action is an analytic aspect that can be
abstracted from the total processes of action but does not,
in any concrete sense, exist independent of them. On the
other hand, the subsystems fit into one another laterally to
form the logical and coherent unit of a system of action.
THE PROBLEM OF
STRUCTURE AND ACTION
Once the main visions of social structure and the problem
of its different levels have been presented, the second part
of the debate on this important sociological notion that we
will deal with in this chapter refers to the relation between
the structural elements and the action of individual actors.
Our question here is, To what extent does the structure
condition and determine the action of individuals? Or, tak-
ing the opposite perspective, To what extent can the struc-
ture be considered nothing more than the product of the
action of individuals? To present the different responses
to these questions, one can distinguish, following
Kontopoulos (1993), three main perspectives: the strategy
of reduction (or strong individualism), of systemic tran-
scendence (or holism), and of construction (or method-
ological individualism).3
The strategy of reduction in the physical and natural
sciences is based on the idea that the structures are nothing
more than the parts that make them up and that the highest
levels of organization of phenomena are totally determined
and explained by the lowest levels of organization. In the
case of sociology, the lowest levels of organization from
which the higher levels derive are individuals. In other
words, the individual actors are the atoms, and structure
takes its form and existence from their aggregation. As
examples of the strategy of reduction, one can consider
Homans’s behaviorist sociology and Collins’s microtheory
of the chain of interaction rituals.
According to Homans (1967), any structure is created
and maintained throughout time by the action and interac-
tion of individuals. Thus, to explain a social phenomenon,
it is necessary to reduce it to psychological propositions
about human conduct and, in particular, to the actors’ opti-
mizing intentions. It is important to note that the behavior-
ist paradigm does not conceive the social structure to be an
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168– • –SOCIAL AGGREGATIONS
entity that is separate and autonomous of individual action.
In one of his latest works, Homans (1987) claims,
When I speak of social structures I shall mean any features of
groups that persist for any period of time, though the period
may not be long. I shall not attempt, nor shall I need to
attempt, any more sophisticated definition. (P. 72)
On the other hand, he acknowledges that individual
action is subject to the influence of and to certain restric-
tions from the actions of other individuals, but he rejects
the idea that institutions, organizations, and other struc-
tural factors, such as the social stratification system, are
anything other than the result of interaction among individ-
uals. In his own words, “The characteristics of groups and
societies are the resultants, no doubt the complicated resul-
tants but still the resultants, of the interaction between
individuals over time—and they are no more than that”
(Homans 1974:12).
Along the same lines, in an article from the early 1980s,
Collins (1981) proposed a microrefounding of sociology
based on a theory of the chains of ritual interactions.
According to this theory, all social phenomena, including
social structure, are nothing more than microrepetitions of
certain behaviors in the real world. In strict terms, accord-
ing to Collins’s proposal, things such as the “State,” the
“economy,” or a “social class” do not exist.4 All that exist
are collections of individuals who act in specific types of
microsituations.
The strategy of systemic transcendence or collectivism
is characterized by a strong determinism of the micro parts
by the macrosystem interpreted to be an autonomous
entity, on the highest level, superimposed on the systemic
parts of the lower level in a kind of hierarchical control. In
the case of sociology, the approaches that share this epis-
temic strategy imply a relation between structure and
action that opposes the strategy of the theorizations studied
up to this point. In other words, the structure is what fun-
damentally conditions and determines action. In this view,
the existence of a deep structure, whether material, cul-
tural, or of another kind, is assumed. This deep structure
generates the observable forms of social action and, there-
fore, is independent of them, so that it can be studied
“objectively.” Individuals’ actions turn out to be nothing
more than a reflection of the logics and properties of the
structural elements of the system. Examples of these
collectivist or holistic kinds of views can be found in the
theoretical traditions with functionalist orientations and in
some structuralist variants of Marxism.
The clearest origin for this approach can be found in
Durkheim’s definition of the sociological method and
social facts. To found a new social science subjected to the
method applied in the natural sciences, Durkheim granted
“social facts” a reality independent of individual impulses,
whose erratic appearance was disturbing in comparison
with the “astonishing regularity” of social phenomena.
One basic assumption of Durkheim’s sociology is that
social facts are be considered and treated as things that are
external to, and coercive of, the actor. He thus defined
social facts as ways of acting, thinking, and feeling that are
external to individuals and have coercive power over them.
This exteriority is due to the fact that individuals are born
into an already-constituted society and they are no more
than a minimum element in the totality of social relations.
The coercive characteristic derives from the mechanisms
of social sanction and punishment that are instituted to pre-
serve the network of moral obligations that society is and
from the resistance that these mechanisms pose to reform.
Individual action is, to a great extent, determined by social
causes that cannot be explained by means of individual
psychology but only by their relation with other social
facts (Durkheim [1895] 1938). According to this approach,
complex processes such as the progressive “division of
social work” can be described leaving out any reference to
the attitudes and preferences of those who participate in
them and can be explained by other processes that are also
objective, such as the increase in population density, the
improvement of communication, or competition for scarce
resources.
At the “materialist extreme” of structural approaches,
we can also find reasonings according to which individual
action is, to a great extent, determined by the structural
position occupied. The Marxist terms class conscious-
ness and class action referred, originally, to thoughts and
behaviors derived from the individual’s position in the sys-
tem of production. The social classes’ ways of political
thinking and acting rest on and are shaped by economic
interests. At any rate, it is true that clearly holistic positions
have been more frequent among Marxist sociologists than
in Marx himself. However, some more recent readings of
Marx—particularly the current called analytic Marxism
(Roemer 1986)—question an overly deterministic inter-
pretation of his thought and put greater emphasis on the
actors’ capacity for choice.
Finally, the strategy of construction represents an inter-
mediate position between the two extremes that we have
presented in the preceding paragraphs. In recent decades,
this approach has been acquiring greater relevance in soci-
ology, perhaps due to its remarkable capacity for orienting
empirical research and interpreting the results that it pro-
duces. In this approach, the relation between structure and
action is bidirectional. On one hand, the restrictions
and opportunities of the structural context in which the
actor finds himself capacitate and constrain his action. In
other words, the structure limits and conditions action.
Nevertheless, individuals do not cease to have a margin of
freedom in their actions. On the other hand, the aggrega-
tion and combination of individual actions can result in
emerging, unforeseen, or undesired effects of change in the
social structure. In other words, the structure itself is the
product of the complex aggregation of individual actions
(Boudon 1981). This view demonstrates that individualism
and collectivism are not logically incompatible, necessar-
ily opposed positions.
Bryant-45099 Part V.qxd 8/24/2006 9:51 PM Page 169
The basic propositions of methodological individualism
can be summarized as follows. In the first place, there is a
structure of constraints and opportunities associated with
the different positions in a given social context. In second
place, the unit of analysis is the individual actor and his
intentional actions. The individual actor chooses his course
of action intentionally, from among the available options
and according to his preferences. Intentional action is
understood to be a purposeful action—namely, an action
directed toward achieving an objective. The influence of
the structure is manifest both in what the actor can do (i.e.,
his available options) and in what he wants to do as his
preferences have been formed in a specific social context.
Third, individual actions can produce effects on the struc-
ture of constraints and opportunities that are undesired or
unexpected by the individuals. These propositions cover
and connect different levels of analysis. As Coleman
(1990) has observed, the first proposition (how the struc-
ture condition individual action) implies a movement from
the macrolevel of structure to the microlevel of the actor,
while the third (how individual actions can result in a
change of the social structure) implies an inverse move-
ment from the microlevel to the macrolevel.
One key aspect of this explanatory model is the actions
of individuals. What does it mean when we say that the
individual actions mi depend on the structure of the actors’
situation? To answer this question, it is necessary, accord-
ing to Boudon, to comprehend why an individual in a
specific situation chooses a particular course of action.
Following Weber, comprehending a social action implies,
for Boudon (1986), getting enough information to analyze
the motivations that inspire the action. An observer com-
prehends the action of the subject observed when he can
conclude that, in an identical situation, he would have
acted in the same way. In general terms, this operation of
comprehension implies that the sociologist adopts a partic-
ular model of the individual actor. To this end, Boudon and
the majority of the sociologists who share the epistemic
strategy of construction have used a model of an actor with
a rationality limited by the character of the situation
in which he finds himself (Simon 1982; Gambetta 1987;
Elster 1989). With respect to the economists’ classic model
of the rational actor,5 this model observes that there are
limits in access to all the relevant information for making
a decision. Second, it acknowledges that, in certain situa-
tions that share a strategic dimension, it is impossible to
univocally establish which behavior is the rational one. In
situations of this kind, individuals resort to representations
that are more or less solidly founded as norms, traditions,
or imitations of others to make a decision.
To summarize, the causal explanation of a social phe-
nomenon requires the description of the structural context
in which the actors find themselves, a comprehension of
the actions in this context, and the reconstruction of the
aggregation process of these actions. Boudon (1986)
defines this explanatory model as the “Weberian paradigm
of action.” For the purposes of this chapter, it is important
The Sociology of Social Structure– • –169
to underline that, on the epistemological level, this model
attempts to conjugate the explanation of the structure
with the phenomenological comprehension of the actor’s
action. On the analytic level, it seems to offer a flexible,
useful framework for investigating the interdependence of
structure and action.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
In this chapter, we have discussed some basic aspects of
the sociology of social structure around three questions:
(1) What is the ultimate nature of social structure? Or in
other words, is it fundamentally collective representations
such as norms and values, or relations among actors who
occupy social positions? (2) How many levels of structure
are there and how do they combine with one another? And
finally, (3) what is the relation between structure and the
action of an individual actor?
As we have seen, the sociology of social structure is not
an intellectually unified field because it lacks a unitary
conception of social structure. When sociologists use the
term social structure, they usually refer to a set of social
entities—the elements or constitutive units—that are
ordered, organized, or hierarchized in some way and that
maintain patterned, nonrandom relations among them-
selves with a certain permanence in time and space. But
beyond this perfunctory commonality in the use of the
term, there is no clear agreement about what the funda-
mental dimension of social structure is.
In this chapter, we have presented the two broad
visions of social structure that have been most influential
in sociological thought. On one hand, we considered the
institutional or cultural vision of social structure, for
which the basic elements are the norms, beliefs, and val-
ues that regulate social action. From this point of view,
social structure is an institutional structure—namely,
a set of cultural and normative models that define the
actors’ expectations about their behavior. We have also
explained how this cultural vision of social structure has
developed theoretically in structural functionalism and in
the work of its most outstanding representative, Talcott
Parsons, and, more recently, in neo-institutionalism. On
the other hand, we distinguished the relational vision, for
which the elements that make up the social structure are,
basically, social relations. From this point of view, the
analysis of the social structure focuses on the tissue of
social relations that connects individuals, groups, organi-
zations, communities, and societies. Modern network
analysis exemplifies this second vision very well. A rele-
vant variant of this second vision is the distributive or
positional perspective. The representatives of this current
of structural thought, among whom we highlighted Peter
Blau, consider the social structure to be, above all, an
ordered or hierarchical distribution of positions that share
certain attributes and that affect people’s social relations
and interactions.
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170– • –SOCIAL AGGREGATIONS
To the extent that the foundations of both visions—
cultural and relational—imply a split image of social
reality, several attempts at synthesis have been made to
try to overcome this double representation of social struc-
ture. Here we have examined some recent theorizations
(those of Giddens, Sewell, and Bourdieu) that try to inte-
grate the basic assumptions of both visions in a single
analytic framework, considering the normative and
relational dimensions of social action jointly. Another
attempt to avoid this dual representation of social struc-
ture is the definition of social structure in very broad and
diffuse terms as the contexts in which social action
develops—namely, the varied social circumstances that,
being inalterable and given for the individual, provide the
surroundings for his social action. From this last point of
view, the precise conceptualization of social structure
depends, in each case, on the type of social action theory
that it defends and on the causal factors to which the pro-
posed explanations point.
In addition to identifying the fundamental dimensions
of the social structure, structural sociology faces the matter
of choosing the units or elements that make up the social
structures. Many classifications are possible, but we advo-
cate a schema that discriminates three broad levels of
complexity—micro, meso, and macro. However, deciding
on which level of social structure to move depends not
only on the phenomenon that we wish to study but also on
the theoretical and methodological assumptions of our
explanations of social action. Another interesting matter in
relation to the levels of social structure is the matter of the
images or metaphors that represent the relation among the
different levels of the structure. We have presented three
metaphors here. The first one represents the levels of social
structure fitting into one another as if they were Chinese
boxes. The second one resorts to a geological image and
distinguishes between one level that is the base of the
structure and the others that rest on top of the structure.
A third metaphor divides the social structure into levels of
a system and subsystems.
With reference to the relation between structure and
action, we have presented two main epistemological and
methodological strategies that are opposed: individualism
and holism. While the first consists of reducing the struc-
tural phenomena to the individual behaviors that form
them, moving from the microlevel to the macrolevel, the
second one considers individual behaviors as a reflection
of the logic of the social structures and moves from the
macrolevel to the microlevel. We have also seen that the
approach called methodological individualism offers a
possibility of overcoming the opposition between individ-
ualism and holism. According to this approach, the restric-
tions and opportunities defined by the structural context
in which the actor finds himself condition his action.
Nevertheless, individuals do not cease having margins of
freedom to choose their courses of action. Besides, the
aggregation and combination of individual actions can pro-
duce emergent, unforeseen, or undesired effects of change
in the social structure. It is important to highlight the idea
that the restrictions and opportunities that condition the
actor’s action can be of a relational nature, as well as cul-
tural or ideational. In other words, they can be determined
both by the actor’s position in a specific system of social
relations and by the cultural, normative, and value orienta-
tions that prevail in this system.
Given the current state of our discipline, it is hard to
envisage the future development of a fully unified sociol-
ogy of social structure. As always, theoretical and method-
ological preferences will determine the results of research
on this topic. But the analysis of social structures will keep
on being a fruitful field as long as it is able to solve the per-
sistent problems of specifying the pertinent levels of social
reality, define the relevant social entities that compose
social structures, and disentangle the mutual relationship
between social structures and individual action.
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VOLUME ONE NOTES
PART I: THE DISCIPLINE OF SOCIOLOGY
Chapter 2. The History of Sociology:
The European Perspective
1. However, as parallel and further research showed, the
problem of understandability, that is, controlling bi- and multi-
variate relationships by regularities of human conduct, remained
an unsolved problem. For example, Le Play (1806–1882) tried,
without much success, to break the limits of Quetelet’s secondary
statistics by creating suitable data for research problems. His
method of building a “monography” forms a small N qualitative
observation. His overconservative empiricism saw the family as
the basic institution of society. Other early “qualitative” designs
include the analysis of autobiographies (see Kern 1982:102ff.).
2. For an early discussion of this practical understanding of
causality in Weber’s methodological writings, see Goldenweiser
(1938). Turner and Factor (1994) present a discussion on the
legal origins of Weber’s concept of causality. For the influence of
Edmund Husserl’s phenomenology on Weber, see Muse (1981).
PART II: INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVES
Chapter 5. Asian Sociology
1. For example, the first encyclopedia of sociology, pub-
lished in 1944, contained the work of 72 Japanese scholars
(Takemura 1999). On the development of sociology prior to
World War II in English, see Kawamura (1994), Koyano (1976),
Odaka (1950), and Tominaga (1993). Japanese sources include
Kawamura (1973). Five sociological references have been pub-
lished in Japan since 1944: Morioka, Shiobara, and Honma
(1993), which includes 1,726 pages with 55 Japanese sociolo-
gists; Mita, Kurihara, and Tanaka (1988), which includes the
work of 100 sociologists; Kitagawa (1984); Fukutake, Hidaka,
and Takashi (1958), spanning 977 pages and including 53
Japanese scholars; and Shinmei (1944), including work by 72
Japanese sociologists.
2. For example, in 1947, there were 11 social science jour-
nals, of which 4 were published in English. In addition, Chinese
and non-Chinese scholars conducted a number of community
studies and published abroad (King 1978:38). Significant studies
include Li Ching-han’s study of village family life comparing his
earlier and later studies in 1926 and 1956 and Fei Hsiao-tung’s
analysis of villages in the Yangtse Delta in 1936 and 1956 (King
1978:54).
3. The first Social Stratification and Social Mobility (SSM)
research was carried out under the leadership of Kunio Odata of
the University of Tokyo in collaboration with the International
Sociological Association. The 1965 SSM was led by Saburo
Yasuda of Tokyo Kyoiku University. The 1975 SSM was led by
Kein’ichi Tominaga of the University of Tokyo. The 1985 SSM
was led by Atsushi Naoi of Osaka University. The 1995 SSM was
led by Kazuo Seiyama of the University of Tokyo.
4. The Center for the Study of Social Stratification and
Inequality (CSSI) pursues development of new theories and
methodologies on social stratification and inequality. It focuses
on “new types of inequality” or new disparities in affluent
societies in which basic equality has been realized and in which
these inequalities have become urgent social problems. Social
stratification research in Japan has developed many empirical
studies and the CSSI attempts to develop more theorizing ones.
Another COE program is entitled “Social Research for the
Enhancement of Human Well-being.” With a team of 19
researchers, it aims to build a center for international comparative
research focusing on the distinctive cultural diversity of Japan
and Asia.
5. After several attempts to create national data archives
failed in the 1980s, some individual Japanese researchers made
their electronic data available to academic circles, including
public opinion surveys and a panel study on consumer attitudes.
Two universities opened data archives in the early 1990s.
6. In fact, Japanese professors do not circulate their working
papers for comments and criticisms as American counterparts do.
Except for a few journals that are peer reviewed, Japanese aca-
demics publish their papers without much peer input and revision
(S. Yazawa, personal communication, June 3, 2005).
Chapter 6. Sociology in Canada
1. This information on the early development of qualitative
sociology in Canada is based in large part on the excellent
research done on this topic by Fatima Camara and Richard
Helmes-Hayes (2003) in an unpublished conference paper.
1
Bryant-45099 EM.qxd 8/25/2006 6:42 PM Page 2
2– • –21ST CENTURY SOCIOLOGY
Chapter 7. European Sociology
1. For Germany, a detailed, complete, Internet-based data
set of all German professors of sociology and their life courses
exists (Hillmert 2002). However, as many Western countries went
along a comparable pattern of educational expansion in the
1960s, there is good reason to believe that a similar situation
applies to other European sociologies as well. Undoubtedly, there
will be a generational break during the next 10 years, which may
considerably change the way sociology is understood and prac-
ticed. As Hillmert shows, German professors undergo a long
phase of professional qualification until they receive their first
call for a chair. Average age at dissertation thesis is 31 years, at
habilitation thesis 38 years, and at first call 40 years. On a longi-
tudinal basis, Hillmert estimates that only between 24% and 35%
of all those who qualify manage to become professor. Mobility
on the way to a chair is high and goes down dramatically once a
chair is received. There is no clear pattern of certain schools dom-
inating the distribution of chairs. Current professors are much
older than the German population (mean 56.6, n = 315). Until
2012, 66% of the current incumbents of a professorship will
retire. As the sociology of sociology shows, some of the old con-
troversies will be equally forgotten as will important stocks of
knowledge. Therefore, this generational break holds both great
chances and risks for advancing research.
2. For more detailed discussions of the national sociological
traditions within Europe, see Genov (1989), Nedelmann and
Sztompka (1993), the four volumes of Boudon, Cherkaoui, and
Alexander (1997), Torrance (1976), Halliday (1968), Kultygin
(2003), Weiss (1989), and several entries in Borgatta (2000).
3. Important European “Durkheimians” are among others:
Maurice Halbwachs (1925), Marcel Mauss (1950), Célestin
Bouglé (1899).
4. Scholars have accused Giddens of “reinventing the
wheel” concerning the role of structures in sociological theory
and of structuralism in general. See Clark, Modgil, and Modgil
(1990). See Badcock (1975) for the sociological significance of
structuralism.
5. Early surveys not covered in our presentation include the
English social surveys (1830–1850), the “enquête ouvrière” in
France, and the “younger historical school” in Germany (Kern
1982:79ff.).
6. For European research in elites, see Pareto (1968), Mosca
(1939), and Djilas (1983).
7. The scheme now includes 11 occupational classes. See
Brauns, Steinmanns, and Haun (2000) for the foundations of the
CASMIN scheme based on the German microcensus, the British
Labour-Force Surveys and the French Enquête sur l’Emploi.
8. See Bulmer (1975) and Thompson (1980) for studies on
class culture. See Bernstein’s (1975) study in class-specific
linguistic codes.
PART III: THE SCIENTIFIC
APPROACH TO THE STUDY OF SOCIETY
Chapter 9. Qualitative Methodology
1. Qualitative research has separate and distinguished
histories in education, social work, communications, psychology,
history, organizational studies, medical science, anthropology,
and sociology. This chapter builds on and extends arguments in
Denzin (1997, 2003), Denzin and Lincoln (2000, 2005), and
Lincoln and Denzin (2000, 2005).
2. Definitions: structuralism: any system is made up of a set
of oppositional categories embedded in language; semiotics: the
science of signs or sign systems—a structuralist project; post-
structuralism: language is an unstable system of referents, mak-
ing it impossible to ever completely capture the meaning of an
action, text, or intention; postmodernism: a contemporary sensi-
bility, developing since World War II, that privileges no single
authority, method, or paradigm; hermeneutics: an approach to the
analysis of texts that stresses how prior understandings and prej-
udices shape the interpretive process; phenomenology: a complex
system of ideas associated with the works of Husserl, Heidegger,
Sartre, Merleau-Ponty, and Alfred Schutz; cultural studies: a
complex, interdisciplinary field that merges with critical theory,
feminism, and poststructuralism.
3. This section draws on and reworks Denzin and Lincoln
(2000:18–19).
4. Olesen (2000) identifies three strands of feminist
research: mainstream empirical, standpoint and cultural studies,
and poststructural, postmodern, placing Afrocentric and other
models of color under the cultural studies and postmodern
categories.
PART V: SOCIAL AGGREGATIONS
Chapter 15. The Sociology of Social Structure
1. As can be seen, these matters cover some of the central
themes of sociology. An exhaustive review of these problems is
not possible within the framework of this chapter. Our presenta-
tion will, therefore, be necessarily selective.
2. If we go far enough on this path and construct broad cat-
egories of social positions, we reach the classic tradition of social
stratification studies (Kerbo 2000).
3. In addition, Kontopoulos (1993) considers two other
intermediate strategies that we will not consider here because
they would complicate the discussion. These two additional
strategies are “heterarchy” or moderate emergence and “hierar-
chy” or strong emergence.
4. As Kontopoulos (1993) observes in his works before and
after the quoted articles, Collins situates himself more along the
lines of conflict theory and includes macrostructural factors and
processes in his explanatory models such as the inheritance of
resources, the distribution of power, and a society’s level of tech-
nological development. These factors cannot be directly reduced
to repeated microinteractions.
5. The model of the classic rational actor suggests that the
subject has a purpose, exhaustively determines the means avail-
able to achieve it, and chooses the best among them.
Chapter 20. The Sociology of Social Networks
1. For contemporary network theorists, these ideas continue
to be central. Social networks constitute social spaces among
identities and provide the structure that links social interaction
and society (Stryker 1980; White 1992:70). Coser (1991:25)
echoes this and Simmel’s original ideas by arguing that multiple
Bryant-45099 EM.qxd 8/25/2006 6:42 PM Page 3
statuses essentially enrich social worlds by granting individuals
greater autonomy.
2. First, actors were to be partitioned into sets of relation-
ships that depended on more than the presence of social ties.
Second, following from this, the absence of ties was pivotal to
understanding the structure of social networks. Third, to get at
this structure, many different types of ties (e.g., advice, authority,
friendship), rather than one, would be preferable. Fourth, the
nature of those ties would be inferred from clustering individuals
with similar patterns of both the presence and the absence of ties.
Finally, the search for structure would focus on the identification
of zero blocks, clusters defined by the absence of ties. Thus, in
their approach, the role of negative spaces helped solve analytical
problems and led to the development of important concepts (e.g.,
“structural holes”; Burt 2001).
3. An earlier and more specific version of these principles
addressing the challenge of illness and disability appears in
Pescosolido (1991).
4. Given the dynamic nature of social networks and con-
cerns that some may be fleeting or based only on weak bonds of
affiliation (Granovetter 1982), a major concern in pursuing the
network research agenda has been whether reports of social
network ties are accurate and can be measured with reasonable
scientific precision (see Marsden 2005 on these issues).
5. According to Cederman (2005), such agent-based model-
ing allows for experimentation within which agents interact and
create social environments (see also Robins and Pattison 2005).
PART VI: SOCIAL DISTINCTIONS
AND DIVERSITY
Chapter 24. The Sociology of Gender
1. For example, Durkheim ([1897] 1951) believed that
although there was little differentiation between males and
females, over the course of evolution, differentiation between the
sexes produced profound physiological and psychological differ-
ences between them such that modern women were quite “unable
to fulfill the same functions in society as man” (p. 385) and that
she “recalls . . . certain characteristics of primitive natures”
(Durkheim [1893] 1984:247). For Weber ([1915] 1946), despite
his wife’s feminism, women remained governed by their biolog-
ically natural, sensual constitutions in contrast to the more ethi-
cal and intellectual abilities of men (p. 345). Spencer ([1899]
1969) believed that educating women was racial suicide because
“absolute or relative infertility was generally produced in women
by mental labour carried to excess” (p. 486). And Pareto ([1916]
1935) was particularly scathing about nineteenth-century femi-
nists, calling them hysterical women “in want of a mate” (p. 696),
an observation that was often attributed to second-wave feminists
of the 1960s.
These views did not go unchallenged. There were some fem-
inist precursors, such as Marianne Weber, Charlotte Perkins
Gilman, Beatrice Webb, and the first woman sociologist, Harriet
Martineau, who anticipated much of Durkheim’s methodological
writings and whose qualified endorsement of Comte was excep-
tionally influential in establishing sociology in the English-
speaking world.
2. The provision of feminist demands for such practical
matters as equal pay and parental leaves did not alter the basic
Volume One Notes– • –3
economic inequities in the work world, and feminist debates
within the academy did not fundamentally change either institu-
tional structures or theoretical paradigms (Stacy and Thorne
1985, 1996).
3. This complaint still has resonance, as the Niarobi prosti-
tutes, who have been the subjects of AIDS research because they
seem to have an immunity to the disease, demonstrate. Most of
them have seen few advantages in over a decade of Western study
other than free health care and drugs, and most, some in their six-
ties, still need to prostitute themselves so that they and their
dependants can survive.
4. Sociology has not totally ignored the issue of the body, as
Goffman’s work as well as that of Smith, Hochschild, Mauss, and
Douglas illustrate. In recent years, there has been considerable
interest in exploring body issues in more branches of “main-
stream” sociology—for example, in sports sociology, medical
sociology, masculinity studies, and gerontology. But in many
cases the focus has been theoretically abstract as well as main-
taining a commitment to foundationalism. Finally, early feminists
did not ignore the significance of the body, especially in relation
to medical practices and women’s rights to sexual pleasure, as the
important collection Our Bodies, Ourselves (Boston Women’s
Health Book Collective 1971) illustrates.
PART IX: LOCALITY AND SOCIAL LIFE
Chapter 48. Urban Sociology
1. See, for example, the effort in this direction by the
National Academy of Sciences Panel on Cities in 2003.
2. We can see this in early works such as The Taxi Dance
Hall and The Gold Coast and the Slum and later in, for example,
Suttles (1968).
Chapter 50. The Sociology of Development
1. South refers to countries, primarily in the southern hemi-
sphere, that have low levels of per capita income. The term is
viewed as preferable to “underdeveloped countries,” “developing
countries,” or “Third World counties,” all of which represent
specific eras of development discourse, theory, and practice.
2. During the Cold War, the First World was defined as the
developed capitalist world; the Second World, the socialist
nations; and the Third World, the less-developed nations that
were essentially up for grabs in terms of their alignment with
either the First or Second Worlds. Following the demise of the
Soviet Bloc, the dichotomy of North and South (which is really a
continuum) is in more frequent usage. We will use the latter
terminology throughout this chapter.
3. Characterized by
• A focus on increasing aggregate production.
• Macroeconomic planning to identify constraints to increas-
ing aggregate production.
• A view that output growth was primarily constrained by inad-
equate technology investment.
• Foreign assistance to eliminate investment shortages and
foreign assistance not tied to specific project activities
but directed at the use of Western equipment and technolo-
gies, including community development and traditional
agricultural extension techniques; large-scale infrastructural
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4– • –21ST CENTURY SOCIOLOGY
investments; education through technical assistance and
foreign schooling for students from developing nations; and
institution building (Morss and Morss 1982:22–23).
4. Yankee imperialism.
5. Under Title XII, activities were to: Be directly related to
the food and agricultural needs of developing countries. Be car-
ried out within the developing countries. Be adapted to local cir-
cumstances. Provide for the most effective interrelationship
between research, education, and extension in promoting agri-
cultural development in developing countries. Emphasize the
improvement of local systems for delivering the best available
knowledge to the operators of small farms in such countries.
6.
1. Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger. Target for 2015:
Halve the proportion of people living on less than a dollar a
day and those who suffer from hunger.
2. Achieve universal primary education. Target for 2015:
Ensure that all boys and girls complete primary school.
3. Promote gender equality and empower women. Targets for 2005
and 2015: Eliminate gender disparities in primary and sec-
ondary education preferably by 2005, and at all levels by 2015.
4. Reduce child mortality. Target for 2015: Reduce by two-
thirds the mortality rate among children less than five years.
5. Improve maternal health. Target for 2015: Reduce by three-
quarters the ratio of women dying in childbirth.
6. Combat HIV/AIDS, malaria, and other diseases. Target for
2015: Halt and begin to reverse the spread of HIV/AIDS and
the incidence of malaria and other major diseases.
7. Ensure environmental sustainability. Targets:
• Integrate the principles of sustainable development into
country policies and programs and reverse the loss of
environmental resources.
• By 2015, reduce by half the proportion of people without
access to safe drinking water.
• By 2020, achieve significant improvement in the lives of
at least 100 million slum dwellers.
8. Develop a global partnership for development. Targets:
• Develop further an open trading and financial system that
includes a commitment to good governance, development,
and poverty reduction—nationally and internationally.
• Address the least developed countries’ special needs,
and the special needs of landlocked and small island
developing states.
• Deal comprehensively with developing countries’ debt
problems.
• Develop decent and productive work for youth.
• In cooperation with pharmaceutical companies, provide
access to affordable essential drugs in developing countries.
• In cooperation with the private sector, make available the
benefits of new technologies—especially information and
communications technologies (UNDP 2005a).
PART X: THE QUANTIFICATION
OF SOCIAL LIFE
Chapter 51. Demography
1. The first section of this chapter draws on materials in
Poston (2000).
2. See Abbott (2001) for a discussion of the context and
social structure of scientific disciplines, although he is more
interested in relations among disciplines than in the kinds of
resources that make disciplinary activity possible.
3. This section draws on and is adapted from materials in
Micklin and Poston (2005).
4. This section is adapted from materials in Poston (2000)
and Poston et al. (2005).
PART XII: SOCIETY IN MOTION
Chapter 57. Dynamic System Theory
1. In the most abstract terms, a system is a set of objects
together with relationships between the objects. Such a concept
implies that a system has properties, functions, and dynamics dis-
tinct from its constituent objects and relationships. A systems
approach is not unique to sociology. Many of the major theorists
have belonged to other disciplines, including mathematics, with
concerns and conceptual and analytic challenges rather different
from those facing sociologists and social scientists.
2. Elsewhere, we consider systems theories such as Parsons’s
(1951, 1966) functionalist systems theory. Functionalist-type
theories share commonalities with Marxian systems theory (Burns
forthcoming; Collins 1988; Stinchcombe 1968).
3. An institution or institutional arrangement organizes
people in a complex of relationships, roles, and norms that
constitute and regulate recurring interaction processes among
participants. Institutions are exemplified by family, a business
organization or government agency, markets, democratic associ-
ations, and educational and religious communities.
4. Collins (1988) criticizes Marxian and world systems
theories (but his remarks apply to ASD as well) for not being
concerned with “the origins of capitalism.” This is an important
question. But so are questions such as the current functioning (or
malfunctioning), the key regulatory controls, and the problematic
development of capitalism.
5. Modern capitalism provides forms that enable agents to
realize gains from complex transactions and those that take place
over long periods of time, for instance, institutional arrangements
that establish secure title or rights to property and to mortgage
property. Ultimately, in case of disputes, one has access to
impartial courts that enforce contracts, but one also has the
opportunities (rights) to create new forms of extensive coopera-
tion and organization, such as joint stock companies, franchises,
and joint ventures (Olson 2000).
6. These different uses and functions of money in a modern
capitalist economy are, in part, contradictory and a source of
instability. For instance, the stability of money as a measure of
value is persistently threatened by the use of money as a contin-
ual source of funds for capitalist investment, development, and
further accumulation. Monetary and financial authorities estab-
lish and regulate the highly complex and potentially unstable
money systems (Burns and DeVillé 2003).
7. This system of domination (“class relations” for Marx
and Weber) emerged as a twofold historical process through
which sizeable population groups were separated from the means
of production, while other groups had or gained control over
and concentrated these means in their own hands (Burns and
Flam 1987).
8. Ownership of the means of production is, in large part,
private or if not fully private, highly independent from political or
religious decision making and controls.
Bryant-45099 EM.qxd 8/25/2006 6:42 PM Page 5
9. The extremes for Karl Marx were the owners and
controllers of the means of production, on the one hand, and the
property-less laborers, on the other. The latter were the subjects
and objects of economic development in a certain sense. Of
course, this model ignored other bases of social power and con-
trol such as the political in democratic societies or the emerging
power of knowledge and expertise.
10. Mountains of public and private debts characterize—
and threaten the stability of—several advanced states, mostly
notably the contemporary United States.
11. Fully developed modern capitalism is not likely to be
“the end of history”—that is, where there is no viable alterna-
tive to the capitalist market system (cf. Fukayama 1992). The
question remains (as we will discuss later), Where do the
dynamics of the capitalism system lead? And what is the place
of “politics” in such an evolution? One must recognize the
incompleteness of knowledge and regulatory controls and the
contradictory nature of political actions and institutional
arrangements.
12. Earlier (in Summing Up) we drew attention to the
potential incompatibility between a socioeconomic order and the
Volume One Notes– • –5
natural environment on which it depends for resources, which is
yet another type of critical problem situation.
13. Even at the national level, there is typically a lack of
systematic overview of the functioning and impacts of the multi-
tude of interventions, and this tends to produce disorders and
instability in its own right. Effective overall stabilization requires
some degree of coordination and balancing. The challenge is
amplified in the context of globalization and its multiple contra-
dictory impacts.
14. Part of this process entails the development of knowl-
edge and accounting systems to control these and other new
problem areas. A major contemporary challenge is to develop
information and accounting systems cutting across the economic,
social, and material spheres. This is related to the emergence of
the “triple bottom line” concept.
15. For example, in the case of Marxist theorizing, see
Anderson (1976), Burawoy and Skocpol (1982), Burawoy and
Wright (2001), Collins (1988), Moore (1966), van Parijs (1993),
and Wright et al. (1992); for the development of WST, see Chase-
Dunn (1997) and Wallerstein (2004); with respect to ASD, see
Burns and Carson (2002, 2005) and Burns and Flam (1987).
Bryant-45099 EM.qxd 8/25/2006 6:42 PM Page 6
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APPROACH TO THE STUDY OF SOCIETY
Chapter 9. Qualitative Methodology
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Bishop, Russell. 1998. “Freeing Ourselves from Neo-Colonial
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Volume One References– • –23
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PART IV: THE FABRIC OF SOCIAL LIFE
Chapter 12. The Sociology of Culture
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New Directions in the Study of Society and Culture, edited
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Gruyter.
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of Invisible Histories.” Pp. 182–216 in Beyond the Cultural
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California Press.
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Basic Books.
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Huntington, Samuel P. 1996. The Clash of Civilizations and the
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Volume One References– • –29
Rose, Sonya O. 1999. “Cultural Analysis and Moral Discourses:
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Beyond the Cultural Turn: New Directions in the Study of
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Schatzki, Theodore R., Karin Knorr Cetina, and Eike von
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Tilly, Charles. 1997. “Parliamentarization of Popular Contention
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Walsh, David W. 1998. “Subject/Object.” Pp. 275–98 in Core
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PART VI: SOCIAL DISTINCTIONS
AND DIVERSITY
Chapter 22. Social Stratification
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Magazines and the Management of Sexuality in Everyday
Life.” Sexualities 7:81–106.
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in Adolescent Sexual Behavior.” American Sociological
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in the Timing of First Sexual Intercourse.” Family Planning
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PART VII: SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS
Chapter 26. The Sociology
of Love, Courtship, and Dating
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Twentieth Century America. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins
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Attraction. 2d ed. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.
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Brown, Robert. 1987. Analyzing Love. New York: Cambridge
University Press.
Bulcroft, K. and Margaret O’Conner. 1986. “The Importance of
Dating Relationships on Quality of Life for Older Persons.”
Family Relations 35:397–401.
Buss, David M. 1988. “The Evolution of Human Intrasexual
Competition: Tactics of Mate Attraction.” Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology 54:616–28.
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and Randy J. Larsen. 2001. “A half Century of Mate
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Marriage and the Family 63:491–503.
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1999. “Strategic Behaviors in Romantic Relationship
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Dickson, Fran C., Patrick C. Hughes, and Kandi L. Walker. 2005.
“An Exploratory Investigation into Dating among Later-Life
Women.” Western Journal of Communication 69:67–82.
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Groom, Carla J. and James W. Pennebaker. 2005. “The Language
of Love: Sex, Sexual Orientation, and Language Use in
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Hatfield, E. and R. L. Rapson. 1987. “Passionate Love: New
Directions in Research.” Pp. 109–39 in Advances in
Personal Relationships, vol. 1, edited by W. H. Jones and
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Hendrick, Susan S. and Clyde Hendrick. 1992. Romantic Love.
Sage Series on Close Relationships. Newbury Park CA: Sage.
Hovick, Shelly R. A., Renee A. Meyers, and C. Erik Timmerman.
2003. “E-mail Communication in Workplace Romantic
Relationships.” Communication Studies 54:468–82.
Hughes, Mikayla, Kelly Morrison, and Kelli Jean K. Asada.
2005. “What’s Love Got to Do with It? Exploring the
Impact of Maintenance Rules, Love Attitudes, and Network
Support on Friends with Benefits Relationships.” Western
Journal of Communication 69:49–66.
Huyck, Margaret H. 2001. “Romantic Relationships in Later
Life.” Generations 25:9–17.
Jang, Su A., Sandi W. Smith, and Timothy R. Levine. 2002. “To
Stay or to Leave? The Role of Attachment Styles
in Communication Patterns and Potential Termination
of Romantic Relationships Following Discovery of
Deception.” Communication Monographs 69:236–52.
Johnson, Michael P. and Kathleen J. Ferraro. 2000. “Research on
Domestic Violence in the 1990s: Making Distinctions.”
Journal of Marriage and Family 62:948–63.
Kass, Amy A. and Leon R. Kass. 1999. Wing to Wing, Oar to
Oar: Readings on Courting and Marrying. South Bend, IN:
University of Notre Dame Press.
Kerckhoff, A. C. and K. E. Davis. 1962. “Value Consensus and
Need Complementarity in Mate Selection.” American
Sociological Review 27:295–303.
Lee, John A. 1973. The Colours of Love. Toronto, Canada: New
Press.
Levin, Irene. 2004. “Living Apart Together: A New Family
Form.” Current Sociology 52:223–40.
Levine, Robert, Suguru Sato, Tsukasa Hashimoto, and Jyoti
Verma. 1995. “Love and Marriage in Eleven Cultures.”
Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 26:554–71.
McElhany, L. J. 1992. “Dating and Courtship in the Later Years.”
Generations 16:21–23.
Mileham, Beatriz Lia Avila. 2003. “Online Infidelity in Internet
Chat Rooms: An Ethnographic Exploration.” University of
Florida, Gainesville. Unpublished doctoral dissertation.
Murstein, Bernard I. 1970. “Stimulus-Value-Role: A Theory of
Marital Choice.” Journal of Marriage and the Family
32:465–81.
Neff, Lisa A. and Benjamin R. Karney. 2005. “To Know You Is to
Love You: The Implications of Global Adoration and
Specific Accuracy for Marital Relationships.” Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology 88:480–97.
Owens, Erica. 2005. “Does He Like Me, or Does He Like Me
Like Me? Interpretive Work in the Dating World.” Presented
at the annual meeting of the Society for the Study of
Symbolic Interaction, August 14, Philadelphia, PA.
Ponzetti, James J., Jr. 2005. “Family Beginnings: A Comparison
of Spouses’ Recollections of Courtship.” Family Journal
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Reiss, Ira L. 1960. “Toward a Sociology of the Heterosexual
Love Relationship.” Marriage and Family Living
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Therapy Doesn’t Know about Love. Pp. 31–53 in Beyond
Individualism: Toward a Retrieval of Moral Discourse in
America, edited by D. L. Gelpi. Notre Dame, IN: University
of Notre Dame Press.
Simons, Ronald L., Kuei-Hsiu Lin, and Leslie C. Gordon. 1998.
“Socialization in the Family of Origin and Male Dating
Violence: A prospective Study.” Journal of Marriage and
Family 60:467–78.
Singer, Irving. 1984. The Nature of Love, vol. 2, Courtly and
Romantic. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Sternberg, Robert J. 1986. “A Triangular Theory of Love.”
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Relationships. London, England: Oxford University Press.
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Chapter 27. Marriage and
Divorce in the United States: 1867 to 2004
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PART VIII: SOCIETAL PROBLEMS
AND DISAFFECTIONS
Chapter 36. Social Problems
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Focus in Social Research.” Sociology and Social Research
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of ‘Affluence’: A Critique of Deprivation and Resource
Mobilization Theories of Social Movements.” Journal of
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Class Conflict in Historical, Comparative, and Global
Perspective. 6th ed. New York: McGraw-Hill.
Kerbo, Harold R. 2006b. World Poverty: Global Inequality and
the Modern World System. New York: McGraw-Hill.
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McCarthy, John D. and Mayer N. Zald. 1977. “Resource
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Chicago Press.
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New York: Lippincott.
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Chapter 37. The Sociology of Deviance
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