1

Targeted Violence Against Women in Latin America

Hadeel Ikailan
York University
SOSC 1185
Frances Maragner
April 8, 2001

​Latin America has made progress with its representation of women in political
positions thanks to decades of political activism by feminist groups (Sanín, 2020). For
example, most Latin American countries such as Bolivia, Mexico, Argentina, and Costa Rica
rank among the top thirty countries with the highest number of women representatives in
political positions globally(Sanín, 2020). Understandably, the number of women in
parliament in different countries has experienced slow growth since 1997. The average
number of women in parliament was 11.4% in 1997 globally. By 2019, the global average
had hit 24.3% (Sanín, 2020). The average number of women representation in parliament in
these countries stood at 28.5% in 2018. The increase in women's political representation in
Latin American countries has seen an equal rise in political violence targeting them (Sanín,
2020). Violence against women has become synonymous with Latin American countries.
Why is there political violence targeting women in these countries despite the progress to
bridge the previously male-dominated space? In this essay, I maintain that false corruption
accusations, physical violence, and gender microaggressions are systematically used to
undermine women in the political sphere in Latin American countries.
Violence against Women in Politics
​Violence against women in politics has persistently become a key challenge that
women have battled since the suffrage movements. For instance, women had to reform their
tactics and unite against oppressive political policies that denied them the right to elect their
leaders (Sanín, 2020). Yet, despite making progress, violence against women in politics has
persisted. Sanín et al. (2020) define it as "behaviours targeting women to leave politics by
pressuring them to step down as candidates or resign a particular political office" (Sanín
2020, p. 304). These behaviours particularly take the forms of attack, aggression, and abuse
to undermine women's performance in different political positions (Sanín, 2020).
​Violence against women stems from the need to keep political power and install or
sustain a gender hierarchy in politics. The increase in the number of women in the political
sphere means women strive to join a previously male-dominated field. In that case, their
presence challenges the male-dominated agendas and strategies which threaten their
dominance (Essayang, 2017). Thus, "violence against female politicians aims to centralize
the political and social sphere into one defined by sexist traditions and practices." (Essayag,
2017, p. 2). to sustain their dominance, male politicians harass, intimidate, and violently
attack female politicians they see as threats to their positions. Essayag (2017) further
highlights that political violence against women is due to the need to instill and sustain
gender hierarchy in politics. It is a form of backlash to gender norms and social hierarchy that
has dominated most societies for centuries (Essayag, 2017). In that case, the political
violence against women is a form of questioning their role, bodies, and competencies in the
field. It includes the stereotype that women should not hold a position of power but remains
as second fiddle, stick to homes and play women roles rather than fighting to gain power in
the political field (Essayag, 2017).
Violence against Women in Politics in Latin America
​Political violence against women in Latin American countries stems from constant
false corruption accusations systematically used to undermine them (Wilson, 2014). It
involves using false accusations of corruption, bias, or political decision to intimidate and
harass female politicians and force them off their political seats. A good example is the case
of Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff. In 2016, Rousseff was impeached based on the
accusation of competency, corruption, and bias. During the impeachment process, Wilson
(2014) notes that the parliament claimed that Dilma was "politically incompetent, incapable
of negotiating, corrupt and neurotic" (p. 16). However, the author found that such allegations
were not worthy because the president's record proved her success in tackling corruption and
gender issues in the country. However, it was a form of a fight to restore male political
dominance. After the impeachment, most of the cabinet members were white male
individuals who took control of the state, reducing the power and position of the women with
equal measures (Wilson, 2014).
​Besides the constant accusation of corruption, violence against women is due to
gender microaggressions targeting women politicians in Latin countries (Wilson, 2014).
Wilson (2014) reveals that violence against women is multidirectional. The author states that
most Latin American women face political violence despite their parties. These women face
constant harassment and microaggression from political affiliates, family members, the
public, and members of the same parties. These include constant aggression from the male
individuals within the parties (Wilson, 2014). Despite the women's parties' pledge of loyalty
in Latin America, they still face constant abuse and violence. Such include social media
abuse from the public. In Honduras, for example, Fátima Mena, the Pedro Sula city
councillor state that women face political threats and aggression from male counterparts
(Wilson, 2014). When she ran for mayor in 2017, Mena stated that she was a target of abuse
on social media, informing her to care for the children and stick to her home instead of
running for a political seat. Also, she was harassed physically by a male congressman
running for the same seat, pulling her by her hair (Wilson, 2014).
​Women politicians in Latin America also face physical violence and intimidation
from their male counterparts (Sanín, 2020). These physical attacks are a continuum of
harmful actions instead of individual activities because they occur to women despite their
political positions. Sanín (2020) states that such violence links to the dominant social
backlash in Latin American society. The male politicians feel that women neglect their social
role and compete with them on political matters. These individuals view women as objects
and inferior being to them who should not challenge their dominance (Sanín, 2020). Such
lead to intimidation and physical violence. In Latin American countries, such reports are
synonymous. For example, in Mexico, the political violence and physical attack on women
led to the formation of the Model Protocol for Addressing Gender-Based Political Violence
against Women (Sanín, 2020). The aim was to reduce the aggression, intimidation, and
physical attack on women politicians. In Bolivia, there were 38 cases of political violence
targeting women during an election held in 2020 (Sanín, 2020). It implies that physical
violence and intimidation against women in these countries are high.
The scope of Intersectional Violence against Women in Politics in Latin America
​The intersectionality framework helps explain the impact of political violence facing
women in Latin American countries. The framework argues that "multiple forms of
discrimination are not purely additive but function as simultaneous oppressions with a
multiplicative effect" (Taylor, 2019). In that case, the theory suggests that women are not a
homogenous group in politics. Their diverse identity makes them vulnerable to
discrimination targeting more than their gender, race, class, and religion (Taylor, 2019).
Though political violence and intimidation cuts across different races in the Latin American
region, research shows that women from a specific religion, ethnic group, and race are much
more vulnerable to abuse by their male counterparts in the political field.
​Research shows that aggression among female politicians is likely to increase when
such women are Indigenous peoples and Afro-descendants. The study by Wilson (2014)
shows that of the 38 violence cases targeting women in Bolivia, 20% were women from
minor races and ethnic groups. Reporting on the same, Elisa Zepeda Lagunas, a women's
rights activist and politician in Mexico, claims that women from inferior races and ethnic
groups are much more vulnerable to microaggression from male politicians (Wilson, 2014).
That case implies that gender intersects with race and ethnicity to affect women. It also
implies that where people from the smaller races and ethnic groups happen to be female
politicians in Latin America, they suffer disadvantages such as intimidation, microaggression,
and corruption allegations by their male counterparts.
​Similarly, research also reveals that corruption allegation against women politicians is
pronounced among female politicians from regions with poor economic stability (Wilson,
2014). In Honduras, Mena state that the victims of political accusations and allegation based
on corruption are women from or background. These women face numerous allegations
because they belong to the lower class. It implies that violence intersects with the economic
class to affect female politicians in Latin American countries (Taylor, 2019). Therefore, it is
evident that gender violence targeting women politicians is not only a gender issue, but it
intersects with other elements such as race, economic class, and ethnicity to affect women in
these countries (Taylor, 2019). Therefore, the solution should focus on how these character
insects and how well they can be handled to reduce gender aggression among female
politicians.
​In conclusion, the research shows that violence against women politicians in Latin
American countries is a product of intersecting factors, including racial, economic status, and
ethnicity. As evident in the cases mentioned, the violence targeting women in politics is a
continuum affair that goes beyond the single individual activity but encompasses an act of
gaining political power and dominance by male counterparts. In that case, the solution lies in
reforming the legislation and promoting more policies that criminalize acts of violence
against women. These should include advocating for policies protecting women and
increasing their chances of fair competition in political fields in these countries.

References
Sanín, Juliana Restrepo (2020). Violence against Women in Politics: Latin America in an Era
of Backlash. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 45(2), 302–
310. doi:10.1086/704954
Essayag, S. (2017). From commitment to action: Policies to eradicate violence against
women in Latin America and the Caribbean. (2017). UN Women Latin America.
https://lac.unwomen.org/en/digiteca/publicaciones/2017/11/politicas-para-erradicar-
la-violencia-contra-las-mujeres-america-latina-y-el-caribe
Wilson, T. D. (2014). Violence against women in Latin America. Latin American
Perspectives, 41(1), 3-18.
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0094582x13492143
Taylor, B. (2019, November 24). Intersectionality 101: What is it, and why is it
important? Womankind Worldwide. https://www.womankind.org.uk/intersectionality-
101-what-is-it-and-why-is-it-important/