Class analysis

Class analysis is research in sociology, politics and economics from

the point of view of the stratification of the society into dynamic
classes. It implies that there is no universal or uniform social outlook,
rather that there are fundamental conflicts that exist inherent to how
society is currently organized.

Most known examples are the theory of Karl Marx and Max Weber's
three-component theory of stratification.

Barrington Moore
and political
development
In a non-Marxist sense, class analysis is a theory of political
development, in which political regimes and systems are said to be
shaped by the social class structure of the country. The main advocate
for this theory is political scientist Barrington Moore Jr. In Moore's
theory, Great Britain gradually attained a stable democratic governance,
compared to neighboring countries such as France and Germany, due
to the rapid displacement of peasantry during the enclosure movement
which fully transformed Britain into an advanced, industrial society with
a strong bourgeois class, which Moore sees as indispensable for a
lasting liberal democracy. In contrast, France had a large peasantry that
is stationary on land yet politically volatile, leading to the alternating
between violent revolutions and monarchical reactions.

Class size
Sociologist Erik Olin Wright splits class analysis into macro and micro
levels. The foundation of class analysis on a macro level can be
identified with class structure. Examples of such class structure in a
macro level can be analyzed within a firm, city, country, or the entire
world. On a micro level, class analysis focuses on the effects that the
class may have on an individual. Erik Olin Wright exclaims examples of
this to be: "Analyses of labor market strategies of unskilled workers, or
the effects of technological change on class consciousness, or political
contributions of corporate executives".[1] Macro and micro level events
can correlate with one another through different perspectives. Wright
proclaims that macro level events are not created and set on one large
effect, but instead processed through multiple individuals in a very
intricate and complex pattern. He dictates that macro class size events
are endorsed by an embodiment of multiple micro class events. He also
states the opposite effect each size has on each other and how Micro
level events relative to class relations can be reinforced by the context
of macro level events.[1]

Neo-Weberian
definition
According to sociologist Richard Breen, Weberian class analysis is
limited. Weber largely focused on unequal opportunities in life, which
he attributed to the initial distributions of resources within a capitalist
market. Breen argues that Weber did little to address class conflict or
even the development of collective action on a class level. Breen further
writes, "For many reasons, there is not a deterministic relationship
between the resources that individuals bring to the market and what
they receive in return."

Breen cites sociologist Aage B. Sørensen's (1991) writings on class

analysis, which described class positions as independent of who
occupies such positions. From this, Breen describes that the purpose of
class analysis is how and on what basis class positions are
determined, rather than Weber's market-determined approach.
Weberian class analysis also did not account for the influence of class
beyond life chances, such as behaviours, actions, and preferences.[2]

Class differentials in
educational
attainment and their
explanation
Sociologist John Goldthorpe explains that while educational attainment
in developed countries has risen in the last decades due to
endorsements of grants, loans and other social motivations, empirical
data substantiates that the differentials in social-economic class still
plays a major role in educational and economic attainment.[3] He goes
on to explain how people of lower social class tend to stay in the class
of their upbringing by choosing to not pursue further educational
attainment or the works needed to attain a better social status.
Explanations for these phenomena include theories by Halsey and her
associates, which state the connection between culture and class, how
people of high social class or paramount culture set a more important
objective on education compared to parents of lower classes.[4]
According to Goldthorpe, a more aggressive approach, as indicated by
Bourdieu and Passeron, indicates that the educational system
functions as a social control, in which dominant class enforce that
schools run in a conservative manner and exploit the inequalities that
come with every child due to their family's class background.[5] This will
ensure subjects of lower class status to accept failure or indulge in
counter-school subcultures. Goldthorpe, however, states that in the last
century there has truly been extensive opportunities for upward
educational and class mobility defended by means of empirical data.

Other theories proposed by different sociologists arise as well. One

view claimed by Keller and Zavalloni indicate that to better understand
these trends, sociologists must study the aspirations of an individual
on a relative level according to their social level and situation and not
conclude absolute ideals of aspirations to all the classes, which would
be easier to work with.[6] Goldthorpe also acknowledges Boudon's two-
effect view in educational attainment. Those stand as the primary
effects, which exist as the creation of class differentials in initial
achievement, and second effects that affect children when they
transition in the educational system.[7] They both work hand in hand
were although initial achievement might pursue an individual as they
develop in the educational system (Primary), choosing whether to
transition into the next level in the system might still be influenced by
their class origins (second). Goldthorpe goes on to encourage
researchers to enforce further attention to the second effect, because
as we progress, even today, the limitations of the primary effects seem
to be vanishing as more educational attainment resources and
opportunities are being funneled into all class levels.
Class and political
partnership
Goldthorpe describes how class influence on an individual's social
situation is diminishing substantially in the world of politics.[8] This
evidently described by Sociologist M. Lipset during the latter half of the
20th century were liberal democratic working class advocated for their
party to represent their problems In the 1950s but quickly diminished
during the 1970s as class relations in political partnership was
dissolving.[9] This is particularly important, as some Marxist social
groups state this to be the downfall of the working class and class
analysis. Another example of this dissolution of political and class
partnership is Britain's politics; in how political party conflicts tended to
focus more on issues instead of interest of the class community. This
in turn creates family-party separation which fuels different political
party interest.[10] Heath and his associates have theorized the
dissolution of this partnership to be derivative of absolute and relative
rates in class voting and social mobility.[11] These theories develop
through the class development of Britain during the latter half of the
20th centuries by implication of "trends in patterns of class mobility, in
levels of class identification, and in class differences in political
attitudes and values". Heath and his colleagues try to argue empirically
against theories of Dunleavy and associates who stated that new
structural cleavages were becoming the foundations for party support.
On top of empirical support against, Goldthorpe explains that fluidity
and boundaries are the major point against the theories of Dunleavy
and his colleagues.

Class interest
According to Erik Olin Wright, class interests "[...] are the material
interests of people derived from their location-within-class-relations" (p.
21), which include living standards, working conditions, intensity of
labor, leisure, material security, and more. These interests are
specifically class interests because one's class location significantly
influences the "opportunities and trade-offs" one can make. Class
interests can also serve as a "theoretical bridge between the
description of class relations and the actions of individuals within those
relations" (p. 21).[12]

See also

Class conflict
Class consciousness
Marxist analysis

References

1. Wright, Erik Olin, ed. (2005).

Approaches to class analysis
(1. publ. ed.). Cambridge [u.a.]:
Cambridge Univ. Press.
 ISBN 0521843049.
2. Breen, Richard (2005).
"Foundations of a neo-
Weberian class analysis". In
Wright, Erik Olin (ed.).
Approaches to Class Analysis.
Cambridge University Press.
pp. 31–50.
ISBN 978-0-511-11508-0.
3. Goldthorpe, John H. (1996).
"Class Analysis and the
Reorientation of Class Theory:
The Case of Persisting
Differentials in Educational
Attainment". The British
Journal of Sociology. 47 (3):
481–505.
doi:10.2307/591365 (https://
doi.org/10.2307%2F591365) .
JSTOR 591365 (https://www.j
stor.org/stable/591365) .
4. Halsey; Floud; Anderson
(1961). Education, Economy,
and Society (https://archive.or
g/details/trent_01164032181
87) . New York: Free Press.
5. Bourdieu; Passeron (1970). "La
Reproduction". Paris: Editions
de Minuit.
6. Keller; Zavalloni (1964).
"Ambition and Social Class: A
Respecification". Social
Forces. 43: 58–70.
doi:10.1093/sf/43.1.58 (http
s://doi.org/10.1093%2Fsf%2F
43.1.58) .
7. Boudon (1974). Opportunity
and Social Inequality. New
York: Wiley.
8. Goldthorpe, John H.; Marshall,
Gordon (1992). "The Promising
Future of Class Analysis: A
response to Recent Critiques".
Sociology. 26 (3): 381–400.
doi:10.1177/0038038592026
003002 (https://doi.org/10.11
77%2F003803859202600300
2) . S2CID 145767336 (http
s://api.semanticscholar.org/C
orpusID:145767336) .
9. Lipset, M. (1960). Political
Man. London: Heinemann.
10. Dunleavy, Patrick (1979). "The
Urban Bases of Political
Alignment: Social Class,
Domestic Property Ownership,
and State Intervention in
Consumption Processes' ".
British Journal of Political
Science. 9 (4): 403–443.
doi:10.1017/s000712340000
1915 (https://doi.org/10.101
7%2Fs0007123400001915) .
11. Heath; Anthony; Jowell; Roger;
Curtice; John (1985). How
Britain Votes (https://archive.
org/details/howbritainvotes0
000heat) . Oxford: Pergamon.
ISBN 9780080318592.
 12. Wright, Erik Olin (2005).
"Foundations of a neo-Marxist
class analysis". In Wright, Erik
Olin (ed.). Approaches to Class
Analysis. Cambridge University
Press. pp. 5–31.
ISBN 978-0-511-11508-0.

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