vii

Table of Contents

Editorial Board........................................................................ 111

Note to Contributors.................................................................. iv
List of Contributors................................................................... v

ADANDE, A.B. Alexis, Thurstan Shaw: Archeologue Exemplaire et

Vertueux....... .. ............................................................... 1

OBARE, Bagodo The Legacy of Thurstan Shaw in Archaeology of West

Africa: Professional and Ethical Issues (1937-2014)..................... 9

ELOUGA, Martin. Dynamics of Domestic Architectural production in Southern

Cameroon: Spatial Structuring, Social Representations and functions of
works of Art in the Beti Cultural Area ..........................................................37

AGBELUS[, Odunyemi Oluseyi. Afro-Brazilian Influences on Indigenous .

Yoruba Architecture: The Ibadan example.................................. 61

OSENI,K Aleru, J.O, and Alabi R.A. Coastal Adaptations and European
Activities and Trading in the Southwest coast of Nigeria: Insights from
Recent Archaeological work at Lekki. . .... ..... .. ... .... ... ... ... .. .. .. ... 79

AREMU, David Ajamu, OSEZUA. C.Oghoadena, and OWOEYE,O.Idowu,

African Rock Art, Engravings and Carvings as Script and
Communication: A Contribution from Nigeria ............................................ 111
 Desires, Designs and Nationalist Visions: Understanding
the Igbo-Yoruba Nationalist Divide

Monsuru Muritala
Department of History,
University of Ibadan, Ibadan.Nigeria.
mutimonsour@gmaiI.com. +2348035796606

Abstract

Nigeria, today, is characterized by heightened suspicion, ethnicity, insecurity and

threat to the existing democractic structure. The parameters for a united country
are cloudy, and patriotism has been eroded across the nation. Unlike what
existed during the early decolonization period, the identification with the nation
has been severely eroded. In view of this, it is now apposite to understand the
root causes of the lack of attachment to the nation. This is done ,nostly from the
lgbo-Yoruba relations.The paper argues that it was around 1941 with the
Nigerian Youth Movement crisis that the hannonized visions and strategies of the
nationalists became fashioned along ethnic lines. Subsequently, the seed of
mistrust, suspicion and fear of domination between the lgbo and the Yoruba
became pronounced. It is in this context, this article .explores the impact of the
transitions in the nationalist desires, visions, ideologies and orientations of both
ethnic groups on their assumptions and strategies, and the implications of these
for their post-independence relationships. Finally, the paper concludes that the
devastating impact of the dissension within the Nigerian Youth Movement in 1941
put the nation 011 a new landscape of irreconcilable ethnic suspicion that
attended the duration of the nationalist period and eventually created the
platfonn for lgbo-Yoruba relations generally constructed as one of the mutual
hostility and unhealthy rivalry in the aftermath of Nigeria's political
independence.

Introduction
Nationalism in Africa became popularized in the twentieth century. This was
predicated on the desire, visions and strategies adopted by the communities
towards the attainment of independence. Unlike in Europe, in Africa most of the
colonies that had been created were made up of several culturally and historically
diverse ethnic groups for whom, the fact of subjection to a common alien ruler
was the main base for unity. Nationalism, therefore, in Africa, particularly in

Wesr afr.Joum. Vol 44, (No.2) 2014 Pp. 65-81

66 Mo11sur11 M11rttala

i(1gcna was a desire of these different communities or cultural nations to forge

new identities that would serve them well in their slruggles against the atrocities
and shortcomings of che new colomal administrations. Initially, they perceived
the umts of the new colonial states as proto states around which they sought to
develop a sense of common belonging, but by 1941, their visions veered off the
track while their strategics embraced ethnicity, unhealthy rivalry, suspicion and
heightened tension as tools of decolonisation. It is within this context that this
paper situates the implications of the patterns and strategics utilized by the
Yoruba-Igbo nationalist leaders for the post-independence Nigena.

Historically, the various areas which now constitute modem Nigeria were
acquired at different times and certain forces and conditions that favoured the
emergence of the nationalist ideas were already at work before 1914, when
Nigeria became an administrative unit ( Olusanya 1980, p.545). Prominent
among these factors is the Uthman Dan Fodio Jihad of the 19th Century , which
led to the establishment of the Sokolo Caliphate. Also, the activities of the
Christian missionaries smce the middle of the 19th century impacted greatly in
arousing the consciousness of their converts on their idea of the creation of a
modem State. This. of course, was predominant in southern Nigeria, and the
loyalty of the converts to the British transcended the ethnic ties. These factors,
which combined with the underlying unity already provided by centuries of
contact through trade, wars and interaction among the various Nigerian
communities began to create a common consciousness as the basis of the new
state.(Olusanya 1970, p.2)

The visions of the Nationalist of the t\\entieth century derived from the
steadfastness and determination of the indigenous rulers and few individuals in
the nineteenth century to resist foreign domination. There were two examples of
such people during this period. Firstly, were the traditional rulers who had
refused to give up their territolies without struggle and resisted vehemently the
1mpos1t1on of colonial rule and western civilization. Examples of these rulers
were King Jaja of Opobo, Nana of Itsekiri as well as the vanous resistances in
Benin, Ijebuland, and the Hausa states of Kano, Adamawa, Kontagora, Bauchi
etc (Boahen 1990, p.67).

Secondly, were the repatriates and the educated elite of the nineteenth and
cwenueth centuries who revolted against the very western culture that had
nourished them, because they \\:ere denied a respectable place within that same
culture because of their race? Some of these men were mainly products of
 Desires, Desigm and Na1io11alist Visions .... 67

mission schools, while some have studied abroad. In fact, it was by educating
them and later denying them equality with the whites that the Christian missions
helped to enhance the emergence of Nigerian nationalism. Nationalism in the
early days had with it unifying visions of people with diverse background
fighting the common goals of securing more participation in government,
demanding better standard of living, and eventual demand for independence in
the decolonization era.
The Yoruba - Igbo nationalist divide that became noticeable in the 1940s, had
been inherent in the formulation and emergence of the geographical area
governed by the British colonial authorities. A vivid description of the existing
an-angement by Jide Osuntokun (1980) is a pointer to the fact that it was a unity
in diversity. He opines that:
It is only the accident of British suzerainty which made Nigeria one country or
one nation socially or even economically...Socially and politically there are
deep differences between the major tribal groups. They do not speak the same
language and they have highly divergent customs and ways of life and they
represent djfferent stages of culture. Osuntokun (1980, P.7 ).

This is also evident in the fact that, before the 1950s, precisely in the 1920s and
1930s, there. had been conflict among the nationalists in Nigeria such that the
educated elite in Lagos had engaged in a series of mutual vilification and
mudslinging in their interactions. ( Lawal 200 l,p.176). They were clearly divided
• into two factions, one supporting the colonial administration and the other
antagonizing it. The backfiring effect of this disunity in the nationalist class was
that Britain's colonial administration did not cxpe1ience any 'common· action
from the educated elite since they disagreed among themselves on almost every
point at issue. (Lawal 2001,p.l77). However, the crisis that rocked the
nationalists' camp in the 1930s and 1940s could be traced to the personality
clashes in the Nigerian Youth Movement as reflected in the press organizations
owned and controlled by them. Thus, for the purpose of this paper, the strategies
employed by the nationalists and its implications for the Yoruba/ lgbo relations
would be examined.

The Press and Emergence of Ethnic Nationalism

The press, no doubt, is synonymous with nationalist movement in Nigeria. The
history of the early years of the Nigerian press indicates an absence of ethnic
motivations and calculations in the establishment and operation of the newspaper
press. The first sets of publishers were mainly liberated African (especially Sie1rn
Leonean and Liberian) emigres who had settled down in Lagos and its environs.
68 Mo11s11ru M11ritala

Even when, by the early years of lhc 20th century, Nigc1ians joined in the
newspaper publishing industry, there were hardly any ethnic, regional or other
sectional coloration in the philosophy or operation of these newspapers (Omu.
1965. p.56). What united these pioneers of newspaper publishing was a common
experience in the hands of the colonizers (Ibid.57). Omu (1965) succinctly
described the situation thus:
The fact that most people established newspaper to earn a living... in the first
place, a good number of the newspapermen were people in want of
employment...The economic situation was in part the result of the cruel greed of
European Commerce... Up to the middle of eighties... a large number of educated
Africans in Lagos were engaged in profitable tradmg activit) between the colon)
and the River Niger. The establishment of the Royal Niger Company in 1886 was
disastrous for the educated Africans. By a system of duties and other subtle
measures. the company monopolized the Niger trade. eliminating or commercially
crushing the African merchants.. .Journalism was about the only other occupation
outside medicine and Jaw in which opportunity for the Africans was not curtailed
(Ibid, 57-58).

It was, therefore, not surprising that given the bond of a common bitter
experience, the newspaper publishers had no alternative than to come together to
cnticize the colonial apparatus. In fact, up to the first two decades of the 20th
century, then, Nigerian newspapers were noted for their anti-colonialist stance,
with hardly eth ic rancour being noticed.
The first noticeable elements of sectional undercutTents was in 1923, following
the adoption in 1922 of the elective principle for the legislative council. There
were four seats on this council for which Af1icans campaigned in 1923, three for
Lagos and one for Calabar. And as Coleman ( l 971) said, of the adoption of the
elective principle in the Clifford constitution: 'when the new constitution went
into effect in 1923, the intense competition for the three elective positions
allocated to Lagos stimulated an unprecedented political awakening. Two new
political parties sprang into being, and within a few years, five newspapers began
publication'. Coleman (1971, p. 197). These papers were to become instruments
of vilification of political opponents in the tradition earlier set out, but until then
vi1tually monopolized by people like Herbe1t Macaulay, founder of the Nigeria
l\ational Democratic Party (NNDP). and his press, especially the l.Agos Daily
News.

By the 1930s, the metamorphosis of the newspaper publisher to a politician had

been vi1tually complete and this set the stage for the 1940s when, with
independence now conceivable as a matler of decades, a publisher was invariably
also a politician eager to use all means to carve a pc.:uical mche for himself in the
Desires, Desi,f/llSand Na1io11a/Ht \liwmv.... 69

nation of the future. rhe pcnod witnessed lhc entrance into the scene
politicians/journalists/publishers like Dr.Nnamdi Azikwe-Founder in August 1937 of
the West African Pilot. and Chief Obafemi Awolowo-Founder in 19-1q of l.b.e
Nigerian Tribune (Agbaje I989, p.102). It is important to state that prior to the
establishment of the West African Pilot by Azikwe, the newspaper published in
Lagos hardly ever mentioned the origin of whoever they reported on. Though Bola
lge(l 995) attributed these urbane reporting to the fact that. those in the news usua\\y
belonged to the upper and middle class of Lagos society and these were either the
'Brazillians', 'Sierra Leonians' or Lagosians - and all three included Yoruba
offspring of Egba, Ijebu, and even Ijesha immigrants. Ige (1995. p.27) he argued
further that, with the arrival of the West African Pilot, there began to appear news
about "the first so - and so from 'either lgboland or from a tribe or clan of the lgbo"
(fbid, 28). Besides, it was also the West African Pilot which regularly and dutifully
carried notices of town unions and their meetings which were to be held in Lagos
mostly, but also in other parts of the country, especially in the East (Ibid, 28). In face,
the West African Pilot's unflinching support for the formation of the "lgbo State
Union" and the "Ibibio State union" painted Azikwe a tribalist, using his publications
to advance and promote the course of the lgbo. The identification of Nnamdi Azikwe
with the Igbo, of course. degenerated into nationalists' disagreements, which were
not fundamentally ideological in most cases, but rather, they were anchored more
often than not. on ethnic or regional chauvinism and or personality clashes (Lawal
2001. p.177). The most common weapon used was mutual vilification tn press attack.
These press vituperations and exchanges that c aracterized the penod are better
understood within the context of the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM) crisis of
1941.

Nigerian Youth Movement Crisis and Yoruba - Igbo Nationalist Divide

The intra party crisis of 1941 developed over nominations for elections for a scat
in the Legislative Council vacated by Kofa Abayomi, who was going overseas
for further studies ( Ehiedu 1996, p.30). And according to the NYM constitution,
in the event of an electoral opening, and if the president of the movement
indicated his intention to contest, he was to be unanimously nominated (Ibid, 30).
Instead, a faction led by Azikwe nominated Samuel Akinsanya, lkoh's deputy
(Awolowo 1960, p.146). When his candidate was opposed, Azikwc resorted to
the orchestration of ethnic campaign by arguing that, Akinsanya was rcJcCtcd
because he was an Ijebu man, and that Lagosians in the movement did not want
to be represented by an Ijebu (Ibid, 152). Eventually, lkoli and Akmsanya
contested the elections, and [koli had a resounding victory. Consequently.
ALikwe and Akinsanya resigned in annoyance and all the Igbo members of the
70 Mo11s11ru Muritala

organization resigned wilh him. (Olusanya 1980, p.560). This was a cause for
suspicion to the non-lgbo members, who believed that though Azi kwe had
supported a Yoruba, his support was not based on conviction but was dictated by
lhe desire lo split the organization in which he found his ambition somewhat
thwmted.(Ibid, 560).

The argument of Azikwe's faction in this intra-party power struggle has been
dcsc1ibed as a disingenuous guise for personal power struggle (Ehiedu 1996,
p.30). In the light of the fact that , Ernest Ikoli, the NYM official candidate, was
an lJo from Eastern Nigeria. A more plausible reason for Azikwe's opposition to
his candi acy was because lkoli, managed a competing newspaper business, the
Daily service. to which Azikwe was hostile ( Davies 1961, p.10). This bitterness
and maneuverings in the NYM had far reaching consequences for the future of
Nige1ian nationalism and politics. The split destroyed the movement that
pioneered moves towards pan-Nigerian nationalism and the desires and visions of
the nationalists changed from what it used to be. They thereby established a
divisive pattern of political competition, bargaining and behaviour (Ehiedu 1996,
p.31). In fact, whenever the opportunity appeared, each side vilified the other;
unwittingly Zik began to seek refuge among his Igbo people (Ige 1995, p.29). For
him now, it was not Nigeria that he would see clearly, and sees visions and dream
dreams about; it was the "Igbo nation" which God had not created to be a slave to
anybody (Ibid, 29). Histoncally, the event of 1941 was adjudged the origin of
ethnic politics in Nigeria by Okwudiba Nnoli and other writers on ethnic politics.

The birth of Egbe Omo Odudmva, a Yoruba cultural organization founded in

1947 (Ojiako 1981, p.15), no doubt, heightened the existing tension. The
formation of this cultural organization differed markedly from the fotmation of
the Ibo state union and the Ibibio state union. The Egbe Omo Oduduwa was
conceived by Yoruba intelligentsia studying in the United kingdom who wanted
to infuse " Yoruba nationalism" into the Yoruba speaking people ( Ige 1995,
p.31). The founders of the Egbe Omo Oduduwa knew that there was nothing
concrete lo build an all-embracing organization on in Yoruba land. So they built
on Lhe myth of Oduduwa.

The formation of the Egbe Omo Oduduwa further strengthened the existing inter-
communal conflict between the Igbo and the Yoruba. The initial crisis started
when allegations were made by the Daily Times and Daily Service of inadequate
accounting for the funds collected by the NCNC for their London trip, which
were said to have b<?en wasted ( West African Pilot, July 16, 1948). Also, a
 Desires, Designs and Nationalist Visions .... 71

publication by Magnus Williams- Acting President of the NCNC in lhe Daily

sen,ice, where it was alleged that Azikwe had been advised by Igbo students in
London during a reception to be friendly with but not trust Yoruba leaders,
further intensified the inter-communal conflict ( West African Pilot, April 23,
1948) . Though, Nnamdi Azikwe denied ever receiving any such advise (West
African Pilot, August 27, 1947), the damage had been done because the divisive
seed had been planted between Lhe Yoruba and the Igbo.

By 1948, the polemical exchanges and power struggles between the two ethnic
groups became heightened when C.D. Onyeama, a nominated colonial legislator
representing Eastern Provinces, made a chauvinist statement at the Island Club,
Lagos that the Igbo domination of Nigeria was a question of time (West African
Pilot, June 24, 1948). In response, the Yoruba intelligentsia at the inaugural
conference of the Egbe Omo Oduduwa , through its President, Adeyemo Alakija,
declared:
This great tomorrow ... (For the Yoruba) is... the future of our children....... How
they will hold their own among other tribes of Nigeria .... How the Yorubas will not
be relegated to the background in the future (Quoted in Coleman, 346).

Following this statement, a battle line was drawn between the Yoruba
intelligentsia and lhe Igbo intelligentsia. Indeed, the rise in tension between the
• two groups gained the attention of the then Nigerian Governor, Sir John
Macpherson, who privately expressed his concern thus:
lam very concerned about the growth of ill feeling between the Yorubas and the
Ibos and I am inclined to think that Egbe Omo Od11d1twa is mainly concerned with
resistance to Zik and the Ybos rather than with a constructive programme
(Campbell 1997, p.169)

With this concern, however, the response would have been a remarkable
effort on the part of the colonialists to put an end to the emerging ethnicity. This
was not so, because it has been argued that the European powers usually resorted
to stirring up tribal strife when they felt they were loosing their grip (Ibid, 169).
And that during decolonization, ethnicity became a policy option and the
colonialists concentrated upon transf01ming the nationalist parties into bodies,
which would take ethnicity into account rather than eradicate it.
72 Mo11s11m M11ritala

Ethnic Chauvinism, the Zikist Movement and the Yoruba -Igbo Relations
By 1945, in the wake of Richard Constitution of 1946, the elhnic rivalry became
fu1ther entrenched when; in the Lagos municipal elections of December, 1945,
the NCNC candidate defeated the NYM candidate. The Daily service re-launched
a vicious attack on Azikwe's person, politics and ethnic group ( West African
Pilot. February 8, l946). This further intensified the existing ethnic antipathy and
polarization, particularly between the Igbo and the Yoruba. These centtifugal
tendencies were given official sanction beginning from 1948 to 1954 when
attempts were made to tum the unitary colonial administration into disparate
political and administrative units with "a separate and subordinate public service
in the federation and each of the regions" (Mackintosh 1966, p.165) The
fashionable words then, according to him, were Nigerianization and
regionalization of the Public services.

The three regions thus created became identified with three major ethnic groups
and three major political parties. The Northern Region became identified with the
Hausa- Fulani which also became identified with the Northern Peoples Congress
(NPC) that again became identified with the Northern Region. The Eastern
Region became identified with the lgbo, which became synonymous with the
National Council of Nigerian Citizens(NCNC) and in turn identified with the
West African Pilot and then with the Igbo. The Western region became identified
with the Yoruba, which also became identified with the Action Group(AG) that
again became identified with the Western Region, Nigerian Tribune and the
Daily Service- which appeared first in 1938 as an organ of the Nigerian Youth
Movement, but later became pro-AG ( Bamishaye 1976,p.72-75).

As indicated above, the established newspapers and their prop1ietors cum

politicians further engendered the press polemics which became the new strategy
of the naLionalists of the period. A brief description of the pre-independence
position of some key journalists and publishers, on the Nigerian nation,
federalism and ethnicity/regionalism, will further illuminate on the level of ethnic
chauvinism that prevailed. In 1947, Chief Obafemi Awolowo(l947), one of the
founders and the leaders of the Egbe 01110 odud11wa (a pan-Yoruba organization)
and the AG had this to say of the Nigerian Federation:
Nigerian is not a nation. lt is a mere geographical expression. There are no'
Nigerian' in the same sense as there are 'English', Welsh', or ·French'. The word
•Nigeria' ts a merely distinctive appellation to distinguish those who live within
the boundaries of Nigeria from those who do not. Awolowo (1947, p.47-48)
Desires. Designs and Nationalist Visions .... 73

By 1949, Azikwe in his inaugural speech after his election as president of the Ibo
state union chauvinistically declared:

It would appear lhat the God of Africa has specifically crealed the Ibo nalion to
lead the children of Africa oul of the bondage of ages... The Ibo nation cannot
shirk its responsibilily from manifest destiny ( West Africa11 Pilot, July 6, 1949)

During this period, the Zikist Movement, an organization inaugurated in Lagos

on February 16, 1946 was not comfortable with the polemics among the
nationalists, especially between the Yornba and the Igbo. The Zikist movement
leadership emphasized that the movement had no objections to political
competition or opposition as such and indeed regarded opposition as useful for
good government (Ehicdu 1996, p.138). In the context of the anti-colonial
struggle, however, it felt that all nationalists should sink their differences and
face the colonial state- their prime opponent (Abdallah 1968, p.16). In fact,
Abdallah sensing the imminent danger ahead warned when he declared that:
Imperialism whose desire it is to stem the tide of nationalism in the country and
thereby perpetuate its domination of Nigeria has sponsored, and is indirectly
supporting, a divisionist organization... (but) this is a critical moment in our
history and if we do nol hang together we shall be hung separately ( West African
Pilot, Sept. 28, 1948).

The Zikist movement, however, regardless of the neutrality posture of the British
decided to be practically involved in eradicating the hostility between the
nationalist class, especially between the Yoruba and the Igbo. The movement
organized rallies, demonstrations, meetings, counter-organization etc. Its major
mass demonstration was held on January 10, 1948 with over 2000, people in a
procession can-ying placards with slogans such as: "Tribal Hatred Must Go".
"We want one Nigeria, a United Free Nigeria"
"All traitors must beware; it is dangerous to attack a nation bent on freedom" (
West African Pilot, January 12, 1948).
Also, an attempt was made by a group of young Yoruba nationalists to form an
alternative organization to Egbe Omo Oduduwa. This was led by Kola Balogun,
A.A Olowu, Odebiyi and others to form what they refcred to as Yoruba Federal
Union to counter balance the Egbe Omo Oduduwa (West African Pilot, February
2, 1948). Though, the union engaged the Egbe in newspaper debates as well
challenged the Eghe's claim to representative, but still it fu1ther heightened the
existing tension. This is because Kola BaJogun's organization was made up of
74 Mollsuru Muritala

largely pro NCNC supporters. Subsequently, the hostilities between the two
ethnic groups reached its peak in 1948, when the groups organized by their ethnic
led pan-ethnic unions scheduled rallies in Lagos separately to discuss matters
affecting each group.

In the case of the Ibo Federal Union, their mass meeting was organized on
August 29, 1948 at the Yaba stadium. At the meeting, their resolutions were:
Igbo should no longer tolerate being insulted and should respond in kind if the
provocations continued. Second, that Igbo should boycott the comt of police
Magistrate, F.R.A. Williams, a prominent NYM-Egbe member, for his alleged
anti-Igbo views and attitudes. And lastly, it was resolved that attacks on Azikwe
would be considered attacks on the Igbo people. ( West African Review, October,
1948).
The tension and suspicion of the period became heightened when the Igbo youins
demanded that a procession of all Igbo people in Lagos should be held on
September 3. Coincidentally, it was the same day that the NYM had scheduled
for a public meeting. To the members of the public, a major public clash was
imminent. It was in the heat of the tension that it was rumoured that Igbo and
Yoruba had bought up all the machetes in Lagos in preparation for the duel
(Ehiedu 1996, p.143). Also, it was alleged that Yorubas had poisoned akara balls
to be sold to the Igbo and had also procured chaims to be used against the Igbo. (
African Affairs, 1949:7). The police however, sensing the imminent danger
lurking swung into action fully armed, patrolled the streets such that with the
exception of minor breaches of peace, no major incidents were recorded. (See
Annual Rep01ts, 1948: 18).
Alhough open confrontation between the two groups was ave1ted, the hostilities
still continued. A vivid example was when the West African Pilot had to respond
to a cartoon in the Daily Service of September 8, which depicted an Egbe truck
driving against the 1ider of an NCNC bicycle, declared in an editorial that:"

... henceforth, the cry must be one of battle against Egbe Omo Oduduwa, its
leaders at home and abroad, up hill and down dale, in the streets of Nigeria and in
the residences of its advocates. The Egbe Omo Oduduwa is the enemy of Nigeria;
it must be crushed to the earth... there is no going back, until the fascist
organization of Sir Adeyemo Alakija has been disembered (See, West Af1·ica11
Pilot, Sept.9, 1948)

Also, the nationalists, especially the Yoruba and the lgbo during this period
devised a divisive strategy using publishers loyal to them, to advance for creation
 of more regions out of the existing regions in their domains. On the state creation
issue, the trend was for the newspaper to encourage state agitation in regions
controlled by opponents of their political masters while disparaging or playing
down agitation for state creation in regions controlled by political parties to
which their publishers were affiliated. Some examples will suffice. The West
African Pilot, for instance, gave prominence to the agitation for the creation of a
mid-west region out of the west controlled by Chief Obafemi Awolowo's AG.
opponent of NCNC's Dr. Nnamdi Azikwe, the Pilot's Publisher. In January,
1957, the paper canied a repo1t quoting a leader of the mid-west state movement
on the rationale for the movement. The leader, Chief O.Oweh, was quoted as
saying:
In the present Western Region, Chief Obafemi Awolowo as Premeir and Sir
Adesoji Aderemi, the Ooni of Ife as President of the House of Chiefs have not
disguised their intentions to make it an exclusive state of the Yoruba people. We
do not quarrel with them. In like manner, we expect them... to allow us the non-
Yoruba tribes to go to our region to mould and nurture our own destiny. We will
coexist as autonomous regions or states in the federation. (West African Pilot,
Lagos, 7 January 1957: 2)
Although the same paper carried at length the justification for the splitting of the
• West as championed by Mr.0.0.lta, for the creation of a Calabar,Ogoja, Rivers
state out of the Eastern region controlled by NCNC. At the forefront of such
campaign was Aja Nwachukwu, an NCNC member but this was vehemently
opposed by Dr Nnamdi Azikwe who described the COR state as" Unnecessary".(
West African Pilot,5 february 1957, p.1).
The Daily Service, sympathetic to the AG, gave prominence to the COR demands
s
j
and wondered, in an editorial titled "ludicrous" why"... Dr Azikwe would like to
keep the Eastern Region intact, while breaking up the other two regions" (Daily
k Service, Lagos, 13 March, 1957, p.2) The paper then gave prominence to Mr Ila
who explained the reason for the agitation thus:
As we are poor, the creation of government of big businessmen is an attempt to
enslave the masses and the youths from the COR state area. The niggardliness in
the awards of scholarships to the students from the COR state area is a design
which is deliberately planned to dwarf their chances to reach the top both in our
economy and government. Barring Mr.Warmate, nobody from the former
provinces of Calabar, Ogoja and the Rivers or the sixteen divisions which
replaced those former provinces is considered fit to be a chairman of government
::>d boards and the endless corporations of the NCNC government of the Eastern
on
76 Mo11s11ru Mriritala

Region...our struggle for a state is not only dedicated by nature of our constitution
but also by the tribal nature of our regional government (Daily Sen1ice, 1 March,
L957, p.3)

As the debate on whether state creation could better ensure federal character
raged on in a partisan manner in the press, other events and issues from time to
time secured the attention of the newspapers. Two of such events dealing with
appointments related to the transfer, allegedly on request from the West regional
government, out of the west policemen of eastern extraction and the reported
sacking from the western Regional Production Development Board of about 400
Ibo. In an editorial titled, "AG Hates Ibos", West African Pilot commented on
these among other issues:
(Awolowo ) and his party may forget but the Ibos have not forgotten the mass
retrenchment of their kinsmen in the West Regional Production Development
Board Estates. They were sacked for no other reason than that they were
lbos... Chief Awolowo launched unwarranted attacks on Ibo members of the
Nigerian PoliceForce... Does it mean that all the Y orubas in the force are
angels and that all Ibo policemen are devils?...It is open secret that since the
Action Group came to power in the west, continuous victimization of Ibos in
various government departments has become the order of the day... The aim of the
Action Group is to build up regional civil service controlled by the Yorubas
alones. (West African Pilot, 4 February, 1957,p.2.)

There was also the beginning of a rivalry expressed in east-west terms in the
education sphere. For instance the Daily service after analyzing the list of federal
scholarship awards published in January, 1957 reached the conclusion that the
majority of the awards went to easterners, implying that the Minister of
Education, Mr.Aja Nwachukwu, himself an Ibo, had been unfair to other
groups.(Daily Service editorial of 14, January, 1957, p.2)

Post-independent Implications of Yoruba - lgbo Rivalry in Nigeria

At independence, the most important implication of the rise in ethnic nationalism
is that it has all but destroyed a sense of national identity (Odugbemi 2001). This,
of course, affected all the existing groups in their relationships with one another.
However, for the purpose of this paper, examples of the strained relationships
between the Igbo and the Yoruba would suffice.

This partisanship was to be most obvious in the 1960s, the first decade of post-
independent existence and inter-regional competition. Firstly, this became
noticeable in the Raiiway c1isis at the centre, in which the Chairman of the
Desires, Designs and Nationalist Visions .... 77

Railway Corporation was accused of using his office to favour his ethnic group in
the staffing of the Corporation. Taking the advantage of the crisis in the AG in
1961/62, the NNDP, found jtself in control of the region after initial challenges in
parliament and the law courts and with a little help from the NPC federal
government to which it was tilting for an alliance. However, it is important to
point out the fact that dming the emergency era of 1962, the agitation for the
creation of the Midwest region reached its pinnacle. Subsequently, a referendum
was conducted and Dennis Osadebey emerged the Premier of the newly created
Mid western region (Igc 1995). This caused friction among the NCNC leaders in
the West. Their interpretation of the whole set up is that, they saw the emergence
of Osadebay as Premier as an attempt on the part of the Igbo to have two of the
Premierships, and that since a Northerner was Prime minister and another
Premier of Northern Region, the Yoruba were being shortchanged ( Ibid, 237).

The consequence of this chauvinistic interpretation is that rancour and acrimony

between the Richard Akinjide's led group and the rest of the Eastern NCNC
leadership became heightened. Thus, Ak.injide led NCNC allied with Akintola to
accuse the Igbo of greediness in taking spoils of office. In fact, 1963 and 1964
saw the worst political brick-bats thrown between Yoruba and lgbo leaders; they
were thrown by NCNC leaders to one another, until 1964 when the NCNC broke
into two and the NNDP was formed (Ibid, 237).

By 1964, however, the NNDP minority government now faced with challenges to
test its popularity for the first time in a regional poll to be conducted within a
year; adopted as one of its strategies to win electoral and other support away
from AG, was to indicate that others within the federation, especially the lbos,
were benefiting from taking part in the federal government and , second, that
such benefits were at the expense of the Yoruba, who had been led to boycott the
NPC-federal government by the AG leadership (Agbajel989)

The situation at the Railway Corporation provided a platform for apt media and
campaign strategy for Chief Akintola, noted for his oratorical skills in Yoruba
and English. This was intensified with Chief Akintola's Western Regional
Government releasing a white paper detailing allegations of nepotism and
tribalism in the Railway Corporation. The white paper alleged, in patt:
And so, dear brother, out of a grand total of 431 names on the current staff list of
our railway Corporation. 270 are Ibo and 161 belong to other tribes. Of fifty-seven
direct senior appointments made by the Nigerian Railway Corporation during the
tenure of office of the present chairman, Dr.lkejiani, twenty-seven were Ibos, eight
78 Monsum M11ritafa

other tribes and twenty two expatriate . (white paper 011 the New Political
Afign111e111: Western Nigeria: Western Nigeria Official Document No.l, 1964.)

Other allegations raised in the white paper and published by newspapers included
one. that Mr. Bernard Njoku. who retired from the Railway as a messenger, was
nominated to serve on the Corporations board because he was the brother of the
Transpon Minister Raymond Njoku. Second, it was also alleged that one Okere. a
Clerk and Dr.lkejiani's cousin, was posted to London as the Corporation's
representative. (Ibid)

The language of the debate continued to deteriorate into further ethnic

chauvinism and contributors appealed more and more to their ethnic
constituencies (Agbaje 1989)Also, when a Yoruba acting Deputy Assistant
General Manager at the Corporation, Mr.Modupe, was suspended from office on
Dr.Ikejiani's orders on suspicion for leaking some information contained in white
paper, the Yoruba traditional rulers were to wade into the matter and succeeded
in getting Mr. Modupe reinstated after sending a delegation to the p1ime minister,
but not without first contributing to the ethnic dust raised by the Railway
controversy. ( Daily Sketch, Ibadan, 8 April 1964, p.3.) In response to the Yoruba
traditional rulers intervention, the Ibo state Union also waded into the Railway
Controversy wit a pamphlet titled, " Nigerian Disunity- the Guilty Ones"
showing statistics to prove that the Ibo had not got " a square deal" in the
distribution of posts in the federal set up. ( Agbaje 1989) Subsequently, what
followed was a statistical war in the media between the Igbo and the Yoruba,
with each side releasing figures in one Federal institution or the other to show
either the Yoruba or Ibo as dominating such institutions ( West African Pilot,
April 6-10, 1964). Indeed, it was this statistical war that woke up the other
existing groups from their slumber on the emerging imperialism of the Igbo and
the Yoruba. Therefore, Northern elite as pioneered by Dr.Iya Abubakar called the
attention of the P1ime Minister, Tafawa Balewa, to the organization and activities
in the federal statutory corporations and departments and "give nonherners their
fair share of office in the federation". In fact, Iya Abubakar(l964) added, the
Western Region government White paper revealed that " the very pitiful position
of the Northerners was that of the vulture waiting for what remains of a carcass
over which two hungry hyenas are feasting" ( Daily Times, Lagos 13, April.
1964: 16). Indeed, the national identity became eroded, and the perception of the
literates, non-literates in both the major and minor ethnic groups became
fashioned along ethnic lines.
Desires. Desig11s and Nationalist Visions ... 79

The ethnic tension was not limited to the"town", but also played itself out in the
"gown", when in the University of Lagos, on the expiration of the term of the
then Vice-Chancellor, Professor Eni Njoku, Akinjide and the NNDP decided tc
use the opportunity to show the Yoruba how keen they were to put Yoruba in
positions against the clamour of the students and staff of the university for the
extension of Eni Njokus's term. Thus. Professor Saburi Biobaku-a Yoruba man,
was appomted against all odds. Consequently, hell was let loose both in the
country, politically, and in the University of Lagos campus where the matter
almost resulted in the death of Professor Biobaku ( Ige 1995).

Also, apart from the civil war that emanated from the coup d'etat of 1966, post-
independent Nigeria has been fraught with ethnic na ionalism as represented by
the growth of ethnic militias and organizations. Prominent among these are
Oodua people's congress, Afenifere group, Ohcmeze Ndigbo and Movement for
the Actualization of the States of Biafra( MASSOB). In fact, the nvalry between
these organizations spurred the activeness of their counterparts in the Northern
Region and other minority areas as represented by the Arewa Consultative Forum
and Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND). Thus, beyond
Yoruba-Igbo rivalry of the colonial pe1iod, ethnicity is now the grand strategy
that is so pervasive in our society; such that everything is viewed from an ethnic
prism. This of course, undermines the fundamental values without which we
cannot build a vnile socio- political and economic stn.ictures.

Conclusion
There is no doubt, that the Yoruba -Igbo nationalists divide is explicable and
better understood within the context of the circumstances of the colonial period.
The cleavage between the two groups was accentuated by their competition for
the control of the pohtical machmery, in their bid to accrue to their group
significant economic gains, social infrastructure, juicy public appointments and
visible political positions. The implications of ethnicity as strategy of
nationalism, however, did not only have negative effects during the
decolonization period, but also, 1t eroded the spirit of patriotism in favour of
primordial considerations m almost all national policies and debates in the post-
independent period.

Indeed, it can be seen from the chronology and analysis in this paper that the
strategy designed to actualize the visions of the Yoruba and Igbo nationalists of
the peiiod have devastating implications for the post-independence period. Thus,
irrationality reigns supreme in national issue, tnbalism and favouritism becomes
80 Mo11suru M11rita/a

synonymous with Nigeria's polity, and the other groups also embraced ethnicity
as strategy of negotiation in national matters. Therefore, what started as Yoruba -
Igbo rivalry in the colonial period, spread across Nigeria, such that, today, it has
become a fundamental problem that all the existing groups in the country are now
found guilty of.

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