Schneider-Herrmann - The Samnites of The Fourth Century BC As Depicted On Campanian Vases and Other Sources

The Samnites of the Fourth Century BC: as depicted on Campanian Vases and in other
sources
Author(s): G. Schneider-Herrmann, Edward Herring and A.D. Trendall
Source: Bulletin Supplement (University of London. Institute of Classical Studies) , 1996,
No. 61, The Samnites of the Fourth Century BC: as depicted on Campanian Vases and in
other sources (1996), pp. ii-iii, v, vii, ix-xxv, xxvii-xxxiii, 1, 3-37, 39-91, 93, 95-111,
113-123, 125, 127-131, 133, 135-143, 145-151
Published by: Oxford University Press
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/43768463
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Gisela Schneider-Herrmann , 1893-1992

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To the Memory of my Husband,
Georg Schneider
(1894-1985)

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From her daughters
We, the daughters of Gisela Schneider-Herrmann, wish to take this opportunity to express our
appreciation to the Accordia Research Centre, University of London, and especially to Dr
Edward Herring and his colleagues for the exemplary work they have done in editing this
book.
Our mother began work on the book when she was about 85 and continued until her
97th year, during which time her eyesight became increasingly limited. The task of editing
became, therefore, both very important and unbelievably difficult. The devoted work of the
editors is what has made publication possible and we wish to acknowledge and express our
deep appreciation to them.
We also wish to thank the Institute of Classical Studies, and especially Professor J.P.
Barron and Miss Alicia Totolos for having taken the initiative to involve the Accordia
Research Centre when it became apparent that more time, energy and means were needed than
the Institute of Classical Studies could provide for.
It was hoped that this monograph could be published during our mother's lifetime, but
that proved not to be attainable. We are convinced that she passed away knowing that her
last work would be available to the archaeological community to which she devoted so much of
her creative energy.
Elizabeth K. Gomperts-Schneider
Gidi I. Croes-Schneider
Dorris U. Kuyken-Schneider

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The Samnites
of the Fourth Century BC

as depicted on Campanian Vases
and in other sources
by
G. Schneider-Herrmann
Edited by
Edward Herring
Foreword by Professor A.D. Trendall
1996
VOLUME 2
ACCORDIA SPECIALIST STUDIES ON ITALY
(Series Editors: Edward Herring, Ruth Whitehouse, John B. Wilkins
ACCORDIA RESEARCH CENTRE, UNIVERSITY OF LONDON
VOLUME 61
Bulletin Supplements
INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES
SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF LONDON

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Contents
List of Figures xi
List of Plates xiii
Foreword by Professor A. D. Trendall xix

Editor's Preface by Edward Herring xxi
Original Notes by G. Schneider Herrmann
Acknowledgements xxvii
General xxvii
Oscans and Samnites xxvii
Aspects of Samnite Life xxxi
The Samnite Warrior

Chapter 1 The Samnite Warrior's Appearance
1 Introduction 3
2 The Samnite Tunic 4
3 The Origins of the Tunic and Belt Costume 12

4 The Broad Belt 15
5 Samnite Footwear 20
Chapter 2 The Samnite W

The Defensive Equipment
1 The Samnite Helmet 39
2 The Celtic Helmet 45
3 The Samnite Cuirass 46
4 The Greaves 62
5 The Single Spur 63

6 The Shield 65
The Offensive Eq
7 The Spear 69
8 The Javelin 73
9 The Sword 73
Chapter 3 The Sa
Combat Related Activities
1 Military Training 77
2 Preparing for Combat 79
3 Combat 80
4 The Mock-Fight 85
The Samnite Warrior's Ritual Activities
5 The Cult of the Single Warrior 89

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The Samnite Woman
Chapter 4 The Samnite Woman's Appearance
1 Introduction 95
2 The Samnite Woman's Costume 95
Chapter 5 The Samnite Woman's Activi

1 Introduction 103
2 The Samnite Woman's Domestic Activities 103

3 The Samnite Woman's Ritual Activities 106
4 Two Special Female Cults 107
Ritual Activities
Chapter 6 Ritual Activities common to both Warriors and Women
1 Introduction 113
2 Ritual Meetings of Warriors and Women 113

3 Ceremonial Libation Scenes 117
4 The Samnite Funerary Cult 119
Appendix
Some Notes on the Differences between Campanian and Apulian Samnites 127
Abbreviations 133
Bibliography 135
Index of Vases 139
Index of Vase-Painters and Groups 145

General Index 147
Plates 153

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List of Figures
Fig. 1 Map of Southern Italy showing some of the major sites in Campania and major Greek
colonies.
Fig. 2 Loose fitting tunic, after hydria, New York 01.8.12.

Fig. 3 Patterned tunic, after skyphos, Berkeley 8/3243.
Fig. 4 Patterned tunic, after neck amphora, Vatican Astarita coll. 58.
Fig. 5 Tunic with Campanian patterning, after hydria, Vatican Astarita coll. 56.
Fig. 6 Tunic with Campanian patterning, after bail amphora, La Trobe University,
Melbourne, 94.02.
Fig. 7 Tunic with Campanian patterning, after hydria, BM F215.
Fig. 8 Tunic decorated below the belt, after neck amphora, Museo Campano, Capua.
Fig. 9 Tunic decorated below the belt, after neck amphora, BM F 197.
Fig. 10 Highly decorated tunic, after column krater, BM F 174.
Fig. 1 1 Tunic with Apulian patterning, after column krater, Trieste S388.
Fig. 12 Hittite bird-headed demon wearing the tunic and belt costume (after Akurgal &
Hirmer 1962: Fig. 109).
Fig. 13 Clasp represented by two lines, after skyphos, Berkeley 8/3243.
Fig. 14 Clasp represented by a row of vertical parallel lines in added white, after skyphos,
Ruhr-Universität S996.
Fig. 15 Clasp represented by two opposed semi-circular lines, after hydria, Vatican
Astarita coll. 56.
Fig. 16 Clasp represented by two hooks fitting into two holes, after a Capuan tomb-painting.
Fig. 17 Sandals worn by one of the Dioskouroi, after hydria, BM E224.
Fig. 18 Shoes worn by a symposiast, after kylix, Villa Giulia 50396.
Fig. 19 Shoes worn by a woman, after kylix, Tarquinia RC 6848.
Fig. 20 Boots worn by a Satyr, after kylix, Paris CdM 542.
Fig. 21 High-laced sandals worn by a Maenad, after volute krater, Taranto 8263.
Fig. 22 Shoes worn by Eros, after pseudo-panathenaic amphora, Erlangen I 288.
Fig. 23 Boots worn by Greek warriors, after volute krater, Toledo 81.110.
Fig. 24 Shoes worn by Dionysos, after volute krater, Toledo 81.110.
Fig. 25 Boots worn by Dionysos, after volute krater, Taranto 8263.
Fig. 26 Boots worn by an Apulian Samnite, after column krater, BM F297.
Fig. 27 Shoes worn by a Samnite boy, after skyphos, Boston 03.822.
Fig. 28 Shoes worn by a Satyr and a youth, after bail amphora, Naples priv. coll. 1-7-4.
Fig. 29 Boots worn by a Samnite boy, after neck amphora, The Hague, Liefkes coll.
Fig. 30 Calotte-shaped helmet (after Saulnier 1983: 62-3, no. 1).
Fig. 31 Calotte-shaped helmet (after Saulnier 1983: 62-3, no. 2).
Fig. 32 Crested helmet (after Saulnier 1983: 62-3, no. 7).
Fig. 33 Crested helmet (after Saulnier 1983: 66-7, no. 6).
Fig. 34 Apulo-Corinthian helmet from Lavello (after Adamesteanu 1974: 178).
Fig. 35 Feathered helmet (after Saulnier 1983: 64-5, no. 1).
Fig. 36 Helmet with attachments for feathers (after Saulnier 1983: 64-5, no. 4).

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Fig. 39 Feathered and crested helmet (after Saulnier 1983: 66-7, no. 4).
Fig. 40 Feathered and crested helmet (after Saulnier 1983: 66-7, no. 3).
Fig. 41 a-c Menhirs from near Ghieti (after Colonna 1974).
Fig. 42 Detail of a Daunian stele, based on Nava 1980: pl. CLXVII, no. 584 A.
Fig. 43 Detail of a Daunian stele, based on Nava 1980: pl. LXXIV, no. 251 A.
Fig. 44 Detail of a Daunian stele, based on Nava 1980: pl. CLXXVIII, no. 593 A.
Fig. 45 Schematic detail of a Daunian stele, based on Nava 1980: pl. GCCLXX, no. 1 122 A.
Fig. 46 Handle of an 'Ordona phiale' (after De Juliis 1977: pl. LXVIII).
Fig. 47 Pendant motif from Daunian pottery (after De Juliis 1977: pl. XXXI, no. 74).
Fig. 48 Detail of a Daunian stele, based on Nava 1980: pl. CCXXXVTII, no. 736 A.
Fig. 49 Detail of a Daunian stele, based on Nava 1980: pl. CXCVI, no. 620 B.
Fig. 50 Messapian vase with circular patterns (after Yntema 1985: 82, Fig. 141).
Fig. 51 Single spur worn by an Apulian Samnite, after volute krater, Tampa, 87.36.
Fig. 52 One of a pair of spurs worn by a boy riding a race horse, after bronze statue, National
Museum Athens.
Fig. 53 Exterior of a round shield, after Type II Lucanian nestoris, Berlin F3146.
Fig. 54 a, b Interior of round shield showing how it was carried, after Type II Lucanian nesto
Berlin F3146.
Fig. 55 a, b Interior of a pelta showing how it was carried, after Apulian fragment,
Leiden I 1992/6 118.
Fig. 56 Round shield with concentric circle decoration, after column krater, once Milan
market.
Fig. 57 Parasol shield, after Type II Lucanian nestoris, Berlin F3 146.

Fig. 58 Oval shield with pointed ends, after hydria, Louvre K276.
Fig. 59 Parasol carried by a woman, after fragmentary Apulian hydria, Leiden I 1992/6 121.
Fig. 60 Spear-head from Torre Galli, Tomb 30 (after Saulnier 1983: 28-9, no. 1).
Fig. 61 Spear-head from Torre Galli, Tomb 163 (after Saulnier 1983: 28-9 no. 2).
Fig. 62 Spear-head from Alfedena, Tomb B16 (after Saulnier 1983: 28-9, no. 4).
Fig. 63 Spear-head from Novilara, Malaroni Tomb 10 (after Saulnier 1983: 28-9, no. 9).
Fig. 64 Chape on the end of a spear, after bell krater, Sydney 46.01.
Fig. 65 Chape on the end of a spear, after hydria, Würzburg 873.
Fig. 66 Chape on the end of a spear, after squat lekythos, BM F241.
Fig. 67 Short sword presented to a Samnite warrior, after Type I Lucanian nestoris,
Boston 1971.49.
Fig. 68 Woman's skirt and drapery, after neck amphora, BM F 197.

Fig. 69 Woman's drapery after hydria, New York 01.8.12.
Fig. 70 Jacket-like cape, after neck amphora, BM F 197.
Fig. 71 Woman's head-dress, after hydria, Naples 874/82721.
Fig. 72 Woman's head-dress, after neck amphora, BM F 197.
Fig. 73 Woman's head-dress, after pseudo-panathenaic amphora, Hamburg, Termer coll.
Fig. 74 Seated Campanian Samnite, after bell krater, BM 1953 4-29.1.
Fig. 75 Seated Apulian Samnite, after column krater, BM F297.

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List of Plates
Plate 1 Skyphos, Boston 03.822. Errera Painter. Photograph courtesy of the Museum of Fine
Arts, Boston. Francis Bartlett Donation.
Plate 2 Skyphos, Leiden GNV 8. Frignano Group. Photograph courtesy of the Rijksmuseum
van Oudheden, Leiden.
Plate 3 Hydria, Budapest T 763. LNO Painter. Photograph courtesy of the Szépmíivészeti
Muzeum, Budapest.
Plate 4 Neck amphora, The Hague, Leifkes coll. LNO Painter. Photograph courtesy of Dr L.
Byvanck-Quarles van Ufford.
Plate 5 Paestan tomb-painting. The 'Procession' fresco. Photograph courtesy of the Museo
Nazionale, Naples.
Plate 6 Type I Lucanian nestoris, Boston 1971.49. Amykos Painter. Photograph courtesy of
the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.
Plate 7 Apulian column krater, BM F 174. Sisyphus Painter. Photograph courtesy of the
trustees of the British Museum.
Plate 8 Neck amphora, Vatican Astarita coll. 58. Astarita Painter. Photograph courtesy of the
Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden.
Plate 9 Hydria, Louvre K277. Libation Painter. Photograph courtesy of the Musée du Louvre.
Plate 10 Capuan tomb-painting. Photograph courtesy of the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden,
Leiden.
Plate 1 1 Bail amphora, Melbourne, La Trobe University, 94.02. Three-Dot Group. Photograph
with special thanks to Professor A.D. Trendall.
Plate 12 Mediaeval garment, probably originally from Egypt. Photograph courtesy of the
Plate 13 Skyphos, Brussels R320. Pilos Head Group. Photograph courtesy of the Musées
Royaux d'Art et d'Histoire, Brussels.
Plate 14 Neck amphora, Berlin 4982,45. Ixion Painter. Photograph courtesy of the Staatliche
Museen, Berlin.
Plate 15 Hydria, BM F2 15. Libation Painter. Photograph courtesy of the trustees of the British
Museum.
Plate 16 Hydria, New York 01.8.12. Group of Naples 3227. Photograph courtesy of t
Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.
Plate 17 Skyphos, Berkeley University, California 8/3243. Painter of Louvre K296. Photog
courtesy of University of California, Berkeley.
Plate 18 Hydria, Vatican Astarita coll. 56. Astarita Painter. Photograph courtesy of
Plate 19 Bell krater, BM 1953 4-29.1. Detroit Painter. Photograph courtesy of the trustees
the British Museum.
Plate 20 Hydria, Los Angeles, Dechter coll. 42. CA Painter. Photograph courtesy of the owner
of the vase.
Plate 2 1 Neck amphora, Capua. Caivano Painter. Photograph courtesy of the Museo Campano,
Capua.
Plate 22 Neck amphora, BM F 197. Libation Painter. Photograph courtesy of the trustees of the
British Museum.
Plate 23 Pseudo-panathenaic amphora, once Hamburg market. Caivano Painter. Photograp

courtesy of W. Hornbostel.
Plate 24 Calyx krater, Naples 861/82599. Horseman Group. Photograph with special thanks to
Professor A.D. Trendall.

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xiv List of Plates
Plate 25 Calyx krater, Chicago 27680. Horseman Group. Photograph court

National History Museum.
Plate 26 a, b Neck amphora, Brussels A3550. Errera Painter. Photographs court
Plate 27 Type I Lucanian nestoris, BM Fl 75. Dolon Painter. Photograph c
Plate 28 a, b Type II Lucanian nestoris, once Rome market. Choephoroi Painter. Photograph
courtesy of the Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Rome.
Plate 29 Apulian nestoris, Naples 2211/81830. Bassano Group. Photograph courtesy of the
Museo Nazionale, Naples.
Plate 30 Apulian column krater, BM F173. Prisoner Painter. Photograph courtesy of the
Plate 31 Apulian column krater, BM F297. Wolfenbüttel Painter. Photograph courtesy of the
Plate 32 Apulian column krater, Trieste S388. Dijon Painter. Photograph courtesy of the
Museo Nazionale, Trieste.
Plate 33 Paestan tomb-painting. Photograph courtesy of the Museo Nazionale, Paestum.
Plate 34 Early Corinthian aryballos, Melbourne priv. coll. 'Flap Group'. Photograph courtesy of
the owner.
Plate 35 Early Corinthian aryballos, Leiden I 1992/6 91. Photograph courtesy of the
Plate 36 Amphora, Athens National Museum 1002. Photograph courtesy of the Athens
National Museum.
Plate 37 a, b Attic black-figure column krater, Berlin 1966.17. Photographs courtesy o

Staatliche Museen, Berlin.
Plate 38 a, b Attic black-figure kylix, Amsterdam 3356. Photographs courtesy of the Allard Pi
Museum, Amsterdam.
Plate 39 Thessalian bronze belt. 8th/7th century BC. Photograph courtesy of Sotheby
London.
Plate 40 Grave goods, including a complete Samnite bronze belt, from Castiglione di
Conversano. Photograph courtesy of the Museo Archeologico di Bari.
Plate 41 Samnite belt fragment, Museo del Sannio, Benevento. Photograph courtesy of the
Museo del Sannio, Benevento.
Plate 42 a-c Samnite belt fragments, Museo Campano, Capua. Photographs with special thanks to
Prof. S. Garofano Venosta.
Plate 43 Samnite belt fragment. 5th/4th century BC. Photograph with special thanks to Prof.
S. Garofano Venosta.
Plate 44 a Samnite type belt, once German market. 4th/3rd century BC. Photograph courtesy o
Wichert's, Bonn.
Plate 44 b Detail of the clasp of the Samnite type belt shown in plate 44a. Photograph courtes
of Wichert's, Bonn.
Plate 45 Samnite type belt, Museum Antické Umění, Prague. 4th/3rd century BC. Photograph
courtesy of the Museum Antické Umění, Prague.
Plate 46 Skyphos, Bochum S996. Libation Painter. Photograph courtesy of the Bochum
Antiken Museum, Ruhr-Universität.
Plate 47 Capuan tomb-painting. Photograph courtesy of the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden
Leiden.
Plate 48 Lucanian pseudo-panathenaic amphora, Erlangen I 288. Related to the Primato

Group. Photograph courtesy of the Erlangen Museum.
Plate 49 Apulian oinochoe, BM F376. Patera Painter. Photograph courtesy of the trustees o
the British Museum.
Plate 50 Apulian column krater, Würzburg 858. Connected in style to the Painter of Genev
MF 290. Photograph courtesy of the Martin von Wagner Museum, Würzburg.
Plate 51 Drawing of a lost Campanian vase-painting (after Tischbein).
Plate 52 Drawing of a lost Paestan tomb-painting (after Pequignot).
Plate 53 a-d Amphora in outline technique, Vatican AB 14. Photographs courtesy of the
Plate 54 Bail amphora, Naples priv. coll. 228. Ixion Group. Photograph courtesy of the owner.
Plate 55 Skyphos, Naples priv. coll. 1-8-6. Ixion Group. Photograph courtesy of the owner.

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List of Plates xv
Plate 56 a, b Skyphos, Bloomington I.U.A.M. 100.10.5.81 B. Ixion Group. Photogra

the Bloomington Art Museum, Indiana University.
Plate 57 Bail amphora, Capua 7541. Errera Painter. Photograph courtesy of the Museo
Campano, Capua.
Plate 58 Skyphos, Capua (no inv.) Laon Painter. Photograph courtesy of the Museo Campano,
Capua.
Plate 59 a, b Bail amphora, Naples priv. coll. 1-7-4. Painter of Naples 128012. Photographs with
special thanks to Professor A.D. Trendall.
Plate 60 Bail amphora, once Zürich market. Ixion Group. Photograph with special thanks to
Plate 61 Paestan bell krater, Richmond 81.72. Attributed to Python. Photograph courtesy o
the Museum of Fine Arts, Richmond, Virginia.
Plate 64 a, b Bronze helmet with bull's horns and ears, once German market. Photograph
courtesy of the Martin von Wagner Museum, Würzburg.
Plate 65 Apulian column krater, Ruvo 1090. Eumenides Group. Photograph courtesy of the
Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Rome.
Plate 66 Apulian column krater, Ruvo 412. York Painter. Photograph courtesy of the Deutschen
Archäologischen Instituts, Rome.
Plate 67 Bail amphora, Rheinbach, Koch coll. Walters Sub-Group. Photograph courtesy of the
owner of the vase.
Plate 68 Bell krater, Louvre K261. Libation Painter. Photograph courtesy of the Musée du
Louvre.
Plate 69 Lucanian bell krater, Vienna 918. Painter of Vienna 1091. Photograph courtesy of the
Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna.
Plate 70 a, b Bronze statuette from Sicily, Louvre Br-124. Photographs courtesy of the Musée du
Louvre.
Plate 71 Celtic helmet, Museo Nazionale, Ancona. Photograph courtesy of the Museo
Nazionale, Ancona.
Plate 72 Samnite cuirass, Museo A. de Nino, Alfedena. Photograph courtesy of the Museo A.
de Nino, Alfedena.
Plate 73 a, b Samnite cuirass, once London market. Photographs courtesy of Sotheby's, London.
Plate 74 Samnite cuirass from Ruvo, Museo Nazionale, Naples. Photograph courtesy of the
Plate 75 Samnite cuirass, once Bern market. Photograph courtesy of Elsa Bloch-Diener, Bern.
Plate 76 Squat lekythos, BM F242. Related to the Danaïd Painter. Photograph courtesy of the
Plate 77 Hydria, Newark 50.330. CA Painter. Photograph courtesy of the Newark Museum,
Newark, New Jersey.
Plate 78 a, b Squat lekythos, once Paris market. Spotted Rock Group. Photographs with special
thanks to Professor A.D. Trendall.
Plate 79 Apulian volute krater, Tampa 87.36. Gift of C.W. Sahlman. Arpi Painter. Photograph
with special thanks to Professor A.D. Trendall.
Plate 80 Hydria, Würzburg 873. Painter of New York GR 1000. Photograph courtesy of the
Martin von Wagner Museum, Würzburg.
Plate 81 a, b Statue of a warrior from Capestrano, Museo Nazionale, Chieti. Photographs courtesy
of the Museo Nazionale, Chieti.
Plate 82 a , b Statue from Capestrano, Museo Nazionale, Chieti. Photographs courtesy of the
Museo Nazionale, Chieti.
Plate 83 Akroterion from Poggio Civitate. Photograph courtesy of the Museo Nazionale,
Florence.
Plate 84 Detail from the Certosa situla, Museo Nazionale, Bologna. Photograph courtesy of
the Museo Nazionale, Bologna.
Plate 85 a, b Menhir from Guardiagrele, Museo Nazionale, Chieti. Photograph courtesy of the
Museo Nazionale, Chieti.
Plate 86 Heart-protector, Museo A. de Nino, Alfedena. Photograph courtesy of the Museo A
de Nino, Alfedena.
Plate 87 Female Daunian stele. Photograph courtesy of the Soprintendenza Archeologica della
Puglia.

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xvi List of Plates
Plate 88 Female Daunian stele. Photograph courtesy of the Soprintendenza Ar

Puglia.
Plate 89 Detail from a Daunian stele showing jewellery. Photograph courtesy of the
Soprintendenza Archeologica della Puglia.
Plate 90 Jewellery from near Picenum, 6th century BC. Photograph courtesy of the
Plate 91 Jewellery from near Picenum, 6th century BC. Photograph courtesy of the
Plate 92 Bronze disc from Alfedena. Photograph courtesy of the Museo A. de Nino, Alfedena.
Plate 93 Type III Lucanian nestoris, Leiden 1849/9.1. Acrobat Painter. Photograph courtesy of
the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden.
Plate 94 a, b Type II Lucanian nestoris, Berlin F3146. Painter of Naples 1959. Photographs
courtesy of the Staatliche Museen, Berlin.
Plate 95 Daunian stele showing circular patterns. Photograph courtesy of the Soprintendenza
Archeologica della Puglia.
Plate 96 Bronze mirror, Rijsmuseum G.M. Kam, Nijmegen. Photograph courtesy of the
Rijksmuseum G.M. Kam, Nijmegen.
Plate 97 Bronze mirror, Museo Nazionale, Bologna. Photograph courtesy of the Museo
Nazionale, Bologna.
Plate 98 a Pair of greaves, Archäologisches Institut, Zürich LI 25a & b. Photograph courtesy of
the Archäologisches Institut, Zürich
Plate 98 b Detail of the back of one of the greaves. Photograph courtesy of the Archäologisches
Institut, Zürich
Plate 99 Bail amphora, Naples RG 74. Three-Dot Group. Photograph courtesy of the National
Museum, Naples.
Plate 100 Attic black-figure hydria, Rome, Museo Capitolino 88. Antimenes Group. Photograph
courtesy of the Museo Capitolino, Rome.
Plate 101 Capuan tomb-painting. Photograph courtesy of the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden,
Leiden.
Plate 102 Apulian fragment, Leiden I 1992/6 118. Baltimore Painter. Photograph courtesy o
the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden.
Plate 103 Apulian column krater, once Milan market. Maplewood Painter. Photograph with
Plate 104 Apulian hydria fragment, Leiden I 1992/6 121. Baltimore Painter. Photograph
courtesy of the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden.
Plate 105 Hydria, Louvre K276. Libation Painter. Photograph courtesy of the Musée du Louvre.
Plate 106 Bail amphora, Oxford 1880.17 (V457). Libation Group. Photograph courtesy of the
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.
Plate 107 Hydria, San Simeon, Hearst Estate 5432. Errera Painter. Photograph with thanks to
Plate 108 Bail amphora, once Zürich market. Painter of Louvre K491. Photograph with thanks
to Professor A.D. Trendall.
Plate 109 Bell krater, Sydney 46.01. Nicholson Painter. Photograph courtesy of the Nicholson
Museum, Sydney University.
Plate 110 Squat lekythos, BM F241. CA Painter. Photograph courtesy of the trustees of the
British Museum.
Plate 1 1 1 Paestan tomb-painting. Photograph courtesy of the Museo Nazionale, Paestum.

Plate 112 Bail amphora, Melbourne, La Trobe University, 94.01. VPH Painter. Photograp
courtesy of La Trobe University.
Plate 1 13 Bail amphora, Brussels A830. Three-Dot Group. Photograph courtesy of the Musées
Plate 114 Apulian column krater, Monopoli, Meo-Evoli coll. L56. Prisoner Painter. Photograph
courtesy of the owner of the vase.
Plate 115 Hydria, Naples 127961. Boston Ready Painter. Photograph courtesy of the Muse
Nazionale, Naples.
Plate 116 Apulian column krater, Ruvo 1709. Prisoner Painter. Photograph courtesy of the
Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Rome.
Plate 117 Apulian column krater, Reading University Museum 87.35.34. Rueff Painter.
Photograph courtesy of the Reading University Museum.
Plate 1 18 Hydria, Capua (inv. 7). Triumph Painter. Photograph with special thanks to Professor
S. Garofano Venosta.

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List of Plates xvii
Plate 119 Skyphos, Naples 878/82765. Parrish Painter. Photograph courtesy of

Nazionale, Naples.
Plate 120 Hydria, Washington 429913. Washington Combat Painter. Photograph co
U.S. National Museum, Washington.
Plate 121 Hydria, Capua 7539. Washington Combat Painter. Photograph courtesy o
Campano, Capua.
Plate 122 Skyphos, once Munich market. Duel Painter. Photograph courtesy of the
Plate 123 Skyphos, St Petersburg 1670. Duel Painter. Photograph courtesy of the Hermitage, St
Petersburg.
Plate 124 Hydria, Louvre CA 31906. Duel Painter. Photograph courtesy of the Musée du
Louvre, Paris.
Plate 125 Hydria, Budapest 51.89. Duel Painter. Photograph courtesy of the Szépmüvészeti
Múzeum, Budapest.
Plate 126 Lebes gamikos, Bloomington I. U.A.M. 70.29. Column Painter. Photograph courtesy of
the Bloomington Art Museum, Indiana University.
Plate 128 Skyphos, once Philadelphia and Zürich markets. Whiteface Painter. Photograph with
special thanks to Professor A.D. Trendall.
Plate 129 Bail amphora, Vatican Astarita coll. 57. Astarita Painter. Photograph courtesy of the
Plate 130 Bail amphora, Agrigento R200. Painter of New York GR 1000. Photograph courtesy of
the Museo Nazionale, Agrigento.
Plate 131 Bail amphora, North German priv. coll. Capua Painter. Photograph courtesy of the
owner of the vase.
Plate 132 Bail amphora, Capua (no inv.). Painter of Louvre K296. Photograph courtesy of the
Museo Campano, Capua.
Plate 133 Bail amphora, Louvre K296. Painter of Louvre K296. Photograph courtesy of the
Musée du Louvre, Paris.
Plate 134 Hydria, Naples 874/82721. Astarita Painter. Photograph courtesy of the Museo
Nazionale, Naples.
Plate 135 Paestan hydria, Brussels A813. Attributed to Asteas or close to his work. Photograph
courtesy of the Musées Royaux d'Art et d'Histoire.
Plate 136 Bail amphora, Toronto 916.3.2. Torchmen Painter. Photograph courtesy of the Royal
Ontario Museum, Toronto.
Plate 137 Paestan neck amphora, Paestum 2 1370. Signed by Python. Photograph courtesy of the
Museo Nazionale, Paestum.
Plate 138 Neck amphora, Berlin F2990. Owl Pillar Group. Photograph courtesy of the
Staatliche Museen, Berlin.
Plate 139 a, b Apulian squat lekythos, Essen 74. 158 A 3. Group of Ruvo 423. Photographs courtesy of
the Ruhrlandmuseum, Essen.
Plate 140 Hydria, Vatican U48. CA Painter. Photograph with special thanks to Professor A.D.
Trendall.
Plate 141 Neck amphora, Stockholm 31. CA Painter. Photograph courtesy of the Rijksmuseum
Plate 142 Apulian knob-handled patera, Lecce 786. Close in style to the Darius Painter.
Photograph courtesy of the Museo Provinciale "Sigismondo Castromediano", Lecce.
Plate 143 Apulian knob-handled patera, Manchester IV C 8. Rennes Painter. Photograph
courtesy of the Manchester University Museum.
Plate 144 a-c Apulian knob-handled patera, Marseille 2.932. Baltimore Painter. Photographs
courtesy of the Musée Borély, Marseille.
Plate 145 Type I Apulian nestoris, Naples 2307/81832. Painter of Naples 2307. Photograph
courtesy of the Museo Nazionale, Naples.
Plate 146 Apulian pelike, Leiden I 1992/6 116. Schneider-Herrmann Sub-Group. Photograph
courtesy of the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden.
Plate 147 Apulian lebes gamikos, Taranto 61438. Baltimore Painter. Photograph courtesy of the
Museo Nazionale, Taranto.
Plate 148 Apulian column krater, BM F294. Trieste Owl Group. Photograph with thanks to the
Plate 149 Neck amphora, Vatican U45. CA Painter. Photograph courtesy of the Rijksmuseum

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xviii List of Plates
Plate 150 Neck amphora, BM F 196. Painter of BM F 196. Photograph with t

Plate 151 Bell krater, Capua (no inv.). CA Painter. Photograph with special thanks to Prof. S.
Garofano Venosta.
Plate 152 Hydria, Archäologisches Institut, Zürich 3580. Boston Ready Painter. Photograph
with thanks to Prof. Giesler, Archäologisches Institut Zürich.
Plate 153 Bell krater, Vatican U50. CA Painter. Photograph courtesy of the Rijksmuseum van
Oudheden, Leiden.
Plate 154 Squat lekythos, Naples RC 143/86067. CA Painter. Photograph with special thanks to
Plate 155 Hydria, Würzburg 874. Libation Painter. Photograph courtesy of the Martin v
Wagner Museum, Würzburg.
Plate 156 Calyx krater, Naples 1985/82410. Horseman Group. Photograph courtesy of the
Plate 157 a-c Hydria Dunedin E 48.275. Astarita Painter. Photographs courtesy of the Otag
Museum, Dunedin, New Zealand.
Plate 158 Hydria, Hamburg, Kropatscheck coll. Close to the style of the Capua-Boreas Painter.
Photograph with special thanks to Professor A.D. Trendall.
Plate 159 Hydria, Armidale (N.S.W.). Olcott Painter. Photograph with special thanks to
Leiden.
Leiden.
Plate 162 Nolan tomb-painting. Photograph courtesy of the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden,
Leiden.
Plate 163 Apulian column krater, Vatican T10. Maplewood Painter. Photograph with specia
Plate 164 Apulian column krater, once London market. Patera Painter. Photograph with special
Plate 165 Apulian column krater, New York 96.18.42 (GR 640). Painter of the Bari Orestes.
Photograph courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.
Plate 166 Apulian column krater, Louvre K121. Follower of the Darius Painter. Photograph
courtesy of the Musée du Louvre.
The author would like to express her deepest gratitude to the various museums, galleries, auction-
houses and private collectors for their kindness in granting permission to publish photographs of
the objects in their possession.

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Foreword
Gisela Schneider-Herrmann was born in Berlin on September 1st 1893 and

mature age of 98, spending the last sixty years of her life in the Netherlands,
marriage to Georg Schneider. Between 1916 and 1920 she attended cour
aspects of classical and modern literature and on the history of art, espe
Greece and Rome, at various universities in Germany (Heidelberg, Berlin,
Bonn). Her teachers included such distinguished scholars as Hiller von
Ferdinand Noack, Rudolf Pagenstecher, Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moelle
Winter and E. Wölfflin. Some ten years later she also attended courses at th
Hamburg by Eugen von Mercklin on classical antiquity and Erwin Panowsky
Already by the middle of the 1930s she had begun to publish on aspe
archaeology. During the 1950s she devoted some of her energies to pursuin
interests, writing on the work of Stefan George and Hölderlin, although sh
the field of classical art. Later, however, she turned exclusively to classical
for the rest of her life devoted herself with great enthusiasm to work in this
her particular interest lay in the study of South Italian vases and their ico
may well have been due, at least in part, to the influence of Professor Lunsingh
whose lectures on classical archaeology she attended at the University of
whose memory she dedicated the catalogue of the impressive collectio
antiquities (Eine Niederländische Studiensammlung antiker Kunst = BABesch
which she had been steadily building up and which has now passed to the
Leiden. Four of the vases formerly in her collection are illustrated in the p
Plates 35, 102, 104 and 146.
From C.1960 onwards Mrs Schneider devoted most of her energies to pub
field of South Italian vase-painting, as may be seen in the series of articles
contributed to BABesch , one or more of which appeared almost every yea
and 1982, when failing eyesight (resulting from a motor accident some ye
and declining health began to slow down her productivity, though she pers
work until the very end. The articles well illustrate the range of her inter
with various aspects of the iconography of South Italian vases and, in
evidence they provide for the existence of an Eros cult in South Italy (e.g .BAB
43, 1968; 45, 1970; 48, 1973) or with the significance of certain objects whic
scenes depicted on the vases - e.g. the ball (BABesch 46, 1971), whipping-to
1973), xylophone (. Festoen , 1976; with addenda vsxBABesch 52-3, 1977-8). Othe
in greater detail with some of the items in her own collection - in particul
stamnos (AntK 13, 1970), and the two Apulian plates, showing female acr
1982); one of the last she wrote, in Enthousiasmos (Essays presented to J
1986), dealt with some of the problems raised by the black-figured lekythoi of
"Pagenstecher" class, of which she was hoping to make a fuller study.

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xx Foreword
Her two major published works both deal with the origin and develo
vase-shapes peculiar to South Italy. The first - Apulian Red-Figured P
Knobbed Handles (. BICS , Suppl. 34, 1977) dealt in detail with the shape and
large dishes {paterae ) which play such a prominent part in Late Apulian
shown on the vases themselves. This was a masterly work which broug
first time most of the extant vases of this type with a well-chosen se
illustrate the varieties of shape and decoration. It was followed three years
of another interesting shape in Red-Figured Lucanian and Apulian Nestoride
(Allard Pierson Series, vol. 1, 1980). The so-called nestoris (or trozzella
be of native Messapian origin, is found in red-figure only in Lucanian
excellent selection of illustrations provided in the book showed the varyin
nestoris might take, as well as the range of subjects represented upo
most valuable contribution to our better understanding of South Italian
particular, to the connection between it and the native wares.
In her later years Mrs Schneider also developed a growing interest
especially in the armour worn by their warriors and the costume
preliminary article on this topic appeared in BABesch 57, 1982, and s
more detailed survey of the subject which her death in 1992 pre
completing. From those sections of the book which were already in som
their final form and from a mass of papers giving details about other aspe
Dr Edward Herring with painstaking attention has been able to recons
whole.
It is fitting that the Accordia Research Centre and the Institute of Classical Studies are
here collaborating to publish the result of this long labour. In this way, the extremely
valuable corpus of material which Mrs Schneider had put together will not be lost to
students in this field, who owe both the writer and her editor a deep debt of gratitude. The
completed work will serve as a lasting memorial to Mrs Schneider-Herrmann, whose early
training in philosophy, literature and philology lies behind that meticulous attention to
detail which characterises her work. It is this careful application which gives to her work a
deeper insight into the significance of the many religious, ritual and everyday scenes,
which are so often depicted upon South Italian vases and which provide us with good
illustrations of the relations between the Greek colonists and the native inhabitants of
South Italy.
A.D.Trendall
La Trobe University
Melbourne, 1995

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Editor's Preface
"All that is gold does not glitter"

(J.R.R. Tolkien, The Fellowship of the Ring, Book One, Chapter One)
The above quotation is, in many respects, applicable to the manuscript of

was first received by th e Accordio, Research Centre in December 1990. Clearly,
considerable attention before it could be published. However, Mrs Schneid
advancing age and failing eye-sight quite simply prevented her from comp
the remaining editorial tasks. Thus, it has fallen to me to polish the gold, as i
stead.
Accordio* s involvement with the book began at the instigation of Professor John Barron,
the then Director of the Institute of Classical Studies. The manuscript had been submitted
to the Institute, which had published one of the author's earlier monographs as a Bulletin
Supplement in 1977 - Apulian Red-Figured Paterae with Flat or Knobbed Handles. Professor
Barron was keen to proceed with the project, but realised that the Institute could not
devote the staff time necessary to prepare the manuscript for final publication. Professor
Barron invited Accordia , which as a young institution was in a better position to devote
considerable staff time to this project, to undertake the task of preparing the manuscript
for a joint imprint. Given the relevance of the book's subject matter to a research centre
for early Italy, Accordia was only too happy to take up this invitation and to accept the book
as an important addition to its Specialist Studies on Italy.
Before moving on to outline the nature of my role in preparing the book as it is
published here, I feel I should comment on the author's use of the term Samnite. The term
is used broadly for the non-Greek population of Southwest Italy, and Campania in
particular, in the 4th century BC. It is employed in much the same way that Osean has
sometimes been used when applied to people as opposed to the language. (Trendall, for
example, commonly uses the term Osean when referring to the non-Greeks portrayed on
South Italian vases.) Needless to say, when dealing with iconographical evidence, one can
never be absolutely certain that every non-Greek depicted on Campanian vases was strictly
speaking a Samnite. However, the broad usage of the term is not inconsistent with
scholarly convention. The armour in which many of the male figures on the vases are
portrayed is commonly called Samnite (see, for example, the terminology in Saulnier's
1983 study L'Armée et la Guerre chez les peuples Samnites). While it is thought that the non-
Greek population of the area was related ethnically to the Samnites, this is not the only
name by which that population is identified. For example, the conquerors of Paestum in
the late 5th century BC are called the Lucani. Other names used for the non-Greek
population of the area include the Sabellians and the Oinotrians. It is unclear what the
political status of these groups was or how exactly they were related to each other, and,
indeed, it is not certain that the sources were entirely consistent in their application of a
specific name to one particular group: some names may be general terms, others probably
related to more tightly defined groups. In view of the problems associated with the use of
these ethno-specific names, some authorities now prefer to use a much more generic term,
such as natives, non-Greeks or, the Italian term, Indigeni, when speaking generally.

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xxii Editor's Preface
This seems an appropriate point for me to indicate what I see as the value of
draws together an impressive body of iconographical data, mainly from
figure vase-painting, on the non-Greek or Samnite population of South Ita
has not previously been covered at length in monograph form, although Pr
published a well illustrated short survey on this topic, Gli Indigeni nella pittur
1971. Although the book does not, and does not attempt to, provide a complete
the Campanian vases showing Samnites, it does offer a representative samp
of scenes in which the Samnites were portrayed. These data are comp
selection of carefully chosen tomb-paintings, which show Samnite warrio
dressed in a similar way and performing similar tasks to those shown on the v
(Since Mrs Schneider-Herrmann's death a major new study of Paestan tomb
been published: Le tombe dipinte di Paestum by A. Pontrandolfo and
Consideration of this material has not been incorporated into this book.)
excavation of actual examples of Samnite armour confirms that the icono
offers a true picture of Samnite society, at least in this respect. Moreover, the
iconographie record can be further supported by occasional references to t
ancient authorities. From this evidence Mrs Schneider-Herrmann is able to discuss
Samnite costume and armament in all its variety, and reconstruct plausibly at lea
aspects of Samnite life. It seems to me particularly important to bring to the attentio
wider audience the breadth of this rich source of iconographical evidence for the
non-Greek society in the 4th century BC. It is my hope that the book will enco
scholars to make greater use of the iconographical evidence in the reconstruction
society and, given that the vases were produced by the Greek colonists, use them
for speculation on how the Greeks saw their neighbours. This is where the real value o
book lies and it should not be underestimated. Indeed, I would argue that there is
for a companion volume on the depictions of the native population of South
Apulian red-figure vases - a subject touched on only occasionally in this book. A
vase-painting is another a rich vein of evidence for non-Greek society and, for that m
for relations between the Greeks and their neighbours. (The wealth of this source
have increased with the recent publication of Trendall and Cambitoglou's Second Suppl
to The Red-Figured Vases of Apulia.) Apulian vases, at times, show the native populatio
way which is somewhat different from Campanian vases. The comparison betw
portrayal of non-Greeks in the two fabrics is an interesting one, although it lies outs
scope of Mrs Schneider-Herrmann's study (see, however, APPENDIX, for some pre
thoughts on this subject).
I should like to turn now to my task as editor. My aim has been to complete the bo
the way that the author herself would have done had she been able. My general p
been to stay as faithful to the author's original manuscript as possible. For this
have not included any new material which has come to light since the author stop
on the book. Thus, the book is, in some respects, a historical document dating t
author's last phase of work. The corollary of this decision is that the book does not ta
consideration the most recent published scholarship. This is perhaps less serious
discussion of the iconographical data which is in many respects a self-contained
although several new vases and paintings relevant to the Samnites have emerged
author stopped work on the book. On the other hand, research into the histori
archaeological background to South Italy in the 4th century BC, and in particul
problems connected with identities of native groups and the relations between th
and the neighbours, has moved on considerably in recent years. (Reasonably full a
date bibliographies for individual Samnite sites may be found in Samnium. Archeo
Molise by S. Capini and A. Di Niro (Rome 1991) and Abruzzo-Molise by F. Coarelli a
Regina (Bari 1984). On the historical side, it is more than twenty five years sin
Salmon's Samnium and the Samnites was published, there now exists a need for a
synthesis to draw together the results of the latest research. The publication o
Dench's From Barbarians to New Men (Oxford 1995) should make an important con

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Editor's Preface xxiii
to the historical study of the native peoples of the central Apennines,

Samnites). However, to have taken all the most recent publications into con
would have required the re-writing of parts of the book which would have
character in a fundamental way: in effect it would have become more my b
author's. For the same reasons I have included the notes which were to have f
a general introduction to the book largely unaltered (cf. ORIGINAL NO
SCHNEIDER-HERRMANN). It was not possible to construct a full and up-to-date in
to the book from them without destroying the historical integrity of Mr
Herrmann's work.
Moving on to specific issues, one of my principal early tasks was to edit the English. I
have tried to do this without altering the sense the author intended: similarly I have tried
to retain the original emphasis whenever possible. It was necessary to check (and at times
add to) the bibliographic references; many of the internal cross-references are also my
additions. It was equally important to check the inventory numbers and attributions of
vases, against the information present in the major vase corpora.
In the original manuscript there was a mixture of in-text bibliographic references and
references in footnotes. For consistency I decided to opt for the name/date style of
bibliographic referencing, with the qualification that certain standard abbreviations are
used when referring to major vase catalogues.
I have retained the author's footnotes, as and when they are essential to the making of
subsidiary points. I have also added a small number of editor's footnotes for the sake of
clarity. The latter are clearly marked as such.
The tripartite structure of the book represents my formalisation of the natural
structure of Mrs Schneider-Herrmann's manuscript. The decision to place all the plates
together at the end of the book was mine, as was that to put the figures in the text. I was
also responsible for the compilation of the indexes.
A more fundamental change was to move the discussion of MILITARY TRAINING (Ch. 3,
1) from the author's introductory notes ASPECTS OF Samnite LIFE to Chapter 3, The
Samnite Warrior's Activities . The move better fits the structure I have imposed on the book.
For the same reason I moved the section on 'single warriors without ritual attributions',
which now appears in Chapter 3, 5, THE CULT OF THE SINGLE WARRIOR, from the ASPECTS
OF SAMNITE Life section. The vases bearing scenes of individual warriors in non-ritual
situations seem to me to belong better in their new position which allows them to be
usefully compared with generically similar vases showing the ritual activities performed by
individual warriors. In the original manuscript THE CÜLT OF THE SINGLE WARRIOR came
between the PREPARING FOR COMBAT and COMBAT sections. I believe its present position as
the last section in Chapter 3, The Samnite Warrior's Activities , allows a much more coherent
progression through the combat-related activities and then on to the warrior's ritual
activities. The formalisation of the structure of the book has also required the composition
of a number of linking passages between sections. These merely serve to improve the
continuity of argument through the book.
One of the most significant and complicated tasks I have had, was the construction of
two of the major sections of text from Mrs Schneider-Herrmann's notes. The two sections
in question were THE SAMNITE TUNIC (Ch. 1, 2) and THE SAMNITE WOMAN'S DOMESTIC
ACTIVITIES (Ch. 5, 2). Although both sections were listed in the original contents sheet,
neither was present in the manuscript as I first received it. Indeed, it was not until after
Mrs Schneider-Herrmann's death, when her family sent me a large quantity of her papers,
that I found various pages of notes from which I was then able to reconstruct the missing
sections. I believe that these sections, while not totally in the author's own words,
represent the spirit of what she wished to say on these subjects. In my view, the book would
have been significantly impoverished by their absence.
This is perhaps the point to comment on the seeming imbalance in the amount of the
book devoted to men compared with the amount devoted to women. While this is in part a
quirk of the manuscript, it is more a reflection of the nature of the iconographie record. On

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xxiv Editor's Preface
the first point one cannot fail to notice that there is a lengthier discussi
costume compared with the female. Partly this results from discussing the
footwear, which were also worn by women, in that part of the book devot
costume. It would have been repetitious to revisit the discussion of these ite
when the female costume is discussed later on. In the main, however, it is the n
record which creates more of this apparent imbalance. The warriors have
armour and military equipment which warrants lengthy discussion wher
lack anything which one could described as a counterpart. Similarly, the warrio
in a greater variety of single-sex activities than women are. The majority
related to combat and this seems to have been a topic of some interest to v
contrast women's domestic activities are but seldom depicted. The ritu
women seems to have been of greater interest to vase-painters, although
activities, in fact, involve both sexes. Indeed, even in the libation scenes, a
the depiction of Samnite women, the main focus is the warrior whose depar
is being honoured. It is perhaps a reflection of society that the vase-painter
clients were more concerned to record the activities of warriors than those of women
Another point to note is that the section on THE SAMNITE WOMAN'S COSTUME
(Chapter 4, 2) is close in content to part of the author's 1982 article 'The Osean woman on
Campanian red-figured vases and her costume' (Bulletin Antieke Beschaving , 57: 147-152).
One may safely assume that she had not significantly altered her thinking on this subject
between the publication of the article and the composition of this book. (For a further
discussion on the depiction of native women, cf. M. Dewailly, 'Les femmes des guerriers
indigènes', Mélanges de l'École Française de Rome , Antiquité , 94: 581-623).
Having outlined the ways in which I have altered the manuscript, I feel it is important
to re-emphasise that this remains Mrs Schneider-Herrmann's book. The choice of material
is hers, the opinions expressed in it are hers. All I have done is, I hope, to ensure that the
published book will be useful to the scholarly world and that Mrs Schneider-Herrmann's
final work upholds the standards she maintained in her earlier publications.
It remains for me as editor to thank various individuals and organisations that have
helped me in my task. Professor John Barron was the prime mover in setting up the
collaboration between the Institute of Classical Studies and Accordia. His successor as
Director of the Institute of Classical Studies, Professor Richard Sorabji, has been
staunch in his support of this enterprise. Alicia Totolos and Margaret Packer have
been willing to advance the project in any way they could. Even after her retirement A
has continued to follow the progress of the book with her customary enthusiasm
Weaver also gave practical and logistic help.
The library research in checking the bibliographic references was mainly condu
The Joint Library of The Hellenic and Roman Societies and in the library of the
School at Rome. I am extremely grateful to these institutions and their staff. I sh
like to thank Dr Michael Edwards and Dr Kathryn Lomas for helping to illuminate
points concerning the historical background to the book.
My two closest colleagues in the Accordia Research Centre , Dr Ruth Whitehouse and
Director, Dr John Wilkins, have been a constant source of encouragement and a
during the time I have spent working on this book. Both proof-read the final draf
book prior to publication, and it has been much improved as a result of their labou
The project has taken considerably longer than anyone had originally envisage
grateful to everyone involved with the publications schedules of the Institute of
Studies and of the Accordia Research Centre for bearing with me.
I owe a particular debt of gratitude to Professor A.D. Trendall. Just weeks befo
volume was finally consigned to the printers Professor Trendall sadly passed away. It w
who alerted me to the changed locations of a number of vases referred to in the b
made a number of important suggestions which have improved the clarity of the final
It was an enormous boon to be able to call upon his unsurpassed knowledge of Sout
red-figure vase-painting. Others will write fuller and more eloquent tributes. Dale

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Editor's Preface xxv
showed a rare generosity towards his younger colleagues. He was happy to r

of this work and his detailed comments displayed his characteristic erudition. Fo
I shall remember him for his warmth and unfailing encouragement.
My greatest thanks, however, must be reserved for the family of Mrs S
Herrmann, particularly her daughters: Elizabeth K. Gomperts-Schneider, G
Schneider and Dorris U. Kuyken-Schneider. It was originally hoped that the
published during the author's life-time. It is a source of great regret to me that
prove feasible. Despite the family's disappointment that this aim could not
their generous support did not fail. I thank them for their understa
complexities of my job as editor, but, most of all, I thank them for their patien
I used the quotation at the start of this preface to illustrate the cond
Schneider-Herrmann's manuscript as I first saw it. It is my hope that t
quotation is applicable to my editing of her work.
"This mean and unrefined stuff of mine,

Will make your glistering gold but more to shine."
(Anne Bradstreet, The Prologue)
Edward Herring
Accordia Research Centre
London, January 1996

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Original Notes by G. Schneider-Herrmann'
Acknowledgements
It was Professor A.D. Trendall of La Trobe University, Victoria, who first suggeste
of the Samnites to me. I owe him a particular debt of gratitude.
I wish to thank Dr Douwe Yntema of the 'Vrije Universiteiť of Amsterdam
particular interest lies in South Italian vase painting of the 7th and 6th centu
his advice on publications about the 4th century BC.
The drawings, taken from reproductions, are by Dorris U. Kuyken-Schneider
the Museum Boymans-van Beuningen, Rotterdam. They show details of the
paintings in a clearer way than can be seen in the photographic reproductions.
General
Among the large number of South Italian tribes, the Samnites are known b
they were one of the few which played an important role in the local hist
Campania. Recently scholarly interest has become more specifically focusse
subjects. Recent research on Greek culture and art is more in contact with t
art of other major ancient populations than ever before.
The main vessels from which representations of Samnites can be studie
Apulia and Campania, and were made under Attic influence in the 4th cen
studying the Campanian and Apulian Samnites, one has to sort out the lar
vase paintings and arrange the data into groups showing the events and a
which the Samnites were involved.
Apart from this one must also study the ancient literary and historical scources. This is
easier than it has been in the past because, for the most part, the Greek and Latin texts
have been translated into modern languages. New interpretations of long established dates
ascribed to certain events, such as the founding of cities, have forced scholars to reopen the
discussion about them.
I have tried to produce a monograph on the 4th century representations of Samnites,
after having organised the subject matter according to iconographically appointed groups.
The representations come from vases which have been recovered from a number of places.
Oscans and Samnites
The non-Greeks, also called the native, local or Italic peoples, represented on C
red-figure vases and tomb paintings of the 4th century BC are generally rega
representatives of the Osean tribes. They are clearly distinguished from
1 This is a mixed section of notes which were intended to form part of a general introduction to
was impossible to bring them up to date without altering the author's original intention and
interpretation fundamentally. Therefore, apart from adding the appropriate internal cross-refer
left the text as originally written by the author. E.H.

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
xxviii Author's Notes
J"Capua
>V>' J"Capua % ) ^
Cumae „--l"-
Nola^> f '
Paesturn®
y Taranto ^
¿Velia Metaponto#/ ^ '
Heraclea#^/
V Croton#**
SICILY )
' / °i
Fig. 1 Map of Southern Italy showing some of the major sites in Campania and maj
colonists (Italiotes). It is, however, not unlikely that these pictures show
at that time, lived in the Italiote cities of Capua, Cumae and Nola alon
Greeks.
Since the amount of published research on the native history of South Italy has
increased considerably recently (see, for example, Heurgon 1942; Pugliese Carratelli 1972;
Salmon 1967; Holloway 1970; Frederiksen 1979; Arias 1980), it seems appropriate to try to
give a short account of the historical background of the Oscans who were one of the
powerful tribes who invaded Campania in prehistoric times in order to settle in the fertile
lands there. It is, nevertheless, difficult, if not impossible, to reconstruct a coherent flow of
events and facts, because native history occurred 'fuori della dinamica storica' (that is
separate from Greek, Etruscan and Roman history) and was not, therefore, the main
subject of ancient writers; thus literary evidence is relatively scarce (Pugliese Carratelli
1972: 37). The narratives which do survive are not always reliable, especially in terms of
chronology, and this results in doubts being raised in the minds of scholars. The most
securely dated evidence is provided by a number of Etruscan inscriptions.
The years between 650 and 450 BC are seen as the period of the Etruscan hegemony
over Campania. During this period the Greeks lived in Capua, Nola and Cumae alongside
Oscans and Samnites, all of whom were Etruscan subjects (Frederiksen 1979: 295; 305).
Before we deal with the historical background of the Oscans, some specific points should
be made regarding their name and their relationship to other native tribes. As this is not

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Author's Notes xxix
the place to enter into the scholarly discussion of the problems of the lingui
evidence, some brief notes will suffice. The subject may be reduced to its sim
follows: the Oscans were also known as Opici, Osci, and Ausonians. Rela
assumed to have existed between the Osci and the Samnites as well as between the
Samnites and the Sabellians.
The Greeks seem to have called Campanian Italic group, consisting of various elemen
'Opici' and 'Ausonians'. The word 'Opici' is said to have been transformed by the Gree
into 'Osci' (Oscans), and that name is supposed to have been applied to both the Osci a
Ausonians (Heurgon 1942: 39-42; 46-52; Salmon 1967: 29; Frederiksen 1979: 306).
Osci are related to the Samnites by migration and by language group (Salmon 1967: 28
Frederiksen 1979: 306). The Samnites spoke the Osean language and belonged to the la
group of 'Osean speakers', who first become evident in the 6th century BC (Heurgon 19
98; Salmon 1967: 28-35; Frederiksen 1979: 306). By descent the Samnites seem to
related to the Sabellians, indeed they may even have been the same tribe (Salmon 19
30; 35). All of these groups are linked together by history; this is particularly true of
Oscans and the Samnites.
Some historical remarks
The 'Opici', as the Oscans were at that time known, are thought to have come down fr
the Umbrian mountains, to occupy the territory of Samnium during prehistory (Heurg
1942: 44; Salmon 1967: 30-35) (fig. 1). Whether the region was at that time inhabited
an aboriginal population, sometimes referred to as 'Mediterraneans', is unknown (Salm
1967: 29; 34-5; 39-40). The possibility of the existence of a pre-Oscan population
Campania, is equally a matter of conjecture, at least given the present state of resear
(Frederiksen 1979: 306).
After the Oscans came the Samnites, who conquered Samnium taking their name fr
the territory (Salmon 1967: 29-30). The Oscans partly migrated west and southwards
although they are also said to have mingled with the Samnites. At what time the Samn
started to expand in the same direction is uncertain. During this phase the two tribe
fought each other almost constantly. That the Opici-Ausonians and the Greeks inhabit
Campania before the Etruscans seems to be attested by the literary sources (Frederik
1979: 295). The major expansion of the Etruscans into Campania is said to have occur
in the 7th century, at around 650 BC (Frederiksen 1979: 295-305).
The chronological data for South Italy become more reliable for the course of the 5
century BC. During this period the Oscans or Oscan-speakers are thought to have tak
over Lucania (Salmon 1967: 34-5). According to archaeological evidence, they occu
Satrianum around the middle of the century, having come down from the Apennines, in th
same way as they had done earlier (Holloway 1970). In the years that followed t
continued to expand and 'Oscanised' Lucania was attacked and occupied by Samnites fro
Samnium in about 435 BC (Salmon 1967: 37-8). Intertribal warfare and migration spr
over the west and south of Campania. Oscans and Samnites went on to reach the 'toe
the peninsula, which was inhabited by a mixed race of people at the time. The Italio
cities of Suessula, Capua, Nola and Cumae, which were then under Etruscan cont
became home to an increasing number of Oscans and Samnites.
Concerning the much discussed possible foundation date of 471 BC for the Etrusc
settlement at Capua, scholarly opinion at present is inclined to assume that Capua was
fact, much older. The ancient literary tradition concerning 471 BC might rather mar
replanning and extension of the city (Heurgon 1942: 62-65; Salmon 1967: 38; Frederik
1979: 295; 303).
Some of the previously mentioned Etruscan inscriptions which contain some Osea
words and names come from Capua and Suessula (Heurgon 1942: 98; Frederiksen 1
302-3; 306). Some can be dated to c.500 BC and these allow some tentative statements
be made about the otherwise unknown nature of community life in these cities and

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xxx Author's Notes
relations between the Etruscans and their Osean subjects. That these
sometimes applied to Attic pottery also provides a sign of the interactio
Oscans and the Greeks. The following is a list of Etruscan inscriptions da
5th century BC which contain Osean names:
1) from Capua
a) on an Attic cup (Yale 442) (Beazley 1945: 156)
b) on a bronze stamnos (St Petersburg, V-591) (Kharsekin 1958: 267-6
c) on a heavy bucchero kantharos (Sgobbo 1956: 49)
2) from Suessula
a) on an Attic stemless cup (Spinelli coll.) (Baffioni 1974: 309, no. 292;
169, no. 29).
However, the longest native text comes from Capua (now in Berlin) and is inscribed on
a tile (Pallottino 1954: 19-21). It is dated to the middle of the 5th century BC and can be
seen as a ceremonial text, probably of funerary character. It contains names and words
which, though not Osean, are most likely to be of another Italic language (Frederiksen
1979: 303).
From the late 6th century onwards, the strength of the Campanian tribes grew as
Etruscan power declined. The Campanian tribes organised themselves into the 'Nation of
the Campani' or 'Samnite League' in 438 BC, with the Samnites as the most powerful
member (Heurgon 1942: 82; 88; Salmon 1967: 41-8; Frederiksen 1979: 306). In the years
525 and 474/3 BC the Etruscans were twice defeated; the second occasion being the naval
assault which was defeated at the battle of Cumae. The end of the Etruscan hegemony over
Campania was brought about by a number of decisive events which are dated between 450
and 400 BC (Frederiksen 1979: 305-8). The Samnites occupied Capua in 425 BC, Nola in
423 BC and Cumae in 421 BC (Heurgon 1942: 82; 87; Salmon 1967: 38-9). The large
contingent of Greek inhabitants of Cumae sought refuge in Neapolis (Pugliese Carratelli
1972: 39). The actual end of Etruscan rule over Campania is said to have come in 423 BC.
It was brought about by a Campanian assault near Capua, but treachery is thought to have
played a part in their final defeat, as the Etruscan leaders are said to have been drunk
following a religious festival.
From that time on Campania came under Samnite control. Osean can be supposed to
have been the main language spoken by the mixed population, often referred to as the
'Osean Speakers'. Regarding the survival of the Etruscans in the area, the evidence points
to Pontecagnano and Paestum in particular as important centres for the remaining
Etruscan inhabitants of the area (Frederiksen 1979: 307). The most recent Etruscan
inscription comes from Pontecagnano and is dated to the 4th century BC. Bucchero
pottery, some of it of the heavy variety, has been found during excavations; it is also
depicted on tomb-paintings of the same period2. Over time the various populations of the
area, Campanian, Etruscan and Greek, seem to have become increasingly mixed with
strong Greek influences being especially evident (see Frederiksen 1979: 297-8 for Greek
influences in the early period; Frederiksen 1979: 305-7 for the 4th century BC and Pugliese
Carratelli 1972: 38; 42).
According to recent research the decline of Samnite power accelerated as a result of
Roman expansion after 338 BC. Capua and other cities gradually lost their freedom,
initially as a result of succumbing to the powerful influences pressing from outside.
The Campanian cavalry, consisting of Samnites and Oscans, which was founded in the
5th century is said to have had a high reputation. It still existed in the 4th century and
later served as a mercenary force for the Greeks and others; for example for the
Carthaginians in Sicily (Heurgon 1942: 425; Salmon 1967: 101-112; Frederiksen 1968:
2 v. example from Capua in Weege 1909: 110, no. 19 which shows a libation scene in which the right hand
woman offers a bucchero cup to the left hand woman, who in turn is holding a bucchero oinochoe. Both
vessels are described as being incised with palmettes. For a Paestan example v. Weege 1909: 116, no. 30 where
a woman offers a foot soldier a bucchero cup.

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Author's Notes xxxi
3-31; Frederiksen 1979: 307). After 216 BC Capua seems to have been
subordinate to the Romans.
To return to the problem of the nationality of the non-Greeks represented on
Campanian vases and tomb-paintings, there is certain closely linked literary and
archaeological evidence to convince us that it must the Samnites who were being
portrayed. For example, we see both the warrior equipped in full panoply and his wife
dressed in her extravagantly fashioned local costume as citizens of important socia
standing in the cities of Campania.
Aspects of Samnite Life
The style in which non-Greeks are represented on South Italian red-figure vas
differ from that in which the Greeks are rendered; nor are the non-Greeks distin
racial characteristics. It is the native costumes by which they can be recognised
Campanian vase-paintings are particularly helpful in casting light upon the
way of life. Numerous examples furnish us with different aspects of non-Gree
which a coherent image emerges of the warrior and his wife. It is a man's world, a
world.
Warriors
The Samnite cavalry had a high reputation from 425 BC which endured into t
2nd centuries BC. The Samnite infantry was feared by the Romans for some
Campanian vases, native men are depicted as warriors and are normally depic
some armament to go with their distinctive costume. As warriors they can
cavalrymen or foot soldiers. On Apulian vases, on the other hand, native men a
a greater variety of situations and they seem, on the whole, to be depicted in a les
manner, at least some of the time.
However, it is the Campanian vases which are our main concern here, and c
related activities are certainly well represented in the iconographie record. M
while ritual scenes involving men are commonplace, there is still frequently
overtone. For example, we have a number of libation scenes where a Samnite w
a drink in honour of her husband who is shown either on the point of departure f
on his return from battle, cf. Ch. 6, 3. Similarly, we have ritual scenes, wer
presents a young warrior with a piece of equipment he had not previously o
again, it seems that even in the religious sphere Samnite life was dominated by
In terms of combat, itself, it seems that conflict between individuals is fav
large scale battles as a subject for vase-painting. This is presumably more a m
artistic convention than the realities of battle at the time, cf. Ch. 3, 3. Some of th
show the capture of prisoners. These give a flavour of the tensions which exis
the native and colonial Greek population, and also between different native gr
are also scenes which show a more comic, or even theatrical, form of combat.
discussed at length in Ch. 3, 4. There are also occasional scenes of lone warrior
poses and pictures of warriors preparing for battle, although this must have
time-consuming activity than the number of vase-paintings depicting it sugges
Even given a conflict dominated society, where the male social élite was a w
it must nevertheless have been true that Samnite men had other activities which did not
involve conflict. These are only occasionally glimpsed. We see men involved in rituals
connected with marriage and with honouring the dead but even here the men are normal
armed (cf. Ch. 6, 2 and Ch. 6, 4). Tomb-paintings broaden our picture slightly by showin
men hunting and racing chariots, but even these are violent pursuits.

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xxxii Author's Notes
Such is the nature of their society, as it is depicted, than even the young do n
warrior society. As far as we know there is a rather limited number of rep
unarmed youths, as, for example:
Skyphos, Boston, 03.822. Plate 1.
An unarmed adolescent is shown wearing a loin-cloth, a chaplet on hi
soft white shoes on his feet.
Errera Painter.
LCS (2/718), p. 323, (no ill.); Beazley 1943: 83, no. 4, pl. VI.
Photograph courtesy of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Francis Bartlett Donation.
For this vase cf. Ch. 1, 2 and Ch. 1, 5. v. Ch. 3, 5, no. 1.
It seems that boys were educated in the art of warfare at an early age (cf. Ch. 3,1). Hors
riding was important in Samnite life and it seems it was a skill acquired at a young age.
Skyphos, Leiden, GNV 8. Plate 2.
The scene shows a young boy in a simple white tunic riding a horse which is
seemingly too large for him.
Frignano Group.
LCS (3/239), p. 392, pis 151.3-4.
Photograph courtesy of the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden.
Like many tribes the Samnites were known for rearing horses, and the fertile plains o
Campania would have been most suitable for this. They are said to have bred small horse
and to have treated them well. On this latter point there certain images which provide
information to support this view. For example, there are two by the LNO Painter.
Hydria, Budapest T 763. Plate 3.
A youth stands unafraid close to his father's horse. He has put his hand on one of
its forelegs. His warrior father is returning from combat and is ritually welcomed
by his wife.
LNO Painter.
LCS (4/289), p. 480, pl. 186.3; Indigeni, p. 19, pl. 62.
Photograph courtesy of the Szépmüvészeti Múzeum, Budapest.
For this vase cf. Ch. 5, 2. v. Ch. 6, 3, no. IIb.
Neck amphora, Liefkes collection, The Hague. Plate 4.

This scene shows a boy, not much older than 10 or 11, kitted out as a mounted
warrior with a trophy on his spear. He returns home from battle with his father. He
rides his horse in a leisurely way without touching the reins; his right hand rests on
the horse's back.
LNO Painter.
LCS (4/291), p. 481, pl. 185.9; Byvanck-Quarles van Ufford 1975: no. 587, pl. 239.
Photograph courtesy of Dr L. Byvanck-Quarles van Ufford.
For this vase cf. Ch. 1, 5, Ch. 3, 1 and Ch. 5, 2. v. Ch. 6, 3, no. Ile.
All these scenes suggest that Samnite men were required to be warriors, and that statu
went with military prowess. To judge from the iconographie record, their adult lives wer
dominated by warfare and related activities while from a young age they learned to acquire
the skills necessary to join this warrior society.
Samnite women
The life of the Samnite woman, as it is depicted on Campanian red-figure vases, was
altogether more peaceful. In general, the Samnite woman is less frequently portrayed than
her male counterpart. Moreover, she is often more difficult to recognise. This is because for
daily life Greek dress, with some native accoutrements (such as a broad belt), was
preferred to the full, highly elaborate native costume. The latter was reserved for certain
ceremonial or ritual occasions (cf. Ch. 4).
We may assume that the women shown on the red-figure vases came from the same
social class as the Samnite warriors. Indeed, we have some scenes which may be
interpreted as marriage ceremonies (cf. Ch. 6, 2). We may therefore conclude that the

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Author's Notes xxxiii
women belonged to the wealthier social groups. This is supported by the splen
full costume and by the fact that they are sometimes accompanied by a servant (v
no. Ha). Although the women belonged to the same social class as the wa
lifestyle was very different.
Scenes of their everyday life are relatively rare. The working of wool was
important activity for Samnite women. Not only are there occasional scene
women involved in spinning but their elaborately patterned costumes, and in
their husbands, provide corroborative evidence for their skill (cf. Ch. 4 and C
The portrayal of women involved in this kind of domestic activity is per
predictable. More unusual are some scenes depicting women acting as
paidagogos, in teaching young girls the skills of mime-dancing (cf. Ch. 5, 2).
The roles of wife and mother must have played an important part in the lives
women. However, the iconographie record offers us only occasional glimpses
these capacities. In the libation scene on the hydria (Budapest T 763) des
(plate 3) we see a woman, together with her young son, welcoming back her h
battle. This scene gives us a rare view of Samnite family relationships.
One of the most interesting aspects of the lives of Samnite women is
activities. It is evident that they took a full part in the religious and ceremonial l
community. Although most of the rituals they perform are in honour of m
presenting warriors with a new piece of equipment, performing libations i
departing or returning warriors, or making votive offerings in honour of a
(see, for example, Ch. 6, 3 and Ch. 6, 4). In all these rituals their role, while
subservient to that of the men. They appear on a more equal footing in marr
nuptial ceremonies, where both bride and groom are together the centre of
Ch. 6, 2).
There are some scenes where individuals or groups of women perform rituals on their
own. In these scenes attention is exclusively focussed on women's activities. There are two
types of cult scene which are exclusively female. One involves a group of women honouring
a central woman with votives. The second is a cult devoted to the god Eros. Here women
either offer votives to an Eros figure or are shown together with the god (cf. Ch. 5, 4). Eros
seems to have been a popular deity for attracting cult attention from the native population
as well as from the colonial Greeks. Indeed, it seems that the Samnites had their own
image of the god, as their Eros is more effeminate than the normal Greek depictions.
The other rituals in which women could sometimes be the centre of attention are
funerary ones, when the deceased is a woman (cf. Ch. 6, 4). In general, however, women
normally shown dutifully honouring men with their ritual ceremonies. It is the w
who command the women's attention. It is they who have the real power and sta
society.

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The
Samnite
Warrior

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Chapter 1
The Samnite Warrior's
Appearance
1 Introduction
Today the main surviving source of information for the Samnite w

Campanian vase-painting because the Capuan tomb-paintings we
destroyed during the Second World War. However, we do have
descriptions of how these paintings looked in the early part of this
99-141, figs 1-5, pis 8-12; v. also Heurgon 1942: 421-39). There are a
of these tombs as well as a number of sketches of other tomb-paint
disintegrated prior to the war. The scanty fragments which re
thoroughly studied by Luigia Mandato lā
In broad terms, all the representations show the same type of wa
same costume and bearing the same equipment. Obviously, the ima
on red-figure vases than in the frescos on the walls of tombs or the pa
This equally applies to a series of Paestan tomb-paintings which are
better preserved than their Capuan counterparts (Weege 1909: figs
65-1 10; Napoli 1970a: 21, figs 9 & 10; 58, fig. 92; 59, fig. 93; 60, figs 94
figs 102 & 103; Termer 1978: 103, no. 78).
Because the stylistic development and the relative chronology of t
yet to be fully researched2 it seems advisable to study them in the l
with red-figure vases. A.D. Trendall, in his 1936 study Paestan Pott
comparison between the famous Paestan tomb-painting, known as t
(plate 5) and a Paestan oinochoe now in the Louvre (K 718). The vas
Boston Orestes Painter and is dated to the last decade of the 4th ce
pis XXXIb & XXXIc; v. also Weege 1909: 1 16 where the tomb pain
the 5th or early in the 4th century BC. v. also Bianchi Bandinelli &
and here cf. Ch. 2, 1 and Ch. 2, 3). Although the tomb-paintings are
an art form which is related to vase painting. The date of the latt
broadly appropriate for the former.
Furthermore, it is worth noting that Greek and Roman writers m
equipment used by the Samnites (e.g. Livy IX, 40; Strabo 6.1.2: v. al
for a full account of literary references to Samnite military equipment; also
1 Luigia Mandato, Pittura Campana antica , Università di Bari, Faccoltà di Lettere e Filosofia (1962/63). I wish
to thank Prof. S. Garofano Venosta of Capua for his kindness in sending me a copy of Dr L. Mandato's study.
2 Since the author's death a lavishly illustrated, major study of Paestan tomb-painting has appeared - Le
tombe dipinte di Paestum by A. Pontrandolfo and A. Rouveret. The author's text has not been altered to take this
book into consideration. E.H.

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4 Chapter 1
Salmon 1967: 101 which discusses a passage in Diodorus Siculus 23.2 which m
the Samnites). Samnites are said to have worn plain white and coloured tun
with shiny crested helmets, during the Samnite Wars (fought against the Ro
BC and 285 BC). The Roman troops are said to have been intimidated by the
of the Samnites and the consul Papirus needed to calm his soldiers down
(Weege 1909: 154).
2 The Samnite Tunic
Introduction
Representations of Samnite warriors wearing tunics occur on the earliest Italiote vase
paintings. As far as we know, it is a Lucanian who is portrayed by the Amykos Painter in
c.430/420 BC on a Lucanian Type I nestoris (Boston, Museum of Fine Arts 1971.49),
wearing the simplest kind of tunic (plate 6; v. LCS Suppl. II, (137b), p. 156, pl. XXX.l;
Indigeni , p. 13, pl. 1-2; Schneider-Herrmann 1980: fig. 43; cf. here Ch. 2, 1 and Ch. 2, 6).
The next representation of a Samnite dressed in a tunic is dated to the end of the 5th
century BC and ascribed to the Sisyphus Painter who worked in the Apulian red-figure
style. This warrior's tunic has a more complicated shape (column krater (BM F 174) (plate
7); RVAp I (1/55), p. 16, (no ill.); Indigeni , p. 14, pl. 12. Much later, around 350/40 BC, the
Campanian red-figure exponents, the Astarita and Libation Painters, and their associates,
produced a number of images of Samnite warriors wearing a variety of different types of
tunic, all of which bear some relation to the Apulian example cited above (i.e. that shown
in plate 6) (for an example by the Astarita Painter v. the neck amphora (Vatican Astarita
collection, 58) (plate 8) (LCS, (3/269). p. 400, pl. 1 55 A; Indigeni, p. 17, pl. 44; cf. here Ch. 2,
1 and Ch. 4, 2) and the hydria by the Libation Painter (Paris, Louvre K 277) (plate 9) (LCS
(3/301) p. 406 pl. 160.1; Indigeni, p. 18, pl. 51; cf. here Ch. 4, 2. v. Ch. 6, 3, no. Ic).
It seems that the Lucanian, Apulian and Campanian tunics were all basically related to
one another. It was a short garment with short sleeves and a rounded neckline. It could
have a straight, rounded or pointed lower border. A broad belt with a buckle at the front
was worn around the waist thus enhancing the appearance of the tunic.
Moreover, there are a few paintings which show a tunic hanging as a trophy on the spear
of a victorious warrior. Another image of a tunic, this time spread out to form a rectangle,
comes from a Capuan tomb-painting (plate 10: v. Ch. 6, 4, no. IVc) (Weege 1909: 104-5,
no. 7, pl. 9.1).
The tomb-paintings and vases provide us with images of Samnites wearing white,
coloured and striped tunics; it is unlikely that the literary record could have furnished a
more vivid picture of Samnite warriors of the 4th century BC. What the literary sources do
tell us is that the Samnite army was well organised and composed of hoplites and cavalry
(the so-called 'Cavalry Campana') (for references to the Samnite army v. Wuilleumier
1939: 668-70; Salmon 1967: 101-112; Salmon 1978: 49 refers to the équités Campani ;
Frederiksen 1968 deals particularly with the Campanian cavalry, v. especially page 14). The
pictorial record suggests that mounted warriors were more elaborately equipped, but the
foot soldier could also wear a patterned tunic and a feathered helmet; v. the bail amphora
(Melbourne, La Trobe University, 94.02) (plate 11) attributed to the Three-Dot Group
(LCS Suppl. II (2/357a), p. 196, pl. XXXI.3) (v. Ch. 3, 3, no. Ie).
What the Roman authors said about Samnite helmets, shields and belts being made of
gold and silver no longer seems as improbable as it once did, because gilded Samnite belts
have been recovered from excavations at Capua and the surrounding area (Weege 1909:
154; Salmon 1967: 102; cf. here Ch.l, 4). Some of the richly coloured frescos show some
parts of the armour in gold. This not only enhances the images of Samnite warriors and

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The Samnite Warrior's Appearance 5
women but also tends to support the evidence of the literary record. On the ot
Strabo notes that during this period the appearance of the Samnites lost its individu
well as other characteristics (Weege 1909: 141; Strabo 6.1.2).
According to ancient tradition the tunic would have been made from one piece
The previously cited Capuan tomb-painting showing a tunic hanging as a troph
spear (plate 10), may be assumed to show the basic form of the garment.
iconographical sources such as those cited provide us with evidence for how the
worn. The broad belt worn by Samnite warriors would have kept the material t
the waist. The wearer would have had the freedom to gather the material around
and hips thus producing either a close or loose fitting garment according to pers
The material below the belt seems to have been arranged into a type of loin-clo
the belt, the back of the garment can be closed or open, the latter presumabl
greater freedom of movement.
An example of a similar type of one piece garment from the mediaeval peri
seen in plate 12, photograph courtesy of the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden
child's garment probably originally from Egypt, cf. also the Catalogue of
exhibition at the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden, Schatten uit Turkije , nos
various garments all of mediaeval date.
Various features of the Campanian Samnite tunic

Examples of different shapes
Skyphos, Brussels R 320. Plate 13.

This example shows a simple type with loose folds. There are small curves o
the right and left suggesting it is closed at the back.
Pilos Head Group.
LCS (2/281), p. 269, pl. 108.7.
Photograph courtesy of the Musées Royaux d'Art et d'Histoire, Brussels.
For this vase v. Ch. 3, 3, no. Ic
Neck amphora, Vatican Astarita collection, 58. Plate 8.

This tunic is of a related but slightly more complicated type. The patterni
discussed below.
Astarita Painter.
For this vase cf. Ch. 2, 2 and Ch. 4, 2.
Capuan tomb-painting, Museo Campano. Plate 10.

A young mounted Samnite warrior wears a short red garment kept together by a
golden belt over a short white tunic with a golden lower edge. Its rounded neckline
makes it vaguely resemble a modern pullover.
Recorded by Weege 1909: 105, no. 7, pl. 9.1.
Neck amphora, Berlin 4982, 45. Plate 14.
This vase shows two warriors fighting; Professor Trendall (LCS) identifies them as
Achilles and Memnon. The victor wears a simple tunic with short curves on both
the right and left sides suggesting that it is closed below the waist at the back.
Ixion Painter.
LCS (2/784), p. 338, pl. 131.1.
Photograph courtesy of the Staatliche Museen, Berlin.
Hydria, BM F 215. Plate 15.
The central group shows a mounted warrior fighting a hoplite. The horseman
wears a close fitting plain tunic. Below the belt comes to a point between his legs.
His opponent is viewed from the rear. He has a patterned tunic which is open below
the belt.
Libation Painter.
Photograph courtesy of the trustees of the British Museum.
For this vase cf. Ch. 1, 5. v. Ch. 3, 3, no. Ilia.

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6 Chapter 1
Fig. 2 Loose fitting tunic, Fig. 3 Patterned tunic, after

Fig. 4 Patterned tunic, after neck
skyphos, Berkeley 8/3243 amphora, Vatican Astarita coll. 58
after hydria, New York 0 1 .8. 1 2
Hydria, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 01.8.12. Plate 16. Fig. 2.
The scene shows the return of a victorious mounted warrior from battle. The
part of his tunic is loose fitting as though it has been drawn up above th
that it hangs over it somewhat.
Group of Naples 3227.
LCS (3/284), p. 402, (no ill.); Indigeni , p. 17, pl. 48.
For this vase cf. Ch. 4, 1, Ch. 4, 2 and Ch. 5, 2. v. Ch. 6, 3, no. IIa.
Decoration
The ornamentation of the tunic, applied in black with occasional touches of added white, is
arranged according to a specific system. Small motifs such as, for example, short vertical
stripes and dots, run horizontally in parallel rows underlined or divided from each other
over the upper part of the tunic; the lower part, below the belt, is often left plain. There the
stomach is indicated by various lines. Some small motif normally adorns the short sleeves.
Examples of various decorative patterns
Skyphos, University of California, Berkeley 8/3243. Plate 17. Fig. 3.

A Samnite hoplite is shown wearing a tunic, the upper part of which is decorated
with a single row of dots.
Painter of Louvre K296.
LCS (3/288), p. 403, pl. 157.6.
Photograph courtesy of University of California, Berkeley.
For this vase cf. Ch. 1, 4. v. Ch. 3, 3, no. Ia.
Neck amphora, Vatican Astarita coll. 58. Plate 8. Fig. 4.

A young Samnite warrior is shown wearing a tunic with a single horizontal row of
dots across the chest and a pattern of pendant short vertical stripes around the
neck.
Astarita Painter.
For this vase cf. the above discussion on shape and also Ch. 2, 1 and Ch. 4, 2.

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Fig. 5 Tunic with Fig. 6 Tunic with Campanian Fig. 7 Tunic with
Campanian patterning, after patterning, after bail amphora, Campanian patterning,
hydria, Vatican Astarita coll. 56 La Trobe , Melbourne, 94.02 after hydria, BM F215
Hydria3, Louvre K 277. Plate 9.

The composition of this vase is related to that on the previous one (Va
Astarita collection 58). Here the right and left figures are reversed. Again
woman wears a red cape but here her veiled head-dress stands up around its
The warrior wears a tunic, a three-disc cuirass, a crested helmet and greave
second, departing warrior here wears a patterned tunic and a crested
feathered helmet. The tunic has a frieze of small circles framed by two p
lines on all sides.
Libation Painter.
LCS (3/302), p. 406 pl. Indigeni, p. 18, pl. 51.
Photograph courtesy of the Musée du Louvre.
For this vase cf. Ch. 4, 2. v. Ch. 6, 3, no. Ic.
Hydria, Vatican Astarita coll. 56. Plate 18. Fig. 5.

The scene shows a warrior and woman either side of a palmette. The warrior's
tunic is covered all over with horizontal panels decorated with with dots and short
pendant vertical lines. This is the typical Campanian style. The warrior also wears
a broad belt, greaves and a feathered and crested helmet.
Astarita Painter.
For this vase cf. Ch.l, 4.
Bell krater, BM 1953, 4-29.1. Plate 19.
The tunic worn by the central figure is completely covered by the characteristic
Campanian arrangement of rows of small motifs between horizontal lines. There is
row of triangle motifs in added white just above his broad belt. The triangles are
made up of three circles with two at the top and one below, in a pattern which
resembles the Samnite cuirass (see the discussion on 'tribal symbols' in Ch. 2, 3).
The decoration of the tunic is as whole related to Vatican Astarita coll. 56. A second
warrior, who is putting on his greaves, also wears a tunic which is decorated all over.
Detroit Painter.
LCS (3/295), p. 403, (no ill.).
For this vase cf. Ch. 3, 2 and APPENDIX, fig. 74.
3 In LCS on pl. 160.1 and 160.2 the hydriai Louvre K276 and K277 were transposed, 160.1 should be K277 and
160.2, K2 76. E.H.

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8 Chapter 1
Bail amphora, La Trobe University, Melbourne, 94.02. Plate 11. Fig. 6

A hoplite preparing to throw a large stone is depicted wearing a tunic
decorated all over. Thin horizontal stripes form a frame for a pattern
vertical lines.
Three-Dot Group.
LCS Suppl. II (2/357a), p. 196, pl. XXXI.3.
For this vase v. Ch. 3, 3, no. Ie.
Hydria, Los Angeles, Dechter coll. 42. Plate 20.

The warrior in this ritual scene wears a tunic with motifs around the neck arranged
in alternating black and white bands. Beneath these in the centre of the upper part
of the tunic is a black swastika which we may interpret as a 'tribal symbol'.
CA Painter.
LCS Suppl. II (4/32a), p. 230 (no ill.); Indigeni, p. 18. pl. 57; Hamma 1989: 64, no. 42, colour-ill. on p. 52.
Photograph courtesy of the owner of the vase.
Hydria, British Museum, BM F 215. Plate 15. Fig. 7.

The central scene on this vase shows a horseman fighting a hoplite. The horseman
wears a plain tunic. On the other hand, the foot soldier, who is viewed from the
back, wears a patterned tunic which is open below the belt. The tunic is decorated
with three rows of dots separated by thin horizontal stripes.
Libation Painter.
LCS (3/303), p. 406, pl. 160.3. Indigeni, p. 18, pl. 53.
For this vase v. above for the shape; also Ch. 1, 5 and Ch. 3, 3, no. Ilia.
Neck amphora from Capua, Museo Campano. Plate 21. Fig. 8
A warrior wearing a Samnite triple-plate cuirass is shown fighting a centaur. His
tunic is decorated beneath the belt. It has a chequered pattern and its lower edge
bordered by white dots.
Caivano Painter.
PP , p. 127, pl. XXXIIIc; LCS (2/573), p. 308 (no ill.).
Photograph courtesy of the Museo Campano, Capua.
Neck amphora, London BM F 197. Plate 22. Fig. 9.
The warrior, in this libation scene, wears a cuirass over his tunic. Below the belt the
tunic is decorated with a pattern of small circles. Where it is visible above the belt
one can see that the material has been drawn up to hang loosely over the top edge
of the belt. This way of allowing the tunic to hang is similar to that seen in plate 16,
the hydria attributed to the Group of Naples 3227 now in the Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New York, (01.8.12).
Libation Painter.
LCS (3/306), p. 406, (no ill.); Indigeni, p. 18, pl. 49.
For this vase cf. Ch. 2, 3, Ch. 4, 1 and Ch. 4, 2. v. Ch. 6, 3, no. Id.
Pseudo-panathenaic amphora, Hamburg, Termer coll. Plate 23.

Here a returning warrior is shown in a libation scene with a woman. The warrior
wears a cuirass over his tunic. Below the belt, the lower edge of the tunic is
decorated with a pattern of small white dots.
Caivano Painter.
LCS Suppl . Ill (2/577a), p. 147 (no ill.); Hornbostel 1977: 398-400, no. 342; Schneider-Herrmann
1982: 148, fig. 3; Termer 1980: 100.1, no. 65.
Photograph courtesy of W. Hornbostel.
For this vase cf. Ch. 2, 3 and Ch. 4, 2. v. Ch. 6, 3, no. Ile.
Calyx krater, Naples, 861/82599. Plate 24.

This combat scene shows a mounted warrior wearing a red tunic, which is shorter
than the usual type. Above the belt, it has a pattern of white three-dot rosettes.
Horseman Group.
For this vase v. Ch. 3, 3, no. IIIc.

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Calyx krater, Chicago National History Museum, 27680. Plate 25.

The scene shows a young warrior wearing an entirely red tunic.
Horseman Group.
LCS (4/423), p. 500, pl. 195.5-6.
Photograph courtesy of the Chicago National History Museum.
For this vase cf. Gh. 3, 1.
Examples of the wearing of a loin-cloth
Skyphos, Boston, 03.822. Plate 1.

An adolescent is shown wearing a loin-cloth. It has a number of converging
coming to a point between the youth's legs which represent folds. It has a pa
of white dots decorating both left and right edges.
Errera Painter.
For this vase cf. ASPECTS OF SAMNITE LIFE (in Author's Notes) Siná Ch. 1, 5. v. Ch. 3, 5, no. 1.
Neck amphora, Brussels A 3550. Plates 26a & b.

Plate 26a shows a battle scene in which most of the participants wear loin-cloths.
Some of the loin-cloths are open at the back while one has a chequered pattern and
a lower edge decorated with white dots.
Plate 26b shows a scene of youths relaxing in the company of women. Again most
wear loin-cloths, and one has a loin-cloth with its lower edge decorated with white
dots.
Errera Painter.
LCS (2/704), p. 322, pl. 126.1-2.
For this vase cf. Ch. 1, 5 and Ch. 2, 8. v. Ch. 3, 3, no. IVa.
Comparison with tunics worn by other Samnite groups
In considerating the tunics worn by Campanian Samnites one should also bear in mind
those worn by their Lucanian, Apulian and Paestan neighbours. In fact, the depictions of
the tunics worn by all the native groups resemble each other quite closely. In each group we
encounter examples of the plain tunic with loose folds, the more close fitting type, and the
decorated type. It is this latter group which shows greatest variation; this shows up in th
patterning.
Fig. 8 Tunic decorated below the belt, after Fig. 9 Tunic decorated below the belt,
neck amphora, Museo Campano, Capua after neck amphora, BM F 197

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10 Chapter 1
Scenes showing tunics on Lucanian vases are only rarely preserved, whereas
considerable number of such scenes on Apulian vases.
Variant types are not only known among other the Campanian Samnites. Fo
just as one sometimes sees a Campanian Samnite wearing a short jacket, whic
extent resembles a modern pullover, over his chiton (cf. plate 9) similarly, on
column krater (Trieste S388) described in greater detail below we see a beard
wearing a short jacket, bearing characteristic Apulian patterning, over a long c
Lucanian examples
Type I nestoris, Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, 1971.49. Plate 6.

A Samnite warrior is shown seated wearing a loose fitting tunic which is b
similar to the Campanian examples cited above, i.e. the skyphos, Brussels
(plate 13) and the neck amphora, Berlin 4982, 45 (plate 14). The tunic
pattern of vertical stripes.
Amykos Painter.
LCS Suppl. II (137b), p. 156, pl. XXX.l; Indigeni, p. 13, pl. 1-2; Schneider-Herrmann 1980: f
Photograph courtesy of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.
Type I nestoris, BM F 175. Plate 27.

This combat scene, from the shoulder of the vase, shows a young mounted
wearing a loose fitting tunic. Its undulating, lower edge marked by a thick
stripe. The scene also shows a foot soldier wearing a loin-cloth which is ope
back. Its lower edge is decorated by a toothed stripe. Both these costu
reminiscent of Campanian examples.
Dolon Painter.
LCS (539), p. 103, (no ill.).
Fig. 10 Highly decorated tunic, Fig. 1 1 Tunic with Apulian patterning,

after column krater BM F 174 after column krater, Trieste S388

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The Samnite Warrior's Appearance 1 1
Type II nestoris, once on the Rome market, whereabouts now unknown. Plate 28
Again this is a combat scene, this time from the neck of the vase. Here a yo
mounted warrior is shown wearing a loin-cloth decorated with two circles.
Choephoroi Painter.
LCS (633), p. 123, (no ill. of neck) pl. 61.6 shows the vessel body; Schneider-Herrmann 1972: 38,
(also showing the vessel body); Schneider-Herrmann 1980: fig. 58a (shows the whole vessel inclu
the neck). The main scene shows Athena in a naiskos wearing a pilos-helmet with a crest.
For this vase cf. Ch. 2, 2, Gh. 2, 3 and Ch. 2, 9.
Apulian examples
Nestoris, Naples 221 1/81830. Plate 29.

In this scene a native youth is shown pouring wine into a phiale held by a sea
woman. His tunic is loose fitting (cf. the Campanian examples such as the skyp
Brussels R 320 (plate 13) and has patterned sleeves. He also wears a broad wh
studded belt.
Bassano Group.
RVAp II (30/26), p. 1021 (no ill.); Schneider-Herrmann 1980: 63, cat. 6, fig. 74.
Column krater, BM F 174. Plate 7. Fig. 10.
This scene shows two young native warriors taking part in a libation scene. The
tunic worn by the central warrior is more closely fitting and is decorated all over
with small dots with black rays at the edges.
Sisyphus Painter.
RVAp I (1/55), p. 16, (no ill.); Indigeni, p. 14, pl. 12; Schneider-Herrmann 1980: fig. 97.
Column krater, BM F 173. Plate 30.
The scene shows a conflict between two native warriors. The victor wears a tunic
with a patterned upper part. The pattern consists of rows of dots separated by thin
lines (resembling the pattern on the Campanian bail amphora, La Trobe
University, Melbourne, 94.02: here plate 11). His opponent wears a fairly loose
fitting loin-cloth.
Prisoner Painter.
RVAp I (4/73), p. 76, pl. 26.3; Indigeni , p. 16, pl. 37.
For this vase cf. Ch. 2, 7. v. Ch. 3, 3, no. Va.
Column krater, BM F 297. Plate 31.

The seated warrior in this scene wears a tunic bearing the typical Apulian pattern.
It is decorated all over with pairs of broad, vertical black parallel stripes with
toothed edges. In the space between the pairs of stripes are black dots.
Wolfenbüttel Painter.
RVAp I (13/197), p. 357, pl. 1 15.5; RVSIS, p. 84, pl. 175;
For this vase cf. Ch. 1, 3 and APPENDIX, fig. 75.
Column krater, Trieste S388. Plate 32. Fig. 11.

Here a bearded Samnite warrior is shown carrying two spears and wearing a waist-
length jacket or pullover-type garment, with typical Apulian decoration, over a
long sleeveless chiton. He watches a second warrior offering a kantharos to a
seated woman who holds a phiale in her left hand and has a nestoris on her head.
Dijon Painter.
Trieste CVA IV D, pl. 7.3; RVAp I (6/146), p. 152, (no ill.); Schneider-Herrmann 1980: fig. 102.
Paestan example
Paestan tomb-painting, Museo Nazionale, Paestum. Plate 33.

Samnite horseman with prisoner, shown wearing a tunic which is white all over.
Indigeni , p. 19, pl. 63.
Photograph courtesy of the Museo Nazionale at Paestum.
For this fresco v. Ch. 3, 3, no. Vd.

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12 Chapter 1
3 The Origins of the Tunic and Belt Costume
Having discussed certain specific characteristics of the Samnite tunic, we sh

to consider the typical costume which combines the tunic with a bro
combination has a long tradition preserved in iconographical representatio
back most notably to Hittite art of the second millennium BC.
These Hittite representations take the form of large stone reliefs and bro
showing figures wearing a tunic or loin-cloth and a broad belt.
Dated to the 14th century BC is a large relief from the royal port of H
shows the war god wearing a loin-cloth and broad belt (Akurgal & Hirmer 19
At the front the garment is open and one piece of material overlaps the o
indicated by the diagonal edge and ornamental border of the cloth. The scul
belt is particularly skilful suggesting the flexible material from which a re
have been made.
Fig. 12 Hittite bird-headed demon

wearing the tunic and belt costume
(after Akurgal & Hirmer 1962: fig. 109)
Similarly, we can observe the short sleeved tunic and accompanying broad belt, shown in
frontal view, as worn by two winged, bird-headed demons with raised arms (Akurgal
Hirmer 1962: fig. 1 1 1).
Dated between 1050 and 850 BC is a representation of a kneeling bird-headed demon
shown in three-quarter view, wearing a tunic and broad belt (fig. 12) (Akurgal & Hirmer
1962: fig. 109). The tunic is particularly relevant to our study. Tunics of similar form appear
several times in Hittite art and were still occurring around 700 BC (Akurgal & Hirmer
1962: figs 113, 127 and especially 146 which is dated to 700 BC). This last point i
particularly significant in that it was in this period that the Greeks are supposed to hav
begun trade and colonial contacts with the Middle East.
Whether or not the tunic or loin-cloth was generally worn by the Hittite population i
beside the point, the Greeks clearly adopted it. The first representation of Greeks wearin
such garments comes on the paintings of komasts on Corinthian aryballoi from the ear
7th century BC (Seeberg 1971). The 6th century vases sometimes show gods and

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characters from mythology wearing this type of costume but mostly it is huma
such as komasts, actors, flute players and warriors that are shown wearing the tight
Hittite-style short tunic with short sleeves and a broad belt. Although minor de
vary, the same basic style of costume is depicted. However, on the red-figure va
5th and 4th centuries BC it is unusual to find any representations of the Hittite-sty
Short list of representations of Greeks wearing tunics showing Eastern influence
Early 7th century BC: early Corinthian vases
Early Corinthian aryballos of the 'Flap group'. Priv. coll., Melbourne. Plate 34
Hittite type tunics are worn by komasts on this vase. A long, narrow piece of fa
runs from the upper to lower edge of the tunic, lying over the front. This piece
cloth broadens beneath the belt and there covers part of the tunic. In all o
respects the tunic is related to the Hittite type.
Seeberg 1971: 32, no. 165, pl. IX a-c.
Photograph courtesy of the owner.
Early 6th century Corinthian alabastron. Formerly Schneider-Herrmann col
Hague, now Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden I 1992/6 91. Plate 35.
The tunic, worn by a demon, is close to the Hittite type, however it is no
below the belt.
Schneider-Herrmann 1975a: 35, no. 91, pl. 35.
Early Corinthian alabastron, Louvre MNB 500.
The tunic is added in red with decoration in black, and its shape is close to the Hittite
type. There is a decorated band the upper part of the tunic. Part of the belt is visible
as is the decorated lower edge. The tunic is worn by a winged divinity (Boreas ?).
Arias, Hirmer & Shefton 1962: 282, pl. VIII.
Early 6th century Attic vases
The Nessos amphora, Athens National Museum 1002. Plate 36.

Herakles and Nessos are shown together on the neck of this vase dated to c.600 BC.
Herakles wears a tunic which is close to the Hittite prototype. It is open beneath
the belt; there is no overlapping piece of fabric, like Early Corinthian examples.
Arias, Hirmer & Shefton 1962: 276, figs 19 & 20 show Herakles and Nessos while fig. 18 shows the
Gorgons on the body of the vessel.
Photograph courtesy of the Athens National Museum.
6th century Attic black-figure
Column krater, Staatliche Museen, Berlin, 1966.17. Plates 37a & b.

The vase shows a group of padded dancers. The tunic depicted has a circular flap of
material below the small belt.
Trendall & Webster 1971: 20, no. 1,7.
Photographs courtesy of the Staatliche Museen, Berlin.
Kylix, Allard Pierson Museum, Amsterdam, 3356. Plates 38a & b.
a) Plate 38a. Red short sleeved tunics are worn by bearded dancers and a flute
player. There is a broad decorated band which runs vertically on both sides from
the lower to the upper edge. However, they are longer than usual covering the
knee. Seemingly, there is no broad belt worn around the waist. Two of the six
dancers lift up the lower edge of their tunics with one hand. A long chiton pokes out
from under the tunic.
b) Plate 38b. Same type of tunic and chiton as above but they are somewhat shorter
except those worn by two dancers like on a) (above).
Trendall & Webster 1971: 20, no. 1,8.
Photographs courtesy of the Allard Pierson Museum, Amsterdam.

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14 Chapter 1
Siana cup, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, (22.139.22). v. Brijder 1983: 67
The left hand komast wears a Hittite type tunic, however, he also wears a c
piece of fabric below the belt like the figures on Early Corinthian aryballoi.
Cf. Similar scenes showing komasts on other Siana cups:
Brijder 1983: pl. 3c. Paris CP 10235.
Brijder 1983: pl. 3d. Paris CP 10236.
Brijder 1983: pl. 6d. Vienna 226. Note the right hand komast.
Tripod Kothon, Louvre CA 616.
The tunics are worn by warriors on this vase. They are related to the Hittit
but they are not open below the belt.
Arias, Hirmer & Shefton 1962: 293-4, fig. 48.
Mythological scenes
Laconian black-figure kylix dated to the middle of the 6th century BC. Louvr
The scene shows the Calydonian boar hunt. Two hunters are depicted. The
hand hunter has a tunic similar to the Hittite type. However, it not open below
belt. The tunics worn by both hunters have ornate borders.
Arias, Hirmer & Shefton 1962: 309, fig. 73 above.
Caeretan hydria, Villa Giulia Museum.
The scene shows Odysseus, three companions and Polyphemos, the Cyclop
vessel is dated to c.520 BC. The tunics worn by two of the Ithacans are close
Hittite type but neither is open below the belt. They have a long thin band ove
entire front of the tunic from the upper to the lower edge. (This is comparable
not identical, to the early Corinthian aryballos mentioned earlier).
Arias, Hirmer & Shefton 1962: 313, fig. 80; Hemelrijk 1984: 36-7, no. 20, pis 80-82.
The following further example may also be mentioned:
Etruscan black-figure amphora, Vatican G 91. Late 6th century BC.
The scene is from the Gigantomachy. One giant wears a tunic not unl
Hittite examples.
Beazley 1947: 2, pl. III.4.
South Italian vases of the 4th century BC
There are a large number of vases showing phlyakes wearing a loosely fitting t
tricot. The tunics are, for the most part sleeveless and a ribbon is worn around
Numerous examples of this type of tunic are illustrated in A.D. TrendalPs Ph
(1959; 2nd ed. 1967).
The tunic is closely related to the loosely fitting Lucanian example shown in
Ch. 1,2).
Attic terracotta statuettes
There are a number of Attic terracotta statuettes depicting phlyakes of South Italian type.
A mould for one of the sets was found in the agora at Athens. They are now in the
Metropolitan Museum in New York (13.225).
Trendall & Webster 1971: 127-8, IV, 9. nos 13, 14, 20, 22, 23, 26, 27 a-b.
Numbers 13, 22 & 27a-b may be compared with the phlyax vase by Python formerly in
the Schneider-Herrmann collection, now in the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden
(Trendall & Webster 1971: 127-8, IV, 10).
General comments
The tunic and loin-cloth may be assumed to have originated in the Middle East. It is from
this area that the first prehistoric, iconographie representations of such garments are
known. The Greeks adopted these garments and introduced them into Europe. Over the
centuries they spread from east to west.

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The Samnite tunic appears in various shapes and has an individual character.
based on an old and simple way of treating the fabric. Exactly when and w
Samnites first created their form of the tunic is still unknown.
Quite a number of Italiote garments are recorded in iconographie representations. The
patterns on a number of Samnite tunics, as represented in art (e.g. on Italiote vases), may
be ascribed to contemporary fashion. This point is further emphasised by the
representations of Samnite warriors on Apulian vases where the patterns belong to a
different decorative system.
As a brief addendum, it should be noted that the tunic and loin-cloth of this sort are not
only seen on vases but also on reliefs and plastic monuments, e.g. on bronze situlae and the
statue of the warrior from Capestrano dated to the 6th century BC. (cf. the relationship of
both below, Ch. 2, 3).
4 The Broad Belt
Artistic origins of the broad belt
The broad belt, like the Samnite tunic it accompanied, originated in t

earliest form, which goes back to before the second millennium BC,
two or three strings worn around the waist (Lutz 1923: 143, figs 96-1
designs).
The broad belt, which was worn by both men and women, seems to make its earliest
appearance in art in the 3rd millennium. Later, the Hittites produced statuettes of a naked
female idol in cult posture wearing a broad belt around her waist.
Developing from this type of statuette is a silver figurine encrusted with gold. The
figure wears a broad strip of gold which is loosely tied like a ribbon. This feature tapers at
the back and is knotted as though it was made in a soft fabric. The belt seems to be kept in
place by a sort of pair of braces which consist of two broad strips of gold (Akurgal & Hirmer
1962: 25, 28, pl. VIII, fig. 22).
Hittite examples do not seem to occur before the 18th century BC. The first examples
are two miniature lead figurines representing a divine couple. Both wear a broad belt over
an ample skirt and are rendered en relief (Akurgal & Hirmer 1962: 43, fig. 35). Dated to the
1 7th/l 6th century is a miniature ivory figurine (3.9 cm in height) of a kneeling woman in
cult posture. Her long ample skirt is kept together by a richly decorated broad belt
rendered en relief The piece is thought to be an import from Syrian-Hittite territory
(Akurgal & Hirmer 1962: 59, fig. 42,1-2).
A South Anatolian bronze statuette (now in a private collection in St Louis, Missouri)
dated to the 16th century is a female idol like the silver statuette mentioned above. Here
the broad belt is not done en relief but the upper and lower edges are incised (Akurgal &
Hirmer 1962: 58, fig. 42,2).
Furthermore there are the Hittite artistic masterpieces showing relief statues showing
gods, demons and kings wearing tunics as well as broad belts. These have been mentioned
earlier, Ch. 1, 3 (Akurgal & Hirmer 1962: figs 64-5, 109, 111,1 13, 127 & 146).
The broad bronze belt
The earliest example of the combination of the broad belt with the tunic or loin-cloth
appeared in Hittite art dated to the 16th century BC; this has been discussed earlier (cf.
Ch. 1, 3). The origins of the broad belt can be further traced through a group of bronze
belts from South Anatolia which is dated to the 8th/7th centuries BC. Some of these are
decorated with patterns which may show signs of foreign influence on the local work; e.g.
meander and rosette patterns. Excavations have shown how the continuity of the bronze

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16 Chapter 1
belt may be traced, albeit at times sporadically, geographically from the Near E
Western Europe and chronologically from the 8th/7th to the 5th/4th centuries BC.
The broad bronze belt comes in various lengths and widths. It can be closed at t
or at the back. At the front there is a clasp which fastens on to a series of vertical ho
the other end of the belt. These patterns of vertical holes occur in sequences in o
the length of the belt may be altered. The upper and lower edges of the belt are often
en relief. Parallel with the lower edge there is a small row of holes which may have se
fasten a lining to the belt; all other traces of such linings are now lost.
The belt can be made of plain bronze but in a number of cases it is decorated, a
to varying degrees of elaboration, with patterns à jour , incisions or motifs en relief.
Some examples of the broad bronze belt
Three bronze belts from Phrygia - 8th/ 7th century BC
a) Found at Mausoleum Hill, near Ankara. The decoration has a meander of Late
Geometric type, while the clasp à jour is in the Phrygian style (Akurgal 1961: 10
b) Similar to a) but less well preserved (Akurgal 1961: 102).
c) From the tomb of a young princess near Gordion. The belt has an incised ge
pattern (Young 1957: 327, pl. 92, fig. 23).
Two Urartian bronze belts - 8th/ 7th century BC
a) This example is 120 cm in length. There are small holes along the edges of t
Beneath the holes there are two parallel lines with a row of knobs in between
Inside there are two horizontal lines of joined lozenges fashioned ćh relief
Sotheby's Sale Cat., 18/5/1981, p. 45, no. 214, (ill. p. 47.1-2).
b) This example is 73 cm long and 10 cm wide. There are small holes along th
which are themselves accentuated by two parallel lines. Inside, there are row
following patterns en relief horsemen, animals, chariots, birds, and rosettes in
There are also four Urartian fragments of bronze belts which survive.
Sotheby's Sale Cat., 18/5/1981, p. 45, no. 215, (ill. p.47.3).
Thessalian bronze belt - 8th/ 7th century BC

Plate 39. Thessalian belt.
The Thessalian belt is 28.9 cm in diameter. It tapers from the front to the back, and
it closes at the back. The ends are composed of two ovoid bosses. The decoration is
incised, consisting of fine drawn panels with horses and wheel-like motifs in front.
There are also geometric motifs of varying sorts and half-moon borders.
Sotheby's Sale Cat., 14-15/12/1981, p. 110, no. 295, (ill. p.lll).
cVillanovan ' bronze belt - 8th/ 7th century BC
The diameter of this belt is 95.5 cm. There are rows of small holes around the edges.
There are two slender buckles which are reminiscent of stylised heads. The
overlapping ends of the belt are decorated with small silver rosettes.
Sotheby's Sale Cat., 12/12/1983, p. 75, no. 289, (ill. p.75).
Samnite type belts - 6th century BC to the 4th/ 3rd century BC
There are a number of Samnite-type bronze belts which have been found on excavations in
South Italy. There are also similar type belts in private and public collections, many of
which have lost their provenance. For a good recent survey of one such collection, that in
the British Museum, as well as an account of these types of belts in general cf. Suano 1986

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Complete Samnite type belt from Castiglione di Conversano
1) Plate 40.
Found at Castiglione di Conversano together with two native geometric vases, an
Italic helmet of Corinthian type dated to the 6th century BC, and other metal work
(Degrassi 1962: 232). It is entirely covered in decoration and is fastened by three
parallel hooks. It is reminiscent of the 'Villanovan' type of the 8th/7th century BC,
although that example only had two hooks.
Samnite type fragment of a bronze belt - 5th century BC
2) Plate 41.
The fragment is now lodged in the Museo del Sannio, Benevento. It is recorded as
as having been found in a tomb in 'territorio Beneventano'. This well preserved
fragment has rows of holes at both edges. There is the remains of an embossed
serpentine decoration. It has two hooks which look as though they would have fitted
closely into the other end of the belt, which is now lost. The hooks do not seem to
have been added but were presumably made in one piece with the rest of the belt.
Galasno 1983: 34-5, fig. 29.
Samnite type: six fragments found near Capua - 5th to 4th/ 3rd century BC
3) The first group of three fragments are all without hooks. The holes along the
edges of the belts are visible.
Plate 42a-c
This second group of three fragments from Capua are almost identical in terms of
the two hooks. This latter group of three may be dated to the 4th/3rd century BC.
All three are now in the Museo Campano, Capua. There are no inventory numbers
or measurements given.
Plate 42a
The hooks stick out from the attached piece with an incised palmette.
Plate 42b
The hooks stick out from the attached piece with an incised palmette and
extensive decoration. This fragment is severely damaged.
Plate 42c
Two hooks are fastened at the end of the belt without being attached to an extra
piece of the belt.
Photographs with special thanks to Prof. S. Garofano Venosta.
Samnite type: fragment with two youths - 5th/ 4th century BC
4) Plate 43
Each of the two hooks is attached to a relief of a recumbent youth situated at the
edge of the fragment, which would have been the end of the belt. The frontal view
shows that the feet of the youths rest on a human head (mask?). According to
Johannowsky (1972) it is difficult to decide if the youths are clothed or naked.
Johannowsky 1972: 378, pl. CIII. v. also Suano 1986: pl. 25, 38-43, for other examples of clasps
fashioned into youths.
Samnite type - 4th/ 3rd century BC
5) Plate 44a & b

This well preserved complete belt was once offered on the German market. The
hooks are very much related to those seen on the previously mentioned Capuan
fragments.
Wicherťs Kunst Auktionen, Auktion XXI - Bonn 1982, no. 1 14, illustrated a) and b) (entire belt).

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18 Chapter 1
Samnite type - 4th/ 3rd century BC
6) Plate 45.
This completely preserved belt is now in the Museum Antické Umění, Prag
belt is similar in type to the Capuan fragments. The museum also has a s
loose hook which must have come from a belt of the same basic type.
Antické Umetli , no. 257 (ill.).
Photograph courtesy of the Museum Antické Umění, Prague.
The broad belt as shown on vases and tomb-paintings
In representational art, the belts are shown in added white, red or black pain
paintings can be taken to represent the plain bronze Samnite type belts menti
Of particular interest is the way in which the various sorts of decoration are
represented. Several paintings convey the impression of the belt having been
with small motifs without precise forms being drawn to indicate this. Just as sign
the way in which certain ways of buckling re-occur here and there over a long
For example the 'Villanovan' type with hooks and holes to receive them is dated
century BC by excavation finds. Much older forms were of buckling were still curr
4th century. These have their origins in the Daedalic or even Hittite periods.
w
Fig. 13 Clasp represented
by two lines, after skyphos,
Berkeley 8/3243
Fig. 14 Clasp represented by a row of parallel

vertical lines in added white, after skyphos,
Ruhr-Universität S996
Fig. 1 5 Clasp represented by two opposed

semi-circular lines, after hydria,
Vatican Astarita coll. 56
Fig. 16 Clasp represented by

two hooks fitting into two holes,
after a Capuan tomb-painting

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It is also remarkable that Samnite women are shown wearing plain or decorat
belts.
A few examples of special clasps
a) Skyphos, University of California, Berkeley 8/3243. Plate 17. Fig. 13.

The clasp is represented by two parallel vertical lines.
LCS (3/288), p. 403, pl. 157.6.
The clasp is reminiscent of Daedalic belt buckles 7th/6th centuries BC, e.g. Devaris 1972: pis 10
& 32.
Photograph courtesy of University of California, Berkeley.
For this vase cf. Ch. 1, 2. v. Ch. 3, 3, no. Ia.
b) Skyphos, Bochum Antiken Museum, Ruhr-Universität, S 996. Plate 46. Fig. 14.
It shows a woman wearing a decorated broad belt. Her belt is decorated all the
way around. The clasp is indicated by a row of short vertical lines in added white.
Libation Painter.
Kunisch 1980: 32-33, no. 177 (ill.); LCS Suppļ III (3/388b),.,p. 201, (no ill.).
Photograph courtesy of the Bochum Antiken Museum, Ruhr-Universität.
For this vase cf. Ch. 2, 1 and Ch. 4, 2. v. Ch. 6, 3, no. lid.
c) Hydria, Vatican Astarita collection 56. Plate 18. Fig. 15.

Clasp represented by two opposed semi-circular lines. The space between the two
lines forms a shape with two convex sides.
Astarita Painter.
LCS (3/272), p. 400, pl. 155.3.
This example recalls the oldest representation of the war deity, Hattusas, from the 14th century
BC (v. Akurgal & Hirmer 1962: figs 64-5; cf. here Ch. 1,3).
For this vase cf. Ch. 1,2.
d) Capuan tomb-painting. Plate 47. Fig. 16.

The clasp represented is of the type with two hooks fitting into two holes. It
comes from a 4th/3rd century tomb painting which was in the Museo Campano,
Capua. The painting was destroyed during the Second World War. Its appearance
is preserved in Weege 1909: 103-4, no. 6, pl. 8.
For this fresco cf. Ch. 2, 5. v. Ch. 6, 4, no. IVd.
This type of buckle recalls the 'Villanovan' type bronze belt dated to the 8th/7th century BC,
which was discussed earlier. It is also similar to the 6th century example from Castiglione di
Conversano mentioned above (v. plate 40).
Conclusions
It is remarkable that the shape of the broad bronze belt worn by the Samnites was based
upon a type of belt which first appeared in Europe in the 8th/7th century BC, the so-called
'Villanovan' type.
Apparently, all bronze belts were lined. The linings were attached by being sewn
through holes which ran along the edges of the belts.
In the main the belts were fastened by hooks at one end fitting into corresponding holes
at the other end. There were sets of holes in the latter end to enable the belt to be adjusted
to fit the girth of the wearer. The hooks could be fastened in a number of ways and could
also be decorated.
The artistic representations of these belts, particularly those seen on Campanian vas
painting, are inspired by bronze examples with a number of different types of clasp. These
clasps have antecedents which can be traced back over a considerable period of time.
The vase paintings show that there were all manner of combinations of various types o
belt and tunic. Both may be decorated or both may be plain. Alternatively, one can be plai
while the other can be decorated. Similarly, the extent and complexity of decoration can
also vary.

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20 Chapter 1
5 Samnite Footwear
The surviving representations on vases indicate that it was apparently

and men, both Greek and non-Greek, to go around barefoot.
Samnite warriors even when fully equipped are often shown witho
particularly the case when they are shown wearing greaves or with the ch
spur. In combat, whether mounted or on foot, they are frequently portra
Women, especially native ones, are frequently shown barefoot while dr
costumes.
Despite these facts, there are plenty of carefully drawn representati

These shoes may be drawn in the reserved technique or in added white
are often so carefully portrayed it is possible to discern a considerable
They may be seen not only on Italiote examples but also on Attic red-figur
5th and 4th centuries BC. The Lucanian, Apulian, Campanian, and Pae
likely to have been influenced by Attic models. Normally there is little
the footwear worn by men and women; boots are exceptional in that they
differentiation. Women, perhaps because of their long garments, seem
high boots whereas men, both civilian and military, seem to have favou
higher up the leg; some younger warriors are shown wearing ankle-high sh
cited below under C. 4).
A variety of types of footwear can be discerned where the drawing is we
well enough defined. Apart from boots of different heights, there are
somewhat higher shoes with the upper edge accentuated. Occasionally t
at the tip of the boot or low shoe.
Sandals sometimes have white soles, which is attached to the foot by
instep. Some types of sandal leave the foot almost completely uncovere
others which are laced all over, even above the ankle or even higher up
Socks do not seem to have existed or at any rate they were not worn
vase paintings suggest that there might have been items of footwear m
(e.g. the footwear worn by Athenian symposiasts, below Att. 4 an
suggestive of modern socks include the shoes of the Eros fi gure (belo
Campanian Samnite warriors done in outline technique (C.3 below).
Also of significance is the so-called 'Ionian-type' footwear with the ro
toe, which was possibly introduced into mainland Greece by Ionian East
and boots may be seen worn by both men and women on Attic black- and r
well as on Italiote vessels.
It is also noteworthy that a kind of forerunner appears on Hittite reliefs where gods,
demons and priests are represented wearing heavy-looking boots of this type (Akurgal &
Hirmer 1962: pis 92-3, 1 1 1 (dated to 1050-850 BC), 127 (dated 850-700 BC) & 128 (dated
to 850 BC)). In addition, two small terracotta vases, seemingly rhyta in the shape of boot
should be mentioned. These too belong to this early period. One of them, which was foun
at Kültepe (8.5 cm in height), is decorated in geometric patterns, the other (5.1 cm in
height) shows lines which might indicate the way in which the pieces of leather, from which
real shoes were made, were sewn together (Akurgal & Hirmer 1962: pl. 33, 2-3; L'Art au
Pays des Hittites, 6000 à 600 av. J.C. , Collections des Musées de Turquie 1964: no. 104 (ill.); no. 10
(ill.) with lines like seams). There are several specimens of this kind dating from the
8th/7th century BC which have been found in the Urartian lands.
During the course of the 6th century this type of footwear spread further. We find Greek
influenced representations of such items in Anatolia, while the Eastern type appeared in
number of European countries.
There is from Ankara in Phrygia a decorated tile which shows two warriors whose
footwear reflects the influence of the Archaic Greek style. They wear the Eastern type boot
with the curved turned-up toe but the shape of the boot is more slender and not unlike
examples known from Greek vases (Akurgal 1961: pl. VII.c).

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By contrast, the Eastern type is represented on a group of bronze situlae dated to

6th/5th century BC which are supposed to originate from the area which is in mo
Yugoslavia. These situlae have been found in archaeological contexts in North Italy, be
the river Po, in Central Italy, and south of the Danube, near Austrian Hallstatt for examp
(Kastelic 1965: pis 1 & 67 which show boots and pl. 58 shows a boot with a turned-up t
The single terracotta pair of Eastern type shoes which came to light on Sicily some
ago remains a unique find (Zanotti Bianco 1961: 97, no. 87).
Much earlier than this, however, these terracotta shoe vases seem to have spread ov
number of different countries.
Select list of Attic, Lucanian, Apulian, Campanian and Paestan footwear
In the following list the examples are not arranged according to the date of the vases, but
in groups according to the type of footwear.
Some Attic examples

Sandals
Att. 1 Hydria, Florence 81947.

The sandals are laced over the instep and a little above the ankle. The toes and foot
are largely uncovered. They are worn by Himeros and Pothos who pull Aphrodite's
chariot.
Meidias Painter. Dated to C.410 BC.
Arias, Hirmer & Shefton 1962: 377, fig. 217.
Att. 2 Hydria, BM E 224.
The sandals are laced around the ankle and heel while the foot is left uncovered.
The sandals have a clear sole. They are worn by one of the daughters of Leucippus
who is being raped by one of the Dioskouroi.
Meidias Painter. Dated to c.410 BC.
Arias, Hirmer & Shefton 1962: 376, fig. 215 below.
Att. 3 Hydria, BM E 224. Fig. 1 7.
Here the sandals are laced all over the foot and leg. Again the sole is clearly
indicated. They are worn by a Dioskouros who is raping a Leucippid.
Meidias Painter. Dated to c.410 BC.
Plain ankle-high shoes
Att. 4 Kylix, Villa Giulia 50396. Fig. 18.

These plain ankle-high shoes have a clearly defined sole and a ribbon which is
knotted around the ankle. They are worn by a symposiast.
Makron. Dated to c.490 BC.
Att. 5 Kylix, Würzburg 479.
Similar to Villa Giulia 50369 (above). The same type of shoe is again worn by a
symposiast.
Brygos Painter. Dated to c.490 BC.
Boots
Att. 6 Bell krater with lion's-head handles, Palermo V 778.

Here a pair of plain, high boots apparently without laces are shown. The boots have
a curved upper edge. They a worn by a Greek youth playing the flute.
Pan Painter. Dated to c.460 BC.
(Similar type boots are discussed in Att. 9 below; v. Arias, Hirmer & Shefton 1962: 348, fig. 165).

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22 Chapter 1
Fig. 17 Sandals worn by one of the

Dioskouroi, after hydria BM E224
Fig. 18 Shoes worn by a symposiast,
after kylix, Villa Giulia 50396
Fig. 19 Shoes worn by a woman,

after kylix, Tarquinia RG 6848
Ankle-high shoes with turned-up toes (Ionian-type shoe)
Att. 7 Kylix, Tarquinia, RC 6848. Fig. 19.

This pair of ornate, ankle-high shoes, with turned-up toes, is worn by a f
(presumably an Ionian). On the left shoe a row of dots, which served as decor
is preserved.
Attributed to Oltos. Dated to c.515-510 BC.
Arias, Hirmer & Shefton 1962: 321, fig. 103 above.
Boots with turned-up toes
Att. 8 Lekythos, Boston Museum of Fine Art, 13.198.

On this vase, boots with turned-up toes are depicted in profile and in frontal view.
The part of the boot which covers the foot is plain and it is secured by broad, black
laces high up the leg. The boots are worn by a young hunter, possibly Kephalos.
Pan Painter. Dated to c.470/60 BC.
High-laced boots with slightly turned-up toes
Att. 9 Column krater, Syracuse 12781.

The laces on these boots have been rubbed off rather badly. The upper end of the
lace seems to be tucked into the upper edge of the boot forming a curved line at the
back of the leg. The boots are worn by a youth playing a flute.
Pan Painter. Dated to c.460 BC.

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High-laced boots with flaps and turned-up toes
Att. 10 Kylix, Paris CdM 542. Fig. 20.

These boots have a plain foot and a turned-up toe which is clear in profile. Th
have two pairs of laces around the leg and flaps hanging down from the upper edge
They are worn by a flute-playing Satyr.
Ascribed to Douris and dated to c.485 BC.
Arias, Hirmer & Shefton 1962: 342-3, fig. 148.
Lucanian Examples
Early South Italian sandals

L. 1 Volute krater, Taranto 8263. Fig. 21.
A pair of high-laced sandals are depicted with the ends of the laces hanging down
from the top of the boot. There is a strap wrapped around the instep and heel while
the toes are left uncovered. These sandals are worn by a Maenad who stands
behind the seated Dionysos.
Karneia Painter. Dated to c.410 BC.
Arias, Hirmer & Shefton 1962: 387-8, fig. 230 ;LCS (1/280): p. 55, pl. 24 (details of revers e); ES
38, no. 350, pl. 24 (dark ill. where the Maenad's shoes are not visible).
Fig. 2 1 High-laced sandals worn by a

Maenad, after volute krater,
Fig. 20 Boots worn by a Satyr, after Taranto 8263
kylix, Paris CdM 542
Fig. 22 Shoes worn by Eros,

after pseudo-panathenaic amphora, Erlangen I 288

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24 Chapter 1
Plain , ankle-high shoes
L. 2 Volute krater, Toledo 81.110.

The upper edges of these boots are not visible because they are covered by
woman's costume. This type of footwear is worn here by Ariadne, a silen a
woman.
Creusa Painter. Dated to c.380 BC.

LCS Suppl. III (C22), p. 46, pl. VII.l.
L. 3 Bell krater, once on the Zürich market, which is similar to Toledo 81.110 (above
Here this type of shoe is worn by two draped youths.
Attributed to the circle of the Creusa Painter and dated to c.380 BC.
LCS Suppl. III (C38), p. 47, pl. VIII.2.
Plain shoes covering the ankle
L. 4 Pseudo-panathenaic amphora, Erlangen I 288. Plate 48. Fig. 22.

The upper edge of these shoes is formed of a single line. They have a clearly
defined sole. They are worn by Eros.
Related to the Primato Group.
LCS Suppl. II (1038a), p. 177, pl. XXXII.4.
Photograph courtesy of the Erlangen Museum.
For this vase v. Ch. 5, 4, no. lid.
Plain shoes which extend some way up the leg
L. 5 Stemless cup, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 69.232.

These shoes have a line which runs beneath the upper edge and parallel to it giving
the impression that the upper edge was folded over. They are worn by a bearded
silen.
Related to the work of the Minniti Painter (Intermediate Group).
LCS Suppl. Ill , (366a), p. 27, pl. IV. 1.
Some general observations on high-laced boots and sandals
It seems that various methods were used to secure the laces, especially with regard to
keeping the horizontal part in place. In some cases we see a short curving line at the upp
edge of the horizontal part and two vertical lines, or sometimes only one, running acro
the horizontal laces. At ankle height there is sometimes another short, curving or pointe
line, e.g. Toledo 81.110, reverse (L. 6, v. fig. 23). On the other hand, there are some cases
which lack the vertical lines, e.g. BM F 297 (here Ap. 11) where the horizontal laces are
kept in place by buttons, painted in white. No buttons or vertical laces are applied on
BM F 376 (Ap. 7) where the curving line at the top might indicate that they were tucked in
to the upper edge of the boot.
High-laced boots
L. 6 Volute krater, Toledo 81.110. Fig. 23.

These boots have one vertical lace, the upper end of which is tucked into the
uppermost part of the lace which encircles the leg (note the curving line at the
top). A row of black buttons flank the vertical part of the laces. The foot of these
boots is highly ornate (note especially the left foot). This type of boot is worn by two
young Greek warriors who are talking to two young Greek women. The scene is on
the other side of the vase labelled here as L. 2.
LCS Suppl. III (C22), p. 46, pl. VII.2.

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Early South Italian high-laced boots
L. 7 Calyx krater, Paris CdM. 422.

The upper part of these high-laced boots has been rubbed off. The boots are of
type with a vertical lace flanked by a row of black buttons (see above). Worn
Odysseus consulting the shade of Teiresias.
Dolon Painter.
ESI, p. 45, no. 512, pl. 16.
Boots with flaps
L. 8 Type I nestoris, Geneva (Vandoeuvres), Ortiz collection.

These high-laced boots with flaps have a plain foot. They are worn by two hunters
at the Calydonian boar hunt.
Dolon Painter. Dated to c.370 BC.
LCS Suppl. III (D28), p. 61, pl. X.l.
Ankle-high shoes with turned-up toes
L. 9 Volute krater, Toledo 8 1 . 1 1 0. Fig. 24.

These ankle-high shoes with turned-up toes have no sole represented. They are
worn by the seated Dionysos in a scene from the same side of the vase described
earlier as L. 2 (see also L. 6).
LCS Suppl III (C22), p. 46, pl. VII.l.
High-laced boots with flaps and turned-up toes
L. 10 Volute krater, Taranto 8263. Fig. 25.

These boots are worn by the seated Dionysos who listens to a Maenad's flute. The
scene is from the same vase as that described earlier as L. 1.
Karneia Painter. Dated to c.410 BC.
Arias, Hirmer & Shefton 1962: 387-88, fig. 230 ;LCS (1/280), p. 55, pl. 24 (details of reverse);
ESI , p. 38, no. 350, pl. 24.
Fig. 23 Boots worn

by Greek warriors,
after volute krater,
Fig. 25 Boots worn by Dionysos,
Toldeo 81.1 10
after volute krater, Taranto 8263
Fig. 24 Shoes worn by Dionysos,

after volute krater, Toldeo 81.110

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26 Chapter 1
Apulian Examples
Sandals
Ap. 1 Volute krater, Ruvo 1096.

These sandals have a single lace wrapped around the second toe; similar to the way
sandals are often worn today. They are worn by a Leucippid who is about to be
raped by one of the Dioskouroi.
Sisyphus Painter. Dated to c.420 BC.
RVAp I (1/52), p. 16, pl. 5.1 in the section on 'Early Vases'.
Early South Italian sandals
Ap.2 Volute krater, Taranto 8264.

These ankle-high sandals are made up entirely of straps. The sole is indicated in
added white. They are worn by Zeus in a scene showing the birth of Dionysos.
Name vase of the Painter of the Birth of Dionysos. Dated to c.410 BC.
RVAp.I , (2/6), p. 35, pl. 9.1 (shows several details of this vase); full pietur e: ESI, (166), p. 53, pl. 31.
High-laced sandals
Ap. 3 Loutrophoros, Basel S 21.

These high-laced sandals completely cover the leg and foot with laces. This type of
sandal is worn by Admetos and his young daughter.
The style is close to the Laodamia Painter.
Schmidt, Trendall & Gambitoglou 1976: 78-80, pl. 21 and colourplate.
Ankle-high shoes
Ap. 4 Pelike, Policoro 32481.

These shoes have a strap around the instep which is connected to a strap wrapped
around the ankle. The foot of the shoe is plain. Shoes of this type are worn by a
seated Greek woman and by the Greek youth who stands before her.
Painter of the Truro Pelike. Dated to c.340/30 BC.
RVAp. II , (20/9), p. 562, pl. 210.5.
Plain ankle-high or slightly higher shoes
Ap. 5 Calyx krater, BM F 272.

This type of shoe has one or two straps around the ankle and a strap around the
instep. There is a clearly visible sole. They are worn by the principal female figure
and three other women. The principal figure is often taken to be Phaedra, although
it is possible that she represents Laodamia.
Name vase of the Laodamia Painter. Dated to c. 350/40 BC.
RVAp II, (18/14), p. 481, pl. 171.1-3 (obverse and reverse).
Boots
Ap. 6 Oinochoe (shape 1), BM F 376. Plate 49.

Apparently there is a preference on Apulian vases for portraying Samnite warriors
as wearing boots. Here the boots are laced, of different heights and patterned. The
boots are low-laced with the upper end of the lace tucked into the upper edge of the
boot forming a curved line. This type of footwear is worn by a young Samnite
warrior shown standing by his horse.
Patera Painter. Dated to c.330 BC.
RVAp II (23/84), p. 737, (no ill.).
For this vase cf. Ch. 3, 1.

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Ap.7 Column krater, Naples Stg. 456.

High-laced boots with buttons flanking the vertical lace which runs down to t
undecorated foot. There is a strap running around the instep. They are worn b
seated Samnite warrior holding a kantharos and receiving an offering from a
Greek woman.
Wolfenbüttel Painter. Dated to c.350/40 BC.
RVApI (13/196), p. 357, pl. 115,3.
Ap.8 Column krater, Würzburg 858. Plate 50.
These high-laced boots have two pairs of laces. Two parallel laces run down and are
connected to the strap which is wrapped around the instep. The foot is plain and
there is a well defined sole. This type of footwear is worn by two Samnite warriors.
One is seated and holds a phiale, the other stands before him pouring wine from a
goatskin into his vessel. A Greek woman watches this scene.
Connected in style to the Painter of Geneva MF 290, who is connected to the
Roermond Painter. Dated to c.350/40 BC.
ÄK4/>/(14/80),p. 368, (no ill.); Langlotz 1932: 151, pl. 246.
Photograph courtesy of the Martin von Wagner Museum, Würzburg.
For this vase cf. APPENDIX.
Boots with turned-up toe
Ap. 9 Column krater, Naples 2036/81714.

These boots have two pairs of laces wrapped around the leg. There is a vertical lace
which runs down to the plain foot of the shoe this is connected to the strap which is
wrapped around the instep. Worn by a seated Apulian Samnite warrior who is
holding a phiale and receiving a wreath from the Greek woman who stands before
him. The scene is similar to the above - Naples Stg. 456, here Ap. 7. (For the
upturned toe v. also the vase here labelled P. 8).
Barletta Painter. Dated to c.330 BC.
RVApI (14/230), p. 389, pl. 134.3.
Fig. 26 Boots worn by an Apulian Samnite,

after column krater, BM F297

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28 Chapter 1
High-laced boots with white flaps
Ap. 10 Volute krater, Basel BS 464.

These high-laced boots have white flaps white hang down from their upper
Worn by Amphiaraos who stands before Pluto; the latter is seated in his pala
Baltimore Painter. Dated to c.330/25 BC.
Schmidt, Trendall & Cambitoglou 1976: 51-71, pl. 'l'RVAp II (27/23), p. 865, (no ill.).
High-laced open-toed boots
Ap. 11 Column krater BM F 297. Plate 31. Fig. 26.

On these high-laced boots the end of the vertical lace is tucked into the uppermost
part of the lace running around the leg. They have a srap around the ankle and
over the instep which is connected to the vertical lace. The foot of these boots is
decorated (see especially the sketch of the right foot). They are worn by a seated
Apulian Samnite warrior who holds a phiale while a Greek woman offers him a
wreath.
For the open-toed boot v. the vase labelled here C. 13. For the end of the vertical
lace tucked into the laces running around the leg, cf., for example, Schmidt,
Trendall & Cambitoglou 1976: 94-7, pl. 23 and also the vase labelled here L. 6.
Wolfenbüttel Painter. Dated to c.350/40 BC.
RVAp I (13/197), p. 357, pl. 1 15.5; RVSIS, p. 84, pl. 175.
For this vase cf. Gh. 1, 2 and APPENDIX.
Some observations on the high-laced boots preferred by paidagogoi
High-laced boots are part of the standard costume of Apulian paidagogoi. This is not the
case with Campanian and Paestan examples.
The following are examples of the latter two groups:
a) Plate 51
A drawing by Tischbein (Weege 1909: 133, fig. 13 after Tischbein, I 60) shows a lost
Campanian vase painting bearing the remarkable scene of a female (?paidagogos)
instructing a female acrobatic dancer on the upper register (cf. Ch. 5, 2); on the
lower register a barefooted youth is shown with his sword raised as he stops a duel.
One of the combatants in the duel is a Samnite and wears the typical Samnite
cuirass.
For this drawing cf. Ch. 3, 4.
b) Plate 52
On a Paestan tomb-painting a barefoot and bearded man wearing a himation stops
the duel with his right hand down (Weege 1909: 118, no. 33, fig. 8 based upon a
drawing of the original which is now lost).
For this fresco cf. Ch. 3, 4.
Examples of Apulian paidagogoi wearing boots
For general information on Apulian paidagogoi v. Chamay & Cambitoglou 1980: 40-3;
RVAp II, p. 610; and the discussion of the volute krater (Princeton 83.13) by Darius Painter
(below Ap. 14) in Trendall 1984.
High-laced boots
Ap. 12 Kantharos, Ruvo 1394.

These are high-laced boots with two vertical rows of laces which are drawn rather
sketchily. Presumably these would have been fastened at ankle height where the
strap around the instep is situated. The shoe part is plain and no sole is indicated.
They are worn by a white haired, bearded paidagogos, who is clad in the standard

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costume of a white chiton and cloak over the shoulders, fastened by a brooch under
the chin. The single figure of the paidagogos seems to be a kind of portrait of th
type of person.
Ascribed to the Paidagogos Group which forms part of the general group of th
Darius-Underworld Painters.
For information on the Paidagogos Group and associated vases v. RVAp 77, p. 610-612.
RVApII (21/48), p. 610, pl. 234.3.
High-laced boots with a white foot
Ap. 13 Calyx krater, Kiev 120.

These high-laced boots have a white foot and laces in added white which are partly
rubbed off. They are worn by a white haired and bearded paidagogos who wears a
white three-quarter length chiton and a cloak fastened under the chin by a brooch.
His right arm is outstretched and in his right hand he holds a stick. The paidagogos
is standing before Ganymede who plays with a swan.
Attributed to a painter connected with the Perrone-Phrixos Group. Dated to
C.330BC.
RVAp II ( 1 8/243) , p. 526, pl. 191.4.
High-laced boots with flaps
Ap. 14 Volute krater, Princeton 83.13.

These boots have two vertical rows of laces extending down over part of the pla
foot area. These laces are flanked by white buttons. A kind of heel is indicated i
added white. The upper edge of these boots has a band in added white. These boot
have white flaps which hang down from their upper edge. They are worn by a
paidagogos who is standing inside a temple at Eleusis. The paidagogos is listenin
to Medea who stands before him talking. He wears the usual costume which ha
been described above. His chiton is knee length and he wears a black cord or belt
tied around the waist. He also has a wide cloak around his shoulders which, as
usual, is fastened by a booch beneath the chin. His right hand is held under his chin
and is covered by the cloak. He rests his head on a white stick held in his right
hand. The paidagogos is white haired and bearded. He holds a pilos in his left hand
which is held behind his back; as a result the pilos is half-hidden.
Darius Painter.
Trendall 1984; RVAp Suppl. I (18/4 la), p. 78, pl. XII.
Some Campanian Examples

Sandals
C. 1 Oinochoe (shape 10), Paris CdM 987.

These ankle-high sandals have a strap over the instep which is connected to the
strap which runs around the ankle (compare with the Attic example, here Att. 2).
These sandals are worn by a small Eros figure who is embracing a woman who may
perhaps be Aphrodite.
Related in style to the Whiteface Painter.
LCS Suppl . Ill (3/1 09f), p. 189, pl. XXI.6.
High-laced sandals
C. 2 Calyx krater, Lipari 1 1806.

The foot and lower leg are completely covered with laces in this example; no sole is
visible. Worn by a small Eros figure who stands behind a woman.
Prado/Fienga Painter. Dated to c. 380-370 BC.
LCS Suppl. Ill (1/120), p. 108, pl. XII.4.

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30 Chapter 1
Ankle-high shoes (shown in the outline technique)
C. 3 Amphora decorated in outline technique, Vatican AB 14. Plate 53a-d

These shoes are similar to those depicted on the pseudo-panathenaic a
Erlangen I 288, here described as L. 4. Here the shoes are worn by two w
They are painted in outline technique and the shoes are solid painted in b
VIE II, (AB 14), p. 273, figs. 37a-d. Illustrated in Frederiksen 1968: figs 4-5; Weege 1909: 136-
For this vase v. Ch. 3, 3, no. Vg.
Three similar examples of ornate ankle high shoes
C. 4 (C. 4.1, C. 4.2, C. 4.3)

On these three vases the ornate ankle-high shoes have a knotted ribbon
upper edges. They have a white sole and a single strap on the foot. In ea
they are worn by a young Samnite warrior in training.
C. 4.1 Bail amphora, Naples priv. coll. 228. Plate 54.
LCS Suppl. III (2/822d), p. 160, pl. XVIII. 1.
C. 4.2 Skyphos, Naples priv. coll. 1-8-6. Plate 55.
LCS Suppl. Ill (2/843 a), p. 162, pl. XVIII.3.
C. 4.3 Skyphos, Bloomington I.U.A.M. 100.10.5.81 B. Plate 56a.
LCS Suppl. Ill (2/843b), p. 162, pl. XVIII.4.
All three vases are ascribed to the Ixion Group. (For these vases cf. especially
Ornate ankle-high shoes
C. 5 Neck amphora, Swiss priv. coll.

These shoes are decorated with stripes on the foot. They are won by Eros.
Laghetto Painter.
LCS Suppl. Ill (2/5 10a), p. 144, pl. XV.2.
Plain shoes which extend somewhat above the ankle
C. 6 Skyphos, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 03.822. Plate 1. Fig. 27.

These shoes have two parallel straps wrapped around the instep. The upper edge
which is somewhat above the ankle is indicated in white. Below the ankle there are
two parallel lines. The sole is indicated in white. They are worn by a Samnite boy
dressed in a loin-cloth
Errera Painter. Dated to c.330 BC.
For this vase cf. ASPECTS OF SAMNITE LIFE (in Author's Notes) and Ch. 1, 2. v. Ch. 3, 5, no. 1.
C. 7 Bail amphora, Museo Campano, Capua 7541. Plate 57.

These shoes are similar to those above (Boston 03.822; here C. 6). They are worn
by a seated Samnite warrior who has a feathered helmet, a spear and a shield. The
warrior is holding a fillet.
Errera Painter. Dated to c.330 BC.
LCS (2/706), p. 322, pl. 120.3.
Boots
Low-laced boots
C. 8 Neck amphora, Brussels A 3550. Plate 26a.

These boots have the laces painted in added white and white soles. They are worn
by a group of Samnite warriors carrying out an assault.
Errera Painter. Dated to c. 340-330 BC.
LCS (2/704), p. 322, pl. 126.1.

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n
Fig. 27 Shoes worn by a
Samnite boy, after skyphos,
Boston 03.822
i
Fig. 29 Boots worn by a Samni
boy, after neck amphora, The
Hague, Liefkes coll.
Fig. 28 Shoes worn by a Satyr and

a youth, after bail amphora,
Naples priv. coll. 1-7-4
C. 9 Hydria, BM F 215. Plate 15.

These low-laced boots have black laces and a sole in added w
the right hand Samnite warrior in the scene. He is engaged
by a tree.
Libation Painter.
LCS (3/303), p. 406, pl. 160.3; Indigeni , p. 18, pl. 53.
Photograph courtesy of the trutees of the British Museum.
For this vase cf. Ch. 1, 2. v. Ch. 3, 3, no. Ilia.
High-laced boots
C. 10 Skyphos, Museo Campano, Capua. Plate 58.

The painting of these boots has been rather rubbed off. They are worn by a running
Samnite warrior whose spear is pointed downwards.
Laon Painter. Dated to c.335 BC.
LCS (2/50), p. 233, pl. 91.3.
For this vase v. Ch. 3, 3, no. Id.
Shoes with turned-up toes
C. 11 Bail amphora, Naples, priv. coll. 1-7-4. Plate 59a & b. Fig. 28.
These ankle-high shoes have a turned-up toe and a strap around he ankle. The sole
is painted in white. They are worn by a young, standing Satyr playing the flute on
the obverse of the vase and a draped youth on the reverse.
Painter of Naples 128012. Dated to c.320 BC.
LCS Suppl. Ill (2/3 70b), p. 135, pl. IV.5-6.
Photograph courtesy of Professor A.D. Trendall.

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32 Chapter 1
High-laced boots with turned-up toes
C. 12 Bail amphora, once on the Zürich market, Galerie Koller. Plate 60.
These boots have a single vertical strap which is connected to the strap wrapped
the instep. They have turned-up toes and the sole is painted in added white. They
worn by a young Samnite warrior who has a spear, a shield and a spiked diadem.
Ixion Group.
LCS Suppl. Ill (2/822g), p. 160, pl. XVIIL2.
For this vase cf. Gh. 3, 1.
Boots with a small hole in the toe area
C. 13 Neck amphora, Liefkes collection, The Hague. Plate 4. Fig. 29.

These are high-laced boots with open toes. They are worn by a mounted Samnite
boy who returns with his father.
LNO Painter. Dated to c.320 BC.
For this vase cf. ASPECTS OF SAMNITE LIFE (in Author's Notes), Ch. 3, 1 and Ch. 5, 2. v. Ch. 6, 3, no. lie.
Paestan examples
Sandals
P. 1 Calyx krater, Syracuse 36334.

On these high-laced sandals the vertical lace extends down to the strap around the
ankle. They have a strap wrapped around the instep. They are worn by a young
silen who stands before a standing woman.
Dirce Painter. Dated to the period c.380-350 BC.
PP , p. 7 & 1 13, no. 1, pl. Ia. RVP (1/1), p. 24, pl. la.
Ankle-high shoes
P. 2 Bell krater, Madrid 11019.

These shoes have a plain ribbon which is knotted around the ankle. They are worn
by a seated, bearded silen. Dionysos stands before him with a thyrsus and a sprig.
Attributed to Asteas. Dated to c.350 BC.
PP, p. 40 & 1 16, no. 44, fig. 18. RVP (2/37), p. 72, pl. 26c.
Women's patterned ankle-high shoes
P. 3 Bell krater, Museum of Fine Arts, Richmond, Virginia, 81.72. Plate 61.
On the obverse of the vase a woman wears a pair of shoes with a single strap over
the instep and shown. The sole is clearly indicated. There is a decorative stripe
which runs over the shoe. The scene may be interpreted as a marriage ceremony.
Ascribed to Python. Dated to c.330-310 BC.
RVP (2/285), p. 160, pl. 104.c; Mayo 1982: 240, no. 1 13.
Photograph courtesy of the Museum of Fine Arts, Richmond, Virginia.
For this vase cf. Ch. 2, 1, Ch. 4, 2 and Ch. 6, 2.
Patterned ankle-high shoes
P. 4 Bell krater, Melbourne, National Gallery of Victoria, D 391/1980.

The shoes depicted here are somewhat rubbed off. The upper edge, located
somewhere above the ankle remains visible, it curves round to the ankle. There are
two white dots at the upper edge and one white dot at the ankle. Down on the foot
there are two black dotsģ The shoes have a white sole. They are worn by a standing
Maenad who leans against a pillar and holds out to Dionysos a twig in her right
hand and a phlyax mask in her left.
Attributed to Asteas. Dated to c.360/350 BC.
RVP (2/24), p. 68, pl. 21c; Trendall 1981: 20-29, figs 20, 22-23, 26.

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Shoes that come somewhat above the ankle
P. 5 Bell krater, Melbourne, National Gallery of Victoria, D 391/1980.

Similar to the shoes worn by the Maenad in the same scene described above; here
P. 4. This pair have a white upper edge. They are worn by Dionysos who stands
before the Maenad.
Attributed to Asteas. Dated to c. 360/350 BC.
RVP (2/24), p. 68, pl. 21c; Trendall 1981: 20-29, figs 20, 22-23, 26.
P. 6 Bell krater, BM F 188.
Ankle-high shoes similar to the above from Melbourne (P. 4 & P. 5). Worn by
Dionysos who stands before a dancing phlyax.
Attributed to Asteas. Dated to 360/350 BC.
PP, p. 38 & 1 16, no. 36, fig. 15; RVP (2/26), p. 68, pl. 22c.
High-laced boots
P. 7 Hydria, Madrid 1 1 139.

These boots have a vertical lace which runs down to the ankle. They are worn by a
Greek youth who has an offering for the Greek woman who is seated before him.
Now attributed to the Painter of Würzburg H 5739, who was part of the Asteas-
Python workshop.
PP, p. 49 & 11 7, no. 76, fig. 38; PKP (2/400), p. 180, pl. 125b.
High-laced boots with turned-up toes
P. 8 Oinochoe (shape 2), Vienna 413.

These high-laced boots have a vertical lace which runs down to the strap around
the ankle which takes the form of a knotted ribbon with a white dot. They have a
turned-up toe and a white sole They are worn by a Greek youth who runs with a
woman who, herself, is wearing ankle-high shoes.
Attributed to Asteas. Dated to c.350/340 BC.
PP, p. 42 & 1 16, no. 53, fig. 24; RVP (2/214), p. 133, pl. 82b.
Examples from Paestan tomb-paintings

Sandals
P. 9 Paestan tomb-painting. Plate 62.

These sandals have two strings around the ankle. The foot is completely uncovered
and no sole is visible. They are worn by a mounted Samnite warrior returning with
two prisoners.
Sestieri 1956-57: 77-8, figs 15 & 16.
For this fresco v. Gh. 3, 3, no. Ve.
P. 10 Paestan tomb-painting, known as the 'Procession' fresco. Plate 5.

The footwear in this fresco is similar to the above (here P. 9). Here the sandals are
worn by a mounted Samnite warrior returning in procession.
PP, p. 82, pl. XXXIc; Bianchi Bandinelli & Giuliano 1973: pl. 267.
For this fresco cf. Gh. 1, 2, Ch. 2, 1 and Ch. 2, 3.
Boots
P. 11 Paestan tomb-painting, known as the 'Procession' fresco. Plate 5.

This fresco shows a pair of high-laced boots worn by a bearded prisoner wearing a
white himation. He is marching behind the Samnite cavalryman mentioned above
(see P. 9). At the same time he holds onto the horse's tail.
PP, p. 82, pl. XXXIc; Bianchi Bandinelli & Giuliano 1973: pl. 267.
For this fresco cf. Ch. 1, 2, Ch. 2, 1 and Ch. 2, 3.

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34 Chapter 1
High-laced boots (' Schnürstiefel ' type)
P. 12 Paestan tomb-painting. Now destroyed, recorded by F. Weege.

This type of footwear is worn by a Samnite warrior portrayed in a farew
His small son is also present.
Weege 1909: 117, no. 31 (no ill.).
Plain high boots
P. 13 Paestan tomb-painting.
These plain high boots have their upper edge drawn as a single line while
another which runs just below and parallel to it. They are worn by a Samnite
a hunter. The Samnite wears a tunic of Apulian type with a broad, red
stripe on the back and broad, red upper and lower edges. There are also br
stripes around the ends of the sleeves.
Napoli 1970a: 62, fig. 101.
Finally there is another group of representations of footwear which may b

in addition to vase and tomb-paintings. There is a small number of moulded
shape of a human foot or leg on which sandals, shoes or boots are represen
(Maximova 1927; Higgins 1959; Ducat 1966).
The style of these vases has led them to be called 'Ionian' or 'East Gre
aforementioned footwear with turned-up toe. Rhodes, Samos, Paros, Cre
Eretria and Boeotia are assumed to be places of origin. One such vase, found i
assumed to have been made using an East Greek mould.
Such plastic vases are made in two parts. The leg is turned on the wh
moulded foot is added later. The foot is made in two moulds one for each side of
The top of a plastic vase can be cut off flat or have a mouth resembling a le
aryballos. These vases are dated to the 6th century BC. The footwear painte
similar to the types known from Attic and Italiote vases of the 5th and 4th
often, however, they are more colourful and portrayed in greater detail. For
related types v. the index to this section below.
Some examples of footwear as represented on plastic vases
(As with the previous list the vases here are listed according to the type of footw
than the type or date of the vases).
Sandal painted on a plastic foot (type 1)

PF. 1 BM 24.3-10.5. From Samos.
The sandal has a strap running across the toes, from which another strap runs
to the ankle, where it is combined with the strap running around the ankle. A short
thong splits from both the right and left hand sides of the strap which runs over th
foot. These short thongs are fastened to a broad, decorated strap which is divid
into two parts and comes from the back of the foot. At the back the two halves
this strap are united to form a leather tongue.
Plastic foot: 90 mm high. It is probably a left foot and was made in two half moulds
The mouth of the vase resembles that of an aryballos. It has a broad plaque at th
back which is decorated with a Gorgon's head. The sandal has a sole attach
which is indicated by horizontal lines which are presumably supposed to indicat
different layers of leather. The decoration, including the Gorgon's head, is done
black glaze with added red and white.
Payne (1931: 88, no. 3) dated this vase to the second half of the 6th century BC based upon the
style of the Gorgon's head.
Higgins 1959: 32-3, no. 1655, pl. 22.

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Sandal painted on a plastic foot (type 2€ )
PF.2 BM 1928. 1-17.49.

This type of footwear is related to type 1 above. This example is more comp
covered with straps, however.
Plastic foot: 80 mm high. In terms of technique and shape this vase may be r
to that described above (no. 1655; here PF. 1). Like the above it has an aryb
type mouth but the plaque at the back is smaller in this instance. It is dec
with a palmette in black glaze with added red and white. The sole of the san
decorated with black knobs.
Dated to the 3rd quarter of the 6th century BC based upon the style of the
palmette which may be compared with those on the Little Master cups.
Higgins 1959: 33-4, no. 1656, pl. 23; Ducat 1966: 182, no. 1.
Sandal painted on a plastic foot (type 2 related to type 1)
PF. 3 BM 1950. 2-II.I. From Acragas, Sicily.

The sandal painted on this foot is laced in a similar way to those on vase no. 1655
(here PF. 1), however the paint has mostly been rubbed off in this example.
Plastic foot similar to no. 1655 (here PF. 1): 100 mm high. In terms of technique
this vase is again similar to no. 1655. The mouth is of aryballos type. The plaque at
the back is smaller than in no. 1655. The sole of this example is left undecorated.
Probably a South Italian version of an East Greek type. The clay is orange with
mica and has a pale green slip.
Higgins 1959: 47, no. 1680, pl. 33.
Sandal painted on a plastic foot (related to types 1 & 2)
PF. 4 Athens National Museum, NM 2072. From Crete.

The sandal is similar to the type 1 example. The paint is partly rubbed off.
Plastic foot: 166 mm high. The shape is similar to nos 1655 and 1656 (here PF. 1
and PF. 2 respectively), but it does not have the aryballos type mouth. Instead the
vase broadens towards the upper edge which is cut off flat. There is a broad band
beneath the upper edge.
Ducat 1966: 185, pl. XXIV. 3.
Sandal painted on the foot of the boot of a plastic leg

(fragmentary; the laces assumed to be going up the leg are not discernible)
PF. 5 BM 42.4 - 4.9. From Vulci. Formerly in the Feoli collection.

This example is laced on the foot in a way similar to no. 1655 (PF. 1).
Plastic leg is 1 10 mm high. It is incompletely restored from fragments. Decoration
on the leg is not discernible.
Higgins 1959: 30, no. 1651, pl. 20.
Sandal painted on the foot of the boot of a plastic leg
PF. 6 Berlin F 1307 (A 22).

The foot is laced in a way broadly similar to no. 1655 (here PF. 1). There is a knot at
ankle height which keeps the laces in place. The upper edge of what might have
been a high-laced boot undulates down to the front. There are two parallel lines
beneath the upper edge. The leg forms an open vase shape which was closed with a
cover with a knob. There is a band round the mouth of the vessel which is filled
with geometric patterns.
Ducat 1966: 135, pl. XX.3. No measurements are given; the place of origin is unknown. Maximova
1927: no. 80, pl. XX-XXI. Here a height of 280mm is given for the leg. This vase is in the
collection Fourtàles. The clay is pale, and the decoration is in black glaze with added white and red.
It is part of the 'Groupe au Style Grabade'
For the undulating upper edge of a boot v. the Attic red-figure example, here Att. 6; and PF. 10.

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36 Chapter 1
Shoe on plastic foot
PF. 7 Munich, Glyptothek, coll. Arndt, inv. 98.9.

Plain, long shoe with a pointed toe in red and a strap over the instep. T
broad band just above the ankle with alternating patterns of plain and d
horizontal rows painted in red-brown. The vase is moulded into the shap
shoes so the foot itself is not visible. It has a thin sole.
Maximova 1927: no. 137, pl. XXXVII. No measurements or date are given. It is 'Italo-Ionian' in
origin.
Boot on plastic leg ( shoe on foot with turned-up toe: fragmentary vessel , incompletely restored)
PF. 8 BM 46.9-25.22. No place of origin.

Here the boot extends about halfway up the lower leg. There is a band beneath the
upper edge of the boot. The tongue extends above the upper edge of the boot and
ends in a tongue-patterned border with a volute on either side. At the back above
the boot, is a large decorative rosette. The plastic leg is 280 mm high. The vase has
an open móuth. The rim of the vase is decorated with a broad ornate band. The
vase is covered in black glaze with added red and white.
Higgins 1959: 29, no. 1650, pl. 21; Ducat 1966: 134, no. 1, pl. XX. 1-2. (For the turned-up toe v. also
the vase labelled here as Ap. 9).
Boot on bent plastic legs

PF. 9 Louvre CA 3547.
The boot goes halfway up the lower leg and has a broad straps (incised) above
ankle and over the instep. A strap is fastened onto the latter. The leg itself is ben
Ducat 1966: 135, no. 8, pl. XXI. 1.
PF. 10 Berlin, Antiquarium, F 1308.
A laced up boot extends halfway up the leg but no details are discernible. Th
upper edge has the same curve as the plastic leg. It differs from the above (P
(Ducat 1966: 135, no. 8, pl. XXI.l) in that in this case the leg is bent to form a righ
angle (i.e. the thigh is horizontal), whereas in PF. 9 the leg is bent in such a wa
that the thigh is at an angle. The upper edge is cut off with a parallel line around
These boots have a thin sole and no decoration. They are coloured black and
with the details (straps) incised. The clay is red-brown.
Maximova 1927: no. 86, pl. XXI. No place of origin is given but it belongs to the 'Groupe du Sty
Gorgone '.
Short Index of similar. or related examples of Greek and non-Greek footwear on Attic and Italiote
vases , plastic vases and tomb paintings
Sandals
Ankle-high
Att. 1 and 2
Ap. 1
C. 1
PF. 1, 3, 4, 5 and 6
Completely laced, ankle-high

Ap. 2
PF. 2
Completely laced on foot, low- or high-laced on leg

Att. 3
Ap. 3
High-laced, foot bare

L. 1
C. 2
P. 1
Tomb-paintings P. 9 and 10

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Shoes
Ankle-high, plain
Att. 4 and 5 knotted with ribbons (worn by a symposiast)
L. 2, 3, 4 and 5 (plain)
Ap. 4 and 5
P. 2 and 3 (worn by a woman)
Ankle-high, ornate
C. 4 (worn by three Samnite warriors) and G.5
Ankle-high, patterned
P. 4, 5 and 6
Somewhat above the ankle
C. 3 Black figure, worn by two Samnite warriors (in outline technique)
C. 6 and 7
Boots
Low-laced
Ap. 6
C. 8 and 9
High-laced
L. 6 and 7
Ap. 7, 8 and 12
C. 10
P. 7
High boots, no laces with undulating upper edge

Att. 6
PF. 9 and 10
Footwear with turned-up toes

Ankle-high shoes
Att. 7
L. 9
C. 11
PF. 7
High-laced boots
Att. 8 and 9
Ap. 9 and 13
C. 12
P. 8
PF. 8
High-laced boots with flaps

Att. 10
L. 8 and 10
Ap. 10, and 14
High-laced boots with small hole in the toe
Ap. 11
C. 13
Conclusions
Having compared Samnite footwear with that of Attic and South Italian Greeks it becomes
evident that the non-Greeks wore a whole range of different types depending on individual
choice or the accompanying costume.
Ankle-high or slightly higher shoes were particularly favoured by young boys and young
warriors (C. 6 boy; C. 4 young warriors) although a fully grown warrior could also wear
such items (C. 3 and C. 7). Boots, low- or high-laced, were popular with fully grown
warriors (C. 8, C. 9 and C. 10). The young boy who wears high-laced open-toed boots, as he
returns with his father from combat, may be considered an exceptional case (C. 13). A
young warrior is shown with high-laced boots with turned-up toes (C. 12). Sandals were
seemingly not in favour with boys or warriors.

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Chapter 2
Equipment
Samnite military equipment, both defensive and aggressive, occurs in a variety of forms in
a great number of artistic representations. Warriors are often shown with both defensive
and aggressive items. There are, for example, the libation scenes and the combat scenes,
as well as others, where a warrior is shown busily preparing himself for war, by checking his
arms and putting on his armour and so forth (cf. Ch. 2, 4 and Ch. 2, 7 below).
The Defensive Equipment: Samnite Armour

1 The Samnite Helmet
The Samnite helmet is made distinctive by a variety of details; howeve

related in shape to the Attic type. It takes the form of a calotte with front
guards. There is also a crest and a plume made up of a variable number o
Some examples of different shapes of the Samnite helmet
Simple calotte form
a) Fig. 30.
This type of helmet is cut out of one piece of metal without a crest and cheek-
guards: these are indicated by a piece of metal which sticks out in combination with
the frontal-guard. The neck-guard is short, going right down to the back of the
calotte.
After Saulnier 1983: 62-3, no. 1, from the neck amphora (Naples 870/82744) ascribed to the Three-
Dot Group: LCS (2/342), p. 276, pl. 1 12.6. (Vase not illustrated here).
b) Fig. 31.
This type is related to that discussed above (a). However this example also has a
piece sticking out on the top and the back which was designed to hold a crest as
well as cheek-guards with curved sides.
After Saulnier 1983: 62-3, no. 2, from the bell krater (Rio de Janiero 1495) ascribed to the Siamese
Painter: LCS (2/902), p. 352, pl. 136.3-5. (Vase not illustrated here).
Crested helmet
The Samnite crest consisted of a horse-tail which was fastened onto a small metal
piece on the top of the helmet. The end of this tail hung freely at the back of the
helmet. There were thin and 'bushy haired' crests with short or long free-flowing
ends. Low or high crests were sometimes given special forms. Particularly high
crests were pinned on high peaks which were attached to the top of the helmet.
(For examples of Samnite crested helmet v. Saulnier 1983: 62, nos 3-8).

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40 Chapter 2
Q
Fig. 30 Calotte-shaped
helmet (after Saulnier
*9
Fig. 31 Calotte-shaped
helmet (after Saulnier
1983: 62-3, no. 1) 1983: 62-3, no. 2)
Fig. 32 Crested helmet (after

Saulnier 1983: 62-3, no. 7)
Helmet with a high short crest
Fig. 32.
This helmet has a thin high crest ending in a free-flowing tail. The frontal guard is
attached to the calotte. The cheek-guards and neck-guard are made of one piece
with a curved outline and both are cut out of the calotte in one piece.
After Saulnier 1983: 62-3, no. 7, from the hydria (Boston 1970.238) ascribed to the Ixion Painter:
LCS Suppl. I (2/8 13a), p. 59, pl. XIII. 5. (Vase not illustrated here).
Helmets with an extremely high crest

(This type also has two subsidiary crests: there are several helmets of this type).
a) Fig. 33.
This crest is found on an extremely high calotte decorated with a long line which
ends in a volute. The crest is attached to a high peak and has a long tail which
hangs down loose. All the guards are cut in one piece out of the calotte. Two other
small crests are attached on either side of the calotte; both have a short tail and are
located at the low part of the calotte.
After Saulnier 1983: 66-7, no. 6. This example was found in Macedonia. This type of helmet, with
the highest of crests, is often combined with the linen corselet in the iconographie record, cf. the
discussion of this type of corselet in Ch. 2, 3.
b) Paes tan tomb-painting, short side of a sarcophagus (Andriuolo Tomb 58). Plate 63.
The helmet illustrated has a highly stylised crest. It is worn by a warrior on
horseback who is portrayed before a calyx krater. The crest is divided into various
parts. The centre of the crest, which is on the top of the helmet, is short; the outer
parts both right and left are long and curved.
Napoli 1970a: 60, fig. 94; 1970b: 1 13, fig. 41; Johannowsky 1982: fig. 72.
How crests were attached
In most, if not all, cases the crests are lost so that we cannot see how they were attached to
the top of the helmets. Sometimes, however, the form of the helmet can provide some
information. Bronze plates of varying sizes were attached with rivets on the top of the
helmet. They also had raised supports, cut out in one piece with the base-plate, which held
the crest.
Fig. 34.
The figure shows clearly that the supports were cut in one piece with the bronze
plate so that the plate could act as a base for them.
After Adamesteanu 1974: 178, showing a 5th century Apulo-Corinthian helmet from Lavello.
A similar method for attaching horns to a helmet seems to have been used on a single bronze
helmet which is discussed at the end of this section (plate 64a & b).
Saulnier 1983: 66 nos 1, 3 & 4 all indicate a plate separating the crest from the helmet proper.

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The Samnite Warrior's Equipment 41
Fig. 33 Crested helmet (after

Saulnier 1983: 66-7, no.6)
Fig. 34 Apulo-Corinthian helmet from Lavello

(after Adamesteanu 1974: 178)
Crested helmet in the centre of figured scenes
a) Neck amphora, Vatican Astarita coll., 58. Plate 8.

A young Samnite warrior receives a libation while he holds his fully crested helmet
towards a woman who stands in front of him.
Astarita Painter.
LCS (3/269). p. 400, pl. 155.1; Indigeni, p. 17, pl. 44.
b) Apulian column krater, Ruvo 1090. Plate 65.

This is a comparable scene: a young naked warrior is shown seated on a rock
holding a fully crested helmet towards the woman who stands before him. The
woman offers a basket of fruit to the young warrior.
Eumenides Group.
RVAp I (4/240), p. 98, pl. 34.4.
Photograph courtesy of the Museo Jatta, Ruvo.
It seems clear that young Samnite warriors, both Campanian and Apulian, received no
only their helmet but also other items of military equipment at a ritual ceremony. A
example of this is depicted on a
Lucanian Type I nestoris, Boston, Museum of Fine Arts 1971.49. Plate 6.
Here a Lucanian warrior, armed with a spear and shield, is seated on a rock and
stretches his right arm towards a woman; the woman rushes towards him to offer
him a short sword.
Amykos Painter.
LCS Suppl. II (137b), p. 156, pl. XXX.l -, Indigeni, p. 13, pl. 1-2; Schneider-Herrmann 1980: fig. 43.
c) Apulian column krater, Ruvo 412. Plate 66.

Finally, there is the charming scene of the fully armed warrior and his young son
who is seated on his mother's knees. The child tries to grab the beautiful crest of
the helmet which is held out to him by his father, who is ready to depart for battle
York Painter.
RVAp I (4/217), p. 94, (no ill.); Indigeni, p. 16, pl. 40.

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42 Chapter 2
Feathered helmets
On a Paestan lebes gamikos (Geneva, private collection), the obverse of which is

almost entirely in added colours, we see Athena in the scene of the Judgement of Par
wears a feathered helmet: this type of helmet is shown elsewhere worn by non
(Moret 1978: 76-8, pl. 23.3; RVP (3/450), p. 319, pl. 206). Tradition had it that M
was said to have had a temple at Capua, wore feathers when he appeared on the si
Romans in their battle with the Samnites at Aquilonia in 293 BC (for the Samnit
Mars v. Heurgon 1942: 92; Heurgon 1972: 68).
The Samnites were not the only ones to wear feathers on their helmets.
Representations of warriors wearing feathers are also found on Attic vases and Roman
coins. Unfortunately, neither vase-paintings nor tomb-paintings tell us why feathers first
came to be placed on Samnite helmets.
Lucilius, the 2nd century BC poet, describes a farce performed in the streets of Capua
which contained a 'mock-fight'. In this 'mock-fight' the winner put the feathers of the loser
on his helmet (v. below Ch. 3, 4). The farce might have been based on an old tradition
dating back to the c.4th century BC, while the practice of the victor taking the feathers of
the loser may have its origins in a custom associated with real combat.
The attachment of the feathers (with or without the crest)
The feathers could be attached in one of the following ways:

i) between a circular piece of bronze and the helmet on either side of the helmet
(Saulnier 1983: 64-5, no. 4).
ii) between the helmet and cheek-guards at the point at which they meet (Saulnier
1983:64-5, no. 1).
iii) feathers without crest can be located on top of the helmet: here the attachment is
not visible (Saulnier 1983: 64-5, nos 2 & 3).
Examples of feathered helmets without crests
a) Fig. 35.
One feather is attached on either side between the frontal guard and the cheek
guard. The frontal guard is attached to the calotte while the cheek-guards and the
back-guard are cut out of it. The cheek-guard has a curved outline.
After Saulnier 1983: 64-5, no. 1; based upon a bell krater (Naples 784/82579) ascribed to the
Painter of New York GR 1000, v. LCS (4/327), p. 485, (no ill.).
b) Fig. 36.
Here a circular piece of bronze is attached to both sides of the calotte as a point at
which a single feather could be located, between the calotte and the circular piece
of bronze.
After Saulnier 1983: 64-5, no. 4, based upon a helmet displayed in the Paestum museum.
c) Fig. 37.
This example has three feathers on top of the helmet but the point of attachment
is not visible. The frontal-guard is made of a separate piece of bronze which is
attached to the calotte but the cheek- and back-guards are cut out of it.
After Saulnier 1983: 64-5, no. 2; based upon a bell krater (Vienna 799) ascribed to the Astarita
Painter, v. LCS (3/278), p. 401, pl. 156.6).
d) Fig. 38.
This five-feathered helmet is similar to the three-feathered example described
above. Here the cheek-guards and back-guard are made of separate pieces.
After Saulnier 1983: 64-5, no. 3; based upon Weege 1909: 1 16-17, no. 30 (no ill.).
e) Paestan tomb-painting, known as the 'Procession' fresco. Plate 5.
The helmet is very richly feathered but the point of attachment is not visible: the
second and third Samnite warriors are partly damaged.
PP , p. 82, pl. XXXIc. Bianchi Bandinelli & Giuliano 1973: pl. 267.
For this fresco cf. Gh. 1, 2, Gh. 1, 5 and Gh. 2, 3.

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f) Skyphos, Bochum Antiken Museum, Ruhr Universität, S 996. Plate 46.

This helmet has a high peak on its top, however, the method of its attachment is
not visible. The helmet is decorated with two or three feathers which are perhaps
attached to this high peak. All the guards are made in separate pieces of bronze
which are then attached to the calotte.
Libation Painter.
LCS Suppl. Ill (3/338b), p. 201 (no ill.); Kunisch 1980: 32-3, no. 1 17 (ill.).
Helmets with feathers and a crest
a) Paestan bell krater, Richmond, Virginia 81.72. Plate 61.

This example has one feather on either side of the helmet. The feather is attached
to a circular piece of bronze which is added to the middle of either side of the
helmet. The helmet, itself, has a full crest with one end long and free-flowing.
Ascribed to Python.
RVP (2/285), p. 160, pl. 104c; Mayo 1982: 240, no. 1 13.
Fig. 35 Feathered helmet

(after Saulnier 1983: 64-5, no. 1)
Fig. 36 Helmet with attachments

for feathers (after Saulnier 1983: 64-5, no. 4)



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44 Chapter 2
b) Bail amphora, Rheinbach, coll. Koch. Plate 67.

This helmet has one feather on each side. The point of attachment is n
articulated. Somewhat above the top of the helmet is a full horsehair cres
of which is free-flowing although the crest is only short.
Walters Sub-Group.
LCS Suppl. III (4/104Í), p. 219, pl. XXV 6.
For this vase cf. Ch. 2, 3. v. Ch. 3, 5, no. 4.
c) Figs 39 & 40
Three-feathered helmets have a common system of feather-attachment
the shape of the helmets themselves may vary: one feather is attached o
and two feathers on the other. The same system of attachment is used on bo
of the helmet, i.e. between the frontal-guard and the calotte. The crest i
raised so that it is possible to look over the top of the helmet, from one side
other, and see all three feathers at the same time; all of the single feathe
upper and lower part of the pair of feathers would be visible by lookin
direction and vice versa if looking in the other.
Fig. 39: after Saulnier 1983: 66-7, no. 4; based upon a bell krater (Louvre K 261) ascribe
Libation Painter, LCS (3/299), p. 406, pl. 159.1. Here plate 68, cf. Ch. 4, 2 and Ch. 6, 3, n
Fig. 40: after Saulnier 1983: 66-7, no. 3; based upon a squat lekythos (Louvre K 365) con
with the Painter of BM F 196 and the Capua-Boreas Painter, LCS, (3/260), p. 396, pl. 15
Fig. 40 Feathered and crested helmet

Fig. 39 Feathered and crested helmet

Helmets with horns
Paestan tomb-painting, known as the 'Procession' fresco. Plate 5.

This tomb-painting depicts a row of Samnite warriors. The Samnite warrior who
stands first in the row is receiving a libation. He wears a horned helmet and a white
corselet on his upper body. He brings home an enemy's tunic as a trophy. His
trophy hangs from the spear leaning against his left shoulder. He uses both hands
to keep his spear in place. Behind him stands another warrior who may be assumed
to be his arms bearer.
This second warrior wears a richly feathered helmet. It is likely that it is his
master's second spear which is stuck vertically into the ground and held in his right
hand; the large shield on the ground may also be his master's which he carries
home from combat.
PP , p. 82, pl. XXXIc. Bianchi Bandinelli & Giuliano 1973: pl. 267.
For this fresco cf. Ch. 1, 2, Ch. 1, 5 and Ch. 2, 3.
For the feathers v. above in the above section on 'Feathered helmets without crests'; for the armour
bearer cf. the Lucanian bell krater, Vienna 918 (plate 69) discussed in Ch. 2, 3 and Ch. 2, 8.
(For the related activities of a squire v. Weege 1909: 138).

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The horns
The horns dominate the appearance of the helmet because of their size. When they are
shown in vase-painting they are depicted in solid black on the side of the helmet (cf.
Hampe 1975: pl. 1.1). Their size suggests that they would have been heavy and therefore it
may be assumed that they were not worn in combat.
They occupy the main surface on the top of the helmet. As there is no crest visible we
may assume that they were fastened in the same way as the crest; cf. the above mentioned
sketch by Adamesteanu 1974: 178 (here fig. 34).
A bronze helmet with bull's ears and horns
Plate 64a & b

Here I shall give a short summary of helmet described more fully in Lorenz 1980: 136, pis 3 1-33:
Provenance is apparently unknown. From the collection of Professor Wyss, once on th
German market, Martin von Wagner Museum, Würzburg. Whereabouts now unknown
It may be concluded from the difference between the frontal and rear heigh
measurements that it is a Greek helmet of Corinthian type datable to c.490 BC. The
measurements are as follows: frontal height = 26.5 cm; rear height=19.5 cm; width
= 18.7 cm. The helmet is heavily repaired although this is visible, in the main, on the
inside. The tips of both horns and part of the neck-guard are missing.
The horns and the ears are attached to the helmet by means of bronze plates which
acted as a kind of seating for them. These plates were themselves riveted to the helm
(Lorenz 1980: pl. 33,1-4). There is part of an inscription in the Greek alphabet whic
survives; the letter delta is the most clearly visible.
Hampe (1975: pl. 1.1) shows a red-figure skyphos depicting a warrior in profile wearin
a helmet with what seems to be a small horn and carrying a large shield with a wild bu
emblem. This skyphos, in the Berlin Staatliche Museen (1970.1), is ascribed to th
Triptolemos Painter (v. also Lorenz 1980: 136, note 20).
2 The Celtic Helmet
The Celtic helmet is rare among the Samnites and other South Italian group
know, there exists only one bronze statuette of a Samnite hoplite wearin
helmet and a Samnite bronze cuirass (cf. Ch. 2, 3 below) (Plate 70a & b).
The Celtic helmet had several different forms which had begun to
throughout South Italy from the 5th century BC when the Celts started
from central Europe crossing the Alps (Stary 1979a: 198-200).
Over time the pointed shape of the cap of the Celtic helmet developed a
form until its high peak vanished completely. Illustrations of Celtic
sequence from early to late ones give a good overview of their entire dev
Connolly 1978: 62).
The Celtic helmet on the South Italian bronze statuette
Bronze statuette from Sicily, Louvre Br-124. Plate 70a & b.

The helmet shown on this statuette has a slightly pointed shape to th
particularly when seen from the back, but lacks the high peak. These f
the helmet, and therefore the statuette, to the early 3rd century BC.
has frontal- and back-guards. The cheek-guards are plain and of the s
form' which belong with this type of helmet and provide chronological
are entirely consistent with those provided by the helmet itself. The
comes from Sicily but the type of breast-plate suggests that it is a Sam
depicted (cf. Ch. 2, 3 below).

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46 Chapter 2
The back of the helmet shows a rather archaic method of construction. Two or
three bronze plates were combined in such a way that the edges of the plates were
visible at the spot where they were fastened together. (Stary 1979a: pl. 22a, and p.
191 on the archaic method of construction).
The single Celtic helmet from South Italy

Plate 71
The only surviving Celtic helmet from South Italy is now in the Museo Nazionale at
Ancona, inv. 3793. It is 55 cm in height.
The helmet has a slightly pointed form and a round lower edge. It has a frontal-
guard but no neck-guard. The cheek-guards are in the shape of the Samnite cuirass
type 2 and are decorated in the Celtic fashion with 2 circles with a single circle
below them, imitating the typical triple-plate cuirass.
The decoration consists of two parallel relief bands around the lower edge with a
circular knob in relief immediately above the upper band corresponding with the
cheek-guards. Noteworthy is the high peak which rises out of a knob on top of the
helmet. This type of feature was used in earlier periods to hold a high crest (v.
'Crested helmets' above) but this poses the question as to whether this helmet
belonged to a Celt or a Samnite. This feature is well documented on Samnite
helmets but is hitherto unknown on Celtic ones.
This helmet is included in the illustrated developmental sequence provided by Connolly 1978: 62,
no. 6. v. also Salmon 1978: pl. 45. Bianchi Bandinelli & Giuliano 1973: 62, pl. 66. For Celtic
decoration v. below 'Some everyday objects with the Celtic symbol' and 'The Celtic symbol on
armour' in Ch. 2, 3 below.
Photograph courtesy of the Museo Nazionale, Ancona.
Celtic helmet of a warrior of unknown tribal origin

Plate 28b
Lucanian Type II nestoris. Once on the Rome market, whereabouts now unknown.
The helmet is depicted in a combat scene on the neck of the vase. Two warriors
belonging to unknown tribal groups are shown fighting with antenna swords. One
lies on the ground, almost vanquished. He wears a Celtic helmet which is
distinguishable by its pointed shape, the absence of a knob on the top and the
presence of a circular knob in relief right above the lower edge and the cheek-
guard. The cheek-guards are difficult to make out.
The type of helmet portrayed, together with the nestoris itself, can be dated to
c.330/325 BC.
Choephoroi Painter.
LCS (633), p. 123, pl. 61.6 (shows the vessel body); also Schneider-Herrmann 1972: 38, pl. 7 (also
showing the vessel body); Schneider-Herrmann 1980: fig. 58a (shows the whole vessel including the
neck).
For this vase cf. Ch. 1, 2; Ch. 2, 3, and Ch. 2, 9 below.
3 The Samnite Cuirass
Few examples of the Samnite bronze cuirass, which is also known as the '
'triple disc' cuirass, survive. It is a form said to originate in South Italy. Ma
discs, it was worn at the front as well as at the back (v. Plate 72 below). The Sam
is constructed in the following way: there are two upper discs with a third
two and in a position mid-way between them. Together they form a sort of tri
On top is a straight, decorated upper edge. There are three types of Samni
Type 1 is, as described above, with three identical discs. The spaces betw
filled up with pieces of bronze to which small rings are attached for holding th

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which bound the front and back part of the cuirass together. Shoulder straps were fastened
onto small rings above the previously mentioned horizontal upper edge (plate 72).
Type 2 is similar to type 1, but has an edge which does not follow the pattern of the three
discs; thus, producing a coherent outline to the cuirass (v. plate 73a & b showing the front
and back of this type of cuirass).
Type 3 is similar to type 2 but has two sub-variants:
a) has a decorated edge and the third disc shows the head of Athena in low relief
(plate 74)
b) similar to 3a but instead of Athena's head has a demon's head (plate 75).
Examples of the Samnite bronze cuirass
Type 1
la. Alfedena, Museo A. de Nino. Plate 72.

The cuirass may be reconstructed in the following way: the front and back are
joined by shoulder and side straps. These straps are fastened to rings on the
horizontal edge and through holes on either side. The entire cuirass is undecorated
and the discs are slightly convex.
Stary 1979a: 191, pl. 22b; Salmon 1982: pl. 17; Bianchi Bandinelli & Giuliano 1973: 368, pl. 428.
lb. Cuirass from Ruvo, now in the National Museum, Naples.
Similar to the one from Alfedena in the Abruzzi. The upper edge and side pieces
have attachments for receiving shoulder and side straps which are partially
preserved. The upper edge and the side pieces are decorated.
Weege 1909: 150-1, fig. 22. Dated to the 4th century BC.
lc. Cuirass from Marisca in the Abruzzi, now in the National Gallery, Prague.
The maximum diameter is 32.7 cm. This undecorated example is very well
preserved. It has small holes for receiving the side straps and small parts of the
shoulder strap is preserved.
Antické Umení , no. 258 (illustrated upside down). It is described as 'South Italic 4th/early 3rd century'.
Id. Once on the London market.
Both front and back are preserved. The height is 24.1 cm, which is much the same
as the Alfedena and Prague examples.
Sotheby's, Sale Cat ., 1 1-12/5/1983, p. Ill, no. 339 (ill. p. 91).
Type 2
2. Once on the London market. Plate 73a & b.

Both front and back are preserved
Similar to type 1 but has a completely undecorated edge, which produces a
coherent outline of the three discs. The spaces between the three discs are filled
with pieces of bronze.
Sotheby's, Sale Cat., 9/7/1984, p. 94, no. 230 (ill. p. 94).
Type 3
3a. Naples, National Museum, from Ruvo. Plate 74.

This cuirass has a decorated edge. Instead of a plain third disc, it has a head of
Athena in low relief. The two upper discs are filled with large rosettes.
Weege 1909: 150-1, fig. 21.
Photograph courtesy of the National Museum, Naples.
3b. Once Bern market, Elsa Bloch-Diener. Plate 75.
This cuirass has been incorrectly reconstructed using metal chains instead of
leather straps to join the two halves; the chains run through the typical holes. The
cuirass does not have a defined edge. Instead of the third disc this example has a
demon's head in relief.

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48 Chapter 2
Addendum to types 3 a and b: those with Graeco-Italic influence. The deco

third disc allow us to date the cuirass more precisely:
a) The head of Athena: this seems to be a variety of the Acropolis Athena
early 4th century BC. This example shows evidence of Tarentine influe
heavy chin is comparable to that seen on Tarentine terracottas.
b) The head of the demon: early Hellenistic period dated to the end of
early third century BC. The style is somewhat classical; note the Graeco-I
portrayal of the hair.
The Samnite bronze cuirass in vase-painting
It is remarkable that the details found on Samnite bronze cuirasses are no

vase-painting. The vase-painters show only the basic pattern: of the 'triangl
the three discs with the 'apex' at the bottom.
Furthermore, it is interesting that up to now no paintings have been foun
the Samnite triple-plate cuirass being used in combat. On the contrary a c
number of representations show that such armour was worn on ceremonial
following examples illustrate this phenomenon. The list is by no means exh
Examples of the wearing of the Samnite cuirass at ritual occasions
1) Neck amphora, BM F 197. Plate 22.

Here a warrior is depicted wearing a tunic, belt, and a helmet with a h
crest. He also wears a cuirass and has a chlamys over his left arm. He i
receiving a farewell drink from his wife. as he looks back at her lovingly.
Libation Painter.
LCS (3/306), p. 406 (no ill.); Indigeni, p. 18, pl. 49.
For this vase cf. Ch. 1, 2, Ch. 4, 1 and Ch. 4, 2. v. Ch. 6, 3, no. Id.
2) Pseudo-panathenaic amphora, Hamburg, Termer coll. Plate 23.

This scene shows a warrior returning from battle. The warrior is fully armed; he
wears a tunic, a belt, a feathered helmet and a cuirass. He has a spear over his right
shoulder from which hangs a blood stained standard. He receives a welcoming
drink from a rather matron-like woman.
Caivano Painter.
LCS Suppl. Ill (2/577a), p. 147 (no ill.); Hornbostel 1977: 398-400, no. 342; Schneider-Herrmann
1982: 148, fig. 3; Termer 1980: 100.1, no. 65.
3) Bail amphora, Rheinbach, Koch coll. Plate 67.

This scene may be ascribed to a group of vases which depict what may be called 'the
cult of the single warrior'. Here a fully armed warrior, wearing a cuirass, stands
before an altar and looks down at it.
Walters Sub-Group.
LCS Suppl . III (4/104Ì), p. 219, pl. XXV. 6.
4) Squat lekythos, BM F 242. Plate 76.

Here a warrior, wearing a tunic, belt, helmet and cuirass, is pictured with his face
in profile to left. He stands before an altar and alongside his horse holding its reins.
He has a spear in his left hand and is looking down.
Related to the Danaïd Painter.
LCS (3/542), p. 434 (no ill.).
For this vase v. Ch. 3, 5, no. 6.
5) Hydria, Newark Museum, Newjersey, 50.330. Plate 77.

Here a warrior is shown at a ritual connected with the sepulchral cult. He is fully

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armed and wears a cuirass. He stands beside a naiskos which has a woman holding
a mirror inside.
CA Painter.
LCS, (4/19), p. 455, pl. 176.1; Indigeni, p. 19, pl. 61; Lohman 1979: 297, no. K 1 10.
Photograph courtesy of the Newark Museum, Newark, New Jersey.
For this vase v. Ch. 6, 4, no. Ib.
6) Squat lekythos, Paris Market, Galerie François Antonovich. Plate 78a & b.
This scene also shows a warrior at a ritual connected with the Samnite funerary cult.
The warrior, who wears a tunic, cuirass and a pilos, stands before an Ionic column. He
is shown patting his horse. Accompanying him is a woman holding an unidentifiable
object. A second woman holding a skyphos is seated on the other side of the column.
Spotted Rock Group, close in style to LCS, (2/88), p. 238, pl. 94.3.
Photograph with special thanks to Prof. A.D. Trendall.
The linen corselet
Livy (IX.40. 1-4) records that Samnites wore linen corselets on some occasions (Frederiksen
1984: 144 & notes 104-105). Before the battle of Aquilonia, 293 BC, an offering had been made
and the noblemen took an oath of devotio vowing death to themselves and their descendants if
they failed in battle. Then they selected their followers by a system of individual choice. Those
elected are described as wearing linen corselets and high-crested helmets.
For an offering and an oath written on a linen book dated to 423 BC v. Livy (X.38);
Heurgon (1942: 94).
An example from a Paestan tomb-painting
Paestan tomb-painting, known as the 'Procession' fresco. Plate 5.

A white cuirass is worn by the left-hand warrior with the horned helmet. A
mounted warrior also has a white cuirass or 'corselet' probably made of white linen.
Both warriors are bearded and wear a tunic and a white belt.
PP, p. 82, pl. XXXIc. Bianchi Bandinelli & Giuliano 1973: pl. 267.
For this fresco cf. above on the horned helmet in Ch. 2, 1 and also Ch. 1, 2 and Ch. 1, 5.
Examples from Paestan sarcophagi
1. The representation is on the short side of a sarcophagus now in the Museu

Paestum.
A horseman is shown standing beside his steed, flanked by Ionic columns. He has a
chlamys over his left breast, shoulder and arm and holds a spear in his left hand.
He wears a square-shaped white cuirass which has shoulder-guards which are
visible on the right shoulder only.
For shoulder-guards, v. the non-Greek warrior on an Apulian volute krater (Tampa, 87.36, gift of
C.W. Sahlman) by the Arpi Painter discussed in Ch. 2, 5 (plate 79). (For Attic shoulder-guards v.
Lissarrague 1984: 40, fig. 61; 44, fig. 68. For the difference between these and arm-guards v.
Lissarrague 1984: 47, fig. 72).
2. This representation also occurs on the short side of a Paestan sarcophagus which
now in the Paestum Museum. Plate 33.
A mounted warrior wearing a white corselet is showing returning home to a
libation offered to him by a woman. Behind his horse a bearded man wearing a
himation stands captive.
For this fresco cf. Ch. 1, 2 and Ch. 3, 3.
Other types of cuirass worn by Samnite warriors
There are some types of Greek cuirasses which are worn by Samnite warriors which are
represented on a Campanian vase and a Capuan tomb-painting.

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50 Chapter 2
Body-shaped cuirass
Hydria, Würzburg 873. Plate 80.

This is a rare example of a Campanian Samnite wearing the Greek-style bo
shaped, or muscled, cuirass. This type of cuirass was much more favou
Apulian artists (v. below).
Painter of New York GR 1000.
LCS (4/354), p. 488, pl. 189.2.
For this vase v. Ch. 6, 2, no. 5
This type of cuirass can also be seen on two Apulian volute kraters ascribed to the
Ganymede Painter where examples can be seen hanging up in a naiskos. The first krater
in a private Swiss collection, RVAp I (25/4), p. 796, pl. 295.1; Lohman 1979: 255, no. A67
pl. 21.2. The second is in the National Gallery in Melbourne (D88/1969), Trendall 1970/7
2-5, figs 2-5; RVAp I (25/3), p. 796.
Cuirass made of scales
This type of cuirass was depicted on a Capuan tomb-painting which is now destroyed.
was described by F. Weege (1909).
A cavalryman was shown in full gallop. He wore a golden cuirass of scales and a
golden helmet. His helmet had a red and white crest, horns and feathers.
Weege 1909: 106-7, no. 12. For the type of helmet described v. Weege 1909: fig. 16.3.
For representations of the scaly cuirass on Attic 5th century red-figure vases see, for example, the
Attic hydria, Louvre Gl 79: Pottier 1922: 195, pl. 126; also Lissarrague 1984: 47, fig. 72. This latter
example also has arm-guards.
The problem of the origins of the Samnite cuirass
In his book, The making of Roman Italy , Salmon illustrates the Samnite cuirass from Alfede
(Salmon 1982: pl. 17). In his caption he notes without further comment that the 'three-d
Samnite corselet' did not develop out of the 'prehistoric one-disc heart protector' although th
is the 'common view'. For the history of this 'common view' we turn to Weege (1909: 146-52
and to the other contemporary scholars he mentions. It was Weege's theory in particular wh
was generally accepted until the 1970s. Since then new light has been shed on this problem.
Weege's starting point was his interpretation of the word spongia in Livy (IX.40.3), where
the text says that the Samnites used spongia as pectori tegumentum1. Weege focussed
attention on the large number of richly decorated bronze discs found over a wide area
the Abruzzi, Umbria, Picenum, South Etruria, Basilicata, and in particular from Alfeden
a village in the central Abruzzi. He saw in a private collection in Alfedena one su
example which he published and illustrated; although he did not give the diameter (Wee
1909: 148, fig. 19). In the local Museum, he saw excavated skeletons which had a singl
bronze disc on the breast (Weege 1909: 150). On the inside of some of these discs
noticed remnants of fabric which he took to be the remains of a garment related to th
spongia. He assumed that the three-disc Samnite cuirass developed over a period of tim
(by adding a second and then a third bronze disc).
Until the early 1930s there was no known representation of a warrior wearing a hear
protector (i kardiophylax ). When, in c.1934, the statue of a warrior (2.09 m in height) w
found at Capestrano, in the Picenum area, not far from Pescara, it was the first time th
scholars were presented with a picture of such di kardiophylax (plate 81a & b) (Schefold 1967
327-8, fig. 424; Colonna 1974: 197; Bianchi Bandinelli & Giuliano 1973: 197, figs 117-18
Photographs courtesy of the Museo Nazionale, Chieti.
Dated to the 6th century BC the limestone statue from Capestrano is not the earliest
its kind. It has a predecessor also found in the same area. This latter statue is bad
1 Lat. spongia literally "sponge"; pectori tegumentum "protection for the chest". For Weege the spongia seem
to have been some kind of padded corselet to which a heart-protector could be fastened. However the
metaphorical uses of Latin spongia - which seem to relate not to softness but to anything with sponge-like
interstices - raise the possibility that what Livy actually meant was a coat of mail). EH

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damaged. Its body is out of proportion but interestingly some recognisable remnants of
straps survive which had once served to hold a heart-protector in place (plate 82a & b;
Chieti Mus. inv. n. 8610). Photograph courtesy of the Museo Nazionale, Chie ti.
The Capestrano warrior (plate 81a & b) is depicted in straight frontal view and flanked
by two pillars with are connected to the base on which the warrior stands. The figure is not
completely separated from the stone out of which it was carved. From the shoulder to the
elbow the arms are sculpted in relief at the front but joined to the stone at the back. The
feet are, one may say, carved en relief. The same is true of all the adjunct pieces, e.g. the
closely fitting loin-cloth with its broad belt and the armour. The armour consists of a long
sword with an elaborate hilt, the so-called 'antenna' sword (v. the Lucanian Type II
nestoris, here plate 28a &b, discussed in greater detail below), and a heart-protector. The
warrior also has a necklace and rings on his upper arms.
One of the most eye-catching features of this statue is the large and stiff hat with a peak
on top which was probably meant to hold a crest. This hat and the inscription of the
warrior's name on one of the pillars indicate the high military rank he must have achieved
in the inter-tribal warfare of South Italy. Although the inscription is normally reckoned to
be in the 'Chietan' language, the warrior need not necessarily belong to the Chietan area.
To date, hats of the shape worn by this warrior are known from two other monuments: one
from Northern Italy and one from Southeast Europe.
A rather large terracotta wearing a similar hat has been found relatively recently during
the excavations of a local temple near Siena. The hat worn by this figure seems less rigid
and has an added peak unlike that seen on the Capestrano statue. The figure found at
Poggio Civitate, near Siena, is in a fragmentary condition and has been reconstructed as an
akroterion seated on the roof tile (plate 83). (Gantz 1972: 167-235; Bianchi Bandinelli 1972:
236-47; Bianchi Bandinelli & Giuliano 1973: 374, pl. 446).
Other figures wearing similar headgear of the less rigid type only this time without the
peak, are to be seen on 6th century bronze situlae which are found in considerable quantity
in parts of modern Yugoslavia, Austria and Italy, v. for example the Certosa situla, Museo
Nazionale, Bologna (plate 84) (Kastelic 1964: 125, pl. 25; Bianchi Bandinelli & Giuliano
1973: 213, fig. 248). Photograph courtesy of the Museo Nazionale, Bologna.
It remains open to debate whether all three groups of artefacts, the Capestrano warrior,
the figure from the temple at Siena and the bronze situlae, were made by the same tribal
group as the warriors they depict (i.e. those who wear the type of hat described above). If
this is the case, the name of this tribal group is unknown.
However, our main concern here is the heart-protector worn by the Capestrano warrior. It
is worn over the bare chest and fastened by complicated means. Along the edge of the disc
are four points which each have a strap fastened to them; however, each strap is fastened in a
different way. The simplest fastening is to be found at the front on the upper two straps. The
lower strap has a small bracket added between the edge of the disc and the strap. This is
roughly comparable to the way the bronze cuirass from Alfedena is fastened (plate 72).
It is more difficult to discuss the disc worn on the Capestrano warrior's back because it
is hard to discern how all the straps were attached.
Within ten years of the discovery of the Capestrano warrior three stone menhirs were
found at two different sites (fig. 41a-c). One (fig. 41a) was found at Castello Ticino near
the mouth of the river Po, while the other two (fig. 41b & c) were found at Guardiagrele,
not far from Chieti (Colonna 1974: 202, pl. XLIV). Although all three have badly damaged
surfaces, heart-protectors can be discerned on them. Moreover, both fig. 41b and fig. 41c
have the remains of straps which are attached to the discs in a simpler way than is seen on
the Capestrano warrior. The heart-protector on fig. 41a is the best preserved and has a
diameter of 27 cm. It has two circles as internal decoration. The spear depicted on the
surface might identify the menhir as representing a warrior (the spear is not visible on the
sketch; fig. 41a).
A fourth stone menhir, also from Guardiagrele near Chieti, may be added to this list
(Mus. Chieti inv. n. 4932) (here shown in both frontal and rear views; plate 85a & b,

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52 Chapter 2
photograph courtesy of the Museo Nazionale, Chieti). This menhir has a h

though damaged allows some features to be discerned. It seems that there is no
and that the face was probably bearded. The figure wears a richly worked ne
figure also wears a large heart-protector. The straps are attached to the disc in a wa
is simpler than the method seen on the Capestrano warrior. All four menhirs a
the 6th century BC.
Colonna (1974) who published the first three menhirs (fig. 41a-c), comb
evidence from the heart-protectors depicted on the menhirs and on the C
warrior with the Alfedena discs previously noted by Weege. He followed
supporting the idea that the pattern of three discs developed from the single di
course of time. He suggested that the bronze statuette of a Samnite warrior, n
Louvre, is the earliest known figure seen wearing the developed Samnite cuir
70a& b) (Colonna 1974: 197-8).
The disc on the largest of the three menhirs (fig. 41a) is, according to Colonna, a
of the social rank of the warrior depicted (Colonna 1974: 202).
New evidence from a bronze heart-protector, now in the Museum at Alfeden
light in 1974 (plate 86) (Bandinelli & Giuliano 1973: 104, fig. 119). At two poin
edge of the plate there are small pieces of metal with fragments of fabric left on t
Fig. 41 Menhirs from near Chieti (after Colonna 1974)
seems to be an actual example of the kind of fastening depicted on the heart-p

the Capestrano warrior although the small pieces of metal are not identical (v.
81a & b). One can deduce that it had no lining because there are no small hole
around the edge of the plate as can been seen on the bronze belts. The heart-pr
small knobs embossed all over it and a central decoration consisting of a fanta
like creature. Dated to the 6th century BC, this heart-protector provided sch
their first view of an actual example as opposed to representations of them.
The problem of the origin of the heart-protector was resolved in the later 1970s
became clear that the breast-plate worn by the Capestrano warrior had a 'direc
with those seen on Assyrian Palace Reliefs from Nineveh, which are dated to b
and 630 BC (Stary 1979a: pl. 24a). Thus, the heart-protector belongs to a spec
armour and other objects which were new to Europe in the 6th century BC (
Capestrano warrior).

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In 1979 Stary published a major article on military equipment which is of particular

relevance to our theme. Among the most notable section in this article is his discussion on
the Villanovan and Halstatt armour and its spread into other areas (Stary 1979a: 185-91).
Furthermore, he deals with the Celtic invasions of the 5th century BC, which saw the
spread of Celtic military equipment, such as the Celtic helmet, southwards from lands
north of the Alps (Stary 1979a: 198-201). Last but not least, he gives an extensive list of
Near Eastern arms and armour which found their way into Europe via the east coast of
Italy, and Picenum in particular, in the 7th/6th century BC (Stary 1979a: 191-8). Such
items included helmets with a circular cap, kardiophylakes, daggers, clubs, the short sword
with cutting edges on both sides, and the round bronze shield with embossed decoration
and a central boss which became especially popular in Europe. In addition, he mentions the
impact that chariots and ships made on Europe. Like earlier scholars, Stary is also of the
opinion that the Samnite cuirass developed from one to two and then ultimately to three
discs (Stary 1979a: 191).
Excursus 1 - On the use of discs and circular patterns by the Daunians
The following comments should clarify Colonna's note on the heart-protector as a symbol
of social or military rank (Colonna 1974: 202). It might, at the same time, bring us closer to
understanding the development of the Samnite cuirass by provided a limited review of the
use of discs or plates by the Daunians.
A) On Daunian stelai
Anthropomorphic limestone stelai are found widely in the area ascribed to the Daunians by
the ancient sources (Nava 1980). Most survive only in fragments but there are a few
complete ones. These stelai were only produced for two or three generations. They were
produced from the late 7th century BC, throughout the 6th century and into the early part
of the 5th century BC. Both front and back surfaces are covered with subgeometric
ornament. On many examples square shoulders are indicated by a straight upper edge. A
shapeless neck is preserved on many examples but generally the heads are missing.
However, the heads often survive separately. The faces show rough, non-Greek features
which are reminiscent of those of the Capestrano warrior. Almost all of these figures wear a
high pilos-shaped helmet. The only other physical features portrayed are the incised hands
and arms which are depicted in front of the body.
The entire surface of the stelai is covered with an incised representation of a highly
decorated ritual garment; indicated by the aforementioned subgeometric motifs. There is
what may be loosely described as a broad belt around the waist of incised figure. Below the
belt there are vertical lines which suggest vertical folds of drapery (e.g. plate 87) (Nava
1980: pl. C LXXVIII, no. 593 A).
It is at times difficult to tell the difference between the sexes on some of the
fragmentary stelai. However, when they are more completely preserved,
differentiation is clear. The male stelai are shown with arms and armour while the female
ones have jewellery represented on them. The jewellery consists of one or more discs whic
hang from a fibula which does not appear to be used to hold the edges of a garmen
together. The use of discs in jewellery may be seen as a special female version of the
adornment of the cuirasses (plates 88 & 89; figs 42 & 43) (fig. 42 is Nava 1980: pl. CLXVII,
no. 584 A, while fig. 43 is Nava 1980: pl. LXXIV, no. 251 A).
Some surviving items of real jewellery show that the Daunian stelai depict actual items
from contemporary fashion. For example, there is some fine 6th century jewellery from
near Picenum (plates 90 & 91) (Salmon 1982: fig. 39; Bianchi Bandinelli & Giuliano 1973:
60, pl. 63; 1 10, pl. 124. A comparable row of small discs on a long elaborately ornamente
pin was found on a relatively recent excavation in Thessaly and dated to the 4th century
BC; Miller 1986: 38, pl. 5,1-2).

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54 Chapter 2
Fig. 43 Detail of a Daunian stele, based

on Nava 1980: pl. LXXIV, no. 251 A
Fig. 42 Detail of a Daunian stele, based on

Nava 1980: pl. CLXVII, no. 584 A
Moreover many of the stelai show discs hung from the broad belt by long st
discs, which hang on either side of the folds, vary in size from large to small. The
are found on female stelai (plate 87; fig. 44; Nava 1980: pl. CLXXVIII, no. 593
large ones on the male (fig. 45 shows a schematic version of a stele emphasising
only; Nava 1980: pl. CCCLXX, no. 1 122 A). Similar discs made of bronze do sur
are attached to a long chain (plate 92) (Bianchi Bandinelli & Giuliano 1973: 368
Such objects have been found at Alfedena and are dated to the 6th century B
perhaps suppose that they were worn on either side of the folds of male ritual cost
on the breast of female ones.
It is the real bronze counterparts of these incised representations which allow us to
conclude that the jewellery seen on female stelai and the discs on a long string worn on the
male examples were the accoutrements of the 'well-to-do' in Daunian society. Only these
people would have been able to 'afford' such precious objects. The stelai themselves may
well be expressions of wealth and status. After all, they involve a considerable investment
in time and labour to decorate. Furthermore, the difficulty of transporting large pieces of
Fig. 44 Detail of a Daunian stele, based Fig. 45 Schematic detail of a Daunian stele,
on Nava 1980: pl. CLXXVIII, no. 593 A based on Nava 1980: pl. CCCLXX, no. 1 122 A

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limestone from their source in the southern tip of the Gargano to the central Tavoliere,
where many stelai are found, must have value implications.
The concentration on circular patterns no doubt had a significance which is, at present,
hidden to us. Nonetheless, it seems likely that the discs either indicated social rank or
served to act as an ethnic indicator for the whole population. The Daunian stelai illustrate
that discs do not always have to be associated with armour. On the stelai the discs are not
part of a breast-plate, they are decorative.
B) On Daunian vases
Among the repertory of Daunian vase forms there are the 'Ordona phiale' and the brocca
both of which have anthropomorphic handles (for the phiale v. De Juliis 1977: pl. LXVIII;
Yntema 1985: 417, fig. 296; for the brocca v. De Juliis 1977: pl. LXXVIII; Yntema
1985: 417, fig. 294). Using a little imagination one can suggest that these handles show
matt-painted representations of a ritual garment. One could take this further and argue
that these garments resemble the incised clothing seen on the Daunian stelai. These vases
may be safely assumed to have served in funerary rituals (fig. 46).
If one accepts this interpretation of the patterns on the anthropomorphic handles one
can draw more direct parallels between them and the stelai. In both cases there is an upper
part of the garment and then a broad belt. Two discs hang from straps or perhaps chains
below the belt. However, the discs are depicted in a different way. On the stelai they are
shown on either side of the folds whereas on the handles they are shown on either side of a
decorated disc. Moreover, in the latter case the discs are not attached at the ends of a strap
but somewhat higher up (fig. 46).
Fig. 47 Pendant motif from Daunian pottery

(after De Juliis 1977: pl. XXXI, no. 74)
Fig. 46 Handle of an 'Ordona phiale'

(after De Juliis 1977: pl. LXVIII)

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56 Chapter 2
There are other details on the stelai and the vases which may be compared. Pe
most notable example is the representation of female jewellery. I would sugges
motif seen on the vases which has two small discs suspended from a horizontal band
short diagonal lines (fig. 47 after De Juliis 1977: pl. XXXI no. 74) represents t
object as is incised on the stelai, i.e. the discs attached to a fibula (figs 42
Daunian vases provide a more abstract vision of what is shown more realistica
stelai. I would argue that these two contemporaneous types of artefact offer
treatments of the same subject matter; however, they differ in style and in techni
Perhaps one should not be surprised by decorative similarities between the
the vases. After all, they were produced in the same area, presumably by art
shared the same material culture and cultural background. Moreover, they wo
been made for the same people; those who honoured the dead relatives with a st
likely to have used the matt-painted vessels. Indeed, generic similarities of dec
easy to observe between the stelai and the vases; much of the patterning of t
geometric, as the vases are. Moreover, some of the stelai were originally painte
and red which certainly would have made them visually similar to the matt-pai
Excursus 2 - Depictions of heart-protectors and tribal symbols
We now turn to the depiction of Samnite heart-protectors and/or tribal indica

6th to 4th centuries BC. For this period we have very few representations of it
may be interpreted either as a heart-protector or as a tribal indicator. One exc
Lucanian bell krater, Vienna 918, which shows a warrior wearing both a heart-p
well as some tribal symbols. This vessel is dated to 370 BC.
Plate 69 Lucanian bell krater, Vienna 918.
The scene shows two hoplites to the right. A young arms bearer follo
superior. They are armed in the following way:
The arms bearer : the arms bearer wears a heart-protector fastened to his broad
over his bare body. He has a pilos-shaped helmet with circular patterns aro
rim. The helmet also has a semi-circular mark above the rim. In his right h
carries a short spear or javelin decorated with a thin bunch of feathers. This ty
spear is to date known only on representations of non-Greek warriors. In h
hand he has two spears of the more common type. He does not carry a shiel
The senior warrior, this warrior is naked apart from his chlamys which flaps in
wind and is fastened by a brooch under his chin. He stands in a combative p
has both a spear and a round shield. He has a peaked calotte-shaped helmet
has a row of circular patterns around the rim. His helmet has cheek-guar
lacks the semi-circular mark seen on the helmet of his arms-bearer. This warrior is
not wearing a heart-protector.
Some of the symbols seen on the equipment of these warriors suggest that they
were both of the same tribe. The semi-circle mark might have been used to
indicate some junior military rank which the arms-bearer holds.
For the wearing of a heart-protector by more junior warriors v. below (plate 56b)
and also the discussion of indicators of rank in the Roman army in the 2nd century
BC, below. For arms bearers v. Weege 1909: 138 on a Paestan tomb-painting
showing a squire.
Painter of Vienna 1091.
LCS (413), p. 80, pl. 38.2.
Photograph courtesy of the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna.
For this vase cf. Gh. 2, 1 and Gh. 2, 8.
In the second half of the 4th century BC the development of the heart-protector and
tribal symbols must be traced separately; although neither is common in art. To some
extent the artistic data are augmented by archaeological finds and the ancient literary
sources.

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A) The heart-protector
Plate 56b Skyphos, Bloomington IUAM 100.10.5 81 B.

A heavily-built foot-soldier is depicted in three-quarter view. He has a wreath in his
hair, a shield and a spear. His heart-protector is fastened in the most simple way
over a loosely fitting tunic. He also wears the characteristic broad belt. The scene is
typical of a number of depictions of young warriors in the Ixion Group.
Ixion Group.
Photograph courtesy of the Bloomington Art Museum, Indiana University.
It is clear that the heart-protector was in use for a long time, although we have not
always precisely identified or dated it. Archaeological research has brought to light
numerous bronze plates found in Central Europe, in Italy, both north and south of the
Apennines as well as in South Italy and on the Esquiline hill in Rome; although only two
have been found in Rome (Gjerstad 1966: 170, fig. 66.10).
Furthermore, we have ancient sources which report on the military equipment of the
pre-urban Roman Salii. The Salii were known as a religious group with military
accoutrements (Gjerstad 1973: 137-8, 255-8). Other records tell us that the Salii wore
embroidered tunics and a bronze belt. Livy (1.20.4) says that they wore heart-protectors
over their tunics (Gjerstad 1973: 138).
Polybius is useful because he provides a historical note on Roman armour in the 2nd
century BC. He states that 'common soldiers wore a plate of bronze which they placed in
front of their heart and called it the heart-protector kardiophylax ' (Polybius VI.23.14;
Gjerstad 1973: 138).
Finally, we may conclude that the heart-protector/kardiophylax, was known in Europe
from the 6th to the 2nd centuries BC. It is doubtful that the Samnites wore heart-
protectors regularly since there so few representations of Samnite wearing such an

from Campanian vase-painting (plate 56b above is an exception). The appearance o
type of equipment among other tribes seems similarly rare; the Lucanian bell krate
in Vienna, is an exception (plate 69, above).
B) Circular symbols
Like the bell krater (Vienna 918) (plate 69) mentioned above, there are two Lu
nestorides (discussed below), showing warriors bearing circular patterns although t
used in a different way. I would argue that these too are tribal symbols. However, the t
in question remains unnamed. It would be rash to suggest that these vases depict D
although according to the literary evidence they became an important group in w
Italy.
A few brief points may be made concerning Daunian involvement in western Italy.
Daunian pottery was exported widely beyond its place of manufacture and is certainly
known in western Italy (v. Yntema 1985: figs 210, 221, 234, 278 showing the distribution of
Daunian pottery outside its areas of manufacture during various typological phases. It
should be noted that fig. 210 refers to all North Apulian painted pottery of the period
(before c.620 BC) and is not subdivided into North and South Daunian, whereas figs 221-
234 refer only to South Daunian wares, and fig. 278 refers only to North Daunian wares).
The ancient sources testify that the Daunians conquered Suessula and Pithecusae. It is
doubtful that they ever ruled Campania, however. In the 5th century, the Daunians and
other tribes were part of an army which, under Etruscan leadership, attacked Cumae in
425 BC (Frederiksen 1984: 136). On the other hand, it is unlikely that the Daunians played
any rôle during Hannibal's incursions into Italy.

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58 Chapter 2
Two Lucanian nestorides with circular patterns
1) Lucanian Type III nestoris, Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden, 1894/9.1. Pla
A non-Greek warrior holds out a pilos-shaped helmet to a Greek wom
helmet has a circular tribal symbol on it. The warrior stands to the rig
naked and barefoot. His hair is also uncovered. The helmet is held in hi
hand. The circular motif has a dot in its centre and the design is accentu
thick lines. The helmet has a decorated edge and a chin-strap for securin
warrior also has a round shield with a snake motif. The woman is shown to t
wearing a chiton. She is barefoot and her hair is uncovered. She offers the w
large cista which she holds in her left hand. Her right hand is raised and
holds an object which cannot be recognised.
Acrobat Painter.
LCS (893) p. 156, (no ill.); Schneider-Herrmann 1980: fig. 64.
2) Lucanian Type II nestoris. Once Rome market, whereabouts now unknown. Plates
28a & b.
It has a frieze on the neck of its obverse which may be interpreted as showing two
combat scenes, here labelled a and b (plate 28a & b).
a) Two mounted non-Greek warriors are shown in combat with a single, apparently
Greek, foot-soldier. One may describe the scene as follows from left to right. The
warrior furthest left appears to be non-Greek. His hair is uncovered and he is
naked apart from the free-flowing chlamys which is fastened by a brooch under his
chin. The warrior is barefooted. He has a long 'antenna' sword in his right hand
and is attacking the Greek foot-soldier. His horse has a circle painted onto its right
hind-leg. The second mounted warrior is also barefoot but this one wears a loin-
cloth and a broad belt. The loin-cloth has two circular discs as decoration. In his
right hand he has a long 'antenna' sword and is attacking the unmounted Greek
warrior. It is noteworthy that the horse ridden by this warrior is decorated with a
swastika motif. The Greek warrior is shown in combat pose to the left. He is
attacking the mounted warrior who wears the loin-cloth. He is naked apart from
his free-flowing chlamys. He has an Attic type helmet with frontal-guard and a
cheek-piece. He has a spear in his right hand which he uses against his mounted
opponent. In his left hand he has a round shield.
b) This scene shows the victor and the vanquished. The victor is shown to the left in
combat pose. He is Greek in appearance and wears an Attic type crested helmet.
He is naked. In his left-hand he has a round shield which permits us an inside view
of itself. It is marked with two circles or circular discs each with three short curved
lines descending from the lower edge of the circle. In his right hand he has a long
'antenna' sword which he points towards his defeated opponent who lies on the
ground. The defeated warrior has a Greek spear in his right hand and a round
shield in his left. He is naked apart from the chlamys on his back which is fastened
by a brooch under his chin. He is wearing a pair of sandals. He also sports a Celtic
helmet with a slightly pointed cap and a small knob on top. The helmet has a
frontal-guard and a cheek-piece, although the latter is not clearly visible.
Choephoroi Painter.
LCS (633), p. 123, (no ill. of neck); pl. 61.6 shows the body of the vase (Athena in a naiskos wearing
a pilos-shaped helmet with a crest). Schneider-Herrmann 1972: 38, pl. 7 (also showing the vessel
body); Schneider-Herrmann 1980: fig. 58a (shows the whole vessel including the neck).
For the Celtic helmet v. Stary 1979a: 199-200.
For the circle pattern with three short lines at the lower edge v. the shield on a Lucanian Type II
nestoris, Berlin F 3 146; LCS (854), p. 150, (no ill.), ascribed to the Painter of Naples 1959. For this
latter vase v. also Schneider-Herrmann 1980: 60, no ill. Here plate 94a; cf. also Ch. 2, 6.
This type of symbol can be seen on a Daunian stele showing a cult object, with circular patterns
with the three short lines, being worshipped by two seated men. The stele is dated to the 6th/5th
century BC (Nava 1980: pl. CLXXI, no. 586).

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Almost all the men who are shown naked on the two vases discussed above, would give
the impression of being Greek were it not for their non-Greek accoutrements, e.g. the long
'antenna' sword, circular and other symbols, and the Celtic helmet. The long sword was
known in Europe from the 7th century onwards and apparently survived until the 4th
century at least.
The so-called Celtic helmet altered its shape over the course of time. Seemingly it was
known in Adriatic areas and was adopted by the Central European Celts who brought the
helmet down into Italy, over the Alps, in the 5th century BC during one of the wide-scale,
prolonged invasions (Stary 1979a: 198-9).
This does not mean, however, that the defeated warrior, shown on the nestoris
described, above has to be a Celt. In fact, Celtic warriors may have looked rather different
from this (for example if the terracotta figurine, from Vetulonia, with a helmet and shield
represents a Celt; Stary 1979a: pl. 20)a.
In terms of the continued use of tribal symbols, (if they may be interpreted as such) the
triangular pattern of three discs with the apex at the bottom is the only one which can be
identified as having been used by the Celts of the 4th century BC.
The relationship between the Celtic symbol and the Samnite triple-plate cuirass
The triangular pattern of three circles with the apex at the bottom occurs on Daunian
stelai and Messapian vases, although rarely; see, for example, the stele shown on plate 95,
figs 48 & 49 (fig. 48 shows Nava 1980: pl. CCXXXVIII, no. 736 A, where other 'tribal
marks' are also shown on horses; fig. 49 shows the shoulder of the stele illustrated in Nava
1980: CXCVI, no. 620 B, here plate 95) and the vase shown in fig. 50 (Yntema 1985: 82,
fig. 141). When and why the Celts took up the pattern as a tribal symbol we do not, as yet,
know. However, we can trace the archaeological and historical background to the Samnites'
adoption of the symbol in their characteristic cuirass.
For it is the Celtic tribal symbol which we see, on a larger scale, coming to form the
triple-plate Samnite cuirass. Both the Celtic symbol and the Samnite cuirass have the
same pattern of two discs side by side and a third disc in the middle beneath them.
We find the Celtic symbol on objects for domestic use as well as applied to armour.
V L
UBOOOP j
•)) <§KJ
§®l|ļl@X5
® (§)
Fig. 48 Detail from a Daunian stele, based on Nava 1980:
pl. CCXXXVIII, no. 736 A

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60 Chapter 2
Fig. 49 Detail from a Daunian stele,

based on Nava 1980: CXCVI, no. 620 B
Fig. 50 Messapian vase with circular patterns

(after Yntema 1985: 82, fig. 141)
Some everyday objects with the Celtic symbol
1) Bronze mirror, Rijksmuseum G.M. Kam, Nijmegen, 19.3.1928. Plate 96.

The motif is well preserved on the point where the handle was attached. The
mirror has three large circles forming this motif, as well patterning filling the
inner space of the mirror. This latter motif is difficult to recognise.
Lloyd-Morgan 1981: 111-16, fig. 10, pis 30a & 30b.
Photograph courtesy of the Rijksmuseum G.M. Kam, Nijmegen.
2) Bronze mirror, Museo Nazionale, Bologna. Plate 97.
The motif is on the piece of bronze at the edge of the mirror where the mirror and
its handle were once joined. It is not well preserved.
The incised patterns on the interior of this mirror are also of interest. The incision
shows a figure of a warrior shown blowing a large almost circular trumpet-like
instrument said to have originated from Etruria (Stary 1979a: 195; 198). The same
type of trumpet is seen being played by a warrior in a phalanx on an Etruscan
black-figure amphora (Stary 1979a: pl. 25a). (cf. the different type of war-trumpet
of a warrior in a phalanx on the Chigi vase, Villa Giulia Museum, Rome. v. Arias,
Hirmer & Shefton 1962: 175, pl. IV).
Bianchi Bandinelli & Giuliano 1973: 214, pl. 249.
Photograph courtesy of the Museo Nazionale, Bologna.

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The Celtic symbol on armour
1) Terracotta warrior.
His shield has a number of these Celtic motifs. The warrior also wears a Celtic
helmet.
Stary 1979a: pl. 20b.
2) The cheek-guard of a Celtic helmet, from Umbria.
The helmet has a Celtic symbol decorating it. The helmet is slightly pointed and
has a knob on the top. It has an elaborate circular pattern on the rim right above
the cheek-guard. It has neither front-guard nor a back-guard. Dated to the 5th
century BC.
Stary 1979a: 199, pl. 25. The helmet is of the 'Waldalgesheim type'.
3) Celtic helmet, Museo Nazionale, Ancona, inv. 3793. Plate 71.
Celtic helmet very similar to the above but with much simpler decoration. It is
slightly pointed with a knob on top on which a high fork-shaped peak is mounted.
There is a circular mark on the rim right above the cheek-guard on which there is
the Celtic symbol. It has a front-guard but no back-guard.
Salmon 1982: pl. 45. Bianchi Bandinelli & Giuliano 1973: 62, pl. 66.
Photograph courtesy of the Museo Nazionale, Ancona.
For this helmet cf. Gh. 2, 2.
It is remarkable that this type of cheek-guard was in use for a relatively short period of
the 5th/4th century when the Central European Celts adapted this type of helmet which is
said to have had a long period of development in shape in other areas (Stary 1979a: 198-9).
Eventually the cheek-guard with the Celtic symbol was replaced by the long-lasting
Graeco-Etruscan type (Stary 1979a: 200; this type of helmet is represented on the handle
attachment of a bronze vase which is decorated with fighting warriors (Bianchi Bandinelli
& Giuliano 1973: 107, pl. 120 dated to the 6th/5th century BC. cf. also Stary 1979b).
Historical evidence for links between the Celts and the Samnites
According to Livy (X.21ff.) (Stary 1979a: 198-9) the Celts and the Samnites became allies
after 386 BC, when the Celts had failed to capture Rome because the sacred geese of the
Capitoline had woken the Roman soldiers in time. However, it is beyond the scope of this
work to enter the debate on when precisely the Celts and the Samnites began to fight the
Romans or to suggest when their alliance was dissolved (v. Stary 1979b).
It is possible that the alliance lasted longer than the whole period of existence of the
patterned cheek-guard on the Celtic helmet (i.e. those with the pattern of three circles
arranged to form a triangle). The Samnite cuirass, on the other hand, seems to have been
in use at least until the beginning of the 3rd century BC (v. the bronze statuette of a
Samnite warrior discussed below).
However, there is no literary or archaeological evidence to show whether the Samnite
triple-plate cuirass was in use during the Celto-Samnite alliance against Rome.
Clearly, when it was in use, it was much favoured by Samnite warriors of high social
standing. This is demonstrated by the frequency of representations of its use on
Campanian vases.
The bronze statuette of a Samnite warrior suggesting links between the Samnites and the Celts
Bronze statuette from Sicily, Louvre Br-124. Plate 70a& b. Photograph courtesy of the
Musée du Louvre.
There survives a bronze statuette of a Samnite warrior (height 29 cm) which has been
published on more than one occasion. It is said to have been found in Sicily. Traditionally
was been dated to the 5th century BC but more recently this has been revised to give a 3
century date (De Ridder 1913: 25, no. 124; Breglia 1942: 37-8, pl. XIII giving a 5th-4th
century BC date; Stary 1979a: pl. 22a; Bianchi Bandinelli & Giuliano 1973: 250, pis 287 &
288 giving a 4th-3rd century BC date).

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62 Chapter 2
This date and the fact that it was found in Sicily might be both acc
compatible as the Samnites are known to have served as mercenaries in ma
including Sicily in the 3rd century BC, as their power in mainland Italy was
The warrior stands on an oblong, sharply profiled base in Polykleitan stanc
equipped with a tunic, triple-plate cuirass, greaves and a helmet (cf. Ch. 2,
and spear are missing. This well preserved figure gives us some precise det
Samnites and their armament.
This statuette presents us with a view of the Samnite warrior which is unique an
different from those on vase- and tomb-paintings. The closeness to the Celts is accent
by the fact that he wears a Celtic helmet. Tribal identity is indicated by 'racial' featur
the face.
The helmet might be datable by its shape. It has a pointed cap and does not have a knob
on top. The plastic ridges indicate it was made according to an old technique by which
separate pieces of bronze are joined together (Stary 1979a: 191).
The racial features of the face on this terracotta are different from those usually
representations of Italiote features seen on vase- and tomb-painting. The face of this
statuette recalls that of the Capestrano warrior and those of the heads of the Daunian
stelai which are often found separate from the stelai themselves. The nose on this
statuette is straight and quite long and comes to a sharp point. The eyes are rather round
and close to the nose. The mouth is thin and indicated by a long line like those of the
earlier statues (e.g. the Capestrano warrior and the Daunian stelai) although the style had
been altered by the 4th century BC.
One may note that indicating racial characteristics was an old artistic tradition. The
earliest examples occur on Hittite reliefs of the 2nd millennium (Akurgal & Hirmer 1962:
58, fig. 43 (showing a straight pointed nose, 15th century BC); 109, figs 64 & 65 (showing
an 'idealised' nose, 14th century BC); 109, fig. 68 (showing a sphinx with a 'hooked end'
nose); 139-40, fig. 140 (showing a thick nose with rounded end, 8th century BC). These
examples are followed by the above mentioned monuments of the late 7th, 6th and 5th
centuries BC as well as the bronze situlae from south-eastern Europe and the Este area
which have also been described earlier (for bronze situlae v. Kastelic 1965: figs 18-20
showing straight noses on both sexes from the Certosa situla; figs 60 & 67 show plump
round noses on the Kaffarn situla and the Vace clasp; for different facial characteristics on
Daunian stelai see, for example Nava 1980: pis CCXCVIII, no. 889 A & CCCXVI, no. 950
A). Representations of facial features in profile makes various types recognisable. However,
it is not possible to identify these tribes or races by name.
4 The Greaves
That the Samnite warriors protected their legs with greaves (j knemides ),
is made evident by surviving bronze examples and by the represe
Campanian vases and on tomb-paintings. The latter are of particu
some of them are reported to have been painted in a golden colour with r
the internal design. In one case a golden greave hangs as a troph
homecoming warrior (for gold greaves v. Weege 1909: 105, no. 8; 107,
Livy (IX.40.3; v. sup. p.50) implies that the Samnite soldier wore a gr
only. Modern scholarship would dispute this. We have enough repres
Samnites wearing a pair of greaves to suggest this was not the case (v. bel
seems implausible to suppose that the Samnites used greaves on the lef
this may later have become the practice of some gladiators) on the gro
leg could be protected by their large shield, (v. Weege 1909: 152-4 on
leg).
Greek and Samnite greaves covered the knee and reached down to the ankle. One may
suppose that they were custom-made for the owner, fitting the individual shape of his legs.

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Moreover, they were clearly made in different shapes for the right and left legs (plate 98a).
The knee was specially modelled and the edges of the greave follow the curving outline of
the individual's calf. The extent to which the calves themselves were covered can be seen in
plate 98b. (Photographs courtesy of the Archäologisches Institut, Zürich).
Artistic representations suggest that the Greeks and Samnites adopted different
methods of putting on their greaves. The Samnite is shown resting his leg on a rock to
support it while he tests the fit of the greave by putting both hands round the middle of it
(plate 99). This scene is on a bail amphora (Naples RC 74) ascribed to the Three-Dot
Group ( LCS (2/356), p. 278, pl. 1 13.2; cf. here Ch. 3, 2). The Greek, on the other hand, did
not support his leg but merely kept it raised while he tested the fit by putting both hands
above the knee. Behind his leg hang two fairly short straps with small knobs at their ends.
These may have been tied as a finishing touch (plate 100). This is shown on a hydria
(Rome, Museo Capitolino, 88) ascribed to the Group of the Antimenes Painter (Beazley,
ABV (1956), p. 270, no. 66; Lissarrague 1984: 43, fig. 64). (Photograph courtesy of the
Museo Capitolino, Rome).
However, there are relatively few pictures showing Samnite warriors wearing greaves in
combat situations (for some exceptions v. Ch. 3, 3, nos la, le, IVb). Like the cuirass, it
seems that greaves were worn on certain ritual occasions; as shown in libation and funerary
scenes (v. Ch. 6, 2, nos 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 and Addendum; Ch. 6, 3, nos le, le, and Ile; Ch. 6, 4, no.
Ia). On the other hand, there are pictures showing the so-called 'mock-fights' where the
combatants wear greaves (v. Ch. 3, 4, nos 3, 5, 8 and the Capuan tomb-painting shown in
plate 101 discussed in the same section). In other cases the legs were unprotected and the
shins could suffer spear wounds.
5 The Single Spur
Although some literary sources tell us that spurs were used by Greek h
century BC, there are neither archaeological finds nor representation
Greek art to confirm this (Anderson 1978: 46-8). Greek influence may
non-Greek Apulian, Campanian and Paestan warriors despite the pover
evidence. The non-Greek warriors wore a single spur on their left ankle
On a volute krater by the Arpi Painter we can see a non-Greek warrio
his horse and wearing a spur on his left ankle; his right ankle is bare (p
Fig. 52 One of a pair of spurs worn by a boy

Fig. 5 1 Single spur worn by an Apulian
Samnite, after volute krater, riding a race horse, after bronze statue,
Tampa, 87.36 National Museum Athens

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64 Chapter 2
vase is now in Tampa Museum and was once on the Basel and later the London
Some Capuan and Paestan tomb-paintings are recorded as showing mounted w
profile with their left side showing. They wear a spur on their left ankle but as the
ankles are not visible one cannot draw conclusions from this. There are also some South
Italian red-figure vases where this is also the case.
According to the descriptions by Weege (1909) and Anderson (1978) the attachment of
the spur is the same in all cases. On the Tampa vase we see a broad red band with whit
draw-straps encircling it out of which a small spur in the shape of a pin projects (fig. 51
Weege recorded on two Campanian tomb-paintings a dark brown spur band with strings
around it and a black spur projecting from it. Weege only mentions one Capuan example
(here plate 47) (Weege 1909: 103-4, no. 6, pl. 8), and a single Paestan example (Weeg
1909: 1 16-7, no. 30) where two of the scenes show a warrior with a spur (v. below).
Examples of the single spur
In vase-painting
Apulian volute krater, Tampa, 87.36, gift of C.W. Sahlman. Plate 79. Fig. 51.
An Apulian Samnite horseman is shown standing in a naiskos in frontal view. He
stands beside his horse. His tribal identity may be indicated by his pilos-shaped
helmet and his patterned tunic. He also wears a broad belt. On his left ankle he
wears a spur which is indicated by a broad red band with white draw-straps around
it. His right ankle is bare.
Ascribed to the Arpi Painter (earlier it had been attributed to the Helmet Painter,
v.Anderson 1978).
RVApII (28/96), p. 926, pl. 362.2; Zewadski 1986: 28-30, (ills pp. 32-3).
In tomb-painting
Capuan tomb-painting. Plate 47.

The painting shows a Samnite horseman wearing a feathered and crested helmet,
a plain white tunic and a broad belt. Wrapped around his left ankle is a dark brown
spur band with strings running around it. His right ankle is not visible.
Weege 1909: 103-4, no. 6, pl. 8.
For this fresco cf. Ch. 1, 4. v. Ch. 6, 4, no. IVd.
Paestan tomb-painting.
This tomb-painting was recorded, but not illustrated, by Weege. One scene shows a
procession of warriors the first of whom is offered a bucchero cup by a woman. The
procession consists of two foot soldiers, a cavalryman and a prisoner. The horseman
wears a blue and red patterned tunic, a cuirass, a feathered helmet and a spur band
around his ankle. On his lance hangs a belt as a trophy.
In the same tomb, on another wall a bearded rider is depicted wearing a white
tunic with a red wave pattern, a broad belt and a spur band.
In both cases the right ankles of the horsemen are not visible.
Weege 1909: 116-7, no. 30.
The wearing of two spurs
It is only in the Hellenistic period that it becomes clear that two spurs were worn. As a
example one may quote the bronze statue of a young boy riding a race horse now in the
National Museum at Athens which is dated to the late 2nd/early 1st century BC (Fuchs
1979: 142, figs 134 & 135; Robertson 1975: 558-9, pl. 177c). Not only were two spurs wor
but it also seems that they were attached in a slightly different way in the Hellenisti
period from the 4th century BC examples (fig. 52).

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6 The Shield
Introduction
Of all the different types of shield, the round shield was the most popular in the time of the
Samnites. It was not only the Samnites who preferred it, however. Recent research has
shown that the round shield was imported, along with a range of other objects, from the
7th/6th century onwards, from the Near East to South Italy. It first appeared at various
places along Italy's east coast from whence it spread widely over Europe (Stary 1979a: 191).
In vase-painting the shield is normally shown in profile so we can see its somewhat convex
form and gain some idea of its exterior decoration (showing patterns such as, a star, a wild
animal, a demon's face, etc.) (fig. 53).
When shown face on we can see that the decoration covered the whole exterior surface;
as it does, for example, on the relatively large shield shown on a skyphos attributed to the
Ixion Group (plate 56a, discussed in greater detail below). The pattern on the shield is a
star, the points of which almost reached the edge of the shield. It seems that this sort of
composition was much in favour at the time as was applied to various objects (e.g. Borell-
Siedel 1980: pl. 12.6; Lorenz 1980: pl. 29, 1-2).
Pictures showing the inside of the shield reveal how they were carried. The shield has
two straps. One runs vertically over the middle of the inside of the shield and was probably
made of leather. It is decorated with geometric patterns except in the centre where the left
arm passed under it (fig. 54a & b). The second strap is thinner and runs vertically close to
the edge of the shield. This strap was held in the left hand to give the warrior a firm grip
and steady control of his shield.
Also noteworthy are some small circles with short lines hanging down from them which
are shown on the inside of some round shield. These patterns are reminiscent of those seen
on the Lucanian Type II nestoris and interpreted as a tribal symbol (plate 28b; cf. the
discussion on tribal smbols in Ch. 2, 3).
Although the system of applying straps to the inside of the shield is a simple invention,
there were some variations depending on the shape of the shield. For example, the pelta
carried by the Amazons with its unique almost semi-circular shape and short diameter has
short plain straps which do not reach the edge of the shield. In this case the strap for the
arm is attached horizontally, while the other, for the left hand, is attached vertically. Thus
the arm has to bend straight upwards when carrying this type of shield as opposed to
bending it more or less at a right angle when holding a round shield (fig. 55a & b). The
strap and fingers are partially visible.
Fig. 53 Exterior of a round shield,

after Type II Lucanian nestoris, Berlin F3146
Fig. 54a & b Interior of a round shield showing how it

was carried, after Type II Lucanian nestoris, Berlin F3146

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66 Chapter 2
' a b
Fig. 55a & b Interior of a pelta show
carried, after Apulian fragment, Le
V •» êi«t4
Ail?» •» *♦••••
Fig. 56 Round shield with concentric circle Fig. 57 Parasol shield, after Type II
decoration, after column krater once Milan market Lucanian nestoris, Berlin F3146
Two variant types of the broadly round shield
1) Similar shape to that discussed above, however, this type is more convex and is
decorated all over with rows of dots forming concentric circles. This type of pattern may
have been done in relief. There are no known pictures showing the inside of this type of
shield. This type of shield was used by young Samnite warriors in combat (fig. 56).
Weege (1909: 144) calls the dots 'Gerstenkörner'.
2) The so-called 'parasol' shield. Its shape recalls an ancient parasol and indeed similar
types of sunshade are still in use to this day (fig. 57). The shape is somewhat concave.
The surface consisted of thin metal. Artistic representations suggest that the metal
frame was covered by some sort of fabric. Although no such example survives today, one
which has lost its cover is now preserved in the museum at Campobasso (Weege 1909:
144).
The Oval Shield
There are also a few representations of Samnite warriors who carry a shield which is not
round. This shield is roughly oval in shape although the ends are rather more pointed. Thi
type might have been made of bronze with incised decoration. It may well have been
fashioned like the above. Representations of this type of shield show two parallel lines run
from the top point to the bottom one (e.g. fig. 58). In the middle they are each interrupted
by a curving line after which the two lines run parallel again. The rim does not seem to b
decorated. No picture of the inside of such a shield survives nor do any showing such a
shield being used in combat.
Examples of shields used by Samnites and other groups
1) Lucanian Type I nestoris, Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, 1971.49. Plate 6.

Round bronze shield shown in profile. Related in type to the shield shown in fig. 53.
A Samnite warrior is shown seated with a more or less round convex shield shown
in profile against his knee. The shield has a star in the centre and a patterned rim.

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A woman approaches the warrior and gives him a short sword.

Amykos Painter. Dated to 430-420 BC.
LCS Suppl. II (137b), p. 156, pl. XXX.l; Indigeni, p. 13, pl. 1-2; Schneider-Herrmann 1980: fig. 43.
2) Skyphos, Bloomington, I.U.A.M. 100.10.5.81 B. Plate 56a.

A round shield is shown in frontal view. It is carried by a young Samnite foot soldier.
It is decorated with a star pattern, the points of which almost reach the edge of the
shield.
Ixion Group.
3) Lucanian Type II nestoris, Staatliche Museen, Berlin F 3146. Plate 94a. Fig. 54a & b.
A virtually naked warrior who is perhaps Greek is shown wearing a crested helmet.
He has a chlamys on his back. He stands, with a round bronze shield showing its
interior, before a seated semi-naked warrior who wears a petasos and has a round
shield decorated with a leaf pattern at his side. This is a peaceful (probably ritual)
scene and the seated warrior has no spear. Instead he holds up a sprig in his right
hand. Another almost naked warrior wearing a crested helmet and a chlamys holds
a phiale in his right hand above the head of the seated warrior.
Painter of Naples 1959. Dated to 325/320 BC.
LCS (854), p. 150, (no ill.); Schneider-Herrmann 1980: 60 (no ill.).
Photograph courtesy of the Staatliche Museen, Berlin,
cf. the discussion on circular symbols in Ch. 2, 3.
4) Apulian fragment formerly Schneider-Herrmann coll., The Hague, now

Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden I 1992/6 1 18. Plate 102. Fig. 55a & b.
A defeated Amazon is seen on horseback. Her victorious opponent grabs her hair while
she tries to fend him off with her right arm. In her left hand she holds a pelta. The
scene provides a view of the interior of this type of shield and shows how it was carried.
Baltimore Painter.
RVApII (27/33), p. 867, (no ill.); Schneider-Herrmann 1975a: 49, no. 118, pl. 51.
5) Apulian column krater, once Milan market. Plate 103. Fig. 56.
The vase shows round shields with concentric circles used in a combat scene.
The victor is a young Apulian horseman shown wearing an Apulian tunic and a band
in his hair and standing close to his horse. He is confronted by two Samnite warriors
shown with uncovered hair and wearing Campanian tunics, open beneath their broad
belts. Both have shields with concentric circles of dots on them. One lies defeated on
the ground while the other stands above a fountain-house. Behind the Apulian
horseman another young Apulian warrior is shown carrying a spear and a round
shield. This latter shield is shown in such a way as to give an interior view.
Maplewood Painter. Dated to 370 BC.
RVAp I (9/188), p. 249, pl. 82.3-4; Indigeni , p. 16, pl. 36.
For this vase v. Ch. 3, 3, no. Hid.
6) Lucanian Type II nestoris, Staatliche Museen, Berlin F 3146. This is the reverse of
vase no. 3 here, (plate 94a). Plate 94b. Figs 53 & 57.
A young naked warrior using a parasol shield (fig. 57) is shown fighting a warrior
armed with a javelin and round shield (fig. 53). This second warrior is naked except
for the chlamys on his back and the pilos which hangs around his neck. An Amazon
with a Scythian cap and tunic is shown on her knees. She has an axe in her right
hand and a pelta in her left but she takes no part in the fighting.
LCS (854), p. 150, (no ill.).
For this vase v. Ch. 3, 3, no. IIb.

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68 Chapter 2
Another good example of the parasol shield may be seen on a Lucanian b

(Vatican U 26) also ascribed to the Painter of Naples 1959. VIE I, p. 20, pl. Vd;LC
p. 145, (no ill.).
This type of shield reminds one of the passage in Livy (X.39.8-15) on
equipment. Perhaps it was the colourful Samnite parasol shields and white linen
which the Roman saw when he was sent to spy on the Samnite forces ranged a
Roman army at Aquilonia in 293 BC. The corselets are discussed in CH. 2, 3.
It may also be interesting to consider briefly the representation of ancient p
typical example can be found in:
Plate 104, Fig. 59. Apulian hydria (fragmentary), formerly in formerly Schne
Herrmann coll., The Hague, now Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden I 1992/
Three women are shown at a fountain house. The one in the centre is seated on a
hydria and in her left hand holds a parasol above her head. She looks into a mirror
which the left-hand woman holds up to her. The right-hand woman leans on her
left elbow which she has placed on a large 'M-handled' hydria. This woman holds a
phiale towards the seated one while at the same time she looks at the fountain-
house.
Baltimore Painter.
Schneider-Herrmann 1975a: 50, no. 121, pis 52-53. Here it was ascribed to the Workshop of the
Baltimore Painter based upon a verbal suggestion by A.D. Trendall. RVAp II (27/59) p. 872, (no ill.)
suggests that the scene may show the Danaïds. Ascribed in RVAp II to the Baltimore Painter
himself and dated to 325/320 BC.
«
Fig. 58 Oval shield with pointed
ends, after hydria, Louvre K276
Fig. 59 Parasol carried by a woman, after

fragmentary Apulian hydria, Leiden I 1992/6 121

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7) Hydria2, Louvre K 276. Plate 105. Fig. 58.

This scene shows an oval shield with pointed ends.
This type of shield is rarely depicted. Here a Campanian Samnite warrior is shown
dressed in a triple-plate cuirass, a tunic, and a three feathered helmet. He sits with
his feet on the base of an Ionic column. By his side he has his sharply pointed
shield. On the other side of the column a Samnite woman offers a libation. A
second Samnite warrior stands behind the seated one looking at the scene befor
him.
Libation Painter.
This shield is illustrated in Saulnier 1983: 80, no. 4. A similar shield, with a different pattern, is
shown in Saulnier 1983: 80 no. 5. In the latter case the points at the two ends are less sharp and it
is made of wood. For the oval shield v. Stary 1979a: 200.
Conclusions
It was the Samnite hoplites who carried a shield. They seem to have preferred a round
shield of bronze with embossed decoration. They are rarely seen with other types of shield.
This round shield seems to have been widely popular at the time.
It is evident that horsemen were not accustomed to carrying shields. When mounted the
horse's reins are held in the left hand and even when a horseman has left his mount he
usually has only a spear and no shield (e.g. v. the Apulian horseman on plate 103).
However, there may be an exceptional case depicted on the short side of a Paestan
sarcophagus. It appears to show a man on horseback with part of a shield at his lef
shoulder. However the sarcophagus is badly preserved and so one cannot be absolutely
certain of the content of the scene portrayed on it (plate 63, cf. Ch. 2, 1). Another
exceptional case from vase-painting, showing a mounted warrior with a shield is shown o
the hydria (Budapest T 763) by the LNO Painter (plate 3).
The Offensive Equipment: Samnite Weapons
7 The Spear
A complete Samnite spear has not yet been found despite the fact th
been an extremely large number of them in ancient South Italy. At
century vase-paintings give the impression that most warriors carried
Samnite warriors are shown with two spears. Sometimes, however, a yo
carry a spear; v., for example, the bail amphora (Ashmolean Museum,
457)) ascribed to the Libation Group (plate 106; cf. Ch. 3, 5). Vase-pain
invaluable source for the representations of other types of Samnite we
these are portrayed only rarely (e.g. the Lucanian Type II nestoris, o
market, by the Choephoroi Painter where the 'antenna' sword and the
in a combat scene (plate 28a & b). The vase is discussed above in Ch. 1,
2, 3; and below in Ch. 2, 9).
Despite the fact that no complete example survives we can attempt t
Samnite spear. This is because Samnite spear-heads and chapes ar
frequently, over a wide area of South Italy.
2 v. note 3 in Ch. 1, 2, p. 7. E.H.

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70 Chapter 2
Samnite spear-heads
Samnite spear-heads have been found in excavated tombs. They date to t

Geometric period and have been found, for example, at Alfedena in the A
Picenum and in other places in that area. (The 'antenna' sword has been found in
broad area. cf. the Capestrano warrior, in the Chieti museum, discussed in Ch. 2
81a & b). Places like Novilara, Samnium and Pontecagnano are other find-spots.
The spear-heads are mostly made of bronze, although occasionally they were ti
iron. Spear-heads made entirely of iron are rare (Saulnier 1983: 27). A spear-head
an upper and lower part. The upper part is the spear-point proper, while the lo
consists of a tube (of various kinds) which served to hold the end of the wooden
shaft could be fastened to the spear-head by various means. Sometimes on the revers
the front of the lower part of the spear-head we see a small hole which would have
driven through it and into the wooden shaft (e.g. fig. 61 below; Saulnier 1983: 29-30, n
It should also be remembered that spears were used in much later periods, for
by Hannibal's army when they crossed the Alps and came down into South Italy, and
the Roman army when they advanced north of the Alps in the years immediat
and shortly after the end of the 1st millennium BC.
Examples of spear-heads dated to the Late Geometric period
Fig. 60. Torre Galli, Tomb 30. Length 28 cm. Made of bronze.
The upper part has an oval shape with two parallel lines incised from the sha
down to the lower part. The lower part is a tube with three groups of inc
parallel lines running round it. This is a frontal view.
Saulnier 1983: 28-9, no. 1.
Fig. 60 Spear-head from

Torre Galli, Tomb 30 (after
Saulnier 1983: 28-9, no. 1)
Alfedena, Tomb B16 (after
Saulnier 1983: 28-9, no. 4)
f
i
Torre Galli, Tomb 163 (after
Saulnier 1983: 28-9, no. 2)
«
Novilara, Malaroni Tomb 10

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Connolly (1978: 1 1, 59) illustrates a wide variety of broadly contemporary spear-heads.

Some (probably javelin-heads) measure as little as 10 cm in length while others exceed 50
cm in length.
Fig. 61. Torre Galli, Tomb 163. Length 22 cm.
The spear-point itself is damaged and was perhaps made of iron. The shape of both
the upper and lower parts are related in type to that shown here in fig. 60. The tube
has a hole for fixing by nail to a wooden shaft. This is a frontal view.
Saulnier 1983: 28-9, no. 2.
Fig. 62. Alfedena, Abruzzi, Tomb B 16. Length 26 cm.

Made entirely of iron. The upper part is triangular but the lower part is similar to
that seen in fig. 61. This is a frontal view. It is not clear how the head was fixed to
the shaft.
Saulnier 1983: 28-9, no. 4.
Fig. 63. Novilara, Malaroni necropolis Tomb 10. Length 20 cm.

Made of iron. The entire spear-head is very much related to that shown here in fig.
62. However, the upper part of this one forms a less slender triangle and the lower
part is simply a short tube. There is no indication given of how this was fixed to the
shaft. Frontal view.
Saulnier 1983: 28-9, no. 9.
Examples of representations of spears and spear-heads
1) Apulian column krater, BM F 173. Plate 30.

On this scene two spears lie between a defeated Samnite warrior and his
conqueror, who belongs to another native tribe. The defeated warrior is
wounded in the side by a spear, as is the naked prisoner shown on the left of the
scene. The victorious Samnite also holds a spear ready to throw at his
opponent. A further two spears are shown lying behind a shield which is
propped against a tree. The spear-heads in this scene are broadly comparable
with that shown here in fig. 60.
Prisoner Painter.
RVAp I (4/73), p. 76, pl. 26.3; Indigeni, p. 16, pl. 37.
For this vase cf. Ch. 1, 2. v. Ch. 3, 3, no. Va.
2) Hydria, San Simeon, Hearst Estate 5432. Plate 107.

A spear is held, with its end pointed down, by a defeated warrior. His opponent
holds a javelin at shoulder height, ready to discharge it. The spear-head has a
triangular shape and is comparable with that shown in fig. 63.
Errera Painter.
LCS (2/710), p.322, pl. 126.4.
Photograph with thanks to Professor A.D. Trendall.
For this vase v. Ch. 3, 3, no. Ha.
3) Bail amphora, once on the Zürich market, Altstadt Galerie. Plate 108.
A young warrior wearing a five feathered helmet is shown seated on a rock. He
holds his spear horizontally and checks its condition. His right hand is shown
touching the lower part of the spear-head.
Attributed to the Painter of Louvre K 491 who was an associate of the Cassandra
Painter.
LCS Suppl. II (2/39a), p. 188, pl. XXXIV. 2.
Chapes
Often a sort of chape, designed to fit the end of the wooden shaft, is found lying apart from
the spear. Made of bronze, these were intended to protect the perishable wooden shafts.
The spear fitted into them by means of a kind of tube. It is interesting that the chape had a

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72 Chapter 2
slightly pointed end. The chapes vary from short to long but are always u
Clearly they were pushed onto the spear in a way that resembles the way th
was joined to the shaft (v. above). (Saulnier 1983: 28-9, nos 12 & 13; Connolly
6 & 7).
Three representations of a chape on a spear
Bell krater, Sydney 46.01. Plate 109. Fig. 64.

A Samnite warrior is shown visiting a woman. The warrior holds a spear in his right
hand. The bottom of the spear has a pointed addition or chape which sticks into the
ground.
Nicholson Painter.
LCS (4/668), p. 523, pl. 206,1; RVSIS, p. 17 1-2, pl. 331.
Photograph courtesy of the Nicholson Museum, Sydney University.
For this vase v. Ch. 6, 2, no. 4 and APPENDIX.
Hydria, Würzburg 873. Plate 80. Fig. 65.

The scene is broadly similar to that described above. A Samnite warrior is shown
visiting a woman. He is fully armed but his spear has a pointed chape on the
bottom of the shaft.
LCS (4/354), p. 488, pl. 189.2.
Squat lekythos, BM F 241. Plate 1 10. Fig. 66.

The scene is broadly similar to both those described above. A Samnite warrior is
shown visiting a woman. He is fully armed but his spear has a pointed chape on the
bottom of the shaft.
CA Painter.
LCS (4/62), p. 459, (no ill.); SIVP, p. 26, Colourplate C.
Fig. 64 Chape on the end of a spear,

I
after bell krater, Sydney 46.01
after hydria, Würzburg 873
Ł
'l
after squat lekythos, BM F241
The strap attached to a spear
It seems very likely that a strap would have been attached to the wooden spear shaft.
Weege appears to have seen it on some tomb-paintings and refers to it as 'Wurfriemen'
(Weege 1909: 117 & 157). However, he does not describe it fully and the paintings, on
which he may have seen such a thing, have since been destroyed.
No similar feature is depicted on any of the surviving pictures. We can only suggest that
if such a feature existed it was hidden by the warrior's hand both when he held his spear

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upright and when it was being thrown at an enemy. These are the two ways in which a
warrior is shown holding a spear.
The suggestion that there was a strap attached to the spear, is supported by the recent
practice of attaching a strap of leather to a javelin when thrown in certain sporting events.
The ancient 'Wurfriemen' was probably made of leather and probably served to improve
the leverage a warrior's could achieve while throwing the spear and thus enhance the
power of his throw.
8 The Javelin
The javelin basically looks like a short spear. It is used for attacking the enemy at close
range. If the enemy is very close it can be used in hand-to-hand combat and not thrown at
all, but it can also be used over greater distances by throwing. There is one example where
the javelin has feathers at its end. Why it should be decorated in this way we cannot say
(v. below).
Three representations of the javelin
a) Neck amphora, Brussels A 3550. Plate 26a.

The scene shows an assault by Samnite foot-soldiers on a group of possibly Roman
foot-soldiers. The latter group are shown seated or semi-recumbent and offer no
resistance. This perhaps suggests that the scene is supposed to represent a night
attack on sleeping warriors. Here the javelin is not thrown but is used directly.
Errera Painter.
LCS (2/704), p. 322, pl. 126.1.
Photograph courtesy of the Musées Royaux d'Art et d'Histoire.
b) Hydria, San Simeon, Hearst Estate 5432. Plate 107.

Here the javelin is about to be thrown by a victorious warrior at his defeated enemy
whose spear lies beside him. The two warriors are only a short distance apart.
Errera Painter.
LCS (2/710), p.322, pl. 126.4.
For this vase cf. Ch. 2, 7. v. Ch. 3, 3, no. IIa.
c) Lucanian bell krater, Vienna 918. Plate 69.

Here an arms bearer carries a javelin in his right hand as he walks behind his
master. The javelin is decorated with a thin bunch of feathers. In his left hand he
carries two spears of the more conventional type.
Painter of Vienna 1091.
LCS (413), p. 80, pl. 38.2.
Photograph courtesy of the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna.
9 The Sword
The iconographie record associates the Samnites with two types of sw

long, 'antenna' sword, while the second is a short sword which has its
East. However, the evidence from vase and tomb-painting suggests t
favoured weapon of the Samnites with swords appearing relatively rar
The 'Antenna' Sword
The long or 'antenna' sword was known in Europe from the 7th century onwards and
apparently survived until the 4th century at least. However, few representations survive

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74 Chapter 2
directly associating the Samnites and other native tribes with the 'antenna' sw
even these are not entirely unambiguous (v. the Lucanian Type II nestoris
below). From the first example cited below, it seems the 'antenna' sword could
both horsemen and foot-soldiers.
Plate 28a & b. Lucanian Type II nestoris. Once on the Rome market, whereabouts now
unknown.
'Antenna' swords are shown in use by a number of warriors is this combat scene
from the neck of the vase.
Plate 28a shows two mounted warriors carrying these swords. One of these
warriors is naked apart from his chlamys while the other wears a loin-cloth. Their
tribal identity is indicated by the symbols painted on the hind-quarters of their
horses, and by the second warrior's loin-cloth. Further round the neck of the vase
(plate 28b) a naked foot-soldier is shown using an antenna sword against his
defeated opponent. The victor wears an Attic type crested helmet and his general
appearance is Greek. He carries a round shield on his left arm, the inside of which
is marked with two circles or circular discs each with three short curved lines
radiating from the lower edge of the circle. His defeated opponent is naked a
from his chlamys and Celtic helmet. He carries a spear and a round shield. T
tribal identity of these two warriors is more ambiguous, but both bear eno
elements (e.g. the 'antenna' sword and the Celtic helmet) to suggest that they
not Greek. All of the long swords depicted on this vase have elaborate hilts.
Choephoroi Painter.
LCS (633), p. 123, (no ill. of neck); pl. 61.6 shows the body of the vase. The main scene shows
Athena in a naiskos wearing a pilos-shaped helmet with a crest. Schneider-Herrmann 1972: 38
pl. 7 (also showing the vessel body); Schneider-Herrmann 1980: fig. 58a (shows the whole vess
including the neck).
Statue of a warrior from Capestrano, Museo Nazionale, Chieti. Plate 81a & b.
The Capestrano warrior statue is notable for the warrior's costume and armam
The costume is distinguished by the large stiff hat and the heart-protector, w
his armament consists of a long 'antenna' sword which is held across the fro
the chest. The sword has an elaborate hilt, of a different type from that depicted
the nestoris described above.
Schefold 1967: 327-8, fig. 424; Colonna 1974: 197;
Bianchi Bandinelli & Giuliano 1973: 197, figs 1 17-18.
Photographs courtesy of the Museo Nazionale, Chieti.
For this statue cf. Ch. 2, 3.
The Short Sword
According to modern research the short sword came to be known in South Italy in the
7th/6th century BC as part of a group of arms and other objects which were imported from
the Near East (Stary 1979a: 186-7; cf. here Ch. 2, 3). Just as with the long sword, there are
reatively few representations directly associating the short sword with the Samnites.
Lucanian Type I nestoris, Boston, Museum of Fine Arts 1971.49. Plate 6. Fig. 67.
A seated warrior is shown receiving a short sword from a woman. The warrior
wears a tunic decorated a pattern of with vertical lines and a high pilos. He holds
two spears and has a round shield with a central star pattern and a decorated rim.
Amykos Painter. Date to 430-420 BC.
LCS Suppl. II (137b), p. 156, pl. XXX.l; Indigeni, p. 13, pl. 1-2; Schneider-Herrmann 1980: fig. 43.
While the Near Eastern short sword is said to have been double-edged those known
from South Italy are not. The young warrior depicted on the nestoris described above is
undoubtedly a Samnite. Thus it is clear, that the Samnites did have the short sword as part
of their armoury. The scene itself may perhaps be interpreted as a ritual in which a warrior

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Fig. 67 Short sword presented to a Samnite warrior,

after Type I Lucanian nestoris, Boston 1971.49
was awarded a piece of equipment he had not previously possessed (or had the right to
carry). This is similar to the other types of presentation mentioned earlier (for example,
the presentation of helmets, cf. above Ch. 2, 1). In this scene the warrior is seated on a
rock. Although he is already armed with a shield and spear, he bends forward and stretches
his arm out to take the short sword giving the impression that he is eager to receive it. The
woman seems to be rushing to give it to him. The short sword itself is protected by a
sheath.
One can imagine how this sword may have been carried when not in use by the way it is
represented. A long strap fastened to the hilt of the sword could perhaps have run
diagonally across the chest and back and been thrown over the shoulder. (This
arrangement is suggested by the wall-painting illustrated in Connolly 1978: 25, no. 7).
Alternatively, a strap could have been put through the ring which is shown under the hilt
on both the right and left side of the sword. This strap could then have been fastened to the
warrior's body. (Connolly 1978: 40, no. 5 shows a reconstruction of Samnite armour with
the sword worn in this way), v. also the votive sword with two rings on the same side of the
hilt (Tronchetti 1988: 68, fig. 3).
It is remarkable that the nestoris mentioned above shows almost the only picture of a
Samnite with a short sword. Up to now, the only other scene possibly associating the
Samnites with the short sword is on a Lucanian Type II nestoris (Berlin F 3 146) ascribed to
the Painter of Naples 1959 (plate 94b. v. LCS (854), p. 150, (no ill.); cf. here Ch. 2, 6.
Photograph courtesy of the Staatliche Museen, Berlin). On this latter vase a short sword is
used in combat by a young foot-soldier. However, the identification of this warrior as a
Samnite is dubious because although he carries the typical Samnite parasol shield he is
naked, and therefore does not wear the obligatory Samnite tunic.
The scene itself is interesting because the three warriors shown on it are probably of
different origin and use three different types of weapon. One warrior has been described
above as displaying some of the attributes of a Samnite. The second who is naked apart
from his free-flowing chlamys is armed with a spear and round shield. He can perhaps be
identified as a colonial Greek. The third warrior is probably an Amazon. She is armed with
an axe which is also thought to have developed from the pelstaves which were probably
imported from the Near East in the 7th/6th century BC. (cf. Ch. 2, 3; Stary 1979a: 184).
While there are so few scenes showing the short sword in use in real life, there are, by
contrast, considerable numbers of 4th century South Italian vases with mythological scenes
of murder on them on which the short sword is often shown as potential murder weapon.
The following three examples will suffice:
1) Paestan neck amphora, Naples 1779.
Polyxena is about to be murdered by Neoptolemos.
Painter of Naples 1778.
PP , no. 327, p. 94, pl. XXXIVd. RVP (3/16), p. 272, pl. 168a.

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76 Chapter 2
2) Paestan calyx krater, Tampa, Florida, Zewadski coll.

Orestes at Delphi. In this scene he is shown together with his sister, Elect
Ascribed to the Aphrodite Painter who was a later artist in the Asteas-P
Workshop.
RVP (2/971), p. 245, pl. 150;i?KS/S, p. 205, pl. 387.
3) Apulian calyx krater, Naples, priv. coll. 1.
Griffin is killed by an Arimasp.
Lycurgus Painter.
Schneider-Herrmann 1975b: 271-2, fig. 15; RVAp I (16/7), p. 416, pl. 148.4.
These and other examples provide strong supporting evidence for the short sword being
a familiar weapon in South Italy during the 4th century BC.

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Chapter 3
Activities
The Samnite warrior's activities, as depicted in vase-painting, can be divided into two
broad categories. These are combat-related activities, which include training and
maintenance of equipment, as well as combat proper, and ritual activities. This latter
category can be subdivided into rituals involving single warriors which are dealt with in
this part of the book (cf. below Ch. 3, 5) and those involving groups of warriors (such as
some of the funerary scenes in Ch. 6, 4) or warriors and women together (see, for example,
Ch. 6, 2, Ch. 6, 3 and some of the funerary scenes in Ch. 6, 4) which are dealt with in
Chapter 6 - Ritual Activities Common to both Warriors and Women. Needless to say, Samnite men
must have engaged in a wider range of activities than are depicted in the iconographie
record, but vase-painting provides a strong flavour of the aspects of their lives which are
covered. Tomb-paintings slightly broaden our picture of the lives of Samnite men by
showing them hunting (v. Napoli 1970a: 62, pl. 101) and chariot-racing (v. Napoli 1970a: 63,
pl. 103).
The Samnite Warrior's Combat Related Activities
1 Military Training
Recent research suggests it is likely that an organised system of military

among the Samnites. Based on the Greek system of ephebeia , military exerci
games, like those known from the Greek colonists and the Etruscans, w
practised. One can argue that paintings showing mounted warriors a
distinguished provide circumstantial support for this view, e.g. the Paest
shown in plate 1 1 1 (Napoli 1970d: pl. 34).
Although no literary sources are available, some images of young hor
alongside their horses can give us an idea of the native ephebe. They app
almost sculptural pose holding the reins loosely. They have one or two spears
or leaning against their shoulders. Whether specific variations in the det
their clothing or armour indicate a special or particular stage in the care
warrior is difficult to say.

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78 Chapter 3
Examples of ephebes from different groups beside their horses.
1) Calyx krater, Chicago National History Museum, 27680. Plate 25.

The scene shows a Samnite ephebe in a Praxitelean stance beside a hors
wreath in his hair, a red tunic and an ornate belt in added white. He has
his right hand, his left hand is under the chin of the horse which looks
master who seems to be talking to it.
Horseman Group.
LCS (4/423), p. 500, pl. 195.5-6.
Photograph courtesy of the Chicago National History Museum.
2) Bail amphora, Melbourne, La Trobe University, 94.01. Plate 1 12.

An ephebe, a Greek colonist from Campania, stands next to his horse.
Praxitelean stance. He is shown in three-quarter view. His is naked and
uncovered. He has two spears in his left hand while in his right he holds
of a white horse.
VPH Painter.
LCS Suppl. II (213773i), p. 196, pl. XXXVI.4.
Photograph courtesy of La Trobe University.
3) Apulian oinochoe (shape 1) BM F 376. Plate 49.
An ephebe, an Apulian native, is shown to the left in frontal view with his head
depicted in profile. Leaning towards his horse, his left arm rests on its back. His
spear rests against his left shoulder. He has a wreath in his hair and wears a
discreetly patterned tunic and an ornate belt in added white. Above to the right in
the background there is a plump pilos with small strings attached for fastening
under the chin. There is a shield on the ground beneath the horse.
Patera Painter.
RVAp II (3/84), p. 73 7, (no ill.).
The scenes on these vases have much in common with others showing single warrior
without ritual associations (some of these scenes are discussed below in Ch. 3, 5). They
show that from an early stage in their training young native warriors were relaxed in
handling of horses. This ties in well with the historical accounts of the prowess of t
Samnite cavalry.
Scenes of young hoplites training
It seems likely that some vases, ascribed to the Ixion Painter or at least in the manner
the Ixion Painter, showing single representations of young hoplites, are, in fact, scen
depicting military training, such as walking, marching and running in armour. Although al
are depicted in an almost identical way one cannot be sure they represent the same pers
Only three are clearly wearing a tunic and belt while the bodies of two are complete
covered by their large shields leaving only the head and legs visible.
The position of the legs and feet determines whether the figure is considered to b
moving or stationary. The warrior on the skyphos in Naples, private collection 1-8-6
shown running carrying his large shield; he does not have a spear however. The othe
seem to be standing in a way that would be unstable, judging by the position of their feet,
they were not leaning on a spear.
This notwithstanding, there is one clear way in which a difference in military rank may
be indicated. The three with the highly ornate shield may be presumed to be of a high
rank than the two with plain white shields, particularly the warrior with the plump
squarish body, who wears a heart-protector.
In fact, differences in military rank can be assumed to have existed as early as the 7
century BC because of the evidence from the so-called Chigi jug, now in the Villa Gi
Museum. This vessel shows a single hoplite using a trumpet to give orders to others in
formation of a phalanx (Beazley, Jacobstahl & Payne 1933: 23, pis 27-9).

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The Samnite Warrior's Activities 79
Vases with examples of young foot soldiers training , ascribed to the Ixion Group
Skyphos, Naples, priv. coll., 1-8-6. Plate 55.

A young warrior with a wreath in his hair is shown with his left side in profil
covered knees are visible below his large patterned shield. His feet are qui
apart suggesting he is running. This is supported by the fact that the toe of hi
foot touches the ground while his right foot is in the air. He does not have a sp
LCS Suppl. III (2/843a), p. 162, pl. XVIII.3.
Bail amphora, Naples, priv. coll., 228. Plate 54.

Young warrior shown with his left side in profile. He is equipped in much th
way as the above; with a wreath, a highly decorated shield and white
although this warrior carries a spear. The positioning of his feet suggests
standing or walking with short paces. His stance is Praxitelean.
LCS Suppl . Ill (2/822d), p. 160, pl. XVIII. 1.
Skyphos, Bloomington I.U.A.M. 100.10.5.81 B. Plate 56a.

Young warrior equipped in the same way as the above. Unlike the pre
example, this warrior seems clearly to be marching in rather short paces.
LCS Suppl. Ill , (2/843b), p. 162, pl. XVIII.4.
Skyphos, Bloomington I.U.A.M. 100.10.5.81 B. Plate 56b.

A plump figure with a spear and plain white shield is shown in three quarte
He wears a wreath in his hair, a plain tunic and broad white belt. His
protector (i kardiophylax ) is held in place by cross-over straps. From the positio
his feet it is unclear if he is walking or simply leaning on his spear.
LCS Suppl. Ill ( 2/843 b), p. 162, pl. XVIII.5.
For this vase cf. Ch. 1, 5
Bail amphora, once on the Zürich market, Galerie Koller. Plate 60.
A warrior is shown in three quarter view. He has a spear and a plain white
His tunic is plain, he has a wreath in his hair, a broad belt and white soled
the white details are slightly rubbed off. His mantle flaps high behind his back
he has a brooch under his chin. His feet are rather far apart suggestin
walking, although with longer strides than some of the previous examples.
LCS Suppl. Ill , (2/822g), p. 160, pl. XVIII.2.
For this vase cf. Ch. 1, 5
While it is not absolutely certain that these representations depict a

organised military education, they do certainly give the impression of youn
honing their military skills. It is interesting that these young warriors do not yet
full Samnite panoply. Elsewhere we have examined scenes which appear to show
awarding of a piece of equipment to a young warrior (cf. Ch. 2, 1 and Ch. 2, 9
the exact status of these scenes, it seems clear that for the Samnites it was im
boys and adolescents to aspire to warrior status. A good illustration of this is p
the neck amphora by the LNO Painter (Liefkes collection, The Hague) whe
Samnite boy is kitted out in the same way as his father whom he rides along
father and son have trophies on the spears and they seem to be returning fr
(plate 4) ( LCS (4/291), p. 481, pl. 185.9; Byvanck-Quarles van Ufford 1975: no. 5
cf. here ASPECTS OF SAMNITE LIFE (in Author's Notes), Ch. 1, 5, Ch. 5, 2 and Ch. 6
2 Preparing for Combat
One of the warrior's most necessary pastimes must have been the maintenan
equipment in readiness for warfare. Surprisingly we have, to date, only one scene
warrior engaged in such activities. However, it does provide some useful inform

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80 Chapter 3
Bail amphora, once Zürich market, Altstadt Galerie. Plate 108.

A warrior is shown seated on a rock. He is wearing a feathered helmet, a
greaves. He holds his spear across his knees in both hands. With his righ
checks the condition of his spear. Whether he is checking that the spea
securely fastened to the wooden shaft so as to be sure of its strength in
whether he is testing the sharpness of the spear-head we cannot be cer
round shield is shown resting on the left side of the rock.
Painter of Louvre K 49 1 .
LCS Suppl. II (2/3 9a), p. 188, pl. XXXIV 2.
Another important activity connected with the preparation for combat was arming;
however, this is not a common subject on vase-painting. The bail amphora (Naples RC 74)
ascribed to the Three-Dot Group showing a Samnite putting on his greaves provides one
example of this type of scene (plate 99) ( LCS (2/356), p. 278, pl. 1 13.2; cf. here Ch. 2, 4).
There is a small number of scenes showing a warrior arming which have a ritual
overtone and are related to the libation scenes in that a woman is present making an
offering (for an example of this v. the squat lekythos (Louvre K 365) connected with the
Painter of BM F196 and the Capua-Boreas Painter ( LCS (3/260), p. 396, pl. 154.1). The bell
krater by the Detroit Painter shown in plate 19 (BM 1953 4-29.1) is another example of a
warrior putting on greaves at a ritual occasion ( LCS (3/295), p. 403, (no ill.), cf. here
Ch. 1, 2 and APPENDIX).
The psychological preparation for warfare cannot in itself be a subject for vase-painting,
however, the rituals connected with the cult of the single warrior seem likely to have been
concerned either with the preparation for battle or with thanksgiving on the successful
return from battle (cf. Ch. 3, 5). Similarly the libation scenes, where a woman offers a
ritual drink to a departing or returning warrior, must have served the same purpose (cf.
Ch. 6, 3).
3 Combat
The literary sources and the vase-paintings tell us that combat was an
Samnite life. We know that there was a considerable number of tribes but we know next to
nothing about them except that they existed. They are supposed to have come from the
north and the east to settle in the fertile plains of South Italy. Combat is supposed to have
gone on between the various tribes as well as within the tribes themselves. Conflict
between the native and the Greek population was another feature of life in South Italy at
the time.
The Samnites must have devoted a great deal of time and attention to keeping
themselves ready for warfare; whether as act of aggression or for defensive reasons. We
know of their careful stewardship of horses and clearly riding was a skill acquired at an
early age (v. plates 2 and 4, cf. ASPECTS OF SAMNITE LIFE (in Author's Notes)). (For checking
equipment v. plate 108, Ch. 3, 2 and for training to run in full armour v. plate 55, Ch. 3, 1).
There is a group of five vases which each show a single Samnite foot-soldier in a
different combat pose. These are as follows: giving a command; advancing cautiously;
aggressive use of the spear; defensive use of the spear; throwing a stone. Most vases show
combat between two warriors. To date there are only two vases known showing large scale
battles with Samnite foot-soldiers. However, this can only reflect vase-painting conventions
rather than any real military phenomenon.
Furthermore, it is not always clear who is fighting whom. It is not always possible to
determine with certainty a warrior's tribal identity from the equipment he uses. Moreover,
there is a group of vases with amusing scenes of the kind of 'mock-fight' which was popular
in Capua and elsewhere in South Italy. On some we see a supervisor stopping the contest
before it gets out of hand and becomes serious.

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The Samnite Warrior's Activities 8 1
Examples of combat scenes
I Single foot-soldiers in combat poses
la) Skyphos, University of California, Berkeley 8/3243. Plate 17.

A Samnite hoplite is shown giving a signal, perhaps a message or a command
his right hand. He is running and his shield does not cover his body. Apart from
shield, he also carries two spears with the spear-heads pointed downwards
left hand.
LCS (3/288), p. 403, pl. 157.6.
Photograph courtesy of the University of California, Berkeley.
For this vase cf. Gh. 1, 2 and Ch. 1,4.
Ib) Bail amphora, Brussels A 830. Plate 1 13.

A Samnite foot soldier advances cautiously. As he moves forward he covers himself
with his shield. His spear is partially visible from behind his shield.
Three-Dot Group.
LCS (2/355), p. 277, pl. 113.4.
Ic) Skyphos, Brussels R 320. Plate 13.
A Samnite hoplite is shown raising his spear ready to dispatch it. He leans back to
get more force into his throw. His shield covers him from one direction but his body
would be exposed to the direction from which we view the scene.
Pilos Head Group.
LCS (2/281), p. 269, pl. 108.7.
Id) Skyphos, Museo Campano, Capua. Plate 58.

A Samnite hoplite is showing in frontal view fleeing off to the right. He looks back
as he flees and holds his spear, point down, off to the left in his outstretched right
arm. His shield is held out in front of him in his outstretched left arm. However,
this can have afforded no protection to missiles coming from the direction he was
fleeing from.
Laon Painter.
LCS (2/50), p. 233, pl. 91.3.
le) Bail amphora, La Trobe University, Melbourne, 94.02. Plate 11.

A Samnite hoplite is shown on the attack. He is about to throw a large stone at his
unseen enemy.
Three-Dot Group.
LCS Suppl. II (2/357a), p. 196, pl. XXXI.3.
II Intertribal combat
IIa) Hydria, San Simeon, Hearst Estate 5432. Plate 107.

Two hoplites belonging to different tribes are shown in combat. The victor is shown
almost naked except for his crested helmet and his free-flowing chlamys suggesting
perhaps that he is a colonial Greek. He stands to the left in an aggressive posture
pointing his javelin at his defeated opponent who kneels to the right. The
vanquished warrior's spear is pointed at the ground. His shield does not cover his
body, so we can see that he is naked apart from his crested helmet. His body seem
to be pierced by two spears.
Errera Painter.
LCS (2/710) p. 322, pl. 126.4.

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82 Chapter 3
IIb) Lucanian Type II nestoris, Staatliche Museen, Berlin F 3146. Plate 94b
Two hoplites of different origin are shown in combat. The left hand w
shown almost naked. He wears only a free-flowing chlamys and a pilos. He
with a javelin and a round shield. His appearance perhaps suggests he is a
Greek. His opponent is completely naked. His hair is uncovered. He has
sword and parasol shield which was a Samnite type. An Amazon carrying
shown kneeling on the right. She takes no part in the battle.
LCS (854), p. 150, (no ill.).
III Horsemen fighting foot soldiers
Ilia) Hydria, BM F 215. Plate 15.

The central group shows a horseman fighting a hoplite. The two figures
side of a tree. Several details give the impression of a 'mock-fight'. For ex
the right the horseman holds his spear behind his head; his horse's feet m
the tree as the painting of this area is rather sloppy; the hoplite does no
spear; and he covers himself with his shield for no apparent reason.
unlikely that real combat would be possible given the above facts. It seem
intertribal contest because both warriors wear the Samnite tunic. One wears a
plain one, the other, whose tunic is only shown from the back, a patterned one
which is open below the belt.
Libation Painter.
Illb) Apulian column krater, Monopoli, Meo-Evoli coll. L56. Plate 1 14.
The scene shows a horseman and a hoplite on either side of a tree. The composition
is the reverse of that described above, BM F 215. The fight takes place behind the
tree. Both warriors wear tunics but with different patterns suggesting it is an
intertribal conflict. It is unclear who is the victor.
Prisoner Painter.
RVAp II, Appendix (4/74a), p. 1043, (no ill.); Reho-Bumbalova 1979: no. 25, pl. 31.
Illcj Calyx krater, Naples 861/82599. Plate 24.

A horseman wearing a patterned tunic and a crested pilos attacks a hoplite with a
javelin. The hoplite begs for his life by raising both hands towards his assailant.
Horseman Group.
Hid) Apulian column krater, once Milan market. Plate 103.

The scene shows an Apulian horseman and his arms bearer who has a shield and
spear. The horseman stands beside his horse and fights two Campanian Samnite
foot soldiers with his javelin. The Campanian Samnites carry shields decorated
with a pattern of concentric dots. One of the hoplites is depicted above a fountain
house, the other lies defeated on the ground.
Maplewood Painter.
RVAp I (9/188), p. 249, pl. 82.3-4; Indigeni , p. 16, pl. 36.
IV Two scenes showing great hoplite battles
rVa) Neck amphora, Brussels, A 3550. Plate 26a.

This scene shows an assault on seated and semi-recumbent enemies who
presumably are supposed to be asleep. There are four pairs of figures
consisting of an assailant and a sleeping victim. The sleeping warriors are g

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. The Samnite Warrior's Activities 83
by the hair and speared. The victorious troops mostly wear loin-cloths sugg
that they are Samnites.
Though this kind of night assault must have occurred many times in
warfare, it is reminiscent of the known historical attack by the Samnites
Etruscans near Capua in 423 BC.
Errera Painter.
LCS (2/704), p. 322, pl. 126.1.
For this vase cf. Gh. 1, 2, Ch. 1, 5 and Ch. 2, 8.
rVb) Hydria, Naples 127961. Plate 115.

This scene seems to represent an intertribal battle which is almost over. The bodies
of the defeated lie on the ground on the upper and lower parts of the picture. One
Samnite is shown leaving the battlefield with a trophy hanging from his spear.
Another victorious warrior sits and observes another pair who are still fighting.
Boston Ready Painter.
LCS (4/619), p. 517, pl. 202.3.
Photograph courtesy of the Museo Nazionale, Naples.
V Scenes showing prisoners after battles
Three examples showing a hoplite victorious
Va) Apulian column krater, BM F 173. Plate 30.

To the left a naked prisoner is seated with his hands bound together; his hands rest
on his thighs. His hair is uncovered. He looks towards a pair of figures representing
his Samnite captor and perhaps an ally, whose loin-cloth suggests he is from
another native tribe. The Samnite is victorious and appears to be about to spear his
opponent who kneels and pleads for mercy.
Prisoner Painter.
RVAp I (4/73), p. 76, pl. 26.3; Indigeni , p. 16, pl. 37.
Vb) Apulian column krater, Ruvo 1709. Plate 116.

Almost identical to the vase described above, BM F 173. Some details are different.
Here the prisoner's hands are bound to a tree. To the right a defeated warrior
pleads for his life. It is not possible to tell if he will be spared or not.
Ascribed to the Prisoner Painter who is named from this and the above vase
(BMF 173).
RVAp I (4/71), p. 75, (no ill.); Indigeni , p. 16, pl. 38.
Vc) Apulian column krater, Reading University Museum 87.35.34. Plate 1 17.
Different composition from the above but in many respects a similar subject
hoplite is shown with two prisoners. The three walk in a line with the victor in th
middle. The victor makes some sort of command with his raised right hand wh
also holds a string which is attached to the leading prisoner's bound wrists. T
prisoner in front of the victor looks back at him. Both prisoners are not extensive
tied up; only their hands are tied behind their backs. The victor has a shield bu
spear. All three are clad in a similar way, wearing ornate tunics.
Rueff Painter.
RVAp I (9/251), p. 256, (no ill.); Indigeni, p. 16, pl. 39.
Photograph courtesy of the Reading University Museum.
Two examples from Paestan tomb-paintings showing a horseman victorious
Vd) Paestan tomb-painting, Museo Nazionale, Paestum. Plate 33.

A bearded prisoner walks behind his captor's horse. The prisoner wears a himation
and is not bound. This would perhaps be not unlikely if the prisoner was a citizen.
The horseman rides a black horse and wears a white corselet and a broad belt.

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84 Chapter 3
From his spear a tunic and broad belt hang as trophies; perhaps they w
from his prisoner.
For similar scenes v. Sestieri 1956-57: 65-1 10.
Ve) Paestan tomb-painting, Museo Nazionale, Paestum. Plate 62.

A male and female captive walk together behind their captor's black horse. Both
appear to be citizens. The bearded man holds onto the horse's tail. The woman has
a tribal hairstyle. The horseman wears a white corselet and a three-disc cuirass.
Sestieri 1956-57: 77, figs 15 & 16.
Prisoner on a funerary cult scene
Vf) Hydria, Museo Campano, Capua, MS inv. 7. Plate 1 18.

The prisoner is shown being conducted past a naiskos. His hands are tied behind
his back. He is accompanied by two Samnite warriors while there is a third warrior
inside the naiskos.
Triumph Painter.
LCS (2/749), p. 327, (no ill.); Beazley 1943: 82, no. 2; Lohman 1979: 288, no. K 27; Weege 1909:
137-8, fig. 15.
Photograph with special thanks to Professor S. Garofano Venosta.
For this vase v. Ch. 6, 4, no. Ia.
A Campanian vase in outline technique showing captives
Vg) Amphora decorated in outline technique, Vatican AB 14. Plate 53a-d.

The scene shows two naked prisoners. Their captors are two horsemen also shown
naked. Each has a tunic hanging from his spear as a trophy. The prisoners are tied
to the reins near the horses' mouths. They walk in front of the horses. One prisoner
is shown in profile view and the other in rear view. The figures seem to be making a
slow trek home.
Some details are picked out in solid black. One horseman has a well groomed beard
but the other is younger. Both ride white horses. All four figures have their hair
uncovered and wear black shoes which resemble modern socks. Also noteworthy
are the vertical double black palmettes on the neck of the vessel which are known
in the 6th and 5th centuries BC.
The amphora is said to have been found at Chiusi, cf. also two other vases in
outline technique: an olpe from Cumae, now in Naples and a pelike from Capua,
now Boston 10.8084 (Beazley 1947: 295, note to p. 12). Both can be dated to the end
of the 6th century BC. However, the style of the figures and particularly of the
tunics used as trophies suggests that this amphora may date from 400 BC or
somewhat later. Given this information the pattern beneath the two handles is of
special interest. It reminds one of the Celtic symbol which is found on various
domestic and other objects (cf. for example plates 95-97 discussed in Ch. 2, 3).
However, the execution of this type of pattern is more elaborated here.
VIE II, (AB 14), p. 273, fig. 37; Frederiksen 1968: figs 4 & 5; Weege 1909: 136-7, fig. 14.
Addendum
A peripheral point is the question why all four figures are naked. It seems likely that there
would be separate explanations as to why the prisoners and the horsemen are both nude.
In some combat scenes we have seen naked prisoners with their tunics hanging as a trophy
from the spears of their captors. Perhaps this is what has happened in this scene and the
prisoners are Samnites. It may be their tunics which hang, as trophies, from the spears of
the victorious warriors.

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On naked horsemen it might be worth recalling Massimo Pallottino's note t

Gauls used to fight naked (Pallottino 1981: 111). An Etruscan 4th century stone r
a building in Bologna shows a naked foot soldier armed with a short sword fi
horseman (Pallottino 1981: pl. Lilla). The horseman who is shown from the ba
tunic which is somewhat different from the typical Samnite example. Pallottino
the hoplite as a Gaul but does not identify the horseman. Stary (1979a: 20
examines the same relief and suggests that the hoplite is a Celt.
4 The Mock-Fight
A certain type of combat, the so-called 'duel', was at least in part a ťm

the risk of fatal injury still existed. The term 'duel' is not especia
sometimes three warriors could be involved in it. Only a few vase-pa
concerned themselves with this type of subject and only a small num
have survived to the modern day.
There is a sole candidate for being the earliest known representatio
combat; this is by a painter who is related in style to the Parrish Pain
between 350 and 340 BC. There are no further scenes of this typ
approximately 10 years. All the remaining 'duel' scenes can be dated to
BC.
List of painters and some typical examples of this type of scene
Painter related to the Parrish Painter, 350-340 BC.

Plate 1 19. Naples 878/82765.
Washington Combat Painter, 330-325 BC.
Plate 120. Washington 429913.
Plate 121. Capua 7539.
Duel Painter, 325-320 BC.
Plate 122. Once Munich, Preyss.
Plate 123. St Petersburg 1670.
Plate 124. Paris, Louvre CA 31906.
Plate 125. Budapest, 51.89.
Column Painter, 350-320 BC.
Plate 126. Bloomington, I.U.A.M. 70.29.
Almost all the vases showing scenes of a mock-fight are hydriai and skyphoi; the lebes
gamikos shown in plate 126 is an exception. On all vases a pair of warriors are shown in
combat pose. They differ greatly from those combat scenes described earlier however in
that in this type of scene the figures are broadly symmetrical and wear identical outfits.
This latter point even applies when there are three figures on the vase (plate 124). Mostly
the figures are naked; although some have their nakedness relieved by a white belt. Others
wear a patterned tunic or loin-cloth. They seem to be warriors of low rank as most wear the
pilos-shaped helmet. However, there are exceptions, a few wear crested and even decorated
helmets (plate 121) and in one case a Phrygian cap is worn (plate 120). Two are shown
bare-headed (plates 119 & 122). Normally the combatants are armed with a spear and
shield although some carry a sword.
It is clear that the eight vases, in some sense, form a separate group. The symmetrical
composition indicates some special form of battle. One of the scenes showing very
individualistic behaviour makes it clear that the scene we are observing is in some way comic
(plate 126). On this vase the duel is over and victor has used a trick. He has held his shield
between his and his opponent's face, so that they cannot see each other. Instead, both look at

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86 Chapter 3
the shield. The victor's spear rests unused against his right shoulder but his
right hand figure, cannot direct his spear because of the trick with the shield.
While this scene shows the end of a duel, another seems to show the beginning
warriors stand motionless facing each other (plate 119). This gives the impres
fight is perhaps only just about to begin. The other scenes show decisive moment
fight when both warriors have reached a stalemate and the duel comes to an end.
Eight vases showing duels

1) Skyphos, Naples 878/82765. Plate 1 19.
This scene shows the start of a duel. Both warriors stand motionless, fac
other. Both wear patterned tunics. The right hand warrior has a round sh
a star pattern (cf. Ch. 2, 6.). He is bare-headed. The left-hand warrior ha
round shield and a pilos-type helmet with a crest. Both are armed with sp
Parrish Painter.
LCS (2/180), p. 253, pl. 101.2.
2) Skyphos, once Munich Market, Preyss. Plate 122.
Neither warrior is victorious. The two warriors stand opposed. The right-hand one
is shown in frontal three-quarter view and the left hand one is shown in rear three-
quarter view. Both are naked. The right hand warrior is bare-headed while his
opponent wears a pilos-type helmet. Both stand with swords raised, seemingly
unable to attack. They seem to dance rather than fight.
Duel Painter.
LCS (2/759), p. 329, pl. 129.7.
3) Skyphos, St Petersburg, inv. 1670. Plate 123.
Neither warrior is shown victorious. Both warriors are virtually nude. Each wears a
pilos and a piece of free-flowing drapery. They try to hit each other beneath their
shields which have clashed. Their heads are above the shields so that neither can
see what he is doing.
Duel Painter.
LCS (2/758), p. 329, pl. 129.6.
Photograph courtesy of the Hermitage, St Petersburg.
4) Hydria, Washington 429913. Plate 120.
Neither warrior is shown victorious. The left hand warrior is naked except for his
free flowing chlamys and his pilos. The one on the right wears a loin-cloth, a dotted
belt and a Phrygian cap. They seem to hit each other's shields rather than their
opponent. Professor Trendall (LCS) suggests that this scene represents combat
between a Greek and a Trojan.
Washington Combat Painter.
LCS (2/755), p. 328, pl. 129.5.
Photograph courtesy of the U.S. National Museum, Washington.
5) Hydria, Louvre CA 31906. Plate 124.
Three warriors are shown in a row. All three have the same posture. The one on the
left looks back and defends himself against the other two who try to spear him. The
right hand warrior's spear is behind the legs of the one in the middle. All three
wear piloi but are otherwise naked.
Duel Painter.
LCS (2/761), p. 329, pl. 129.8.
Photograph courtesy of the Musée du Louvre, Paris.
6) Hydria, Capua 7539. Plate 121.
Neither warrior is shown victorious. Both warriors wear a crested helmet, adorned
with a horsetail, and a patterned loin-cloth. They attack each other's shields with
their spears.
Washington Combat Painter.
LCS (2/757), p. 328, (no ill.).

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7) Lebes gamikos, Bloomington, I.U.A.M. 70.29. Plate 126.

This scene shows a victorious and a defeated warrior. Both warriors wear a crested
helmet adorned with a horsetail and two feathers. They cannot see each other
because the victor, on the left, holds his shield between his face and that of his
opponent. He uses both hands to do this so his spear rest against his right shoulder.
His defeated opponent, to the right is unable to aim his spear properly because of
the victor's trick with his shield.
Column Painter.
LCS Suppl. I (2/75 la), p. 56, pl. XII.5; LCS Suppl. III , (2/751a), p. 154.
8) Hydria, Budapest 51.89. Plate 125.
This scene shows a duel at a stele but neither warrior is victorious. Both warriors
are virtually naked, except that they both wear a pilos and greaves. They crane
their heads over their shields and look down on them. Although both have their
right hands raised they seem unable to use their spears.
Duel Painter.
LCS Suppl. I (2/76 la), p. 57, pl. XIII.l.
The comic element in all of these scenes seems to be created by the awkward positions
into which the warriors manoeuvre their shields, because these create a stalemate in which
neither warrior can strike his opponent.
Interpretation
These duel scenes remind one of the parodies of fights which are said to have been a
popular entertainment in the 4th century BC, especially in Capua. The evidence for this
kind of performance in South Italy comes from both vase-painting and the literary
tradition (for phlyax plays v. Gigante 1971; for phlyax vases v. Trendall (1959), (2nd ed.
1967); on the Fabula Atellana: Heurgon 1942 433-39; Salmon 1967: 60-1; for Roman
sources on Campanian games v. Heurgon 1976: 22-9, e.g. Horace, Satires I, 5, 5 Iff;
v. Heurgon 1976: 23 note 42 on the identification of Montesarchio with Caudium, the place
where the contest of buffoonery which Horace described took place). We have evidence
that these mock-fights were still practised in the 2nd century BC although in a slightly
modified form. We know this because a Roman who attended such a performance recorded
his experiences which have survived to us.
Lucilius was a wealthy Roman who was an Eques Romānus and a poet. In the years
119-117 BC he travelled from Rome to Sicily to inspect his large estates (Heurgon 1976:
14-22). On the way he stopped at Capua, where he watched one of the then famous
gladiator farces which mimicked real gladiatorial contests.
Both performers in this contest probably wore masks. One, from Nola, is described as
being a rowdy and bombastic figure who had a big tooth hanging out of his mouth. His
name, Broccus or Broncus, survives to us. The other warrior, a Samnite, was the victor.
However, the loser did not meet a bloody end instead he merely lost both the feathers from
his helmet which the victor added to the five already on his (Heurgon 1976: 19).
The vase-paintings provide another aspect to this problem. One of the vases shows a
duel taking place at a stele (plate 125) which perhaps suggests such contests sometimes
formed part of funerary ritual. This is further supported from a vase which is now lost but
the decoration of which was recorded by Tischbein (Weege 1909: 133, fig. 13 after
Tischbein, I 60) (here plate 51; cf. also Ch. 1, 5 and Ch. 5, 2). Again the scene takes place at
a stele. One of the warriors is showing giving up while a youth or young warrior stops the
contest by holding his sword upwards. Although we cannot be sure, this too may represent
some kind of funerary performance. This hardly seems an appropriate setting for
something entirely comic. Moreover, we should remember that some bloody duels were
shown on Capuan and Paestan tomb-paintings. Although these are now lost, they are
preserved in drawings and photographs. One Capuan tomb-painting shows identical

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88 Chapter 3
warriors standing is a symmetrical posture. However, a spear has wounded on

(plate 101) (Weege 1909: 107-8, no. 14, pl. 11.1; Breglia 1942: 38, pl. XVI, fig
The drawing of a Paestan tomb-painting done by Pietro Pequignot in 1812
these contests had some special code of rules. This scene shows a paidagogos s
the contest, stopping the fight with a gesture of his hand. At the same tim
combatant's left leg is pierced by a javelin (here plate 52; cf. also Ch. 1
1909: 119, fig. 8)
Finally, there is a tomb-painting which was discovered relatively recently whic
the museum at Paestum (plate 127) (Napoli 1970d: 185, pl. XXVII. 2). It is no
figures standing to the right and left of the duelling pair are all part of th
This scene is somewhat atypical. Both warriors are dressed in a similar way,
not opposed symmetrically. The warrior on the left hand side, a bearded m
fight. He stands with his left foot seemingly raised slightly. In his left hand he
spears pointing upwards and in his right hand he carries a single spear, poin
Instead of having a shield, he has his chlamys flung over his left shoulder
opponent is about to spear him. It is unclear if the two spears shown lying o
have already wounded the left leg of the man who is not fighting.
An amphora signed by Python has been found in association with a tomb-p
provides a date of 340/330 BC which could apply to the tomb-painting as well
Conclusions
It is from tomb-paintings not from vases that we learn of the existence of bloody duels as
part of the funerary cult. The figures on tomb-paintings are more colourfully equipped
than those on vases. They wear patterned tunics with vertical red and black or blue stripes.
They are edged in red. The helmets, greaves and decorated belts are golden (for a Capuan
example, v. Weege 1909: 107, no. 14).
The Capuan warriors are shown in a rather rough style, as strong men. Their features
are common. The paintings perhaps belong to the last decades of the 4th century BC.
The Paestan paintings are notable for their fine contour lines, especially when drawing
legs. Some Lysippic influence seems to be observable in terms of the proportions of the
body and head; the head appears relatively small in relation to the body. The facial
features, as far as one can tell given the state of preservation, are drawn in the style seen
on other tomb-paintings, both Capuan and Paestan. Normally the faces are depicted with a
large straight nose.
It is beyond the scope of this work to enter further into discussions on either the literary
sources or the tomb-paintings as a source of evidence for the origins of gladiatorial contests
in Etruria and Campania, or on the vase-paintings as a source for comic gladiatorial
contests (for funeral games, gladiatorial contests and farces: Weege 1909: 134-5; Heurgon
1942: 429-31; Salmon 1967: 60-1; in the course of discussing an Etruscan terracotta altar,
showing a symmetrical duel in relief, van der Meer (1982: 87-99, figs 1-3) considers the
origin and dating of gladiatorial contests).
One may assume that the scenes depicted on these vases reflect the mock fights which
were in vogue as a form of public entertainment: a spectacle, which according to Lucilius,
continued to be enjoyed into the 2nd century BC. One should see the public performances
(and indeed the vases) as parodies of the serious business of real warfare. They belong to a
popular South Italian cultural tradition which enjoyed comic plays based on daily life; this
can be attested by the popularity of the phlyax vases and from the literary sources.

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The Samnite Warrior's Ritual Activities
The other aspect of the warrior's life which is depicted in the iconograp
ritual. In the main these ritual activities were either shared with women or common to
both men and women. As such they are discussed in Chapter 6, Ritual Activities common to
both Warriors and Women.
5 The Cult of the Single Warrior
It is clear that individual warriors practised their own solitary religious

made evident by scenes showing lone warriors standing before an altar
such activities. There are also some pictures which show the warrior
posture holding some sacred object but which lack an altar. Here an alta
and these activities may be assumed to be religious. Adolescent and m
be portrayed in both types of scene. It seems that the fully armed warrior
activities either before embarking on or after a successful return
undertaken before combat one can perhaps reasonably argue that they
part of the warrior's ritual and psychological preparation for the rigours o
Some examples
1) Skyphos, Boston 03.822. Plate 1.

A not fully grown warrior is shown in profile to left. He has a chaplet
wears a loin-cloth, belt and soft white soled shoes. His right foot is rais
his outstretched right hand he holds a long thin head-band. In his left
somewhat lower, he holds a wreath. There is no altar shown in this scen
Errera Painter.
LCS (2/718), p. 323 (no ill.); Beazley 1943: 83, no. 4, pl. VI.
For this vase cf. ASPECTS OF SAMNITE LIFE (in Author's Notes), Ch. 1,2 and Ch. 1, 5.
2) Skyphos, once on the Zürich and Philadelphia Markets. Plate 128.

A young warrior stands in three-quarter view to left. He has a Praxitelean stance.
He wears a plain tunic, a broad white belt and has a chaplet in his hair. He is
barefoot. His trophies consist of a blood stained standard with an enemy's belt
hanging from it. He carries a wreath in his right hand which is raised in a ritual
gesture. There is no altar shown in this scene. The warrior's trophies clearly
indicate that the ritual was performed after combat in this case.
Whiteface Painter.
. LCS Suppl. I (3/138a), p. 69, pl. XVI.3.
3) Bail amphora, Vatican Astarita coll. 57. Plate 129.
A young warrior stands in three-quarter view before an altar. He has a Praxitelean
stance. His right hand is lowered as though he is throwing some incense on the
altar. Although he has no spear, he carries a shield in his left hand. He wears a
crested and feathered helmet, an ornate tunic, and a broad ornate belt. He is
barefoot.
Astarita Painter.
LCS (3/266), p. 400, pl. 155.5. VIE III, p. 23-4, pl. IX. 1.
4) Bail amphora, Rheinbach, Koch coll. Plate 67.
A fully grown warrior stands in three-quarter view to left. He stands in Praxitelean
stance before an altar with votive objects on the top. He is armed with a spear and
shield. He wears a crested helmet with horse-tail and two feathers, white greaves
and a Samnite triple-disc cuirass. He is shown barefoot.
Walters Sub-Group.
LCS Suppl . III (4/104i), p. 219, pl. XXV. 6.

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90 Chapter 3
5) Bail amphora, Agrigento R 200. Plate 130.

A mounted fully grown warrior is shown in three-quarter view to left b
altar which has votive objects on top of it. The warrior is returning hom
blood stained standard. He wears a crested helmet and white greaves. H
spear and is barefoot. Again the warrior's trophies indicate that this is
combat ritual.
Photograph courtesy of the Museo Nazionale, Agrigento.
6) Squat lekythos, BM F 242. Plate 76.

Here a warrior, wearing a tunic, belt, helmet and cuirass, is pictured with his face
in profile to left. He stands before an altar and alongside his horse holding its reins.
He has a spear in his left hand and is looking down.
Related to the Danaïd Painter.
LCS (3/542), p. 434 (no ill.).
There are a number of images of single warriors on foot in which the warriors are no
depicted with any ritual attributes. Both young and adult warriors can be depicted in th
way. They are not shown in an active rôle but they are armed with spear and shield. Th
image can be supposed to be a kind of portrait of members of the infantry which was made
up of young and adult hoplites. They are shown with some form of headgear, such as
wreath, chaplet or a feathered helmet.
Although as depictions of single warriors they bear a generic similarity to the scenes
described above there is no reason to assume that any ritual activity is being portraye
here. They are included here for comparative purposes.
Examples of single warriors without ritual attributes
Bail amphora, North German priv. coll., once exhibited in Hamburg. Plate 131.
A lone foot soldier, in Polykleitan stance, is shown with his left side in three-quarter
view to the left. He has a chaplet in his hair and wears a tunic and belt. He carries a
spear and shield.
Capua Painter.
LCS Suppl. Ill (2/3 lb), p. 176, (no ill.); Hornbostel 1977: 393, no. 339.
Bail amphora, Oxford 1880.17 (V457). Plate 106.

A young warrior, in Polykleitan stance, is shown in left side three-quarter view. He
has a plain tunic and broad belt. He is shown barefoot. He has a mantle over his
back which is partly covered by the shield on his left shoulder and arm. Under his
chin there is a brooch. He wears a feathered helmet and does not carry a spear. His
right hand is down by his side.
Libation Group.
LCS (3/412), p. 420, pl. 170.4.
Photograph courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.
Bail amphora from Capua (no inventory number). Plate 132.

An adult warrior is shown in a three-quarter view in a Praxitelean stance. He has a
patterned tunic with broad white belt and high-laced boots. In his right hand he
carries a staff and in his left a shield. He has a crested helmet with a horsetail and
three feathers.
Ascribed to the Painter of Louvre K 296 who belongs to the Libation Group.
LCS (3/286), p. 402 (no ill.); CVA Capua IV Er, pl. 29.1, 3 & 4.

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Bail amphora, Louvre K 296. Plate 133.

An adult warrior is shown in left side three-quarter view. He is shown i
Praxitelean stance. He is depicted with a spear and shield and wears a tunic w
crossed bands over his breast and white boots.
Ascribed to the Painter of Louvre K 296 in the Libation Group.
LCS (3/285), p. 402, pl. 157.4.
Photograph courtesy of the Musée du Louvre, Paris.

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The
Samnite
Woman

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Chapter 4
The Samnite Woman's
Appearance
1 Introduction
On the whole it seems that the Samnite woman is not as well repr
counterpart in the iconographie record. This may simply reflect a lower
women's lives on the part of the vase-painters and their customers,
least in part, due to the difficulty in distinguishing the Samnite wo
Greek woman when the former is not shown in her tribal costume.
This difficulty is particularly pronounced when it comes to scenes depicting everyday
life because in them Samnite women are not normally shown wearing their elaborate
tribal costume. However, in scenes depicting certain ritual or ceremonial occasions, this
costume makes Samnite women instantly recognisable. Thus we have a fuller and more
varied view of the Samnite woman in her ritual life than in her more mundane domestic
activities. Typically on ritual occasions the Samnite woman is depicted with her husband
the Samnite warrior. Rarely a colonial Greek appears as her counterpart at ceremonial
events.
For everyday life Samnite women seem to have preferred the Greek ch
tribal costume. However, they sometimes indicated their tribal identity b
detail from the native costume to the otherwise Greek-style dress. For e
instead of wearing the colonial Greek-style girdle around the waist the S
prefers a decorated belt. On other occasions, Samnite women wear a simp
heads, or a small head-dress similar to a pilos. Particularly remarkable is th
round the hips which imitates, and was probably inspired by the colonia
wearing a himation, but is fastened according to the Samnite woman's tast
amphora, BM F 197 (here plate 22; fig. 68) and the hydria, New York
Museum 01.8.12 (here plate 16; fig. 69). For full references, v. below).
2 The Samnite Woman's Costume
The native woman's costume is relatively uniform with certain variations in d

1909; Lang 1915; 1940; Heurgon 1942: 424). The main element of the costum
garment which reaches to the ground. This is usually shown in profile and bo
are identical. The woman is either barefooted or wears white shoes. The full costume also
includes a coloured cape which, in the red-figure technique, is portrayed in added white
purple. The cape covers the whole of the upper body and also the arms down to the elbow

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96 Chapter 4
In three-quarter view, when slightly open or hanging over the back, part of the
cape is visible. Typically the women wear a piece of drapery, inspired
himation, round the hips and covering part of the skirt. This feature is depicted
rounded folds running down the hips. It is one of the typical aspects of the side
native woman's costume. A number of the vases described in greater detai
Ch. 6, 3 and Ch. 6, 4 show good examples of the female costume. The followi
suffice to illustrate typical side views of Samnite women and provide the
further discussion of the native costume:
1) Hydria, Naples, 874/82721. Plate 134.

In this libation scene the woman holds an oinochoe while the warrior who stands
before her holds out a skyphos. She wears the full native costume, including an
elaborate head-dress, a cape in added white, and the long garment with the typical
rounded folds of drapery running down from the hips.
Astarita Painter.
LCS (3/273), p. 400 pl. 156.4; Indigeni , p. 17, pl. 46.
For this vase v. Ch. 6, 3, no. Ia.
2) Neck amphora, BM F 197. Plate 22. Fig. 68.

In this scene, showing libations performed at a warrior's departure, the woman
holds both a skyphos and an oinochoe. She wears the long garment, again with
rounded folds of drapery, and an elaborate head-dress. She also wears a type of
jacket which is discussed in greater detail below.
Libation Painter.
LCS (3/306), p. 406 (no ill.); Indigeni , p. 18, pl. 49.
For this vase cf. Ch. 1, 2 and Ch. 2, 3. v. Ch. 6, 3, no. Id.
{%
Ml Fig. 69 Woman's drapery,
after hydria, New York 01.8.12
Fig. 68 Woman's skirt and drapery,

after neck amphora, BM F 197

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The Samnite Woman's Appearance 97
3) Pseudo-panathenaic amphora, Hamburg, Termer coll. Plate 23.

In this libation scene, showing a warrior's return home, a mature woman wea
Greek chiton but fitted according to native tastes. Again the typical rounded f
of drapery descending from the hips are shown. The woman wears a native h
dress and broad belt, in added white. She also wears a long mantle fastened at
neck with a brooch.
Caivano Painter.
LCS Suppl. Ill (2/577a), p. 147, (no ill.); Hornbostel 1977: 398-400, no. 342; Schneider-Herrmann
1982: 148, fig. 3; Termer 1980: 100.1, no. 65.
Only very seldom is a view of the front of the skirt portrayed. For an example see:
Paestan hydria, Brussels, A 813. Plate 135.
Hera in the judgement of Paris scene wears a native style costume and head-dress1.
Attributed to Asteas or closely related to his work.
PP, pl. XIa; RVP (2/147), p. 1 12, pl. 63.
Photograph courtesy of the Musées Royaux d'Art et d'Histoire.
The material out of which the costume was made, seems to have been of a heavier
quality than that made by the Greeks at this time. The light, often diaphanous, chiton or
peplos, which we see worn by many women on red-figure vases of the 4th century BC, might
have been made of wool or linen, spun into fine threads. It is unlikely that cotton or silk
would have reached South Italy before the Ptolemies (for diaphanous garments v.
Oakeshott 1979: 6, note 13; on cotton and silk v. Lutz 1923: 31-6).
In general there is a notable trend among the indigenous women to make their clothes
fit closely to the shape of the body. To achieve this, there must have been more cutting and
sewing than was normal for Greek costume. The Greek dress, chiton or peplos, could have
been made of one piece of material, either sewn at one side or not at all. Greek costume
was draped loosely around the body and the folds could be arranged ad libitum , however
freedom of movement would have been more difficult for a Greek than for a native woman.
The skirt and the drapery
The skirt appears almost identically in all the artistic representations. It therefore seems
unnecessary to describe it more than once. It is the variations in the upper part of the dress
which merit detailed discussion. In general, the skirt is a simple garment the most notable
feature of which is the drapery mentioned earlier. Sometimes the skirt is patterned but
often it is simply left plain. Occasionally the skirt lacks the drapery around the hips. An
example of this is given below:
Bell krater, Louvre K 261. Plate 68.
On this libation scene the woman wears the full native costume with cape and
head-dress. Her skirt lacks the drapery around the hips, but is decorated with a
vertical black stripe with white dots.
Libation Painter.
LCS (3/299), p. 406, pl. 159.1; Indigeni, p. 18, pl. 50; Forti 1977: 137, fig. 17.
For this vase cf. Ch. 2, 1. v. Ch. 6, 3, no. Ib.
As well as some purely indigenous characteristics, the skirt shows a great deal of Greek
influence. This can be observed especially in connection with the previously mentioned
drapery, which covers part of the skirt with rounded folds. This feature was probably
inspired by the himation frequently draped around the hips of Greek figures. However, in
the case of the Greeks we do not find those almost stereotypically rounded folds
(figs 68 & 69). Instead, the folds flow freely from the loosely attached himation depending on
the way its edge is either held in one hand, or draped over an arm, or tucked in between the
1 The author's view that Hera wears a native style costume here is not shared by all authorities, notably
Professor Trendall (pers. comm.). E.H.

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98 Chapter 4
arm and body. By contrast, the native woman's drapery, including its edges,
more standardised way. It is fastened under their broad belt. The edges eithe
front or do not quite meet leaving some space between them. In the first cas
short vertical folds at the front. Instead, long folds of drapery run across
front of the skirt in a gentle curve (plate 22; fig. 68) or flare out in ample curv
There is one example, where the meeting of the edges at the front is indicat
curve, coming out from under the cape and turning away:
Hydria, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 01.8.12. Plate 16. Fig. 69.
In this libation scene the returning horseman is greeted by a woma
native costume including the drapery around the hips, the cape and the h
She is attended by a servant in Greek dress who holds a phiale and an
ready to give to her mistress.
For this vase cf. Ch. 1, 2 and Ch. 5, 2. v. Ch. 6, 3, no. IIa.
This short curve gives the suggestion of drapery running around the othe
hips. In the other case, where the edges do not meet in front, a group of n
folds run down the front (v. plate 23 and plate 135).
The belt
The broad belt is worn by virtually all natives, as they are represented on
vases. It is depicted in added white, in black and also left reserved in t
technique. In the latter technique we see in libation scenes a woman w
adorned with a pattern of white vertical stripes. Two examples of this will suff
Skyphos, Bochum Antiken Museum, Ruhr-Universität, S 996. Plate 46.
A woman offers a skyphos to a mounted warrior on his return from
wears native costume including cape, head-dress and a broad belt.
Libation Painter.
Kunisch 1980: 32-3, no. 117 (ill.); LCS Suppl, III (3/388b), p. 201, (no ill.).
Neck amphora, Vatican Astarita collection, 58. Plate 8.

A woman seems to have just presented the warrior with a helmet at some sort of
ceremonial occasion. She wears native costume, including a broad belt, and holds a
phiale in her left hand.
Astarita Painter.
LCS (3/269). p. 400, pl. 155.1; Indigeni, p. 17, pl. 44.
Occasionally a woman does not wear a belt, and the skirt and the additional drapery
must presumably have been sewn to the upper part of the dress. For an example of this see:
Bail amphora, Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto, 916.3.2. Plate 136.
This scene representing part of the funerary cult takes place at a stele. A colonial
Greek is seated representing the deceased. To the right of the stele is a Samnite
woman in ample dress which lacks the usual broad belt. To the left of the stele
stands a half-draped colonial Greek.
Torchmen Painter.
LCS (3/123), p. 378, pl. 144.2.
Photograph courtesy of the Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto.
For this vase v. Ch. 6, 4, no. Ilia.
The cape
The cape covers the entire upper part of the body. Often it can be depicted in added white
or purple, although examples in the standard red-figure technique also occur. Plate 134

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The Samnite Woman's Appearance 99
(hydria, Naples 874/8272 1, by the Astarita Painter) shows a well preserved example of
in added white. The cape looks fluffy and of light weight like a wrap worn on coo
summer. In this example the cape was kept together with a brooch, fastened
beneath the chin. The light weight of the cape is underlined by the upstanding ed
neckline, which does not touch the woman's shoulders, leaving her necklace and part o
shoulders visible.
Such capes would have been made by native women, whose primary occupations of
spinning and weaving are attested by archaeological finds (cf. Ch. 5, 2). The wool they used
was probably of Campanian origin. It must have been of a particularly fine quality and its
whiteness, accentuated on the vase, is unlikely to have been inferior to that achievable with
Apulian wool which was still highly regarded and praised in the 1st century BC (Heurgon
1976: 14).
We may surmise that the cape, depicted in added purple (cf. for example plate 16:
hydria, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 01.8.12), is meant to represent real
examples dyed that colour. Research indicates that the purple used for dyeing, as well as
for painting, was derived from an extract of the murex shell.
The jacket-like cape
Occasionally native women are shown wearing a jacket-like garment instead of the
standard cape. Unlike the other capes which seem to be simple wraps, these seem to have
actual sleeves, although it is not always possible to discern exactly how these garments
were worn.
In plate 22 (neck amphora by the Libation Painter, BM F 19

an unusual shape which is difficult to interpret. It fits the upper
of the right shoulder and also somewhat more than that, is co
coming down from the head-dress. The right sleeve, which rem
the elbow (fig. 70). The garment is fastened at the front. This
lines and two dots, one black, one white. It has a low-cut neck-line
lines. The frontal part hangs down below the waist with a re
indicated by two parallel rounded lines. The front part seems t
by the broad belt. One can suggest that some of the horizontal
the belt coming out from beneath the garment through holes cut
Fig. 70 Jacket-like cape, after neck amphora, BM F 197

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100 Chapter 4
This solution cannot be applied in another case, where the woman wea
similar type of cape, but with the frontal part, though similarly shaped, s
hanging loose over the upper edge of her broad belt (plate 9: hydria, Louvre K
(3/301) 406 pl. 160.1 ; Indigeni, p. 18, pl. 51; cf. here Ch. 1, 2 and Ch. 6, 3, no. Ic).
In any case one can say that the example with the long frontal part (plate
have been shorter on the side where a horizontal line under the elbow might mar
edge, than on the other side. The real problem in discussing this type of gar
the depictions do not always permit a fully reliable interpretation of how it was
The chiton
In everyday life the Samnite woman seems to have preferred the Greek-style
native costume. The native costume seems to have been favoured for ritual occasions.
Sometimes, however, the chiton was worn at such events but with certain native adju
Plate 23 (pseudo-panathenaic amphora by the Caivano Painter, Hamburg, Termer c
shows a libation in honour of a warrior returning from battle. The woman depicted h
of heavier proportions than those usually represented, suggesting that she is a matr
mother. She wears a Greek-style chiton but follows native taste in that it fits tightly to
body. Greek women preferred ample, loosely arranged folds for their clothing.
Her broad white belt and her skirt, which is fashioned in the usual way (as desc
above) accentuate the non-Greek impression. On the other hand, it is typical of the G
manner that she leaves exposed the upper part of the left breast, her left shoulder, and
left arm, so that the upper edge of the dress runs from under the arm on the left s
and over the right shoulder.
Additionally, she wears a long cape or mantle, fastened together by a brooch whi
slightly left of centre on her neck. Her cape, which covers her right shoulder and
down her back, is very different from the standard wrap type and equally bears
relation to the jacket-like garment. She also wears a remarkable head-dress wh
discussed below.
The head-dress
One of the most noteworthy features of the Samnite woman's costume is the head-dress.
The standard head-dress is of a purely indigenous shape. It consists of a piece of cloth,
which is folded in rather complicated way. It is not clear if this style belonged to some old
tradition or to contemporary fashion among the native women. A typical example of this
type of head-dress may be seen on the hydria (Naples 874/82721) by the Astarita Painter
(plate 134; fig. 71). The exact shape of the head-dress is not standardised, however. A
variant example of the same theme may be seen on the neck amphora (BM F 197) by the
Libation Painter (plate 22; fig. 72). Here the woman wears a long veil, which is formed into
folds running across the head and into a high point on the top of the head. The latter might
be caused by a particularly high coiffure underneath the veil. Some of the material of the
veil rests on the right shoulder in a number of folds, while the rest hangs down the back.
This would have supported the weight of the whole creation, thus allowing it to stay in
place even when the woman moved her head, as she would have done in the process of
offering the skyphos to the departing warrior.
A different but equally remarkable type of head-dress is worn by the woman on the
pseudo-panathenaic amphora (Hamburg, Termer coll.) by the Caivano Painter (plate 23;
fig. 73). The back of her hair is worn in a net while on her head she wears a relatively high
cylindrical head-dress, which resembles a polos or an Etruscan tutulus . White and red
horizontal stripes run round it and a row of small vertical white stripes marks the upper
edge. This form of head-dress emphasises the matronly appearance of the figure. It seems
unlikely that this type of head-dress was either an individual invention or a fashion peculiar
2 v. note 3 in Ch. 1, 2, p. 7. E.H.

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The Samnite Woman's Appearance 1 0 1
Fig. 73 Woman's head-dress, after

pseudo-panathenaic amphora,
Fig. 71 Woman's head-dress,
Hamburg, Termer coll.
after hydria, Naples 874/82721
Fig. 72 Woman's head-dress,

after neck amphora, BM F 197
to Campania since there are depictions of head-dresses of closely similar or related t

on Paestan vases. Rather it seems likely that it belongs either to some old tribal trad
or to a more widespread contemporary fashion among native women. The followin
three Paestan vases showing broadly similar head-dresses:
a) Paestan bell krater, Richmond (Virginia) 81.72. Plate 61.
A native woman is shown wearing a head-dress of roughly cylindrical shape. It
seems to be made of soft material. It is of a longer size than the Campania
example and bends backwards into some folds. It is decorated with a pair o
parallel lines at both edges.
Ascribed to Python.
RVP (2/285), p. 160, pl. 104c; Mayo 1982: 240, no. 1 13.
For this vase cf. Ch. 1, 5, Gh. 2, 1 and Ch. 6, 2.
b) Paestan hydria, Brussels, A 813. Plate 135.

The scene shows the judgement of Paris. Hera wears a cylindrical head-dres
which is somewhat lower than the Campanian example. It is decorated but it is
difficult to discern the details. Professor Trendall (RVP) describes this head-dres
as a crown with a veil beneath it.
Attributed to Asteas or closely related to his work.
PP pl. XIa; (2/147), p. 112, pl. 63.
c) Paestan neck amphora, Paestum, 21370. Plate 137,
The scene shows the birth of Helen. Leda is shown rushing towards Helen's egg
from the left. Tyndareus stands on the right side of the egg. Leda wears a head-
dress of cylindrical shape which is similar to the Campanian example (plate 23; fig.
73). It is decorated with some difficult to discern motifs. Unlike the other two
examples, this head-dress stands rigidly upright. Professor Trendall (RVP) refers to
this head-dress as a 'polos-crown'.
Signed by Python.
RVP (2/240), p. 139, pl. 89a.
Photograph courtesy of the Museo Nazionale, Paestum.
3 v. note 1 on p. 97. E.H.

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102 Chapter 4
Conclusion
Like their male counterparts, Samnite women have a distinctive costume which
distinguishes them from colonial Greek women. However, the women seem to have
reserved their full costume for religious or ceremonial events, opting instead for an
adapted version of Greek costume for everyday life.
The scenes when the full costume is worn can provide some insight into the status of the
native women. The costume they wear is highly elaborate. The scenes strongly suggest that
they are the wives of the native warriors to whom they offer libations. The warrior
themselves wear an elaborate costume and have arms and sometimes also horses in their
possession. One may reasonably assume that the warriors, depicted on the vase and tom
paintings, were men of relatively high status. All of this suggests that they enjoyed hi
status and probably no small degree of wealth. This view is further supported by the f
that the women are sometimes accompanied by a servant.
The Samnite women may been seen as roughly equivalent to a female citizen of hig
class in a Greek community. The fact that they are shown having adopted some aspects
Greek appearance for everyday life only serves to reinforce this suggestion.

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Chapter 5
The Samnite Woman's
Activities
1 Introduction
A softer side to Samnite life can be observed on vases dated from about 340 BC onwards
when the women's activities begin to be represented. The Astarita and Libation Painte
and their associates are the first to show the Samnite woman in her full costume at certain
ritual occasions.
The picture which emerges of the Samnite women's life is rather restricted. This is
partly due to the fact that Greek costume seems to have been preferred for daily life and
thus it may not always be possible to distinguish native women from their colonial Greek
counterparts. However, it probably also reflects the type of scenes favoured by the
manufacturers of South Italian red-figure pottery and their clients. We have a fuller
picture of the Samnite woman's religious and ceremonial life, but even here it is likely that
the picture is only partial. Just as with the men, the women must have taken part in many
more activities than are depicted in the iconographie record. Indeed, the situation may
well be worse in the case of women as the activities of warriors seem to have been a more
favoured topic for vase-painting.
The female activities we know something about may be divided into two categories. The
first is domestic activities, the second ritual. Depictions of Samnite women in domestic
situations are relatively rare. We have a greater number of scenes showing ritual activities
involving Samnite women. For example, they carry out certain tasks at ceremonial, or cult,
events. Obviously, they have a central rôle in the rituals associated with matrimony. They
also offer libations in honour of warriors leaving for or returning from combat. Then there
is the funerary cult, where they stand at a naiskos or stele making suitable votive offerings.
In certain cases they perform the funerary cult together with a colonial Greek man. All of
these are activities either shared with men or also common to men. These are therefore
discussed in greater detail in Chapter 6 - Ritual Activities Common to both Warriors and Wom
However, there are a number of scenes which show women only involved in certain rit
activities, these are treated separately below in Ch. 5, 3 and Ch. 5, 4.
2 The Samnite Woman's Domestic Activities
Samnite women presumably took part in a great range of activities connec

home. Sadly, a great number of these activities are simply not reflected in the ic
record. For example, it is probably a safe assumption that Samnite women p

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104 Chapter 5
for their families but we have no depiction of them doing so. The fact that
portrayed on red-figure vases are likely to have been of high status may, of cour
own impact on the type of scenes favoured by the artists. However, de
difficulties created by the partiality of the iconographie record we can asse
image of Samnite woman's everyday life.
Child-rearing must have been a major activity for Samnite women. Altho
subject was not in itself chosen as the topic for vase-paintings we do have a f
the Samnite woman as a mother. For example:
Hydria, Budapest T 763. Plate 3.
The scene shows a woman in full native costume offering a skyphos and a wre
the returning horseman. Between the woman and her husband stands a
dressed in a tunic and broad belt, with a wreath in his hair who may be as
be their son. The scene gives us a rare insight into Samnite family life as
joins his mother to welcome his father home.
LNO Painter.
Photograph courtesy of the Szépmiivészeti Múzeum, Budapest.
For this vase cf. also ASPECTS OF SAMNITE LIFE (in Author's Notes) . v. Ch. 6, 3, no. IIb.
Neck amphora, Liefkes collection, The Hague. Plate 4.

Here a woman is shown welcoming her husband and her young son home. Both are
dressed as warriors and bear trophies on their spears. Again, we see a family
sharing an activity although the scene perhaps says more about the relationship
between father and son than about mother and son.
LNO Painter.
For this vase cf. ASPECTS OF SAMNITE LIFE (in Author's Notes), Ch. 1, 5 and Ch. 3, 1. v. Ch. 6, 3, no. lie.
On an Apulian column krater we see a more tender image of a mother's relationship

with here young son:
Apulian column krater, Ruvo 412. Plate 66.
Here the child sits on his mother's lap as reaches out to grab the crest of his
departing father's helmet.
York Painter.
RVAp I (4/217), p. 94 (no ill.); Indigeni, p. 16, pl. 40.
Literary sources suggest that much of Samnite life was devoted to agriculture and that
women had an important rôle in this sphere. Horace in Odes 3.6.39-41 gives a tantalising
glimpse of this rôle as he laments the decline of traditional values. He tells how women had
in the past maintained a strict discipline in running the houshold and sending their grown-
up sons to work in the fields. As Horace was a native of Venusia one can perhaps argue that
his view of the strict mother taking charge of her adult sons was based on the practices of
real Samnite women.
On the other hand, archaeological evidence suggests that the Samnites had a great dea
of affection for their children, judging by the care lavished on child graves (Salmon 1967
59).
There is little evidence for nature of the Samnite woman's relationship with her
husband. One can suggest that the libation scenes show the woman as a dutiful wife while
the literary description of Samnite marriage customs gives some idea of how social
relations were conducted (cf. Ch. 6, 2).
The women must have had an important rôle to play in economic life of the household,
and the wider community, although these activities are seldom portrayed. There is an old
tradition that native women were known as good wool-workers performing spinning,
dyeing and weaving. This can be supported from the archaeological evidence as loom-
weights and spindle-whorls are among the most common finds on native sites in South

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The Samnite Woman's Activities 105
Italy. Clearly, weaving was important in the native economy. That weaving was
activity is indicated by the fact that the graves of Samnite women contained s
(Salmon 1967: 55-56). The native costumes depicted on the red-figure vases also
evidence of the women's skill in wool-working. The pure white and purple capes
good example of this (cf. Ch. 4, 2). There is at present only one Campanian vase-
available which shows the Samnite woman performing a task connected with wool
This is on the reverse of the neck amphora (Berlin F 2990) ascribed to the O
Group (LCS (Appendix 1/36) p. 669, (no ill.); Lang 1915: 245, fig. 124; Beazley 19
Here a woman is shown seated in her room with a spindle in her right hand and
under her chair as her wool-basket. Eros stands before her and while she is not d
in any way glamorous, she wears a Greek chiton with a her tribal head-dress indi
origins.
The sheer domesticity of this activity together with the unglamorous portrayal of the
woman might perhaps suggest that this woman does not belong to an élite group.
There are relatively few indications of other activities performed by women. However,
there are a few pictures, where we see the woman as a kind of paidagogos where she
teaches girls mime-dancing and similar activities. This rôle is remarkable in that it shows
women's leisure activities. These scenes provide some insight into relations between
women and give us a view of the women's life away from the world of men, where the
warriors were dominant.
Neck amphora, Berlin F 2990. Plate 138.

A woman is shown seated. The woman wears a chiton and a himation but her
head-dress suggests she has native origins. A young girl dances before her. Th
woman appears to be giving instruction to the girl. The scene is on the obverse
the vase mentioned above.
Owl Pillar Group.
LCS (Appendix 1/36) p. 669, (no ill.); Lang 1940: 50, fig. 32.
On a now lost Campanian vase-painting recorded by Tischbein (Weege 1909: 133, fig. 13
after Tischbein, I 60) we see, on the upper register, a female (?paidagogos) instructing a
female acrobatic dancer. The woman's belt reveals her origins. (Plate 51; cf. here Ch. 1, 5
and Ch. 3, 4).
An Apulian example shows a woman playing the 'xylophone' while a second woman
dances.
Apulian squat lekythos, Essen, Ruhrlandmuseum, 74.158 A 3. Plate 139a & b.

A seated woman is shown playing the xylophone while to the right of her a second
woman dances.
Group of Ruvo 423.
RVApI{ 15/44a), p. 404, (no ill.); RVSIS, p. 80, pl. 147.
For the xylophone v. Schneider-Herrmann 1976b; 1977-1978.
Photograph courtesy of the Ruhrlandmuseum, Essen.
Conclusions
For all these domestic and leisure activities Greek dress with native adjuncts is preferred.
Generally for rituals native costume is the order of the day. However, Greek dress is worn,
although in this instance with the hair uncovered, at certain prénuptial ceremonies. At
these rituals groups of women, of varying number, are pictured together while a warrior
offers gifts. The warrior clearly plays an active part in these prénuptial ceremonies and in a
few cases he meets a colonial Greek woman (v. Ch. 6, 2).
It is particularly remarkable that there seldom seems to exist a portrait of the single
figure of the Samnite woman, while there are numerous portraits of the colonial Greek
woman. It is difficult to offer an explanation of this unless one argues that native women
were of lower social standing than their colonial Greek counterparts. Contrary to this
suggestion is one of the libation scenes which shows a Samnite woman in her elegant native

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106 Chapter 5
costume and a Greek colonial girl standing behind her, as a servant carryin
objects ready to hand them over to her mistress at the appropriate moment
(plate 16: v. Ch. 6, 3, no. Ha). This demonstrates that within the native c
Samnite woman could be of sufficiently high social rank to have a colonial G
servant. This leads one to consider the likely possibility that Greek captives w
slaves by the native population. Such a view can be supported by some o
showing prisoners in Greek dress described in Ch. 3, 3.
In conclusion, although there are only a few examples to prove certain diff
social standing, these seem to have existed not only between colonial Greek
Samnite women but also among the Samnites themselves just as they must
among the Greeks.
3 The Samnite Woman's Ritual Activities
One of the most interesting aspects of the Samnite woman's life is the exten
activity. Clearly women played an important rôle in the symbolism of muc
ritual. However, the majority of the Samnite woman's ritual activities eithe
(such as marriage rituals, libation scenes and some of the scenes depicting
cult) or are common to men (such as the funerary cult). Often, we may assu
man who are the focus of the ritual. This is true of the libation scenes, the
warrior receives a piece of equipment for the first time and can also apply t
rituals. There is evidence, however, for two special cults which were exclusiv
at least where women are dominant.
Before discussing these rituals in detail it is worth listing some of the objects commonly
depicted on red-figure vases which had ritual significance. Sometimes it is only by the
presence of these objects is it possible to interpret the scenes as ritual. Many of these
objects have specific reference to Aphrodite and Dionysos, both of whom were very popular
deities on South Italian vase-painting. There is a strong suggestion of fertility symbolism in
many of the objects. Seemingly fertility was an important concern in Samnite ritual, as
fertility symbols occur in representations of the cults associated with marriage and with
death.
List of the main ritual objects shown as attributes of certain deities to signify their character and
spheres of influence in both this world and the after-life (with special reference to Aphrodite and
Dionysos)
Aphrodite
Stylised flowers: she may be rising out of them, seated on them, or surrounded by them
Dove
Fan
Mirror
Dionysos
Thyrsos
Eggs
Fruit
Phiale with wine
Dionysiac associations
Bunch of grapes
Maenad with sprigs and/or a fawn skin
Masks, e.g. Phlyax masks and dramatic performances
Associations with wine
Phiale
Oinochoe
Situla
Garland with Bucranium

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In the backgrounds of vases

Rosette
Fillet
Knob rosette
Symbols of life and the after-life

Ball game in life
Ball in net with Orphic significance
Pomegranate turned upwards as a votive object in a phiale
Pomegranate turned downwards in the after-life in tomb-painting
Garlands in tomb-painting
Many of these symbols have possible Orphic connections. Judging from the evidence of
vase-painting Orphism seems to have been very popular in South Italy (v. Schmidt 1975:
105-37). One should also note the fertility symbolism of many of these objects. There are
of course many other indicators of ritual which are sometimes depicted. These can include
architectural features such as a stele, a naiskos, or a column in funerary scenes, or an altar
in scenes showing rituals for the living (cf. for example Ch. 3, 5). Other objects which
frequently appear in ritual scenes include: plakous cakes, phialai, pyramides, oinochoai,
situlae, skyphoi, tambourines, and thymiateria. Ritual scenes other take place out of doors
and indications of this are also often depicted.
4 Two Special Female Cults
I Samnite women surround a single Samnite woman
The first of these exclusively female cults show a group of women su

woman. The women who surround the central figure offer ritual obj
women do not wear the full native costume but are half-draped or wea
it is clear that the scenes represent rituals of some sort, they are difficu
deity is depicted nor is there any indication that these are funerary scene
suggest that these are pre-marital ceremonies for women from which
Although one should note that men were involved in other probable p
Ch. 6, 2). If this is the case the woman receiving all the attention wou
bride.
Ia) Hydria, Vatican U 48. Plate 140.

In the centre of the group is a semi-draped woman who is shown
adorned with votive objects. She holds a phiale full of eggs and a
women surround her; two are seated, one stands. They hold diff
objects out to the woman in the centre. There are a number of ind
scene takes place outside.
CA Painter.
VIE I, p. 60, pl. XVIII.b; LCS (4/25), p. 455, (no ill.).
Ib) Neck amphora, Stockholm 31. Plate 141.
The woman in the centre is shown with her body almost in frontal view and her
head in profile to left. She holds a wreath and a situla and stands before an altar
adorned with votive objects. Behind her two seated semi-draped women offer her
ritual objects. Again there are indications that the scene takes place out of doors
CA Painter.
LCS (4/48), p. 458, pl. 177.2.
II The Women's Eros Cult
The cult of Eros was a Greek tradition which stretches back into prehistory and surviv
into the Roman period. Eros was among the oldest of the Greek divinities. He w

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108 Chapter 5
worshipped by both men and women at Thespiai where he had an idol of unworked
is said that Plutarch (lst-2nd century AD) travelled to Thespiai with his young
her given the blessing of fertility according to the rites of Eros.
Whether a relationship exists between this tradition and the cult scenes dep
4th century BC red-figure vase-painting of South Italy is difficult to say. Howeve
evidence provided by the vase-paintings we can be confident of the exi
important Eros cult in South Italy. Scenes depicting the cult are particularly
Apulian artists. Two types of Eros figure are normally portrayed. The first is
Greek type Eros, the second is a more effeminate "Samnite" Eros, who wears
jewellery usually worn by wealthy women.
It seems clear that Eros was the subject of cult worship by both Greek
women. For example, we may observe that ritual objects were carried by colo
who are depicted without an Eros figure as well as by those shown with a Gre
(v. examples Ha and lib below). Moreover, we sometimes see a Samnite Eros de
a colonial Greek woman (v. example lie below).
The pictorial development of the effeminate Eros
There are two kinds of effeminate Eros figures; seated and standing. The stan
is the one seen in the earliest representations showing show a tendency towards ef
features. The seated variety is the one most heavily adorned with jewellery li
rich woman. However, the cult practices are not forgotten because eve
effeminate versions are always shown with some of the ritual objects mention
The standing Eros can have one of two types of base. They stand on a Ionic colu
a regular base formed of small stones heaped closely together. The seated vari
shown on a tall heap of stones placed one on top of the other; the stones which m
type of base appear to be unworked.
Samnite women seem to concentrate on worshipping the effeminate type
Normally the woman is shown with one foot on a small pile of stones while she of
the ritual-type objects mentioned above. The Eros figure is also normally sho
two ritual objects. However, women are sometimes shown seated on a rock r
blessing bestowed on her by the worship of Eros. The representations appear
himself officiating at these rituals. These may not, in fact, be mythological scene
they may show a priest dressed as Eros presiding. Dressing the priest as the
have been a feature of South Italian religion (see, e.g. Artemis and her follo
Kahil 1965: 20; Schneider-Herrmann 1970; Schneider-Herrmann 1979).
Finally, it seems that representations of the seated Eros are found in great
than those of the standing variety although this could be entirely due to the vaga
archaeological record.
Examples of cult worship
Ha) Apulian knob-handled patera, Lecce 786. Plate 142.

A colonial Greek woman is shown carrying a wreath and a bunch of grape
left a Greek youth is shown running while holding a tambourine. No Eros
depicted.
The style of the vase is close to that of the Darius Painter but somewhat coarser.
Schneider-Herrmann 1977: 72, no. 79, pl. XI, 5 ;RVApII (18/250), p. 528, (no ill.).
Photograph courtesy of the Museo Provinciale "Sigismondo Castromediano", Lecce.
IIb) Apulian knob-handled patera, Manchester University Museum IV C 8. Plate 143.
A normal Greek type Eros is shown holding a fillet. He looks back at the colonial
Greek woman who accompanies him. She holds a tambourine and fan. Both are
running to the left.
This is a late vase dated to c.300 BC which is attributed to the Rennes Painter.
Schneider-Herrmann 1977: 69, no. 72, pl. XL,4;RVApII (30/135), p. 1035, pl. 440.7.
Photograph courtesy of the Manchester University Museum.

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lie) Apulian knob-handled patera, Marseille, Musée Borély 2.932. Plate 144a-c.
Scenes showing the Eros cult are depicted on the outside and the inside of this va
Plate 144a, from the outside of the vase, shows a figure of Eros seated. He h
mirror and a tambourine. The Eros is of the effeminate Samnite type. The figur
worshipped by a colonial Greek woman who holds a mirror and a bunch of g
Plate 144b shows the other side of the exterior. A Samnite woman is seated on a
pile of rocks wearing a broad belt with three visible white knobs. She receives
blessings from the god. Eros offers an oinochoe and a wreath while the woman
holds a wreath and a phiale.
Plate 144c, the inside of the vase, shows a pre-nuptial scene. A Samnite woman
stands at a louterion. She holds two phialai, one above the other. The upper one is
full of eggs. In her right hand she holds a tambourine. She wears a broad belt with
three white knobs like that mentioned above. A small Eros is shown flying, wearing
a kekryphalos , a diadem, a garland of beads, bracelets, and a string of beads around
one thigh and one ankle. He offers two phialai, one above the other, and a wreath
meant for a bride and her groom. The bride and bridegroom meet at the louterion.
The seated bride looks round at her husband-to-be who arrives holding a dove.
Baltimore Painter.
Schneider-Herrmann 1977: 73, no. 84, pl. X,la-c; RVAp II (27/63), p. 872, pl. 335.1.
Photograph courtesy of the Musée Borély, Marseille.
lid) Lucanian pseudo-panathenaic amphora, Erlangen I 288. Plate 48.

The Eros figure has a female coiffure, kekryphalos, and a wreath in his right hand.
He stands, on top of an Ionic capital, in the centre of the scene between a woman
and a youth. The woman is seated on a rock holding a mirror to Eros who looks at
her. The youth stands with the heel of one foot raised a little, bending slightly
towards Eros. The youth offers a dove to the god.
Related to the Primato Group.
LCS Sufipl. II (1083a), p. 177, pl. XXXII.4.
Photograph courtesy of the Erlangen Museum.
Ile) Apulian Type I nestoris, Naples 2307/81832. Plate 145.

The Eros figure stands on top of a heap of stones and is worshipped by two women.
He wears a diadem and has his left hand on his hip. The woman on the right has
her foot raised on the heap of stones. The left-hand woman is seated on the pile of
stones and makes an offering of a mirror.
Painter of Naples 2307.
RVAp I (5/296), p. 133, (no ill.); Schneider-Herrmann 1980: 62, no. 2, fig. 70a.
Ili) Apulian pelike. Formerly Schneider-Herrmann coll., The Hague, now

Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden I 1992/6 1 16. Plate 146.
This scene shows a figure of Eros being worshipped by a Samnite woman wearing a
broad belt decorated with a row of white knobs. Eros stands on a profiled stone
base, in the centre of the scene, before a louterion. He wears a high kekryphalos, a
diadem, bracelets and a string of beads around the left thigh and the left ankle.
Depicted almost in frontal view his left hand stretches out to the woman on his
right side. He holds a ritual object towards her in each hand; a mirror in one and a
phiale in the other. The woman seated in the chair to the left turns round to look at
Eros. She has a fan but does not hold it out to Eros. The Samnite woman on Eros'
left side has one foot raised on a cista. She is close to the louterion and holds a
wreath over it. A long garland hangs down from her other hand.
Schneider-Herrmann Sub-Group.
RVAp I (15/53), p. 406, (no ill.); Schneider-Herrmann 1975a: 47-48, no. 1 16, pis 48-49.

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1 10 Chapter 5
Two vases showing Eros and a woman communicating
Ilg) Apulian lebes gamikos, Taranto 61438. Plate 147.

An Eros figure and a woman are seated side by side. The god is seated on draper
the left while the woman sits on a rock to the right. Both turn their heads to look
each other. Eros holds a 'xylophone'. The woman's right hand rests on E
shoulder.
Baltimore Painter.
RVApII (27/89), p. 874, pl. 335.2.
For the xylophone cf. Schneider-Herrmann 1976b; 1977-78.
Photograph courtesy of the Museo Nazionale, Taranto.
Uh) Apulian column krater, BM F 294. Plate 148.
Eros and a woman are shown running to the left. The woman is in front and she
looks back at Eros who carries a torch. She carries a thyrsos, a situla, a large cista
and a tambourine.
Trieste Owl Group.
RVApII (23/179), p. 748, pl. 277.1.
Photograph with thanks to the trustees of the British Museum
There are many other Eros scenes to be found on South Italian red-figured vases (see,
for example, RVSIS, figs 243-247). These testify to the popularity of the cult. It is perhaps
worth mentioning that there are also scenes showing an exclusively colonial Greek Eros
cult. On a type 1 oinochoe (Canberra A.N.U. 65.26), ascribed to the Menzies Painter, we
see a colonial Greek woman worshipping a Greek Eros, who is standing before her. Both
have ritual objects in their hands (RVAp II (26/89), p. 826, pl. 31 1.2). However, the natur
of the colonial Greek Eros cult lies beyond the scope of our study.
Addendum - Early interpretations of the Eros cult in South Italy
It is worth noting that Furtwängler (1874: 44, note) drew attention to an Apulian 4th
century hydria (Ruvo 584: v. RVAp I (6/175), p. 155, (no ill.))? which M. Jatta described and
interpreted in the catalogue of vases owned by him and his brother, G. Jatta, written in
1869 (Jatta 1869: 300ff., 58a)1. The vase is ascribed to the Dijon Painter and shows a typica
composition. Eros is seated holding an egg and a woman stands before him making an
offering.
Furtwängler assumed the existence of an Eros cult for women. Jatta considered the
existence of an Eros cult which he assumed was more developed than the well known cult
from Thespiai. He interpreted the seated Eros as an 'agalma' representing Orphic ideas.
Quoting some of the verses of the Orphic Eros Hymn he implied that the eternal power of
creativity in nature is inherent to the South Italian Eros cult as shown on the hydria, Ruvo
584. (For the popularity of Orphism in South Italy v. Schmidt 1975: 105-37)
It is interesting that Furtwängler goes somewhat further than Jatta, by concluding that
the South Italian Eros cult was a female cult. Obviously, to be fair to Jatta, no one could
have known then, more than a hundred years ago, what we know today since excavations
have added so much new material to enhance our knowledge.
1 My special thanks are due to Professor A.D. Trendall who was kind enough to send me a photocopy of the
text of the otherwise almost unavailable catalogue of the vase collection in Ruvo which contains M. Jatta's
interpretation of the scene with Eros on the hydria, Ruvo 584.

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Ritual
Activities
common to both Warriors and Women

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Chapter 6
Ritual Activities
common to both Warriors and Women
1 Introduction
In earlier sections we have examined the separate ritual activities o

Both sexes took part in exclusively single sex ceremonies (cf. Ch. 3
common, however, are ritual activities which are shared by both warr
scenes include ritual meetings of warriors and women which may
succession of rites connected with courtship and marriage. The m
scenes are another important set of rites in which both men and w
rôle to play. There are also funerary ceremonies common to both s
practised by groups of individuals of the same sex. It seems that the d
a generically similar way irrespective of sex.
These shared rituals are particularly interesting in that the
between the sexes, thus, broadening our picture of Samnite life. T
into crucial social relationships not covered by scenes which are dev
one sex only.
2 Ritual Meetings of Warriors and Women
Prénuptial rituals according to the ancient literary sources
According to the ancient authors there were three races who practised unusu
for arranging marriages. These were the Babylonians, the Illyrians and the Sam
Babylonian and Illyrian rituals are described as closely related and seem to inv
of auction (Herodotus 1.196), whereas Samnite rituals involved some form of c
(Strabo 5.4.12).
According to Strabo, each year the Samnites selected their ten best young
their ten best young women, of whom the best male had to marry the best f
second best the second best, and so forth. Those involved were not allowed to
own choices. If, in the course of time, a young man turned out bad, then he
publicly shamed and his wife was taken away from him (Salmon 1967: 57-8).
The literary tradition fails to tell us how the selection was made or when the
were practised. Some scholars have suggested that selection was on the ba
athletic performance, e.g. running (Frazer 1911: 301-5).
These customs may be assumed to have fallen out of use when the Samnites
independence (Salmon 1967: 57). However, the rituals could well have had

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1 14 Chapter 6
history. Over the course of time considerable changes could have taken place maki
we see on the 4th century vases bear little relation to the origins of the tradition.
The Strabo passage reminds one that according to Pliny {Nat. Hist. III. 102) the P
of South Italy were supposed to be descended from nine Illyrian young men an
Illyrian young women. It is worth mentioning some recent scholarly sugges
inter-tribal communications and on tribal migrations of the Illyrians, Iap
Messapians, and the Macedonians in the first half of the Iron Age. Illyrian l
elements are said to be present in Messapian, although one should be careful in pla
much emphasis on ancient Illyrian as so little of it survives (Krahe & De Simone
Salmon 1967: 39-40). Illyrian pottery characteristics can be seen on Daunian cera
Juliis 1977) while pottery of the Korçe-Devoll type has been found at Otran
Salento peninsula (Yntema 1985: 77). This latter type of pottery had a distinct inf
the local pottery of that part of South Italy. Contacts between the Illyrians
Samnites as late as the 5th century BC are considered possible by some, during th
when Alexander the Molossian was active in South Italy (Holloway 1970: 11).
Representations of warriors visiting women
It might be relevant to discuss a group of vases which have related pictures on the
scenes show warriors and women together; sometimes they are shown performin
ritual activity together.
On one vase we see a warrior visiting a woman inside her home. The scene, w
badly damaged, shows the warrior standing in a humble pose before the woman
149).
Another scene shows a warrior and a woman walking together outside. The woman
wears Greek drapery but her broad belt reveals her origins. Rarely a warrior is shown
visiting a colonial Greek woman, but on the other vases the figures shown are all, as far as
we can tell, Samnite (v. plate 109).
Generally the warrior does not bring a gift to the woman. The woman is usually shown
outdoors, seated on a rock in a sacred place. She seems to welcome the warrior who, for his
part, stands before her humbly. The scenes strongly suggest that a conversation goes on
between the two. The same is also true of the libation scenes discussed later (cf. Ch. 6, 3
below).
While these scenes may be interpreted as connected with marriage, there is nothing in
them to give direct support to the account of Samnite prénuptial rituals given by the
ancient authors.
Some examples of meeting and visiting
Examples without fertility symbolism (cf the list of ritual objects in Ch. 5, 3)
1) Neck amphora, Vatican U 45. Plate 149.

A warrior is shown visiting a woman at home. The scene is badly damaged. The
woman is seated; her left arm is damaged. The warrior stands before her and
greets her with his right hand.
CA Painter.
VIE /, p. 61, pl. XVIII, c.
2) Neck amphora, BM F 196. Plate 150.
A warrior is shown meeting a woman outdoors. In the background is a window and
a plant. The woman has a mirror in her right hand, her left arm supports her
drapery in the Greek manner. Her wide belt indicates that she is of Samnite origin.
Painter of BM F 196.
LCS (3/250), p. 394, pl. 153.1.

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Ritual Activities 1 1 5
Examples with fertility symbolism set in sacred places
3) Bell krater from Carditello, now in the Museo Campano, Capua. Plate 151.
A woman seated on a rock is shown offering a phiale and a long thin string to
warrior who stands before her. Another woman hurries to the scene carryin
mirror and a wreath. This second woman is behind the warrior. The rock indicates
that this is a sacred place. Other indications that the scene is outside are the
window and plants in the background.
CÁ Painter.
LCS (4/5), p. 452, (no ill.); CVA IV Er, pl. 33.3.
Photograph with special thanks to Prof. S. Garofano Venosta.
4) Bell krater, Sydney 46.01. Plate 109.
A warrior visits a colonial Greek woman in a sacred place. The woman is seated on
a rock. She turns round to look at a warrior who has arrived apparently
unexpectedly. A second colonial Greek woman stands before her, and offers her a
phiale full of fruit with one hand and a bunch of grapes with the other.
Nicholson Painter.
LCS (4/668), p. 523, pl. 206.1;i?KS/S, p. 17 1-2, pl. 331.
For this vase cf. Ch. 2, 7 and APPENDIX.
5) Hydria, Würzburg 873. Plate 80.

In this scene the warrior's visit to a sacred place seems unexpected as the woman
seems otherwise preoccupied with ceremonial activities. She is seated on a rock
and holds a phiale filled with votives. She turns round to look at the warrior who
stands behind her. There are three seated women who surround the woman on the
rock; two hold ritual objects in their hands. It is interesting to note that the
warrior, shown wearing a muscled cuirass, has a long fillet tied to the spear he
holds in his right hand.
Painter of New York GR 1 000.
LCS (4/354), p. 488, pl. 189.2.
6) Hydria, Zürich, Archäologisches Institut der Universität 3580. Plate 152.

A warrior wearing a cuirass is shown holding a shield in his right hand but without
a spear. In his left hand he holds a phiale full of fruit and twigs which he offers to a
woman who sits on a chair which is covered with a fawn-skin. She holds a mirror
towards the warrior and a long thin fillet in her left hand. Two women surround the
seated woman. One is seated and holds a mirror and a cista, the other has a thyrsos
and a situla. The exceptional features of this scene are the warrior's offering and
his lack of spear as well as the little swan on the seated woman's lap which looks at
the warrior. The last of these is a feature used on a number of occasions by this
artist.
Boston Ready Painter.

LCS Suppl. Ill (4/6 19a), p. 245, (no ill.); Christie's Sale Cat . 1 1/12/1974, no. 279, pl. 23.1.
Photograph with thanks to Prof. Giesler, Archäologisches Institut Zürich.
Prénuptial rituals
7) Bell krater, Vatican U 50. Plate 153.

The warrior and the woman are shown either side of a thymiaterion. The warrior is
almost naked. He wears only a helmet, a garland over his breast and greaves. He
has a wreath in his left hand which is on his hip, his left elbow is resting on the top
of his shield. In his right hand he holds a spear. He looks down at the woman who is
half-draped and seated on a chair covered with a fawn-skin. She offers a phiale to
the warrior.
CA Painter.
VIE I, p. 59, pl. XVIII, a; LCS (4/10), p. 453, (no ill.).
Photograph courtesy of the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden.

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1 16 Chapter 6
Marriage rituals
8) Squat lekythos, Naples RC 143/86067. Plate 154.

The composition is on two levels on this vase. The lower part has the main scene
a warrior and a woman meeting in the centre of the scene. The scene may b
interpreted as a wedding. The warrior is in full panoply while the woman wears the
full native costume. Both are being honoured by people behind them. Behind the
woman is a second woman who offers a phiale; behind the warrior is an altar and
behind that a second warrior. The second warrior offers a wreath above the altar.
The upper part of the vase has a wool basket hanging as a household (domestic)
symbol above the central woman, the bride. Two other half-draped women are
seated on the upper level on either side of the bride and groom.
There are three points which distinguish this as a wedding scene. Firstly, the bride
is in tribal costume (cf. Ch. 4, 2). Secondly, there is the wool basket above the
bride's head and thirdly, the fact that all the other figures honour the two central
ones.
CA Painter.
Conclusions
The attempt to discuss the Samnite wedding ritual on the basis of the aforementioned vase
paintings can only be described as hypothetical. There is no literary or other tradition to
augment these data. Nor can one be sure that these scenes, as arranged here, can be seen
as representing a chronological progression from the beginning to the end of the
ceremonies.
However, they do share common features with the libation scenes described below. I
both cases the figures hold oinochoai, situlae, or phialai in order to offer a drink to th
warrior. The reason to take a ritual drink is not necessarily always the same. Indeed, o
seems to be an offering on departure for or return from combat, while the other forms pa
of the marriage ceremony.
A further similarity to the libation scenes may be assumed in the ritual incantatio
which are also likely to have been spoken during the marriage. What distinguishes the
from libation scenes is the use of fertility symbolism and the way other figures, when they
are present, honour the central figures with votives. It is these features in particular which
allow us to interpret these ritual visits as forming part of the preparations for marria
The example showing the warrior offering a ritual gift to the woman supports the view tha
this represents some form of courtship.
Addendum - The relationship between Campanian and Paestan rituals
Paestan bell krater, Richmond (Virginia) 81.72. Plate 61.

The scene shows a woman holding a skyphos and phiale and a fully armed native
warrior with a sprig in his right hand. The two meet on either side of a small table
topped with votives.
The scene is comparable with that discussed above (here no. 7, plate 153) where
the warrior and the woman are shown on either side of a thymiaterion. These
similarities attract our interest when considering the relationship between
Campanian and Paestan representations of native rituals.
Attributed to Python.
RVP (2/285), p. 160, pl. 104c; Mayo 1982: 240, no. 1 13.

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3 Ceremonial Libation Scenes
Perhaps the richest source for the interaction between Samnite men an
found on the vases depicting libation scenes. These scenes are instant
rituals performed by women to honour men. In most cases we may ass
the woman's husband. Occasionally a woman seems to be performing
her adult son (e.g. plate 23). Apart from the associations with wine-drin
free of all other ritual symbolism, with the result that they cannot be con
marriage rites.
It was part of the Samnite woman's activities to present the Samnite
drink, by offering a phiale or a skyphos full of wine, prior to his departu
his return from combat. These scenes again show how central an acti
Samnite life in that ritual attention had to be devoted to it. While it is ent
wife to say good-bye to her departing husband or to welcome back her
these scenes are too formal to be interpreted as simple domestic greet
great a level of ceremony attached to them.
Normally the warrior and the woman stand opposed to each oth
characteristically wears her tribal costume, while the warrior is armed.
Some scenes show the warrior in the act of parting on foot. Then he
slightly turned away from his wife but looking back at her. She looks a
after the ceremonial ritual had been performed.
Sometimes, when the ritual is shown taking place, there is another w
away from the main scene but looking back as though on the point of d
Furthermore, it seems quite probable that the woman utters a ritu
while the ceremony is performed. Sometimes the woman is shown m
gesture with her right hand while holding an oinochoe in her left. Th
holding a phiale or a skyphos and apparently listening to his wife's rit
134).
There is an Etruscan inscription from Capua dated to the early to mid-5th century BC
which may contain a funerary oath but apparently not one which was spoken by the
Samnites. Linguistic analysis suggests that this oath contains elements which are not in
the Etruscan or Osean languages but may belong to another otherwise unknown linguistic
group (Frederiksen 1979: 303).
It seems that there may have been other tribes, not just the Samnites, who spoke ritual
incantations on certain ceremonial occasions. It is also worth noting, as a side issue, that
Samnite warriors are sometimes shown with open mouths in vase painting which may be
intended to reflect speech.
Examples
I Rituals connected with a warrior's departure for battle
la) Hydria, Naples 874/82721. Plate 134.

The woman is shown wearing a white cape, a head-dress, a veil, and a pearl diadem.
She makes a speaking gesture with her right hand and holds an oinochoe in her
left. The warrior wears a tunic and a feathered helmet. He holds a skyphos out in
his right hand.
Astarita Painter.
LCS (3/273), p. 400 pl. 156.4; Indigeni, p. 17, pl. 46.
Ib) Bell krater, Louvre K 261. Plate 68.

A woman is shown wearing a red cape, a veil and a head-dress with a pointed top.
She makes a speaking gesture with her right hand and holds an oinochoe in her
left. A warrior is shown leaning on a stele. He has drapery around his hips and
wears a feathered helmet. He holds a phiale out to the woman. A second warrior,

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1 18 Chapter 6
wearing a tunic and a feathered helmet, is shown in a parting stance looking

at the main scene.
Libation Painter.
LCS (3/299), p. 406, pl. ' 59 A; Indigeni, p. 18, pl. 50; Forti 1977: 137, fig. 17.
For this vase cf. Gh. 2, 1 and Ch. 4, 2.
Ic) Hydria1, Louvre K 277. Plate 9.

The composition of this vase is related to that on the previous one (lb, above). Here
the right and left figures are reversed. Here the woman wears a jacket-like
garment while her veiled head-dress stands up around its edge. The warrior wears
a tunic, a three-disc cuirass, a crested helmet and greaves. He holds a phiale out to
receive the libation drink from the woman. The second departing warrior here
wears a patterned tunic and a crested and feathered helmet.
Libation Painter.
LCS (3/302), p. 406 pl. 160.1; Indigeni, p. 18, pl. 51.
Scenes showing the warrior's actual departure

Id) Neck amphora, BM F 197. Plate 22.
In this scene the woman again wears a jacket-like garment and a pointed veil.
Instead of making a speaking gesture with her right hand she holds a skyphos in it,
in her left hand she holds an oinochoe. The warrior wears a cuirass, a crested and
feathered helmet and greaves. His body is shown in three-quarter view as he turns
away. His feet are facing away from the woman. He looks back at her and she, in
turn, looks at him.
Libation Painter.
LCS (3/306), p. 406, (no ill.); Indigeni , p. 18, pl. 49.
For this vase cf. Ch. 1, 2, Ch. 2, 3, Ch. 4, 1 and Ch. 4, 2.
Another neck amphora (Naples, priv. coll. 1.7.8) also shows the warrior's actual
departure. The scene is very similar to Id). A woman wearing a red cape and a saccos type
head-dress holds the same items as in the above vase; i.e. a skyphos in her right hand and
an oinochoe in her left. The warrior wears a cuirass, tunic and greaves. He is shown in the
same posture as the equivalent figure on vase Id). Again the warrior looks back at the
woman who returns his gaze. cf. Trendall 1983b: 91-106, pl. VII.
II Rituals connected with a warrior's return from battle
Ha) Hydria, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 01.8.12. Plate 16.
A woman in a purple cape stops a mounted warrior who arrives at a gallop. She
grabs the reins with her right hand and signals the warrior to halt with her left.
Behind her is a girl in a peplos. The girl holds a phiale in her left hand and an
oinochoe in her right. She is probably about to hand the phiale to the woman.
For this vase cf. Ch. 1, 2, Ch. 4, 1, Ch. 4, 2 and Ch. 5, 2.
IIb) Hydria, Budapest T 763. Plate 3.

In this scene a small boy stands between his mother and his mounted father. His
father, the warrior, returns from battle with trophies hanging from his spear. His
mother holds a skyphos.
LNO Painter.
For this vase cf. ASPECTS OF SAMNITE LIFE (in Author's Notes) and Ch. 5, 2.
1 v. note 3 in Ch. 1, 2, p. 7. E.H.

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líc) Neck amphora, Liefkes collection, The Hague. Plate 4.

A woman welcomes a mounted warrior and little boy (her husband and son) b
from battle. The man and boy have trophies hanging from their spears.
LNO Painter.
For this vase cf. ASPECTS OF SAMNITE LIFE (in Author's Notes), Ch. 1, 5, Ch. 3, 1 and Ch. 5, 2.
lid) Skyphos, Bochum Antiken Museum, Ruhr-Universität, S 996. Plate 46.

A woman offers a skyphos to a mounted warrior on his return from battle. The
warrior has trophies on his spear.
Libation Painter.
Kunisch 1980: 32-3, no. 117 (ill.); LCS Suppl. III (3/338b), p. 201 (no ill.).
Ile) Pseudo-panathenaic amphora, Hamburg, Termer coll. Plate 23.

A woman (perhaps a matron or mother) gives a skyphos to a warrior (her son ?)
who has returned from battle with a blood-stained banner and an enemy's belt as a
trophy.
Caivano Painter.
LCS Suppl. Ill (2/5 7 7a), p. 147 (no ill.); Hornbostel 1977: 398-400, no. 342; Schneider-Herrmann
1982: 148, fig. 3; Termer 1980: 100.1, no. 65.
4 The Samnite Funerary Cult
Representations of the Samnite funerary cult occur on Campanian vases an

and Nolan tomb-paintings2. The choice of this subject matter is hardly su
that the tombs were painted in honour of the dead and many of the vases w
funerary use. Most of the tomb-paintings have been destroyed but those wh
albeit often in a very poor state, can be dated to the second half of the 4th cent
noteworthy that the vase-paintings seem to depict a different tradition from th
the tomb-paintings. This could perhaps be explained by technical consider
vases are decorated using a different technique from tomb walls (which are fres
rate, the same subject matter is treated differently by different artists. Ho
vase-painting and wall-painting Italiote influence can be noted.
The vase-painters preferred to show one of the following: a naiskos (an
structure resembling a shrine), an Ionic column or a stele with figures on
them offering ritual objects. The ritual objects are mainly natural produc
seeds, indicating the importance of fertility as an attribute of certain deities.
It seems that in Samnite society both sexes could be honoured in similar
death. In some of the funerary scenes the deceased and those who honour t
one sex; we also have scenes which are mixed. For example a warrior and a
their respects to a deceased woman shown inside a naiskos in plate 77. Anoth
social phenomenon is that in some scenes the funerary cult seems to involv
from colonial Greeks (e.g. plates 136, 157, 158 & 159). Clearly the relations
the Greeks and the Samnites was not hostile in all cases.
In the naiskos the deceased is shown in various states while the relatives and friends
make religious offerings. A philosophical background in Orphism can be suggested. Th
offerings are bestowed on an Ionic column or a stele. Some representations show a woma
touching a column or stele instead of making an offering while others show the decease
seated near the column or stele.
The representations of the same subjects on Capuan and Nolan tomb-paintings do not
have the funerary monuments seen on the vases. There are two particular tomb-paintings,
2 For Paestan examples cf. Le tombe dipinte di Paestum , by A. Pontrandolfo and A. Rouveret. E.H.

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120 Chapter 6
one from Capua and the other from Nola, which resemble each other so much th
reconstruct the more damaged one on the analogy of its better preserved count
below). On these paintings the deceased is shown as though she were alive. Indee
not for the presence in the scene of pomegranates, which were symbols of death, on
think she is alive. The use of a pomegranate as a symbol of death may be attri
Greek influence, derived from the myth of Persephone.
For symbolic objects of fertility v. Schneider-Herrmann 1976a: 5-7; (cf. a
section on Samnite marriage rituals in Ch. 6, 2 and the list of symbolic objects gi
5,4).
Some examples of Campanian funerary scenes

I Those showing a naiskos
la) Hydria, Museo Campano, Capua, MS inv. 7. Plate 1 18.
A Samnite warrior is inside the naiskos which is of a simple form. Two Samnite
warriors with war trophies hanging from their spears march in front of it escorting
a prisoner.
Triumph Painter.
LCS (2/749), p. 327, (no ill.); Beazley 1943: 82, no. 2; Lohman 1979: 288, no. K 27; Weege 1909:
137-8, fig. 15; CVA Capua, I , WEr , pis 7-8.
Photograph with special thanks to Prof. S. Garofano Venosta.
For this vase v. Ch. 3, 3, no. Vf.
Ib) Hydria, Newark Museum, Newjersey, 50.330. Plate 77.

Inside the naiskos there is a Samnite woman standing near a thymiaterion. She
wears a black dress with extra drapery, indicated in white, around her hips. She is
holding a mirror. Above her arm, in the background is a 'xylophone'. To the right of
the naiskos there is a fully armed Samnite warrior while to the left a Samnite
woman offers a thin fillet.
CA Painter.
LCS (4/19), p. 455, pl. 176.1; Indigeni, p. 19, pl. 61; Lohman 1979: 297, no. K 110.
Photograph courtesy of the Newark Museum, Newark, Newjersey.
Ic) Hydria, Würzburg 874. Plate 155.

In front of a narrow naiskos which is shown somewhat in perspective is a Samnite
woman. She wears a long ample black chiton with wide rather long sleeves and a
broad belt. On the right hand side a woman in a peplos offers a broad fillet. On the
left, in front of the naiskos, a warrior wearing a cloak and pilos bends forward with
one foot raised.
Libation Group.
LCS (3/318), p. 408, (no ill.).
Id) Calyx krater, Naples 1985/82410. Plate 156.
In the naiskos is a native warrior dressed in a purple tunic and a patterned belt. He
has a wreath in his hair and holds two spears. He stands beside a white horse which
is marked with a tribal symbol on its hind leg. Above is a shield. In the background
is a plant and a fillet. There is a woman with offerings on either side of the naiskos.
Horseman Group.
Addendum to vases with naiskoi on them
Naiskoi are far more commonly represented on Apulian than Campanian vases. The
naiskoi as depicted on vase-paintings are related to actual limestone architectural and
sculptural remains from Taranto.
Limestone naiskoi and other figurative sculptural remains survive in a huge number of
fragments. They can sometimes be reconstructed, however (Carter 1975: 15, pl. 70,
reconstruction of the Via Umbria naiskos).

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It is not known where these monuments were originally erected. One example is said
have been found on the Acropolis at Taranto. Often there is a difference in scale betw
the actual limestone monuments and the naiskoi depicted on vases; the actual monume
seem commonly to have been on a smaller scale than those shown on vase-paint
However, the iconographie record is sufficiently faithful to the surviving limeston
fragments to demonstrate that the paintings do reflect actual bulidings.
The bulk of both the sculpture and the vases is dated to the second half of the 4t
century BC but it is not clear which was produced first. The sculpture, however, surv
into the Hellenistic period of the 3rd century BC (Bernabò Brea 1952; Carter 19
Lohman 1979).
II Those showing an Ionic column

Ha) Hydria, Dunedin E 48.275. Plate 157a-c.
The scene shows an Ionic column on a high profiled base with offerings on either
side of the base. To the right of the column is a Samnite woman wearing full triba
costume with an ample white cape. She makes an offering at the column of a phiale
full of eggs with her right hand; her left hand is not visible. To the left of the
column is a young colonial Greek with drapery over his left arm; his right arm is
bent and slightly raised in the air.
Astarita Painter.
LCS (3/274), p. 400, pl. 156.5 ' Indigeni, p. 17, pl. 47.
Photograph courtesy of the Otago Museum, Dunedin, N.Z.
IIb) Hydria, Hamburg, Kropatscheck coll. Plate 158.
The scene shows an Ionic column with a high profiled base which has a votive on
either side of it. On the left hand side is a woman in Samnite dress with a broad
belt and a diadem in her hair. She looks down at a phiale full of eggs which she has
as an offering to the column. Beneath the phiale she holds a wreath. She makes a
speaking gesture with her right hand which particularly reminds us of the libation
scenes. On the right side of the column is a naked colonial Greek. He has one foot
raised and makes an offering of a wreath at the column.
The style is close to the Capua-Boreas Painter.
LCS Suppl. I (3/259a), p. 71, pl. XVIII. 4; Hornbostel 1977: 400-1, no. 343; Hornbostel 1980: 221-2,
no. 126.
For this vase cf. APPENDIX.
III Those showing a stele

Ilia) Bail amphora, Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto 916.3.2. Plate 136.
At the foot of the stele a colonial Greek is seated representing the deceased. He
has his fingers raised to his mouth and he looks up. In front of the figure is a small
table with offerings on it. On the top of the stele there are further offerings. To the
right of the stele is a Samnite woman in ample dress which lacks the usual broad
belt. She stands before the stele with one foot raised. She puts one hand on the
stele and bends her head. Left of the stele stands a half draped colonial Greek who
bends his head before the stele and holds a stick in his hand.
Torchmen Painter.
LCS (3/123), p. 378, pl. 144.2.
Photograph courtesy of the Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto.
Illb) Hydria, Armidale (N.S.W.) , University of New England. Plate 159.

A Samnite warrior and a colonial Greek woman wearing a peplos are shown either
side of a stele. The warrior, who wears a feathered helmet, is on the left.
Olcott Painter.
LCS (3/344), p. 412, pl. 166.2.

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122 Chapter 6
IV Samnites on tomb-paintings
Capuan examples
Only a small number of Capuan tomb-paintings survive and many of these are i
condition. Many examples of Capuan tomb-painting were destroyed during Wor
Two, and only a few are now preserved in the Museo Campano at Capua.
IVa) Plate 160.
The surviving portion shows the upper part of a woman sitting on a throne.
head is shown in profile but her body in shown in three-quarter view. The figure
only vaguely recognisable but we may reconstruct what she would have looked
because of the comparison with the somewhat better preserved Nolan examp
(v. below). She wears a black diadem in her hair and a long veil draped over
back, a black dress and a necklace. She holds up at eye level a pomegranate wh
she looks at in her badly preserved hand. A second pomegranate hangs down f
the top of the picture. Some of the upper parts of the throne are visible.
Weege 1909: 111, no. 22, pl. 11.2.
IVb) Plate 161.
This badly damaged painting shows a Samnite horseman returning home after
combat with trophies hanging from his spear. A woman greets him. From the top of
the picture a pomegranate hangs down. The use of this symbol indicates that this is
a funerary scene.
Weege 1909: 105, no. 8, pl. 9.2.
For another Capuan tomb-painting showing a warrior's return with funerary iconography, again
pomegranates v. Weege 1909: 105-6, no. 9, pl. 10.
The following two paintings are similar to the above, in that they show a warrior's
return from combat. Such scenes are clearly reminiscent of the libation scenes. However,
given the undoubtedly funerary nature of the paintings mentioned in IVb, they too may be
related to the Samnite funerary cult.
rVc) Plate 10.
This painting shows a horseman coming home with a tunic as a trophy hanging
from his spear. He has a bearded prisoner wearing a cloak walking behind his horse
gripping its tail in his hand. The figures are clearly recognisable although poorly
preserved.
Weege 1909: 104-5, no. 7, pl. 9.1.
IVd) Plate 47.

This scene may be made up from three separate fragments. A horseman is shown
in left profile wearing a feathered and crested helmet. He holds two spears. He is
seated on a horse but its legs are somewhat damaged. The warrior is relatively well
preserved.
Weege 1909: 103-4, no. 6, pl. 8.
For this fresco cf. Ch. 1, 4. and Ch. 2, 5.
Nolan tomb-painting
IVe) Plate 162.

The most important surviving Nolan funerary picture shows a complete figure of
an elegant woman seated on an elaborately worked throne. The large and well
preserved painting provides examples of the various ways in which an artist could
present his material. The throne is shown in frontal view, the woman's face is
shown in profile while her body is shown in three-quarter view.
Weege 1909: 102, pl. 7.
The Capuan tomb-painting mentioned above (no. IVa, plate 160) is so close to the
better preserved Nolan example in terms of subject matter, that one may reconstruct the
former on the basis of a comparison with the latter. A particularly interesting artistic

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feature of both paintings is the depiction of the nose which is thick with a slightly ro
tip. This perhaps represents an attempt to depict a 'racial' characteristic. One
mention a few minor details which differ. The Capuan woman has a black diadem
Nolan woman has a white one. The Capuan woman has a long veil extending from
diadem over her back and her left shoulder, the Nolan woman has a white veil. In
Capuan painting there is a pomegranate hanging down from the top of the picture whi
lacking in the Nolan example. However, both women holds pomegranates in their
In both scenes it is only the pomegranates which indicate their funerary charact
were not for these symbols of death we could easily see the Nolan example, in particula
representing a living woman.
The style of this painting perhaps gives us a slight glimpse of the so-called 'Great Ar
the 4th century BC which is now lost to us and only known from references in the lit
sources. The funerary tomb-paintings may be dated to 330/320 BC.
Conclusion
By the end of the 4th century BC the Samnites had ceased to require realistic
representations of the funerary rituals which they performed at naiskoi, stelai, and Ionic
columns. No longer were men and women, if still honouring their dead with symbolic gifts
at these kinds of monuments, shown on vase-painting. Similarly, the tombs were not
decorated with scenes of funerary ritual.
The artistic tradition which followed immediately on from the above was that of
Apulian tomb-painting with their long rows of garlands, their added ritual objects and
their depictions of Egyptian Hadra hydriai. For Apulian tomb-paintings cf. Tinè Bertocchi
1964; for Hadra hydriai cf. De Vita 1960: 1082-4, figs 1381 & 1382; Hornbostel 1980: 19-
20, no. 15.
Addendum
In the above discussion on tomb-paintings attention was drawn to the similarity between
some of the scenes showing the funerary cult and libation scenes. Similarly, there are also a
few vase-paintings which could easily be mistaken for libation scenes although they, in fact,
show funerary scenes. On close inspection, however, their true nature becomes clear. It is
the absence of a phiale or similar vessel for the warrior to receive a libation in and the
presence of funerary monument which reveal the true nature of these scenes. One
example will serve to illustrate how vase-painters addressed this particular problem.
Squat lekythos, Paris Market, Galerie François Antonovich. Plate 78a & b.
The scene has an Ionic column in the centre and a group of three figures who we
can assume to represent the participants in the funerary ritual. To the left of the
column a seated woman offers a skyphos. On the right of the column are a horse
and its master, who is fully armed, and a woman who carries an unrecognisable
object in her arms. The horse turns its head towards its master who pats its
muzzle. The warrior does not respond to the offering of the skyphos and this,
together with the presence of the column, are the main indications that this is a
funerary, rather than a libation, scene.
Spotted Rock Group, close in style to LCS, (2/88), p. 238, pl. 94.3.
Photograph with special thanks to Prof. A.D. Trendall.

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Appendix

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Appendix
Some Notes on the Differences between Campanian and
Apulian Samnites
Introduction
The identity of native men is, as far as we are aware, always evident in their depiction on
Campanian and Apulian red-figure vases of the 4th century BC. They are portrayed in a
way which is completely different from the portrayal of colonial Greek men. The colonial
Greek male is shown naked or with a piece of drapery over his arm and shoulder and
around his hips. The native male is dressed in a patterned tunic secured at the waist by a
broad bronze belt.
The warriors shown on Campanian vases may be called 'Samnites' but we have no name
for those shown on Apulian vases; however, for our purposes, we may call them Apulian
Samnites'. It seems quite possible that the two types are related but there are differences
in character. This is especially true of their costume, and notably their tunic and belt. Both
tunics are decorated but the patterns differ. It is not known if these patterns were woven or
dyed into the fabric (cf. Ch. 1,2).
Although ancient historians describe the Samnite tunic, they do not mention the
differences between the Campanian and Apulian types which are immediately evident to
students of South Italian red-figure ware. The parallel lines of the pattern in the tunic are
horizontal on the Campanian examples and vertical on the Apulian (v. figs 74 & 75). On
both types there are small decorative motifs between the parallel lines.
The iconographical relationship as explored through three vases
1) Campanian bell krater, BM 1953 4-29.1. Plate 19. Fig. 74.

A seated Samnite warrior receives a ritual gift from a Samnite woman, while a
second warrior to the right of the scene puts on his greaves. The first warrior, who
is in the centre of the scene, wears a feathered and crested helmet, a tunic with
typical Campanian patterning, a broad belt and greaves. He holds one spear in his
right hand. He rests his left arm on the top of his shield. His seat is covered with
drapery and he has drapery hanging across his lap. The second warrior wears a
simple calotte helmet, a patterned tunic with Campanian patterning, a broad belt
and greaves. His left leg is raised on a rock as he puts on his greaves. He looks back
over his shoulder at the central figure. The woman wears full native costume,
including a cape, a broad belt and an elaborate head-dress. She also wears a
necklace in added white. She has her left leg raised and she bends towards the
warrior.
Detroit Painter.
LCS (3/295), p.403, (no ill.).

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128 Appendix
2) Apulian column krater, Vatican T 10. Plate 163.

The composition of the scene is broadly similar to the above. The central figure
wears an Apulian style tunic. He also wears a broad belt, boots and a chaplet in his
hair. He is seated on some drapery and has further drapery across his thighs. His
left arm rests on the top of his shield while in his left hand he holds two spears. In
his right hand he holds a phiale into which the woman pours wine from an
oinochoe. The woman in this instance wears Greek dress and holds a situla in her
left hand. The second warrior is dressed almost identically to the central figure. In
his right hand he holds one end of piece of drapery, the other end of which hangs
over left shoulder. The second warrior has no weapons.
Maplewood Painter.
VIE II, p. 120-1, pl. XXXh; RVAp I (9/189), p. 249, (no ill .)' Indigeni, p. 15, fig. 21.
3) Apulian column krater, BM F 297. Plate 31. Fig. 75.
In general the composition is similar to the previous two vases, but there is no
second warrior in this scene. The warrior in this scene wears a typical Apulian
tunic, boots, a broad belt and a pilos. His seat is covered with drapery. His left arm
rests on the top edge of his shield, and he rests two spears against his left shoulder.
In his right hand he holds out a phiale. The woman wears Greek dress. She has a
wreath in her right hand and a situla in her left. Her left leg is raised and she bends
towards the warrior like the woman in the Campanian example above.
Wolfenbüttel Painter.
RVAp I (13/197), p. 357, pl. 1 15.5; p. 84, pl. 175.
Identical features
These three vases share a number of common features. On all three vases the figure is
seated and show with his left side in three-quarter view. The head is shown in profile. The
right arm is bent. The elbow of the left arm is resting on the shield, the decorated outside
of which is shown. The seat is covered with drapery. In vases 1 and 2 only drapery lies across
both thighs with one end hanging down from the left thigh.
A difference between vases 1 and 2, and vase 3
On vase 3 there is no drapery across the thighs and the right foot is put forward instead of
the left.
Fig. 74 Seated Campanian Samnite, Fig. 75 Seated Apulian Samnite,

after bell krater, BM 1953 4-29.1 after column krater, BM F297

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Campanian and Apulian Samnites 1 29
Significant differences between all three warriors
Vase 1)
The figure shown is a fully grown warrior. The feathers on his helmet suggest that
he has been victorious in one or more battles. He carries only one spear, whereas
commonly Samnites were depicted with two. If the scene represents a ritual
conducted immediately after a battle to honour a victorious warrior, one could
perhaps suggest that one spear has been left on the battlefield. In some of the
scenes described in Ch. 3, 3 spears were shown discarded on the battle field.
Vase 2)
The warrior shown is young and has a chaplet in his hair. He has no helmet and
carries both spears in his left hand. This is in contrast to the figure on vase 1 who
holds one spear out in his right hand perhaps as a sign of victory. The young warrior
is not fully armed, indeed his companion has only a shield, and is receiving a
libation drink.
Vase 3)
Again the warrior is shown in a reasonably peaceful state. He wears a high pilos
which was probably made of animal hide. The dots in added white may be meant to
represent small tufts of the original fur still adhering to the skin. He has two
spears resting against his left shoulder.
These three vases suggest to us either that the painters worked in an iconographical
tradition or that the Samnites did sometimes sit on drapery while receiving some ritual
honour. However, we cannot tell which is more likely to have been the case.
These vases show Apulian and Campanian Samnites in more or less identical situations,
yet there is one fundamental difference between the ways in which the warriors of the two
groups are shown. The Campanian Samnite is shown in full panoply, despite the fact that
this is not a combat scene. The Apulian warriors, although they carry spears, seem to be
dressed more for everyday life. It is not just in this type of scene where this distinction can
be observed.
Greeks and Samnites together
On both Campanian and Apulian red-figure vases we sometimes see representations of

Samnites and colonial Greeks together. It seems likely that such scenes reflect real life
contacts between the two populations. At present, there seem to be a few more Apulian
vases showing this type of scene than Campanian ones and the Apulian examples also
depict a greater variety of situations. Moreover, it is possible to observe slight differences
in the way Apulian and Campanian Samnites are depicted in such scenes. Although,
relatively few vases showing such scenes survive to us they are enough to give us a flavour of
the social relations which existed between the Greeks and the natives in 4th century BC
South Italy. Although the most common scenes show Samnite men with colonial Greek
women, there are also scenes showing Samnite and colonial Greek men together, although
relations between them are frequently hostile (cf. Ch. 3, 3). Interestingly we also see
Samnite women with colonial Greek women, and occasionally Samnite women with
colonial Greek men.
Two Campanian examples
Bell krater, Sydney 46.01. Plate 109.

A Samnite warrior visits a colonial Greek woman. She is seated on a pile of rocks
and turns back to look at the warrior. At the same time, another colonial Greek
woman honours her with Dionysiac votives (i.e. phiale full of fruit and a bunch of
grapes). The warrior wears a tunic, a chlamys, a broad belt, greaves and a crested
helmet. He carries a round shield with his left arm and holds a spear in his right.
Nicholson Painter.
LCS (4/668), p. 523, pl. 206,1; RVSIS, p. 17 1-2, pl. 331.

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130 Appendix
Hydria, Hamburg, Kropatscheck coll. Plate 158.

This is a funerary scene. In the centre is an Ionic column. On its left side is
Samnite woman wearing a diadem and a broad belt. She makes a speaking gestu
with her right hand while with her left hand she offers a phiale filled with eggs a
a wreath. On the right hand side of the column a colonial Greek youth b
forward and makes an offering of a wreath.
The style is close to the Capua-Boreas Painter.
LCS Suppl. I (3/259a), p. 71, pl. XVIII.4; Hornbostel 1977: 400-1, no. 343; Hornbostel 1980: 22
no. 126.
For this vase v. Ch. 6, 4, no. IIb.
Four Apulian examples
Apulian column krater, once London market. Plate 164.

An Apulian Samnite youth is depicted running towards an altar holding a flaming
torch in his right hand and a basket in his left. The basket contains plakous cake
and pyramides. He wears the typical Apulian tunic, a broad belt, a pilos, and boots.
He has a piece of drapery over his left arm. He is completely unarmed. A colonial
Greek woman follows with an oinochoe in her right hand and a cista in her left.
Patera Painter.
RVApII (23/145c), p. 744, (no ill); Sotheby's Sale Cat. 13-14/7/1981, p. 161, no. 349, (ill. p. 161).
For the common shape of altar cf., for example, the Attic column krater by the Hephaistos Painter
shown in Schneider-Herrmann 1980: fig. 21. Also related is the oinochoe in Trieste (S 442), which is
close in style to the Ganymede Painter, showing Eros at an altar; CVA Trieste , (I), IV D, p. 22, pl. 22,
3 & 4.
Apulian column krater, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 96.18.42. Plate 165.
A colonial Greek woman and two Apulian Samnite youths are shown moving to the
left. No altar is depicted. The Greek woman is completely wrapped in drapery. She
wears a high kekryphalos, and carries a small Lucanian Type III nestoris in her
right hand. She looks back at the two native youths. One carries a flat basket
containing plakous and pyramides, the other has a dish of eggs in his left hand and
a bunch of grapes in his right. This latter has a fillet over his left arm. The two
youths are dressed almost identically. Both wear a tunic decorated in typical
Apulian style with swastikas as tribal symbols, a broad belt and boots. The youth
carrying the dish of eggs and the bunch of grapes also wears a pilos.
Painter of the Bari Orestes.
RVAp I (9/206), p. 251, (no ill. of obverse).
For the nestoris cf. Schneider-Herrmann 1980: 33, no. 6, Type III Lucanian.
Apulian column krater, Würzburg 858. Plate 50.
A colonial Greek woman and two Apulian Samnite youths are shown. The Greek
woman leans on a stele and holds a thyrsos in her left hand. With her right hand
she offers a basket containing plakous and pyramides to an Apulian Samnite
warrior who sits on a covered seat. The warrior wears a tunic, decorated in Apulian
fashion with vertical stripes with small motifs between them. A number of
swastikas are visible on his tunic which serve as tribal symbols. He also wears a
broad belt, boots and a pilos. The warrior has two spears in his right hand. He holds
a phiale containing small twigs out to the Samnite youth who serves him wine out
of a goatskin bag. The latter wears an Apulian style tunic, a broad belt and boots.
Both Samnites wear chaplets.
Connected in style to the Painter of Geneva MF 290, who is connected to the
Roermond Painter.
RVAp I { 80), p. 368, (no. ill.); Langlotz 1932: 151, pl. 246.

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G AMPANIAN AND APULIAN SAMNITES 1 3 1
Apulian column krater, Louvre K 121. Plate 166.

The scene shows a Samnite symposium where a colonial Greek woman is present.
A Samnite youth wearing a patterned pilos is shown in the centre of the scene
relaxing on a kline. In front of the kline is a low table full of food. The youth also
wears an Apulian tunic, again decorated with swastikas, and a broad belt. His legs
are covered with drapery. He holds a phiale full of eggs out to the colonial Greek
woman who stands before him. She carries a cista on her head while, with her left
hand, she offers an oinochoe to the Samnite youth lying on the kline. In her right
hand she holds a wreath. To the right of the figure on the kline, stands a second
native youth. He is dressed in an almost identical fashion to the central figure,
except that his boots are visible and he has some drapery hanging over his left arm.
He offers a small Lucanian Type II nestoris with his right hand. In the background
a lyre hangs on the wall.
Attributed to a Follower of the Darius Painter.
Indigeni , p. 16, pl. 32; Schneider-Herrmann 1980: 40, fig. 107.
For the nestoris cf. Schneider-Herrmann 1980: 33, no. 5, Type II Lucanian.
Some conclusions
Three main points may be made. Firstly, there is clearly a religious or cult background to
these scenes. Objects associated with the cult of Dionysos are shown in the hands of
Campanian and Apulian tribal figures as well as colonial Greeks. Secondly, women are
present in all the scenes which signifies the importance of their rôle within the cult. The
woman shown can be native or colonial Greek whether it is a Campanian or an Apulian
vase. Thirdly, the Apulian Samnites seem to be depicted in a less warlike context than their
Campanian counterparts. The latter group are never, at least to our knowledge, shown only
partially armed or completely unarmed. This may be compared with the tribal youths
shown on some Apulian vases. For example, none of the Apulian Samnites shown on the
above examples is fully armed. Most, but not all, wear a pilos-helmet but only one carries
any weapons (v. plate 50). This is one of the most significant differences in the way
Campanian and Apulian Samnites are portrayed. Whereas most of the differences appear
somewhat superficial, this one may tell us some something about the life-styles of the two
groups.
The majority of the other differences between Campanian and Apulian Samnites can be
attributed to local preferences in terms of the costume. The Campanian tunic was
horizontally striped, the Apulian vertically. Apulian Samnites show a greater preference
for the muscled cuirass, while the Campanians opted for the triple-plate variety. Celtic
helmets and piloi are also slightly more common on Apulian vases. These differences in
costume, while enabling us to distinguish between the two groups, do not suggest any
fundamental differences in their life-styles. However, the fact that Apulian Samnites are
sometimes shown unarmed is perhaps more significant. While it is entirely possible that
this simply reflects different iconographie traditions between Campanian and Apulian
vase-painters, it is equally possible that in the 4th century the Apulian Samnites were
slightly less warlike than their Campanian counterparts. If it is the case that the vase-
painters were reflecting the actual situation then it is particularly interesting that Apulian
Samnites are shown more frequently in friendly social relations with colonial Greeks.
To what extent the Greek and native populations were mixed at this time is impossible
to say but these clearly demonstrate that some social and/or religious and ritual contacts
did exist. The Dionysiac symbolism evident in many of the above scenes supports the
suggestion of a high level of interaction at least in the ritual sphere at this stage. It is
noteworthy that Apulian Samnites are shown enjoying a symposium as a ritualised leisure
activity (e.g. plate 166). The very concept of a symposium was, after all, Greek. On the
other hand, despite all the evidence for contact, one cannot fail to notice how strikingly
different from the colonial Greeks the Samnites are.

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Abbreviations
In general the name/date style of bibliographic referencing is used throughout this book. Howev
following standard abbreviations are used for the major catalogues of red-figure vases:
ABV RVAp SUPPL. I

Beazley,J.D. 1956. Attic Black-Figure Vase Trendall, A.D. & Cambitoglou, A. 1983. First
Painters Clarendon Press, Oxford. Supplement to the Red-Figured Vases of Apulia.
ESI Institute of Classical Studies, Bulletin
Trendall, A.D. 1974 (rev. ed.). Early South Supplement 42, London.
RVP
Italian Vase-Painting. Verlag Philipp von Zabern,
Mainz. Trendall, A.D. 1987. The Red-Figured Vases of
Indigeni Paestum. British School at Rome, London.
Trendall, A.D. 1971. Gli Indigeni nella pittura RVSIS
Italiota. Arte Tipografica, Napoli. TrendalL, A.D. 1989. Red Figure Vases of South
LCS Italy and Sicily. A Handbook. Thames & Hudson,
Trendall, A.D. 1967. The Red-Figured Vases of London.
Lucania, Campania and Sicily . Clarendon Press, SIVP
Oxford. Trendall, A.D. 1966. South Italian Vase
LCS SUPPL. I Painting. British Museum, London.
Trendall, A.D. 1970. The Red-Figured Vases ofVIE I
Lucania, Campania and Sicily. First Supplement. Trendall, A.D. 1953. Vasi Antichi Dipinti del
Institute of Classical Studies, Bulletin Vaticano. Vasi Italioti ed Etruschi a figure rosse.
Supplement 26, London. Fascicolo 1. Vasi Proto-Italioti, Lucani, Pestani e
LCS SUPPL. II Campani. Vasi Apuli fino a circa il 375 a.C.
Trendall, A.D. 1973. The Red-Figured Vases of Monumenti Musei e Gallerie Pontificie, Città
Lucania, Campania and Sicily. Second Supplement. del Vaticano.
Institute of Classical Studies, Bulletin VIE II
Supplement 31, London. Trendall, A.D. 1955. Vasi Antichi Dipinti del
LCS SUPPL. Ill Vaticano. Vasi Italioti ed Etruschi a figure rosse.
Trendall, A.D. 1983a. The Red-Figured Vases of
Fascicolo 2. Vasi Apuli da circa il 375 a.C. alla fine
Lucania, Campania and Sicily. Third Supplement. del IV secolo. Ceramica di Gnathia. Vasi Etruschi a
Institute of Classical Studies, Bulletin figure rosse. Vasi con decorazione in colori sovrapposti,
Supplement 41, London. e vasi decorati con motivi geometrici e vegetali.
PP Monumenti Musei e Gallerie Pontificie, Città
del Vaticano.
Trendall, A.D. 1936. Paestan Pottery. A Study of
the Red-Figured Vases of Paestum . British School atVIE III
Rome, London. Trendall, A.D. 1976. Vasi Antichi Dipinti del
RVApI Vaticano. La Colllezione Astarita nel Museo
Trendall, A.D. & Cambitoglou, A. 1978. The Gregoriano Etrusco. Parte III. Vasi Italioti ed
Red-Figured Vases of Apulia. Volume 1. Early and Etruschi a figure rosse e di età ellenistica.
Middle Apu lian. Clarendon Press, Oxford. Monumenti Musei e Gallerie Pontificie, Città
del Vaticano.
RVApII
Trendall, A.D. & Cambitoglou, A. 1982. The
Red-Figured Vases of Apulia. Volume 2. Late
Apulian. Clarendon Press, Oxford.

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Index of Vases
The following is an index of the figured vases referred to in this book. Vases are listed by fabric
by shape. They are cited by location and inventory number. When vases lack inventory numbers
references are given to major vase corpora .
Attic black-figure
Amphora
Athens 1002 13; plate 36
Cup
New York 22.139.22 14
Hydria
Rome, Museo Capitolino 88 63; plate 100
Kothon
Louvre CA 6 1 6 14;
Column krater
Berlin 1966.17 13; plate 37

Kylix
Amsterdam 3356 13; plate 38
Attic red-figure
Hydriai
BM E 224 21,29; fig. 17
Florence 81947 21
Louvre G 179
Bell /crater
Palermo V 778 21,35

Column krater
Syracuse 12781 22
Yylikes
Paris CdM 542 23; fig. 20
Tarquinia RC 6848 22; fig. 19
Villa Guilia 50396 21; fig. 18
Würzburg 479 21
Lekythos
Boston 13.198 22
Corinthian
Aryballoi
Melbourne, priv coll. [Seeberg 1971: 32, no. 165] 13; plate 34
Leiden I 1992/6 91 13; plate 35
Louvre MNB 500 13
Olpe
Villa Giulia 22679 (sic) [Chigi jug] 60; 78
Laconian black-figure
Yylix
Louvre E 670 14

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140 Index of Vases
Plastic vases of probable East Greek origin

Plastic foot
Athens NM 2072 35
BM 24.3-10.5 34, 35
BM 1928.1-17.49 35
BM 1950. 2-II.I 35
Munich, Glyptothek, coll. Arndt 98.9 36
Plastic leg
Berlin F 1307 (A22) 35
Berlin F1308 35, 36

BM 42.4-4.9 35
BM 46.9-25.22 36
Louvre CA 3547 36
Etruscan black-figure
Amphora
Vatican G 9 1 14
Caeratan hydria
Villa Giulia, no inv. [Hemelrijk 1984: 36-7, no. 20] 14
Apulian
Hydria
Leiden I 1992/6 121 68; plate 104; fig. 59
Ruvo 584 110
Kantharos
Ruvo 1394 28
Calyx kraters
BM F 272 26
Kiev 120 29
Naples, priv coll. [RVAp I ( 1 6/7)] 76
Column kraters
BMF 173 11, 71, 83; plate 30

BMF 174 4, 1 1; plate 7; fig. 10
BM F 294 110; plate 148
BM F 297 11,24, 28, 127, 128, 129; plate 31; figs 26, 75
once London market [RVAp II (23/145c)] 130; plate 165
Louvre K 1 2 1 131; plate 166
Monopoli, Meo Evoli coll. L56 82; plate 114
once Milan market [RVAp I (9/188) 67, 69, 82; plate 103; fig. 56
Naples 2036/81714 27,36
Naples Stg. 456 24,27
New York 96. 18.42 130; plate 165
Reading University Museum 87.35.34 83; plate 1 17
Ruvo 4 1 2 41, 104; plate 66
Ruvo 1090 41; plate 65
Ruvo 1709 83; plate 116
Trieste S388 10, 11; plate 32; fig. 1 1
Vatican T 10 128, 129; plate 163
Würzburg 858 27, 130, 131; plate 50
Volute kraters
Basel BS 464 28
Melbourne D88/1969 50
Princeton 83.13 28, 29

Ruvo 1096 26
Switzerland, priv coll. [RVAp I (25/4)] 50
Tampa 87.36 49, 63, 64; plate 79; fig. 51

Taranto 8264 26
Lebes gamikos
Taranto 61438 110; plate 147

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Index of Vases 141
Squat lekythos
Essen 74.158 A 3 105; plate 139
Loutrophoros
Basel S 21 26
Nestorides
Naples 2211/81830 11; plate 29

Naples 2307/81832 109; plate 145
Oinochoai
BMF 376 26, 78; plate 49

Canberra A.N.U. 65.26 110
Trieste S 442 130
Paterae
Lecce 786 108; plate 142

Manchester University Museum IV C 8 108; plate 143
Marseille, Musée Borély 2.932 108, 109; plate 144
Pelikai
Leiden I 19992/6 116 109; plate 146

Policoro 32481 26
Fragment
Leiden I 1992/6 118 67; plate 102; fig. 55
Campanian
Amphora (in outline technique)
Vatican AB 14 30, 37; plate 30
Bail amphorae
Agrigento R 200 90; plate 130
Brussels A 830 81; plate 1 13
Capua, Museo Campano [LCS (3/286] 90; plate 132
Capua, Museo Campano 7541 30, 37; plate 57
Germany, priv. coll. [LCS Suppl. Ill (2/3 lb)] 90; plate 131
Louvre K 296 91; plate 133
Melbourne, La Trobe 94.01 78; plate 112
Melbourne, La Trobe 94.02 4, 8, 11, 81; plate 11; fig. 6
Naples RC 74 63, 80; plate 99
Naples, priv coll. 1-7-4 31; plate 59; fig. 28
Naples, priv. coll. 228 30, 37, 79; plate 54
Oxford 1880.17 (V457) 69, 90; plate 106
Rheinbach, coll. Koch [LCS Suppl. Ill (4/1 04i)] 44, 48, 89; plate 67
Toronto 916.3.2 98, 119, 121; plate 136
Vatican Astarita coll. 57 89; plate 129
71,80; plate 108
once Zürich market, Alstadt Galerie [LCS Suppl. II (2/39a)]
once Zürich market, Galerie Koller [LCS Suppl. Ill (2/822g)]
32, 37, 79; plate 60
Neck amphorae
Berlin F 2990 105; plate 138
Berlin 4982,45 5, 10; plate 14
BMF 196 114; plate 150
BMF 197 8, 48, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 1 18; plate 22; figs 9, 68, 70, 72
Brussels A 3550 9, 30, 37, 73, 82, 83; plate 26
Capua, Museo Campano [LCS (2/573)] 8; plate 21; fig. 8
Naples 870/82744 39; fig. 30
Naples, priv coll. 1.7.8 118
The Hague, Liefkes coll. [JLCS (4/291)] xxxii, 28, 32, 37, 79, 80, 104, 1 19; plate 4; fig. 29
Stockholm 3 1 107; plate 141
Switzerland, priv coll. [LCS Suppl. Ill (2/5 10a)] 30
Vatican U 45 114; plate 149

Vatican Astarita coll. 58 4, 5, 6, 41, 98; plate 8; fig. 4
Pseudo-panthenaic amphora
Hamburg, Termer coll. [LCS Suppl. Ill (2/577a)] 8, 48, 97, 98, 100, 101, 1 17, 1 19; plate 23; fig. 73

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142 Index of Vases
Hydrìai
Armidale (N.S.W.) [LCS (3/344)] 119, 121; plate 159
Boston 1970.238 40; fig. 32
BMF 215 5, 8,31,37,82; plate 15; fig. 7
Budapest 51.89 85, 87; plate 125
Budapest T763 xxxii, xxxiii, 69, 104, 1 18; plate 3
Capua, Museo Campano MS inv. 7 84, 120; plate 118
Capua, Museo Campano 7539 85, 86; plate 121
Dunedin E 48.275 119; 121; plate 157
Hamburg, Kropatscheck coll. [LCS Suppl. I (3/259a)] 119, 121, 130; plate 158
Los Angeles, Dechter coll. 42 8; plate 20
Louvre CA 3 1906 85, 86; plate 124
Louvre K276 69; plate 105; fig. 58
Louvre K277 4, 7, 100, 118; plate 9
Naples 127961 83; plate 115
Naples 874/82721 96, 98, 99, 100, 117, 120; plate 134; fig. 71
Newark, New Jersey 50.330 48, 49, 119; plate 77
New York 01.8.12 6, 8, 95, 97, 98, 99, 106, 1 18; plate 16; figs 2, 69
San Simeon, Hurst Estate 5432 71,73, 81; plate 107
Vatican U 48 107; plate 140
Vatican Astarita coll. 56 7, 19; plate 18; figs 5, 15
Washington 429913 85, 86; plate 120
Würzburg 873 50, 72, 115; plate 80; fig. 65
Würzburg 874 120; plate 155
Zürich, Archäologisches Institut 3580 115; plate 152
Bell kraters
BM 1953,4-29.1 7, 80, 127, 128, 129; plate 19; fig. 74

Capua, Museo Campano [LC5 (4/5)] 115; plate 151
Louvre K 261 44, 97, 117, 118; plate 68; fig. 39
Naples 784/82579 42; fig. 35
Riodejaniero 1495 39; fig. 31
Sydney 46.01 72, 114, 115, 129; plate 109; fig. 64
Vatican U 50 115, 116; plate 153
Vienna 799 42; fig. 37
Calyx kraters
Chicago 27680 9, 78; plate 25

Lipari 1 1806 29
Naples 861/82599 8, 82; plate 24

Naples 1985/82410 120; plate 156
Lebes gamikos
Bloomington I. U.A.M. 70.29 85; 87; plate 126
Squat lekythoi
BMF 241 72; plate 1 10; fig. 66
BM F 242 28, 90; plate 76
Louvre K 365 44, 80; fig. 40
Naples RC 143/86067 1 16; plate 154
Paris Market, Galerie François Antonovich 49, 123; plate 78
Olpe (in outline technique)
Naples [cf. Beazley 1947: 295, note to p. 12] 84

Oinochoai
Paris CdM 987 29
Pelike (in outline technique)

Boston 10.8084 84
Skyphoi
Berkeley 8/3243 6, 19, 81; plate 17; figs 3, 13

Berlin 1970.1 45
Bloomington I.U.A.M. 100. 10.5.81 B 30, 37, 56, 57, 65, 67, 79; plate 56
Bochum S996 19, 43,98, 119; plate 46; fig. 14
Boston 03.822 xxxii, 9, 30, 37, 89; plate 1; fig. 27

87.fff:ffff:ffff:ffff:ffff on Thu, 01 Jan 1976 12:34:56 UTC
Index of Vases 143
Skyphoi ( cont .)
Brussels R320 5, 10, 11, 81; plate 13
Capua, Museo Campano [LCS (2/500] 31,37, 81; plate 58
Leiden GNV8 xxxii, 80; plate 2
once Munich market, Preyss [LCS (2/758)] 85, 86; plate 122
Naples 878/82765 85, 86; plate 1 19
Naples, priv. coll. 1-8-6 30, 37, 78, 79, 80; plate 55
St Petersburg 1670 85, 86; plate 123
once Zürich and Philadelphia markets [LCS Suppl. I (3/1 38a)] 128
89; plate
Lucanian
Pseudo-panathenaic amphora
Erlangen I 288 24, 109; plate 48; fig. 22
Cup
New York 69.232 24
Bell kraters
Vatican U 26 68
Vienna 918 44, 56, 57, 73; plate 69

once Zürich market [LCS Suppl. III (C38)] 24
Calyx krater
Paris CdM 422 25
Volute kraters
Taranto 8263 23, 25; figs 21, 25

Toledo 81.1 10 24, 25, 28: figs 23, 24
Nestorides
Berlin F3146 58, 67, 75, 82; plate 94; figs 53, 54, 57
Boston 1971.49 4, 10, 14, 41, 66, 74; plate 6; fig. 67
BMF 175 10; plate 27
Geneva, Ortiz coll. [LCS Suppl. III (D28)] 25
Leiden 1894/9.1 57, 58; plate 93

Whereabouts unknown, once Rome market [LCS (633)] 1 1, 46, 51, 57, 58, 65, 69, 74; plate 28
Paestan
Neck amphorae
Naples 1779 75
Paestum 21370 88, 101; plate 137

Hydriai
Brussels A 813 97, 98, 101; plate 135
Madrid 11139 33
Bell kraters
BMF 188 33
Leiden I 1992/6 136 14
Madrid 11019 32
Melbourne D 391/1980 32, 33

Richmond, Virginia 81.72 32, 43, 101, 116; plate 61
Calyx kraters
Syracuse 36334 32
Tampa, Zewadski coll. [RVP (2/971)] 76
Oinochoai
Louvre K718 3
Vienna 413 27, 33

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Index of Vase-Painters and Groups
Att = Attic, Ap = Apulian, C = Campanian, L = Lucanian, P = Paes
Acrobat Painter (L) 58; plate 93 Errera Painter (C) xxxii, 9, 30,71, 73, 81, 82, 83,
Amykos Painter (L) 4,10, 41, 66, 67, 74; plate89; plates
6 1, 26, 57, 107
Aphrodite Painter (P) 76 Eumenides Group (Ap) 41; plate 65
Arpi Painter (Ap) 49, 63, 64; plate 79
Astarita Painter and Group (C) 4, 5, 6, 7, 41, 42,
Frignano Group (C) xxxii; plate 2
89, 96, 98, 99, 100, 103, 117, 121; plates 8, 18,
129, 134, 157
Ganymede Painter (Ap) 50, 130
Asteas and Workshop (P) 32, 33, 76, 97, 101;
Group of Naples 3227 (C) 6, 8, 98, 1 18; plate 16
plate 135
Group of Ruvo 423 (Ap) 105; plate 139
Group of the Antimenes Painter (Att) 63; plate
Baltimore Painter (Ap) 28,67,68,109,110; 100
plates 102, 104, 144, 147
Barletta Painter (Ap) 27
Helmet Painter (Ap) 64
Bassano Group (Ap) 1 1; plate 29
Hephaistos Painter (Att) 130
Boston Orestes Painter (P) 3
Horseman Group (C) 8, 78, 82, 120; plates 24,
Boston Ready Painter (C) 83, 1 15; plates 1 15, 152
25, 156
Brygos Painter (Att) 21
Ixion Painter and Group (C) 4, 30, 32, 40, 57,
CA Painter (C) 8, 48, 49, 72, 107, 1 14, 1 15, 1 16, 68, 78, 79; plates 14, 54, 55, 56, 60
120; plates 20, 77, 1 10, 140, 141, 149, 151, 153,
154
Karneia Painter (L) 23, 25
Caivano Painter (C) 8, 48, 97, 100, 1 19; plates
21,23
Capua Painter (C) 90; plate 131
Laghetto Painter (C) 30
Capua-Boreas Painter (C) 44, 80, 121, 130; plate Laodamia Painter (Ap) 26
158 Laon Painter (C) 3 1, 81; plate 58
Cassandra Painter (C) 71 Libation Painter and Group (C) 4, 5, 7, 8, 19, 31,
43, 44, 48, 69, 82, 90, 91, 95, 96, 97, 99, 100, 103,
Choephoroi Painter (L) 1 1, 46, 58, 69, 74; plate
28 117, 118, 119, 120; plates 9, 15, 22,46, 68, 105,
106, 155
Column Painter (C) 85, 87; plate 126
LNO Painter (C) xxxii, 32, 69, 79, 104, 1 18, 1 19;
Creusa Painter (L) 24, 25
plates 3, 4
Lycurgus Painter (Ap) 76
Danaïd Painter (C) 48, 90; plate 76
Darius Painter and Group (Ap) 28,29, 108, 131;
Makron Painter (Att) 21
plates 142, 166
Detroit Painter (C) 7, 80, 127; plate 19 Maplewood Painter (Ap) 67, 82, 128; plates 103,
163
Dijon Painter (Ap) 11, 110; plate 32
Meidias Painter (Att) 21
Dirce Painter (P) 32
Menzies Painter (Ap) 110
Dolon Painter (L) 10, 25; plate 27
Minniti Painter (L) 24
Douris (Att) 23
Duel Painter (C) 85, 86, 87; plates 122, 123, 124,
125 Nicholson Painter (C) 72, 115, 129; plate 109

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
146 Index of Vase-Painters and Groups
Olcott Painter (C) 121; plate 159 Prisoner Painter (Ap) 11, 71, 82, 83; plates 30,
Oltos (Att) 22 114, 116
Owl Pillar Group (G) 105; plate 138 Python and workshop (P) 14, 32, 33, 76, 88, 101,
1 16; plates 61, 137
Paidagogos Group (Ap) 28, 29
Painter of BM F 196 (C) 44, 80, 1 14; plate 150 Rennes Painter (Ap) 108; plate 143
Painter of Geneva MF 290 (Ap) 27, 130; plate Roermond Painter (Ap) 27,130
50 Rueff Painter (Ap) 83; plate 117
Painter of Louvre K296 (C) 6, 19, 81, 91; plates
17, 132, 133 Schneider-Herrmann Sub-Group (Ap) 109;
Painter of Louvre K491 (C) 71, 80; plate 108 plate 146
Painter of Naples 128012 (C) 31; plate 59 Siamese Painter (C) 39
Painter of Naples 1778 (P) 75 Sisyphus Painter (Ap) 4, 1 1, 26; plate 7
Painter of Naples 1959 (L) 58, 67, 75, 82; plate
94
Three-Dot Group (C) 4, 8, 39, 63, 80, 81; plates
Painter of Naples 2307 (Ap) 109; plate 145 11,99, 113
Painter of New York GR 1000 (C) 42, 50, 72, 90, Torchmen Painter (C) 98, 121; plate 136
1 15; plates 80, 130 Trieste Owl Group (Ap) 1 10; plate 148
Painter of the Bari Orestes (Ap) 130; plate 165 Triumph Painter (C) 84, 120; plate 118
Painter of the Birth of Dionysos (Ap) 26
Painter of the Truro Pelike (Ap) 26
VPH Painter (C) 78; plate 112
Painter of Vienna 1091 (L) 56, 73; plate 69
Painter of Würzburg H 5739 (P) 33
Pan Painter (Att) 21,22 Walters Sub-Group (C) 44, 48, 89; plate 67
Parrish Painter (C) 85, 86; plate 1 19 Washington Combat Painter (C) 85, 86; plates
120, 121
Patera Painter (Ap) 26, 78, 130; plates 49, 164
Perronne-Phrixos Group (Ap) 29 Whiteface Painter (C) 29, 89; plate 128
Wolfenbüttel Painter (Ap) 1 1, 27, 28, 128; plate 3 1
Pilos Head Group (C) 5, 81; plate 13
Prado/Fienga Painter (C) 29
Primato Group (L) 24, 109; plate 48 York Painter (Ap) 41, 104; plate 66

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
General Index
Achilles 5 Carthage, Carthaginians xxx

actors 13 Caudium 87
Admetos 26 Celt, Celts 45,46,59,61,62,85

Celtic invasions 53
agriculture 104
Alexander the Molossian 1 14 Celtic military equipment 53
altar 48,89,90, 107, 116, 130 Celtic symbols 46,59,60,61,84
Celto-Šamnite alliance 61
Amazons 65, 67, 75; v. sub shield - pelta
centaur 8
Amphiaros 28
chair
amphora (in outline technique) 84
Aphrodite 21, 29, 106; v. sub fertility, fertility covered with drapery 127,128,130
covered with fawn-skin 1 15
symbols
'Apulian Samnites' 127, 129, 130, 131; chapes 69, 71, 72; v. sub spear
v. sub relations between Greeks and Samnites; chaplet 89, 90, 128, 129, 130; v. sub ritual objects
v. esp. APPENDIX chariot racing xxxi, 77; v. sub horses , hores riding
Aquilonia 42, 49, 68 child-rearing 104; v. esp. Ch. 5, 2
Ariadne 24 chiton 11, 13, 29, 58, 95, 97, 100, 105;
Arimasp 76 v. sub peplos and women 's costume
arms bearer 44, 56, 73, 82 black 1 20; v. sub funerary cult
Athena 11,42,47,48, 74 chlamys 48, 49, 56, 58, 67, 74, 75, 81, 82, 86, 88,
Attic pottery xxx, 13, 20, 42, 50 129; v. sub cloak , mantle
amphora 13 cista 58, 109, 110, 115, 130, 131;
cup xxx v. sub ritual objects
column krater 13, 130 cloak, mantle 29, 79, 86, 90, 97, 100, 120, 122
hydria 50 column krater 10, 1 1, 41, 67, 71, 82, 83, 104, 1 10,
kylix 13 128, 130, 131
Little Master cup 35 combat xxxi, 8, 9, 10, 11, 30, 31, 39, 44, 58, 63,
Siana cup 14 69, 73, 74, 75, 77, 80, 82, 85, 86, 89, 90, 106, 129;
v. esp. Ch. 3, 3
stemless cup xxx
Ausonians xxix preparation for combat 39, 79, 80;
v. esp. Ch. 3, 2
axe 67,75
maintenance of equipment 77
Corinthian pottery
Babylonians 113 alabastron 13
bail amphora 4, 8, 11, 44, 48, 63, 69, 71, 78, 79, aryballos 12, 13, 14
80,81,89, 90,91,98, 121
cuirass 7, 8, 63, 64, 90, 1 15, 1 18; v. esp. Ch. 2, 3
basket 130; v. sub ritual objects linen corselets 44, 49, 68, 83, 84
bell krater 7, 39, 42, 43, 44, 56, 57, 68, 72, 73, 80, muscled 50,115,131
97, 101, 115, 116, 117, 127, 129
scaly 50
Boreas 13
spongia 50
broad belt xxxii, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 11, 29, 48, 49, 51,
triple-plate 7, 8, 28, 45, 69, 84, 89, 118, 131;
53, 54, 56, 57, 58, 64, 67, 78, 79, 82, 83, 84, 85,
plates 72, 73, 74, 75
86, 88, 89, 90, 95, 97, 98, 99, 100, 104, 105, 109,
cult of the single warrior 48, 80, 89;
114, 119, 120, 121, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131;
v. esp. Ch. 3, 5
plates 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44,45; v. esp. Ch. 1, 3
Cumae xxviii, xxix, xxx, 57, 84
and Ch 1, 4
bronze situla 15, 21, 51, 62; plate 84
Dancers, dancing 13, 28, 105;
Calydonian boar hunt 14, 25 v. sub paidagogos, paidagogoi - (?)female
acrobatic 1 05
calyx krater 8,9,40,76,78,82,120
Campania xxviii, xxix, xxx, xxxii, 57, 88, 101 mime-dancing xxxiii, 105
Campanian cavalry xxx, 4, 78 Daunia, Daunians 53, 54, 57
Capestrano warrior 15, 50, 51, 52, 53, 62, 70, 74; Daunian pottery 55, 56, 57, 1 14
plate 81 Daunian stelai 53, 54, 55, 56, 58, 59, 62; plates
Capua xxviii, xxix, xxx, xxxi, 4, 42, 80, 83, 84, 87, 87, 88, 89, 95
1 17; v. sub tomb-painting - Capuan demon 47, 48

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
148 General Index
diadem 109, 117, 121, 123, 130; comic 88

v. sub women's costume - head-dress gladiator farces 87
black 122, 123; v. sub funerary cult gladiators 62
Diodorus Siculus 4 Gorgons 13, 34
Dionysos 23, 25, 26, 32, 33, 106; v. sub ritual
greaves 7, 20, 62, 80, 87, 88, 89, 90, 1 15, 1 18, 127,
objects and wine, wine drinking 129; plate 98; v. esp. Ch. 2, 4
cult of 131 Greece 20
Dionysiac associations 106,131 Greek, Greek influences and customs xxvii,
Dionysiac votives 129 xxviii, xxix, xxx, xxxi, xxxiii, 12, 14, 20, 21, 24,
Dioskouroi 21,26 26, 27, 28, 33, 45, 58, 59, 62, 63, 67, 74, 75, 77,
duel 28, 85, 86, 87; v. sub funerary cult - duels as a 78, 80, 81, 82, 86, 95, 97, 98, 100, 102, 103, 105,
part of and mock-fight 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 114, 115, 118, 119, 120,
121, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131; v. sub relations
between Greeks and Samnites
Egyptian Hadra hydriai 123
Griffin 76
Electra 76
ephebeia 77; v. sub military training and youths
Eros, Eros cult xxxiii, 29, 30, 105, 107, 108, Hannibal
109, 57, 70
1 10, 130; v. sub fertility, fertility symbols andHattusas
ritual 12, 19
objects', v. esp. Ch. 5, 4 head-band 89; v. sub ritual objects
Eros seated 108,109,110 heart-protector/kardiophylax 50, 51, 52, 53, 56,
Eros standing 108,109 57, 74, 78, 79; plate 86; v. sub cuirass
Greek Eros cult 1 10 bronze discs 50
Greek type Eros 108 Helen, birth of 101

Samnite type Eros 108, 109 helmet 4, 1 7, 48, 50, 56, 58, 62, 88, 90, 98, 1 15,
Etruria 60, 88 127; v. esp. Ch. 2, 1
Etruscan, Etruscans xxviii, xxix, xxx, 57, 77, 83, Apulo-Corinthian helmet 40
85 Attic type 39, 58
bucchero pottery xxx Attic type crested helmet 58, 74
bucchero cup 64 Celtic helmet 53, 58, 59, 61, 62, 74, 131; plate
bucchero kantharos xxx 71; v. esp. Ch. 2,2
Etruscan black-figure pottery 14 Corinthian type 45
amphora 60 crested and feathered helmet 7, 87, 89, 90, 1 18,
Chigi jug 78 122, 127
Caeretan hydria 14 crested, feathered and horned 50
Etruscan hegemony over Campania xxx crested helmet 4, 7, 48, 49, 64, 67, 81, 85, 86,
90, 104, 118, 129
Etruscan inscriptions xxviii, xxix, xxx, 1 1 7
Etruscan terracotta altar 88 feathered helmet 4, 30, 48, 64, 69, 71, 80, 87,
90, 117, 118, 121, 129
Etruscan tutulus 100;
v. sub women's costume - head-dress horned helmet 49; plate 64
Hera 97, 101
Herakles 13
Female cults 106,107;
Herodotus 113
v. sub Eros , Eros cult and pre-nuptial ceremonies ;
v. esp. Ch. 5, 4 himation 33, 49, 83, 95, 96, 97, 105
Himeros 2 1
fertility, fertility symbols 106, 107, 108, 116, 119,
120; v. sub ritual objects Hittite, Hittites 12, 15, 20, 62
fibula 53; v. sub jewellery Horace 87, 104
footwear; v. esp. Ch. 1, 5 horses, horse riding xxxii, 26, 33, 48, 49, 58, 59,
boots 2 1 , 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 3 1 , 64, 67, 69, 74, 77, 78, 80, 82, 83, 84, 90, 102, 120,
32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 90, 91, 128, 130, 131 122, 123
sandals 21, 23, 24, 26, 29, 32, 33, 34, 35, 37 hunting xxxi, 34, 77
shoes xxxii, 21, 22, 24, 25, 26, 30, 31, 32, 33,hydria
36, xxxii, xxxiii, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 19, 40, 48, 50, 63,
37, 79, 84, 89, 95 68, 69, 71, 72, 73, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 95, 96,
funerary cult xxxi, xxxiii, 48, 49, 63, 84, 87, 96, 98, 99, 100, 101, 104, 107, 1 10, 1 15, 117, 118,
97,
98, 103, 106, 107, 1 13, 1 19, 123; v. esp. Ch. 6, 4 120, 121, 130
duels as part of 88
funerary games 88 Iapygians 114
funerary oaths 117 Illyrian, Illyrians 113, 114
Ionic columns 49, 107, 119, 121, 123, 130 Illyrian pottery 1 14
naiskos, naiskoi 49, 50, 64, 84, 103, 107, 1 19,Ionic capital 109;
120, 121, 123 v. sub Eros, Eros cult
stelai 87, 98, 103, 107, 1 17, 1 19, 121, 123 Ionic column 69, 108, 119, 121;
v. sub Eros, Eros cult and funerary cult - Ionic columns
Ganymede 29
Gauls 85 Javelin 56,67,69,71,73,81,82,88;
Gigantomachy 14 v. sub spear ; v. esp. Ch. 2, 8
gladiatorial contests 87, 88; jewellery 53, 54, 99, 108, 109, 122, 127; plates 90,
v. sub duel and mock-fiight 91,92

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
General Index 149
Kalathos 105 Odysseus 14, 25

kantharos 11,27 oinochoe 3,78,96,98, 106, 107, 109, 116, 117,
kekryphalos 109, 130 118, 128, 130, 131; v. sub ritual objects
Kephalos 22 Opici xxix; v. sub Osean, Oscans
kline 131 Orestes 76
knob-handled patera 108, 109 Orphism, Orphic ideas 107, 110, 119
komast, komasts 12,13,14 Orphic Eros Hymn 1 10; v. sub Eros, Eros cult
Korçe-Devoll pottery 1 14 Osean, Oscans xxvii, xxviii, xxix, xxx
Osean language xxix, xxx, 1 1 7
Laconian black-figure pottery 14 Osean speakers xxix, xxx
Laodamia 26 Osci xxix; v. sub Osean, Oscans
lebes gamikos 42, 85, 87, 1 10
Leda 101 Paediculi 114
Leucippids 21,26 Paestum xxx; v. sub tomb-painting - Paestan
libation scenes xxxi, xxxiii, 8, 1 1, 34, 39, 44, 48, paidagogos, paidagogoi 28, 29, 88;
49, 63, 69, 77, 80, 96, 97, 98, 100, 102, 103, 104, v. sub footwear - boots
105, 106, 1 13, 1 14, 1 16, 117, 121, 122, 123; v. sub (?)female xxxiii, 105;
wine, wine drinking ; v. esp. Gh. 6, 3 v. sub dancers, dancing - mime-dancing ;
linen 97; v. esp. Ch. 5, 2
v. sub cuirass - linen corselets and spinning, weaving parasols 68
Livy 3, 49, 61, 62, 68 Paris, Judgement of 42,97,101
loin-cloth, loin-cloths xxxii, 5, 9, 10, 11, 12, 15, pelike 109
30,51,58, 74, 83,85, 86, 89; peplos 97, 118, 120, 121;
v. sub tunic, v. esp. Ch. 1, 2 and Ch. 1, 3 v. sub chiton and women's costume
louterion 109
Persephone 120
Lucania xxix
petasos 67
Lucilius 42, 87, 88 Phaedra 26
lyre 1 3 1 phiale 11, 27, 28, 67, 98, 106, 107, 109, 1 15, 1 16,
117, 118, 121, 123, 128, 129, 130, 131;
Macedonians 114 v. sub ritual objects
Maenad, Maenads 23, 25, 32, 33, 106; v. sub phlyax, phlyakes 14, 33
Dionysos phlyax mask 32, 106
marriage customs xxxi, xxxii, xxxiii, 32, 103, phlyax plays 87
104, 106, 113, 114, 116; v. sub pre-nuptial phlyax vases 14, 87, 88
ceremonies and ritual meetings of warriors and women ; Phrygian cap 85, 86
v. esp. Ch. 6, 2 pilos 1 1, 29, 49, 67, 74, 78, 82, 86, 87, 120, 128,
Mars, cult of 42 129, 130, 131; v. suh helmet
Medea 29 pilos-shaped helmet 53, 56, 58, 64, 74, 85, 86, 131
Memnon 5 crested 82
menhir 5 1, 52; plate 85 Pithecusae 57
mercenaries xxx, 62 plastic vases 34, 35, 36;
Messapians 114 v. sub. footwear, v. esp. Ch. 1, 5
Messapian pottery 59 Pliny 114
Messapian language 1 14 Plutarch 108
military training 30, 77, 78, 79, 80; Pluto 28

v. sub ephebeia and youths', v. esp. Ch. 3, 2 polos 1Ö0; v. sub women's costume - head-dress
mirror 60; plates 96, 97; polos-crown 1 0 1
v. sub ritual objects - mirrors Polybius 57
mock-fight 42, 63, 80, 82, 85; Polykleitan stance 62, 90
v. sub duel', v. esp. Ch. 3, 4 Polyphemos, the Cyclops 14
Polyxena 75
Naiskos, naiskoi 1 1, 74; Pontecagnano xxx, 70
v. sub funerary cult - naiskoi Pothos 2 1
limestone naiskos 120; Praxitelean stance 78, 79, 89, 90, 91
v. sub Tarentum, Tarentines - Tarentine architecture prayers 1 16, 1 17
Neapolis xxx pre-nuptial ceremonies xxxiii, 105, 107, 109, 113,
neck amphora xxxii, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 39, 41, 48, 114, 115;
73, 75, 79, 82, 95, 96, 98, 99, 100, 101, 104, 105, v. sub marriage customs and ritual meetings of
107, 114, 118, 119 warriors and women', v. esp. Ch 5, 4 and Ch. 6, 2
Neoptolemos 75 prisoners xxxi, 33, 49, 64, 83, 84, 106, 120, 122;
Nessos 13 v. sub combat
pseudo-panathenaic
nestoris 4, 10, 1 1, 25, 41, 46, 51, 57, 58, 65, 66, amphora 8, 30, 48, 97, 100,
67,69, 74, 75, 82, 109, 130, 131; 109, 119
v. sub ritual objects
Nola xxviii, xxix, xxx, 87; Relations between Greeks and Samnites 129;
v. sub tomb-painting - Nolan v. esp. APPENDIX
Novilara 70 ritual gesture 89

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
150 General Index
ritual meetings of warriors and women xxxi, stele 130; v. sub funerary cult - stelai
Strabo 3, 5, 1 13, 1 14
xxxii, xxxiii, 77, 96, 104, 105, 1 13, 1 14, 129;
Suessula
v. sub marriage customs and pre-nuptial ceremonies ; xxix, xxx, 57
v. esp. Ch. 6, 2 swan 115
ritual objects 107, 108, 109, 110, 115, 123; sword 28, 73, 75, 85; v. esp. Ch. 2, 9
v. esp. Ch. 5, 4 antenna sword 46, 51, 58, 59, 69, 70, 73, 74
bunch of grapes 106, 108, 109, 115, 129, 130 short sword 41, 53, 67, 73, 74, 75, 76, 82, 85
dove 106, 109 symposia, symposiasts 20, 21, 131;
eggs 106, 107, 109, 110, 121, 130, 131 v. sub wine, wine drinking
fan 106, 108, 109 Samnite 1 3 1 ; v. esp. appendix
fillet 108, 115, 120, 130
fruit 106,115,129 Tarentum, Tarentines
garlands 106, 107, 109, 115, 123 Tarentine architecture 120,121;
mirrors 106, 109, 114, 115, 120 v. sub naiskos, naiskoi - limestone naiskos
plakous cakes 107,130 Tarentine art 48
pomegranate 107, 120, 122, 123 Teiresias 25
pyramides 107, 130 Thespiai 108, 1 10; v. sub Eros, Eros cult
rosette 107
tomb-painting xxvii, xxx, xxxi, 62, 64, 72, 73, 77,
situlae 106, 107, 110, 115, 116, 128 88, 102, 107, 119, 122, 123
stylised flowers 106 Apulian 123
tambourine 107, 108, 109, 110 Capuan 3, 4, 5, 19, 49, 50, 63, 64, 87, 88, 1 19,
thymiaterion 107,115,116,120 122; plates 10, 47, 101, 160, 161
thyrsos 32, 106, 1 10, 1 15, 130 Nolan 119, 122; plate 162
wine 106 Paestan 3, 1 1 , 28, 33, 40, 42, 44, 49, 56, 64, 69,
Roman, Romans xxviii, xxx, xxxi, 4, 42, 57, 61,77, 83, 84, 87, 88; plates 5, 33, 52, 62, 63, 11,
87, 107 127
Roman army 68, 70, 73 torch 110, 130
Rome 57,61,87 tribal symbols 8, 56, 57, 58, 59, 65, 74, 120, 130
Trojan 86
Sabellians xxix trophy, trophies xxxii, 4, 5, 44, 62, 64, 79, 83, 84,
Salii 57 89, 90, 104, 118, 119, 120, 122; v. sub combat
Samnite League xxx tunic xxxii, 15, 44, 48, 49, 57, 62, 64, 67, 69, 74,
Samnite Wars 4 78, 79, 80, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 88, 89, 90, 91, 104,
Samnium xxix, 70 117, 118, 120, 122, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131;
Satrianum xxix v. sub loin-cloth, loin-cloths ;
v. esp. Ch. 1, 2 and Ch. 1, 3
Satyr 23, 3 1 ; v. sub Dionysos
servant xxxiii, 98, 102, 106
Volute
shield 4, 30, 32, 41, 44, 53, 56, 57, 58, 62, 65, 75, krater 28, 49, 50, 63, 64
78, 79, 81, 82, 83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 1 15,
127, 128, 129; v. esp. Ch. 2,6 Window 114
oval 66, 69 wine, wine drinking 27, 1 17, 128, 130; v. sub
parasol 66, 67, 68, 75, 82 Dionysos and ritual objects - wine
pelta 65, 67, 82; v. sub Amazons women's costume 95, 97, 98, 102, 103, 105, 107,
round 58, 65, 66, 67, 69, 74, 75, 80, 82, 86, 129 116, 117, 121, 127; v. esp. Ch. 4,2
shoulder-guards 49 cape 7, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 105, 1 17, 1 18,
Sicily xxx, 61,62, 87 121, 127
silen 24, 32; v. sub Dionysos jacket-like cape 96, 99, 100, 1 18
skyphos xxxii, 5, 6, 9, 10, 11, 19, 43, 45, 49, 57, drapery 95, 96, 97, 98, 120
67, 78, 79, 81, 85, 86, 89, 96, 98, 100, 104, 107, dress 1 2 1 ; v. sub chiton and peplos
116, 117, 118, 119, 123; v. sub ritual objects black 120, 122
speaking gesture 117,121,130; head-dress 7, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 105,
v. sub libation scenes 117, 118, 127
spear 30, 31, 32, 41, 44, 48, 49, 51, 56, 57, 58, 62, skirt 96, 97, 98, 100
64, 67, 69, 73, 74, 75, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, wool xxxiii, 97, 99; v. sub spinning, weaving
84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 1 15, 1 18, 1 19, 120, wool basket 1 16; v. sub marriage customs
122, 127, 128, 129, 130; wreath 27, 78, 79, 89, 90, 104, 107, 108, 109, 1 15,
v. sub chapes and javelin ; v. esp. Ch. 2, 7 116, 120, 121, 128, 130, 131; v. sub ritual objects
strap attached to spear 72, 73
spinning, weaving xxxiii, 97, 99, 104, 105;
Xylophone (so-called) 105, 110, 120
v. sub wool ; v. esp. Ch. 5, 2
spurs v. esp. Ch. 2, 5
Youths xxxii, 104, 108, 109, 130, 131;
single spur 20, 63
v. sub ephebeia and military training
two spurs 64
squat lekythos 44, 48, 49, 72, 80, 90, 105, 1 16,
123 Zeus 26

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 1 Skyphos, Boston 03.822. Errera Painter
Plate 2 Skyphos, Leiden GNV 8. Frignano Group

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 3 Hydria, Budapest T 763. LNO Painter
Plate 4 Neck amphora. Liefkes coll.,

The Hague. LNO Painter
Plate 5 Paestan tomb-painting. The 'procession' fresco

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 6 Lucanian Type I nestoris, Boston 1971.49. Amykos Painter
Plate 8 Neck amphora, Vatican

Astarita coll. 58. Astarita Painter
Plate 7 Apulian column krater, BM F 174. Sisyphus Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 9 Hydria, Louvre K277. Libation Painter
Plate 10 Capuan tomb-painting

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 1 1 Bail amphora, Melbourne,

La Trobe University, 94.02.
Three-Dot Group
Plate 12 Mediaeval garment, probably originally from Egypt. Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 13 Skyphos, Brussels R320. Pilos Head Group
Plate 14 Neck amphora, Berlin 4982,45. Ixion Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 15 Hydria, BM F2 15. Libation Painter
Plate 16 Hydria, New York 01.8.12. Group of Naples 3227

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 17 Skyphos, Berkeley University, California 8/3243. Painter of Louvre K296
Plate 18 Hydria, Vatican Astarita coll. 56. Astarita Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 19 Bell krater, BM 1953 4-29.1. Detroit Painter
Plate 20 Hydria, Los Angeles, Dechter coli. 42. CA Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 21 Neck amphora, Capua.

Caivano Painter
Plate 22 Neck amphora, BM F 197. Libation Painter
Plate 23 Pseudo-panathenaic amphora,

once Hamburg market. Caivano Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 24 Calyx krater, Naples 861/82599. Horseman Group
Plate 25 Calyx krater, Chicago 27680. Horseman Group

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 26a Neck amphora, Brussels A3550. Plate 26b Neck amphora, Brussels
Errera Painter A3550. Errera Painter
Plate 27 Lucanian Type I nestons, BM F 175. Dolon Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 28a Lucanian Type II nestoris, once Rome market.

Plate 28b Lucanian Type II nestoris,
Choephoroi Painter once Rome market. Choephoroi Painter
Plate 29 Apulian nestoris, Naples 221 1/81830. Bassano Group

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 30 Apulian column krater, BM Fl 73. Prisoner Painter
Plate 31 Apulian column krater, BM F297. Wolfenbüttel Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 32 Apulian column krater, Trieste S388. Dijon Painter
Plate 33 Paestan tomb-painting

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 34 Early Corinthian aryballos, Melbourne priv. coli.

'Flap Group'
Plate 35 Early 6th century alabastron,

Leiden I 1992/6 91
Plate 36 Amphora, Athens National Museum 1002

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 37a Attic black-figure column krater, Berlin 1966.17
Plate 37b Attic black-figure column krater, Berlin 1966.17
Plate 38a Attic black-figure kylix, Amsterdam 3356

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 38b Attic black-figure kylix, Amsterdam 3356
Plate 39 Thessalian bronze belt. 8th/7th century BC
Plate 40 Grave goods, including a complete Samnite bronze belt, from Castiglione di Conversa

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 41 Samnite belt fragment, Museo del Sannio, Benevento
Plate 42a Samnite belt fragment,

Museo Campano, Capua
Plate 42b Samnite belt fragment, Museo Campano, Capua
Plate 42c Samnite belt fragment, Museo Campano, Capua

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 43 Samnite belt fragment. 5th/4th century BC
Plate 44a Samnite type belt, once German market. 4th/3rd century BG
Plate 44b Detail of the clasp of the Samnite type belt shown in plate 44a

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 45 Samnite type belt, Museum Antické Umění,

Prague. 4th/3rd century BC
Plate 46 Skyphos, Bochum S996. Libation Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 48 Lucanian pseudo-panathenaic amphora,

Erlangen I 288. Related to the Primato Group

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 49 Apulian oinochoe, BM F376. Patera Painter
Plate 50 Apulian column krater, Würzburg 858.

Connected in style to the Painter of Geneva MF 290

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 51 Drawing of a lost Gampanian vase-painting (after Tischbein)
Plate 52 Drawing of a lost Paestan tomb-painting (after Pequignot)

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC 56 UTC
Plates
Plate 53a Amphora in outline technique,

Vatican AB 14
Plate 53b Amphora in outline technique,

Vatican AB 14
Plate 53c Amphora in outline technique,

Vatican AB 14
Plate 53d Amphora in outline technique,

Vatican AB 14

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 54 Bail amphora, Naples

private collection 228. Ixion Group
Plate 55 Skyphos, Naples private

collection 1-8-6. Ixion Group
Plate 56a Skyphos, Bloomington

I.U.A.M. 100.10.5.81 B. Ixion Group
Plate 56b Skyphos, Bloomington

I.U.A.M. 100.10.5.81 B. Ixion Group

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 57 Bail amphora, Capua 7541.

Errera Painter
Plate 58 Skyphos, Capua (no inv.).

Laon Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 59a Bail amphora, Naples Plate 59b Bail amphora, Naples
private collection 1-7-4. private collection 1-7-4.
Painter of Naples 128012 Painter of Naples 128012
Plate 60 Bail amphora, once

Zürich market. Ixion Group
Plate 61 Paestan bell krater, Richmond 81.72.

Attributed to Python

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 64a Bronze helmet with bull's horns and ears, once German market
Plate 64b Bronze helmet with bull's horns and ears, once German market

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 65 Apulian column krater, Ruvo 1090. Eumenides Group
Plate 66 Apulian column krater, Ruvo 412. York Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 67 Bail amphora, Rheinbach, Koch coll. Walters Sub-Group
Plate 68 Bell krater, Louvre K261. Libation Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 69 Lucanian bell krater, Vienna 918.

Painter of Vienna 1091
Plate 70a Bronze statuette

from Sicily, Louvre Br- 124
Plate 70b Bronze statuette

from Sicily, Louvre Br- 124
Plate 71 Celtic helmet,

Museo Nazionale, Ancona

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 72 Samnite cuirass,

Museo A. de Nino, Alfedena
Plate 73a Samnite cuirass, Plate 73b Samnite cuirass,

once London market once London market
Plate 74 Samnite cuirass from Ruvo, Plate 75 Samnite cuirass,

Museo Nazionale, Naples once Bern market

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 76 Squat lekythos, BM F242.

Related to the Danaïd Painter
Plate 77 Hydria, Newark 50.330.

CA Painter
Plate 78a Squat lekythos, once

Paris market. Spotted Rock Group
Plate 78b Squat lekythos, once

Paris market. Spotted Rock Group

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 79 Apulian volute krater, Tampa 87.36.

Gift of C.W. Sahlman. Arpi Painter
Plate 80 Hydria, Würzburg 873. Painter of New York GR 1000

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 81a Statue of a warrior from Plate 81b Statue of a warrior from
Capestrano, Museo Nazionale, Chieti Capestrano, Museo Nazionale, Chieti
Plate 82a Statue from Plate 82b Statue from

Capestrano, Museo Nazionale, Capestrano, Museo Nazionale,
Chieti Chieti

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 83 Akroterion from Poggio Civitate
Plate 84 Detail from the Certosa situla, Museo Nazionale, Bologna

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Plates
Plate 85a Menhir from Guardiagrele, Plate 85b Menhir from Guardiagrele,
Museo Nazionale, Chieti Museo Nazionale, Chieti
Plate 86 Heart-protector, Museo A. de Nino, Alfedena

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 87 Female Daunian stele Plate 88 Female Daunian stele
Plate 89 Detail from a Daunian

stele showing jewellery

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 90 Jewellery from near Plate 91 Jewellery from near Picenum,

Picenum, 6th century BC 6th century BC
Plate 92 Bronze disc from Alfedena

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 93 Lucanian Type III nestoris,

Leiden 1894/9.1. Acrobat Painter
Plate 94a Lucanian Type II nestoris, Plate 94b Lucanian Type II nestoris,
Berlin F3146. Painter of Naples 1959 Berlin F3146. Painter of Naples 1959

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 95 Daunian stele showing circular patterns
Plate 96 Bronze mirror, Plate 97 Bronze mirror,

Rijksmuseum G.M. Kam, Nijmegen Museo Nazionale, Bologna

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Plates
Plate 98a Pair of greaves, Archäologisches Institut,

Zürich L125a & b
Plate 98b Detail of the back

of one of the greaves

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 99 Bail amphora, Naples Plate 100 Attic black-figure hydria, Rome,
RC 74. Three-Dot Group Museo Capitolino 88. Antimenes Group

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 102 Apulian fragment, Leiden I 1992/6 1 18. Baltimore Painter
Plate 103 Apulian column krater, once Milan market. Maplewood Painter
Plate 104 Apulian hydria fragment, Leiden I 1992/6 47. Baltimore Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 105 Hydria, Louvre K276. Plate 106 Bail amphora, Oxford
Libation Painter 1880.17 (V457). Libation Group
Plate 107 Hydria, San Simeon, Hearst Estate 5432. Errera Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 108 Bail amphora, once Zürich market.

Painter of Louvre K491
Plate 109 Bell krater, Sydney 46.01. Nicholson Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 1 10 Squat lekythos, BM F241

CA Painter
Plate 1 1 1 Paestan tomb-painting

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 1 12 Bail amphora, Melbourne, Plate 113 Bail amphora,

La Trobe University, 94.01. VPH Painter Brussels A830. Three-Dot Group
Plate 1 14 Apulian column krater, Monopoli,

Meo-Evoli coll. L56. Prisoner Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 1 15 Hydria, Naples 127961. Boston Ready Painter
ríate 1 lb Apunan column krater, Kuvo 1 /Uy. rrisoner rainter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 1 17 Apulian column krater, Reading University Museum 87.35.34. Rueff Painter
Plate 1 18 Hydria, Capua (inv. 7). Triumph Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 1 19 Skyphos, Naples 878/82765. Parrish Painter
Plate 120 Hydria, Washington 429913. Washington Combat Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 121 Hydria, Capua 7539. Washington Combat Painter
Plate 122 Skyphos, once Munich market. Plate 123 Skyphos, St Petersburg 1670.
Duel Painter Duel Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 124 Hydria, Louvre CA 31906 Plate 125 Hydria, Budapest 51.89
Duel Painter Duel Painter
Plate 126 Lebes gamikos, Bloomington

I. U.A.M. 70.29. Column Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 128 Skyphos, once Philadelphia and Zürich markets

Whiteface Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 129 Bail amphora, Vatican Plate 130 Bail amphora, Agrigento R200
Astarita coll. 57. Astarita Painter Painter of New York GR 1000
Plate 132 Bail amphora,

Capua (no inv.). Painter of
Louvre K296
Plate 131 Bail amphora, Plate 133 Bail amphora,

North German priv. coll. Louvre K296. Painter of
Capua Painter Louvre K296

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 135 Paestan hydria, Brussels A813

Attributed to Asteas or close to his work
Plate 134 Hydria, Naples 874/82721

Astarita Painter
Plate 136 Bail amphora,

Toronto 916.3.2. Torchmen Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 138 Neck amphora, Berlin F2990

Plate 137 Paestan neck amphora, Owl Pillar Group
Paestum 21370. Signed by Python
Plate 139b Apulian squat lekythos,

Essen 74.158. A 3. Group of Ruvo 423
Plate 139a Apulian squat lekythos,

Essen 74.158. A 3. Group of Ruvo 423

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 140 Hydria, Vatican U48. CA Painter
Plate 141 Neck amphora,

Stockholm 31. CA Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 142 Apulian knob-handled patera, Lecce 786

Close in style to the Darius Painter
Plate 143 Apulian knob-handled patera,

Manchester IV C 8. Rennes Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 144a Apulian knob-handled patera,

Marseille 2.932. Baltimore Painter
Plate 144b Apulian knob-handled patera,

Plate 144c Apulian knob-handled patera,


f:ffff:ffff:ffff:ffff:ffff on Thu, 01 Jan 1976 12:34:56 UTC
Plates
Plate 145 Apulian Type I nestoris, Naples 2307/81832

Painter of Naples 2307
Plate 146 Apulian pelike, Leiden I 1992/6 1 16

Schneider-Herrmann Sub-Group

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 147 Apulian lebes gamikos, Taranto 61438

Baltimore Painter
Plate 148 Apulian column krater, BM F294

Trieste Owl Group

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 149 Neck amphora, Vatican U45 Plate 150 Neck amphora, BM F 196
CA Painter Painter of BM F 196
Plate 151 Bell krater, Capua (no inv.)

CA Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 152 Hydria, Archäologisches Institut, Zürich 3580

Boston Ready Painter
Plate 153 Bell krater, Vatican U50. CA Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 154 Squat lekythos, Naples

RC 143/86067. CA Painter
Plate 155 Hydria, Würzburg 874

Libation Painter
Plate 156 Calyx krater, Naples 1985/82410

Horseman Group

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 157a Hydria, Dunedin E 48.275

Astarita Painter
Plate 157b Hydria, Dunedin E 48.275

Astarita Painter
Plate 157c Hydria, Dunedin E 48.275

Astarita Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 158 Hydria, Hamburg, Kropatscheck coll.

Close to the style of the Capua-Boreas Painter
Plate 159 Hydria, Armidale (N.S.W.)

Olcott Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 162 Nolan tomb-painting

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 163 Apulian column krater, Vatican TIO. Maplewood Painter
Plate 164 Apulian column krater, once London market. Patera Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC
Plates
Plate 165 Apulian column krater, New York 96.18.42 (GR 640)
Painter of the Bari Orestes
Plate 166 Apulian column krater, Louvre K121

Follower of the Darius Painter

87.122.160.12 on Sun, 20 Nov 2022 09:59:09 UTC

Schneider-Herrmann - The Samnites of The Fourth Century BC As Depicted On Campanian Vases and Other Sources

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Schneider-Herrmann - The Samnites of The Fourth Century BC As Depicted On Campanian Vases and Other Sources

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The Samnites of the Fourth Century BC: as depicted on Campanian Vases and in other

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/43768463

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of the Fourth Century BC

Foreword by Professor A.D. Trendall

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Foreword by Professor A. D. Trendall xix

Oscans and Samnites xxvii

Aspects of Samnite Life xxxi

The Samnite Warrior

2 The Samnite Tunic 4

3 The Origins of the Tunic and Belt Costume 12

Chapter 2 The Samnite W

5 The Single Spur 63

5 The Cult of the Single Warrior 89

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2 The Samnite Woman's Costume 95

Chapter 5 The Samnite Woman's Activi

2 The Samnite Woman's Domestic Activities 103

4 Two Special Female Cults 107

2 Ritual Meetings of Warriors and Women 113

4 The Samnite Funerary Cult 119

Index of Vase-Painters and Groups 145

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Fig. 2 Loose fitting tunic, after hydria, New York 01.8.12.

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Fig. 57 Parasol shield, after Type II Lucanian nestoris, Berlin F3 146.

Fig. 68 Woman's skirt and drapery, after neck amphora, BM F 197.

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Plate 23 Pseudo-panathenaic amphora, once Hamburg market. Caivano Painter. Photograp

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Plate 25 Calyx krater, Chicago 27680. Horseman Group. Photograph court

Plate 37 a, b Attic black-figure column krater, Berlin 1966.17. Photographs courtesy o

Plate 48 Lucanian pseudo-panathenaic amphora, Erlangen I 288. Related to the Primato

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Plate 56 a, b Skyphos, Bloomington I.U.A.M. 100.10.5.81 B. Ixion Group. Photogra

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Plate 88 Female Daunian stele. Photograph courtesy of the Soprintendenza Ar

Plate 1 1 1 Paestan tomb-painting. Photograph courtesy of the Museo Nazionale, Paestum.

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Plate 119 Skyphos, Naples 878/82765. Parrish Painter. Photograph courtesy of

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Plate 150 Neck amphora, BM F 196. Painter of BM F 196. Photograph with t

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Gisela Schneider-Herrmann was born in Berlin on September 1st 1893 and

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"All that is gold does not glitter"

The above quotation is, in many respects, applicable to the manuscript of

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to the historical study of the native peoples of the central Apennines,

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showed a rare generosity towards his younger colleagues. He was happy to r

"This mean and unrefined stuff of mine,

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Oscans and Samnites

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