Professional Documents
Culture Documents
I
ROMAN
REPUBLICAN
COINAGE
I
BY
MICHAEL H. CRAWFORD
Lecturer in Ancient History
University of Cambridge
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CONTENTS
age
VOLUME I
i
List of tables x
List offigures xi
Preface Xll1
INTRODUCTION
Introduction 1
I The first period of the denarius coinage 3
The mint of Rome 8
Mints outside Rome 12
The denarius coinage 24
The date of the denarius 28
II The pre-denarius coinage 35
III The second century- relative chronology 47
c. 2o6-c. 144 B.c. (nos. 112-221) 47
c. 143-c. 125 B.C. (nos. 222-72) 55
c. 124-c. 92 B.C. (nos. 273-336) 65
IV The. second century - absolute chronology 71
V The first century 75
91-79 B.C. (Table XII) 75
78-49 B.C. (Table XIII) 82
49-45 B.C. (Table XIV) 89
44-31 B.C. (Tables XV-XVII) ""94
Appendix: Relative arrangement of quadrigatus issues 103
CATALOGUE
Note on use of the Catalogue 123
Abbreviations used and works cited in headings of the Catalogue 123
Collections cited in the Catalogue 126
Catalogue 131
Appendix 547
Modem forgeries 548
Mis-read coins 553
Plated coins 56o
Unofficial issues of bronze coins 565
v
Contents
VOLUME II
1 Technique and technology page 56 9
Metal 569
Struck coins 576
Cast coins (28o-212 B.c.) 589
3 Monetary magistrates
Moneyers
Monetary magistrates other than moneyers
Military issues
4 Special formulae
Issues struck from Argentum publicum
Issues struck by Senatus consultum
vi
Contents
Addenda 751
PLATES
Plates 755
Key to the plates 757
Bibliography 797
Concordances 820
Indices 859
Types 859
Legends 879
Sources 890
Persons 903
General 912
vii
TABLES
VOLUME I
ix
Tables
VOLUME II
XJ
To my parents
PREFACE
I began to work in 1961 on the finances of the Roman Republic, with a particular
interest in the effect on these of the Roman conquest of the Hellenistic World. It
soon became apparent that an adequate account of the coinage of the Roman
Republic was a necessary preliminary and I was gradually drawn into writing a
handbook on the Roman Republican coinage. Some of the work involved has been
congenial, some has not; I have tried to do it all conscientiously. Chapter 7 presents
some of the work with which I started in 1961; but the subject as a whole still
cannot be properly studied in the absence of an adequate knowledge of the coinages
of Rome's enemies during the last two centuries of the Republic and of the coinages,
such as the cistophoric, used by Rome, but not struck by the main mint of the
Republic or by its magistrates for empire-wide circulation.
This book is in any case quite large enough; I have kept it to this size only by
imposing on myself two major restraints. In the first place, I have only dealt with
what may be called the mainstream coinage of the Republic; this is not easy to
define, but it may be regarded as being coinage struck by officials of the Republic
which was theoretically valid throughout the Empire; by way of example, the Social
War coinage is excluded (it has no more place here than the Oscan denarii struck by
Sertorius), as are all cistophori (it has never been clear to me why those of M.
Antonius are traditionally included in handbooks on the Republican coinage, those
of M. Cicero not) and all local bronze of the Triumviral period (in which category
I include the •fleet' bronze of M. Antonius, but not the issues of L. Atratinus and
Cn. Piso Frugi). The catalogue closes with three issues whose inclusion is not
perhaps entirely justifiable; but it is not likdy that any other handbook will ever
include them.
In the second place, I have considered the coinage of the Republic solely from the
point of view of the issuing authority or authorities; there is much to be written
about the behaviour of the Republican coinage in circulation, but not here. I have
put down some thoughts on the context in which Roman coinage functioned and on
the economic significance which it had inJRS 1970, 4<r8; it is perhaps worth repeat
ing that coinage is struck at Rome, as in other ancient states, to serve the needs of
the state, not to supply the consumer.
A few other words of explanation may be desirable. In preparing the catalogue,
I have cited an actual coin as evidence for a given type, preferably from a published
source, and within a published source; the first coin listed of the type in question;
xiii (
Preface
I have attempted to illustrate every significant type, using the best specimen known
to me. Given the fullness with which I have been able to illustrate the coinage of the
Republic, I have not attempted to describe in the catalogue such minutiae as the
various forms of the letter A or the precise punctuation of a legend, unless particu
larly significant. I am aware that my lists of control-marks are not quite complete and
that for reasons of space I have been able to list control-marks only for a selection of
issues; but no attempt to list control-marks for more than a few isolated issues has
ever been published and one has to make a start sometime. I have attempted to
estimate the size of every issue (the principles followed are set out in connection with
Tables L-Lvu); this seems to me a necessary advance from the traditional practice of
estimating degrees of rarity, with its collectors' emphasis on distinguishing carefully
between pieces which are 'of the greatest rarity' and pieces which are 'exceedingly
rare'. In dating an issue, I have tried to distinguish between certainty, probability
and conjecture (see P· 123). I have used only two abbreviations apart from those
which are in common use in classical studies, '1.' for 'left' and 'r.' for 'right'. I have
usually provided translations of Latin and Greek. Finally, the book was substantially
finished in the autumn of 1971 and in the process of preparing it for the press I have
not attempted to take systematic account of work appearing after that date.
The writing of this book has taken me into many fields in which my competence
is at best dubious and I have profited from the advice of those more knowledgeable
than I; apart from those mentioned below and in the course of the book, I have
asked advice from Professor T.V. Buttrey, Dr C. H.V.Sutherland, the late DrS.
Weinstock and Mr A. Drummond; the Introduction and Volume II were read in
xiv
Preface
particular individuals or museums; above all to Robert Carson, whose readiness to
help in mastering the problems involved in producing a book of this kind has gone
far beyond the call of duty or friendship; to the British School at Rome and to the
Faculty of Classics of the University of Cambridge for financial support; to my
College both for generous financial support and for the company with which it has
surrounded me; to the Cambridge University Press for accepting this book for
publication and for producing it with consummate skill and imagination; to Erica
Mattingly for the beautiful drawings of Pis. LXVI-LXIX; to Geoffrey Bennett, June
Ethridge, Genie Gordon, Helen Gebbett, Alison Jones, Lynda Lyne and Simon
Williams for an immense amount of help with typing and indexing; finally to my
wife, without whose impatient enquiries this book would have taken even longer to
produce than it has.
MICHAEL CRAWFORD
Christ's College, Cambridge
August 1973
I have taken advantage of the publication of a corrected reprint to put right a number
ofmistakes in the first edition and to cite a certain amount ofmaterial which has since
come to light. It is necessary to emphasize that it has not been possible to make sig
nificant adjustments to the estimates of numbers of dies used for different issues or to
the Tables which depend on them; I hope after further research in this area to pro
duce an overall revision of this part of the book. Nor has it been possible to introduce
more than very minor revisions to the indices.
Further, largely bibliographical, supplements may be found in A catalogue of
Roman Republican Coins in the collections of the Royal Scottish Museum, Edinburgh
(Edinburgh: Royal Scottish Museum, 1983}; and a history of the coinage of the
Roman Republic in The Roman Republic and the Mediterranean. Coinage, Money and
the Economy (London: Methuen, 1983).
MICHAEL CRAWFORD
Christ's College, Cambridge
NOfJember 1¢2
j
I'
·' .,
!
INTRODUCTION
INTRODUCTION
The proper use of the Roman Republican coinage as a historical source depends on ·
the ful£lm.ent of three conditions -a full and accurate account must be given of its
content, a chronological framework must be provided and the mints at which it was
produced must be identified. The catalogue which forms the central part of this
book attempts to satisfy the first requirement and the purpose of this introduction
is therefore to discuss how far and on what grounds the various issues can be dated1
and assigned to their mints.
The precious metal coinage falls naturally into two periods, the earlier with a
silver coin weighing about six scruples as its unit (for Roman weights see p. 590),
the later with a silver coin weighing about four scruples or slightly less as its unit.
The earlier unit is the didrachm, or two drachma piece, the later unit is the denarius.
It is clear, for reasons to be discussed below, that the earlier unit was suppressed
because it had been debased beyond the point of acceptability and that there was no
overlap i n production between the earlier unit, the didrachm, and the later unit,
the denarius.2 A discussion of the chronology of the Roman Republican coinage can
best begin by attempting to establish the date of the changeover from the didrachm
to the denarius.
The first step is to consider what elements went to make up the earliest denarius
coinage. These are set out in Table I and fall into three categories -the silver
denarius with its related gold and silver pieces, the bronze as with its related bronze
pieces and the silver victoriatus with its rare silver double and half pieces.
The silver denarius, worth ten asses (Vitruvius iii, 1, 8; Volusius Maecianus, Distr.
46) and therefore bearing the mark of value X, the quinarius, worth five asses and
therefore bearing the mark of value V,3 and the sestertius, worth two and a half
asses and therefore bearing the mark of value liS, are plainly linked to each other,
1 For a discussion of method see M. H. Crawford, Roman Republican roin Jwards, 1-{); the earliest
systematic discussion of method is that of Th. Mommsen, RMw, 411-73; of his various 'Aiters
kriterien' only nos. t, 3, 7 and 11-12 are still precise enough to be valuable.
2 For decisive arguments against the view that there was an overlap between the last didrachm, the
so-called quadrigatus, and the denarius, see R. Thomsen, ERG ii, 2.70-7 (the description of the
Capitol hoard as a hoard including debased pieces is, however, erron eOUs,)
; cf. 267 for the priority of
d
the quadrigatus over the denarius; 328-30 for the absence of overlap b rween the quadrigatus and
the victoriatus.
' For the Etruscan and ultimately Chalcidian origin of these marks of value see J. W. Graham, Plwenix
1969, 35o-2.
3
Introduction
1 (Rome) z (Rome)
Anonymous Victoriati Anonymous Victoriati
Mars{Eagle gold pieces Denarii
Denarii Bronze
Quinarii
Sestertii
Bronze
Anchor Mars{Eagle gold pieces Crescent Victoriati
Denarii Denarii
Bronze Bronze
M Denarii Comucopiae Victoriati
Apex Denarii Denarii
Bronze
5 (Sicily) 6 (Sicily)
Anonymous Victoriati Anonymous Victoriati
Com-ear Denarii C/M Victoriati
Quinarii Com-ear Victoriati
Sestertii Mars{Eagle gold pieces
Com-ear and � Bronze Denarii
Quinarii
Bronze
Dolabella Denarii
Quinarii
C.YAR Denarii
Quinarii
CAL Denarii
Branch Denarii
Bronze
7 tO
Com-ear and staff Denarii Spearhead (Group 1) Victoriati
Staff Denarii Denarii
Wheel Denarii Quinarii
Dolphin Denarii R.2. Denarii
Bronze Quinarii
Sestcrtii
8 Bronze
CN·CO Asses H Quinarii
Bronze
9
Ceres/Hercules Semisses
4
The first period of the denarius coinage
TABLE I (cont.)
10 (cont.)
Q Quinarii
Bronze
Anchor and Q Bronze
V Bronze
Spearhead (Group 2) MarsfEagle gold pieces
Denarii
Bronze
11 Club Victoriati
Anonymous Victoriati Denarii
Double-Victoriati Bronze
13
Torque Victoriati CROT Victoriati
14 15
M Victoriati Victoriati
t6 17 (Spain)
Victoriati Anonymous with Victoriati
Half-victoriati incuse legend
18 19
Victoriati B Denarii
Quinarii Pentagram Victoriati
Bronze Mars/Eagle gold pieces
�(T Victoriati Denarii
Half-victoriati Staff on reverse Victoriati
Quinarii MarsfEagle gold pieces
Sestertii Denarii
Bronze Bronze
r Bronze c Denarii
CIA Bronze
Q Victoriati
Quinarii
N\ Victoriati
Quinarii
� Victoriati
Quinarii
20 21
Caduceus Denarii Wreath Denarii
Knife Denarii Bronze
Denarii
the weight of the denarius being twice that of the quinarius and four times that of
the sestertius. The gold coinage with the types Head of Mars/Eagle on thunderbolt
displays similar marks of value. The smallest piece bears the mark of value XX
and was therefore worth twenty asses (seep. 34), the piece twice its weight bears
the mark of value X X X X and was therefore worth forty asses, thepiece three times
its weight bears the mark of value -J,X and was therefore worth sixty asses.
5
Introduction
The bronze as, its double piece, the dupondius, and all its fractions are similarly
hdd together by their related weights and by their marks of value. This is the
system:
8 = Quadrans = 3 Unciae
8 = Sextans = 2 Unciae
o =Uncia
� = Semuncia
In addition, the denominations of decussis (10 asses), quincussis (5 asses), tressis
(3 asses), dextans (10 unciae), dodrans (9 unciae), bes (8 unciae), quincunx (5 unciae)
and quartuncia were occasionally produced.
Although the bronze coinage thus forms a coherent system, this system, based on
a progressivdy declining weight standard, was a component part of the Roman
Republican coinage from the very beginning. A case must therefore be made for
6
·
The first period of the denanus coinage
with bronze of heavier than sextantal standard, itself of course anonymous. But I
shall show below (p. 24) that anonymous denarii and denarii with symbols and
letters are contemporary.
The place of the victoriatus is less easy to decide. Although some symbols and
letters are common to victoriati, denarii and bronze, the correspondence is less
complete as far as victoriati are concerned, and it has been hdd that the victoriatus
appeared earlier than did the denarius and bronze of sextantal standard and that it
was the coin which replaced the didrachm.1 I regard this view as mistaken and as
incompatible with the evidence provided by a detailed consideration of all the
issues which go to make up the earliest denarius coinage (see p. 28).
Two general considerations may first be adduced. It is apparent that the victoriatus
was at least in some way part of the denarius coinage. Not only do victoriatus,
denarius and bronze certainly run side by side in the second period of the denarius
coinage (see p. so), but both denarius and victoriatus suffered in the first period a
small reduction in weight from their initial level of four and three scruples respec
tivdy (see p. 11 for details).
It is also apparent that the victoriatus had in some sense a special status, since it
bore no mark of value and had a curiou." later history.2 It is clear from the fact that
the value of the denarius was expressed in terms of asses, and not vice versa, that
the Romans had decided (for possible reasons see p. 626) that their new silver unit
was to be worth ten times their bronze unit. The resulting coin was one which,
unlike the didrachm, bore no convenient rdationship with the coinage of Magna
Graecia. There was thus a good reason for creating in addition a coin based on the
drachma. The victoriatus was precisely a drachma. But if it was itself the silver coin
which was introduced to replace the didrachm, no sufficient reason can be dis
cerned for creating the denarius in addition. Logically, the denarius precedes
the victoriatus.
In considering the issues which make up the first period of the denarius coinage,
five criteria of arrangement must be home in mind: finds, w �t standards, over
a H. B. Mattingly, Studies Robinson, 210.
1 The ancient sources on the victoriatus are confused (Pliny, NH xxx.iii , 46-anua enim hie nummus ex
·
lllyn·a advectus mtrcis loco habebatur;Volusius Maecianus, Distr. 45-o/im ut peregnnus nummus loco
mercis. .. habebatur); the close links between the victoriatus, its double piece and its half piece on the
one hand and the denarius and its fractions on the other hand make it clear that the victoriatus was
from the beginning a purely Roman coin; about this coin Pliny and Maecianus tell us precisely
nothing. What they are talking about is surely the coinage of Apollonia, Dyrrhachlum and Corcyra,
produced on the same weight standard as the victoriatus during the period of the middle Republic;
it is this coinage which was carried in triumph from lllyria in 167 (Livy xlv, 43, s; cf. xliv, 27, 9).
In Italy it doubtless was treated loco mercs i and hence found no place in coin hoards. Mommsen's
theory (RMw, 389-400, cf. 372 and 490; this discussion has formed the basis of subsequent work, see
most recently F. W. Walbank, Commentary on Polybius i, 162) should be rejected in toto; it postulates,
briefly, that the advent of the Romans in Illyria in 229 led to the suppression of Corcyra's silver
coinage, which was replaced by no. 101, and to the enforcement of a new standard on Apollonia and
Dyrrhachlum; from this beginning the victoriatus is held to have developed.
Thomsen's discussion of the victoriatus is entirely vitiated by his acceptance of the theories of
St. Bolin, ERG ii, 354�. For the later history of the victoriatus see p. 628.
7
Introduction
strikes, die-links and style. Among all the hoards containing Roman Republican
denarii and victoriati one group stands out because it alone includes a large number
of hoards also containing Greek, Punic and Italic coins. The denarii and victoriati
in this group of hoards are homogeneous and since the foreign coins with which
they are found also rum up in association with the lastRoman didrachrns it is clear
that the denarii and victoriati in question are the first of their kind. I shall first
discuss each issue in turn, then anempt to assess how long this period of the denarius
coinage lasted.
clearly contemporary, displaying identical panerns of wear in the hoards. The two
groups of denarii are even more distinct (nos. 44/5 and 53/2, Pl. IX and Pl. x).
The first (with which belong also quinarii and sestertii) has a Roma with splayed
or curved visor, the second a Roma with peaked visor, not to mention numerous
smaller stylistic differences. Like the two groups of victoriati, the two groups of
denarii are clearly contemporary. Although the first group occurs alone in the
Morgantina, Cheste and Locri hoards, the groups occur together in the Tivisa hoard3
and have the same weight standard. The neater victoriati, as Mattingly rightly
points out, develop without stylistic break into the issues signed with a crescent
and a cornucopiae (nos. 57-8) and the same is true of the denarii displaying a
Roma with peaked visor (compare Pl. x, 11-12 and 19-20 with Pl. xu, 13-14).
It seems reasonable in the circumstances to link the cruder victoriati and the denarii
displaying aRoma with splayed or curved visor with each other.
We thus have two roughly contemporary issues, the first consisting of victoriati,
denarii, quinarii and sestertii, the second of victoriati and denarii. To the first issue
1 The smaller groups in question are nos. 45-8 and 54-5. They arc stylistically distinct from each other
and from other issues of this period; their weight standards suffice to attribute them to it. Since I
cannot at the moment link any of them with signed issues or attribute any of them to a particular mint,
they arc listed after each of the two anonymous issues of the mint of Rome, according to where the
closest resemblance lies. All the groups in question may eventually find a home somewhere and may
indeed be parts of other issues; I do not believe that style alone suffices to individuate an issue and
regard the listing of the groups I have been discussing as provisional.
• Studi1s Robinson, zu with n. 3.
1 Coin hoards, nos. 72, 75, 76 and 94·
8
The first period of the denan·us coinage
belongs the anonymous Mars/Eagle gold coinage,I to each issue belongs part of
the prolific production of anonymous bronze.2 The second issue may certainly be
assigned to the ·mint of Rome, since it develops into the mainstream Republican
coinage, beginning with the issue with crescent. The first anonymous issue should
also be assigned to the mint of Rome, which had once already produced two
separate groups of bronze coinage at the same time (see p. 43 n. 5). This first anony
mous issue is followed by the issues with anchor, apex and M, after the production
of which the workshop apparendy closed.
As for the beginning of the two anonymous issues, it seems to me certain that the
victoriatus begins no earlier than the denarius. Mattingly's argument to the con
trary depends on the assertion that the Morgantina hoard from the American
excavations3 contains specimens of the developed victoriatus coinage and of only
the earliest denarius coinage. It would in any case be rash to place much weight on
a hoard consisting of only nine coins, but the assertion is in fact untrue. The denarius
in the hoard resembles my Pl. IX, 16, which is not the earliest of the issue to which
it belongs. It is apparent that the denarii belonging to the two anonymous issues
under consideration were produced on the same large scale as the victoriati and
went through a considerable stylistic development. To assign them a later beginning
is hardly reasonable.
The denarii, quinarii and sestertii of the first anonymous issue show a considerable
range of styles (Pl. IX, 10-24). The earliest pieces are presumably those on which
the head of Roma shows the greatest affinit y with the head of Roma on unciae of
the preceding period (compare Pl. IX, 10 with Pl. vm, 4). From this point the issue
develops in two directions: in the hands (presumably) of one arftst the visor becomes
�
more splayed and the hair more abundant, to acquire finally a curious and distinctive
lock falling all the way down from behind the ear (Pl. IX, 16-17 and 19-21); in the
hands of another artist the visor becomes more rounded and the whole head more
elegant. Two further arguments may be adduced to confirm the correctness of this
arrangement. As it stands, the incuse legend, presumably derived from quadrigati
of the preceding period, occurs at the beginning and gradually disappears ;4 and
the quinarius and the sestertius, which were not struck after the issue came to an
end, appear in progressively decreasing quantities.
The development undergone by the denarii of the second issue is illustrated on
1 Although the anonymous Mars(Eagle gold coinage is stylistically very diverse, such die-links as I have
been able to discover make it impossible to divide the coinage into two stylistic groups; I therefore
assign it all to one workshop. To some of it Mars(Eagle gold with anchor is astonishingly close (for a
near die-link see Pl. 1x, 7 and Pl. x, 5); I therefore assign all the anonymous Mars(Eagle gold coinage
to the workshop which produced gold, denarii and bronze with anchor.
• For a tentative indication of the two groups see Pis. x1, 4-xu, 3 and xu, 4-12.
• Coi11 hoards, no. 72.
• The group of dcnarii under discussion was picked out by M. Bahrfeldt, Z/N 1878, 3o-5; he also
argued (35-7) that the earliest denarii had an incuse legend (the rest of the article is no longer o f
interest).
9
Introduction
Pl. x, 13-20. A curious feature of many examples of this issue and of its immediate
successors is the appearance of the further horse's tail in front of the nearer horse's
hind legs.1 Apart from isolated instances,2 the feature also occurs consistendy on
nine closely rdated issues from Sicily (nos. 72-80, see below), and on two late issues,
one anonymous and one with anchor (nos. 164-5, see p. 52). In the anonymous issue
under consideration and its immediate successors the feature seems to be gradually
disappearing. It is always present on the early coins with head in high relief and
prancing horses; it remains as the relief diminishes and the horses changea to
galloping action; on the last coins of the issue it is sometim es present, but usually
not, while on denarii with crescent it is usually present and on denarii with comu
copiae it is usually absent.
To resume, we have two paralld anonymous issues from the mint of Rome, the
first of which is followed by issues signed with anchor, apex and M, the second of
which is followed by issues signed with crescent and comucopiae. Victoriati of
both anonymous issues occur with didrachms of the preceding period in the
Canosa hoard, denarii of both anonymous issues in the Tivisa hoard with coins of
Emporiae and Saguntum,3 denarii of the first anonymous issue in the Cheste and
Valera hoards, notably with Hispano-Punic coins; denarii with crescent and comu
copiae occur in the Drieves hoard, which includes one Hispano-Punic piece, denarii
with comucopiae in the Valera hoard; anonymous bronze occurs with Sardo-Punic
issues of the latest period' in the Marseille and Perdas de Fogu hoards, with a
Punic issue presumbly of the Second Punic War in the Tortoreto hoard.'
1 This is a feature to which H. B. Mattingly, Studies Robinson, 216 n. 5, draws attention.
1 In the issues with C (no. 107,Vatican 376), caduceus (no. 108,Montecarotto hoard) and owl (no. 135,
Turin, F533).
1 L. Villaronga Garriga, Arse-SagunNm, Cat. 21 and 25.
• L. Forteleoni, Le emissioni ntJJ1Utali, ser. vi; the date is disputed-236-231 (Forteleoni, pp. 54-68)
orz16 (G. K. Jenkins, NC 1963, 243-4); apart from the evidence provided by the association of Sardo
Punic coins with Roman coins, whose date is itself under discussion, the only argument ia that of
Jenkins, who draws attention to the improbability of the revolt of 216 being without coinqe.
'Canosa-Coin /wards, no. 86 ; Tivisa-no. 94; Cheste-no. 75; Valera-no. 109; Drieves-no. 107;
Marseille -no. 79; Perdu de Fogu-no. too; Tortoreto-no. tOt.
J.-C. M. Richard in Bull. Comm. Arch. Narlxmm 1968, t o n . 25 and inJNG 1970,59-60 nn. 55-9,
has expressed doubts about the Valera and Drieves hoards; the first may not be a hoard at all, both
may be 'tresors de recuperation' of the late second century. Both hoards are probably silvenmiths'
hoards, but that does not make them any the less hoards. The fact that the Valera hoard was found
scattered on the surface does not prevent it from being a hoard either; it could have been in a perishable
container and the coins could have been scattered by soil movement or by cultivation. The earliest
report emphasises that there was no trace of pottery or buildings on the site; this fact, together with
the amount of precioua metal involved, excludes the possibility that Valera is a site find. Against the
view that Valera and Drieves are 'tr«ors de recuperation • may be urged the sheer improbability of
Carthaginian issues, drachma of Saguntum and Saetabi and a Rhodian tetradrachm of Ameinias being
available in the late second century (the tetradrachm of Ameinias is to be dated before zoo-a piece
of information I owe to M. J. Price). It is also necessary to point out that the chronology of the Gallic
'monnaies a la croix' in which Richard is interested should be determined by the dated hoards in
which they occur; these hoards should not be explained away in the interests of an a priori belief that
'monnaies a la croix' begin with the Roman occupatio.n of Gaul. The 'monnaies a la croix• in the
Valera and Drievea hoards are regarded as belonging 'near the beginning of the coinage' by D. F.
Allen, NC 1969, 4o-1, 6 3 and 68 (cf. postscript on p. 62 for Allen's acceptance of a Second Punc i War
date for the Valera and Drieves hoards).
10
The first period of the denarius coinage
The silver in all seven issues was struck on a high, but declining, weight standard:
The weight standard of the bronze is more complex. The bronze of the Roman
Republic with Prow may be assigned without difficulty to three periods; in the
first period all bronze was cast, in the second part was cast and part was struck (see
p. 6), in the last, as we have seen, all was struck. Only bronze of this final period
concerns us here (no. 5 6; note some pieces with variant obverse style, Pls. X-XI).
The heaviest struck asses weigh about two ounces and the pen� thus character
ised by a sextantal or lower weight standard.
Traditionally, all the bro� coinage falling between the appearance of the
sextan tal weight standard and the Lex Papiria of 91 (see p. 611) has been classified as
'sextantal' or 'uncial'. E. A. Sydenham even classified the anonymous bronze
coinage as 'sextantal ', 'above uncial' and 'uncial'.1 But if one considers for a moment
only the signed issues, the unsatisfactory nature of the classification 'sextantal' and
'uncial' is apparent. There is no point at which the weight standard evidendy
became uncial and there are many issues which can only be classifi ed as sextantal
or uncial quite arbitrarily.2 And although all but one of the silver issues of the
denariuS coinage which I regard as early are of high weight standard, there are a
great many signed bronze issues, certainly contemporary (see p. 596), which are not
merely of uncial but of semuncial weight standard. Furthermore, if one rums to
the anonymous bronze issues, no adequate stylistic distinction is possible between
heavy, supposedly early, pieces and light, supposedly late, pieces (see Pis. XI-XII
with Key to Plates); the only exception is provided by a few very late pieces, to be
regarded as an independent issue (nos. 197-8B). There are a few pieces of anony
mous bronze so distinctive that they may be attached to an early signed issue
(no. 1o6); but the vast, amorphous mass of bronze coinage of sextantal or lower
weight standard should all in my view be regarded as early and as contemporary
with early anonymous victoriati and denarii. Pliny's report of asses unciales facti
(NH xxxiii, 13- with the wrong date) should be regarded only as a record of
1 CRR, pp. 14, 26 and 33·
• A point ignored by E. Bernareggi, RIN 1964, 13-19; seep. 52 n. 4·
11
Introduction
the fact that the weight standard of the as did in due course and by imperceptible
stages become uncial.
The only piece of evidence which might be hdd to contradict this view in fact
supports it. This is the evidence provided by the existence of two rare issues of
dupondii (nos. 56/1 and 69/1). The first is anonymous, the second, known only in
one example, is signed with com-ear and K". All pieces are overstruck on asses of
sextantal standard (see Table XVIII, 26 and 54) and are therefore technically of
uncial standard. Tradii
t onally1 they are regarded as marking the point at which
the uncial standard was introduced. But it is certain that the signed issue bdongs
to the earliest years of the denarius coinage (see bdow) and the stylistic affinities of
the anonymous issue, its prow carefully decorated with a dolphin, are entirely with
asseslike those on which it is overstruck. Both issues of dupondii should be attri
buted to the earliest years of the denarius coinage and regarded as an attempt to
save metal by striking what was in effect a fiduciary currency.2 Bronze issues of
similarly light standard are to be found dsewhere in the early denarius coinage;
I am certain that this was introduced in the middle of the Second Punic War and
it is not surprising that financial stringency led to their production. The rarity of
the dupondii shows that this experiment at any rate was rapidly abandoned.
If th� the mint of Rome produced with the introduction of the denarius coinage
two paralld anonymous issues, followed by two sequences of signed issues, it re
mains to consider that part of the early denarius coinage struck outside Rome and
to rdate it chronologically to the products of the central mint.
12
The first period of the denarius coinage
me in two specimens and of the same distinctive style as no. 6oj1a, lacks a symbol on
the reverse, presumably in error). The weight standard of the silver is uniformly
high:
Denarius with apex and hammer 4·5 gr.
Denarius with caduceus 4·5 gr.
Denarius with Victory 4·5 gr.
Denarius with rostrum tridens 4·5 gr. (
The bronze issues have a very curious weight standard, only paralleled once else
where in the early denarius coinage (seep. 22 n. 4). Asses with apex and hammer,
with caduceus and with Victory are of full or nearly full sextantal standard, but many
of the smaller denominations are struck not only on this standard, but also on a
much lighter standard. Heavy and light pieces certainly belong together1 and
shortage of bronze evidently explains the issue of some fractions of the as on a
fiduciary basis.
The next group (nos. 63-5, Table I, 4) is securely attributed to Sardinia. It
consists of three issues, each composed only of quinarii and bronze (denarii with
C have nothing to do with quinarii with C, compare Pl. xm, 13 with Pl. xx, 17-20).
The quinarii (with one of them a rare anonymous issue, no. 66/1, may be associated)
are of uniform style and high weight standard:
Quinarius with C based on a denarius of 4·5 gr.
Quinarius with M based on a denarius of 4·5 gr.
Quinarius with M based on a denarius of 4·5 gr.
They are also very rare.
The structure of all the bronze issues is the same; all denominations are of very
light weight and all are rare with the single exception of the sextans; this was
produced in profusion, usually overstruck on Sardo-Punic bronze (Table XVIII, 47ff.).
These remarkable characteristics are unparalleled elsewhere. All three issues are
represented in the Sardinian Perdas de Fogu hoard, otherwise largely composed
of Sardo-Punic issues (see p. to); isolated examples of two of the issues occur in
the Cina Ducale and Minturno hoards.• It should not escape notice that the Praetors
of Sardinia in 211-209 were a Cornelius, a Manlius and an Aurunculeius (seep. 32).
Two, or perhaps three, groups may be located in Sicily (nos. 67-80, Table I, 5-'7)·
The starting point for identifying the first two groups must be the two issues of
denarii and fractions with com-ear (a symbole par/ant for Sicily). Both issues are
rare and both are of high weight standard:
Denarius etc. with com-ear (no. 68/1-3) based on a denarius of 4·5 gr.
Denarius etc. with com-ear (no. 72/3-4) based on a denarius of 4·5 gr.
1 Hannover 175 and 176 are a heavy and a light semis with Victory (no. 6t/3), die-linked to each other.
1 Coin hoards, nos. 97 and 98.
13
Introduction
But there the resemblance ends. The first issue is cruddy executed, the second
beautifully done (compare Pis. XIII, 20-3 and XIV, 1-3 and XIV, 13-14); the first issue
includes anonymous pieces attached to it on stylistic grounds,1 the second does not;
finally the com-ears on the two issues are of quite different shape. To each silver
issue may be assigned one of the two bronze issues with com-ear; bronze with
com-ear and � resembles the first silver issue,1 bronze with only a com-ear the second
issue. Both bronze issues have some unusual features. The first is of light weight
and includes the dupondius as its highest denomination. The second is struck on two
standards, the one fully sextantal, the other somewhat reduced; since the types are
slighdy different for the lighter coins, we probably have here two successive stages of
the issue. But the most remarkable feature of the whole of the first bronze issue and of
the early part of the second is the quadrans. Instead of the usual Hercules/Prow
types, it displays the Hercules/Bull types of a quadrans originally struck in Rome
as part of a collateral issue to the semilibral Prow bronze (no. 39/2 with p. 43 bdow),
with the com-ear symbol added. These types were first revived for the bronze
issue with com-ear produced before the introduction of the denarius coinage. The
reasons both for the revival and for its perpetuation are equally obscure; the weight
standards of the issues concerned are clear evidence of the attribution proposed:
Semis with Prow, com-ear and � (no. 69/3)- average- 14 gr.
Quadrans with Bull, of crude style (no. 69/5)- average- 6.25 gr.
Sextans with Prow, and com-ear (no. 72/8)- average- 7 gr.
Quadrans with Bull, of good style (no. 72/7)- average- 11 gr.
For bronze of both types in both issues finds and overstrikes provide more than
adequate evidence of Sicilian minting.3 A new hoard from Haluntium includes a
quadrans with Bull of the first issue; bronze of the second issue, with Prow, was
in the Barrafranca and Montagna di Marzo hoards; bronze with Bull bdonging to
its predecessor in the pre-denarius period was in the Adrano hoard.' But the best
evidence comes from the American excavations at Morgantina in Sicily :5
Bronze with Prow, com-ear and � 58 specimens
Bronze with Bull, of crude style 5 specimens
Bronze with Prow, and com-ear 3 specimens
Bronze with Bull, of good style 1 specimen
The evidence of overstrikes is equally dramatic. Both parts of the issue with com
ear and � are frequendy overstruck on coins of Syracuse or Rhegium, as is bronze
1 See Pis. xrn, 21-2 and :xtv, 2-3; note particularly the denarius with incuse legend (Bastianelli 251
= BM). 1 This resemblance is noted by A. AlfOidi,JNG 1965,42-5.
• So first J. Friedllinder, ZfN 1871, 336; then P. Bonazzi, RIN 1922, s (who confuses the different
issues hopelessly).
� Haluntium-AIIN 1968, 83; Barrafranca-Coin hoards, no. 96; Montagna di Marzo- no. 99;
Adrano- no. 69; note also the Chiapazzi Aidone
and of the pre-denarius period- nos. 66
hoards
and 68. 6 Information from T.V. Buttrey.
14
The first period of the denarius coinage
with Prow and com-ear (Table XVIII, 22-3, s8, 61-6 and 70). Other Roman issues
are more rarely thus overstruck (Table XVIII, 32, 38, 42, 46 and So).
The question of the date of both issues of bronze is complex. As we have seen,
both issues of denarii and fractions may be regarded as early, on the basis of their
weight standard. Prima fac£e, the bronze associated with these two issues of silver
should be contemporary with them. As far as the early part of the issue simply with
com-ear is concerned, there is no difficulty; it follows on from bronze with com-ear
of the pre-denarius period and thus presumably comes at the beginning of the
denarius coinage. The later part of this issue and the issue with corn-ear and !(>
are more problematical, since both are of light weight. Consideration of the former
issue may be postponed and taken up as part of the general question as to how long
a period the earliest issues of the denarius coinage cover (seep. 33). The latter issue
may be shown to belong to the very beginning of that coinage despite its light
weight; it occurs with anonymous bronze and with a Roman piece struck in Sardinia
in the much misunderstood Mintumo hoard. This hoard is dated by its archaeological
context to before 191;1 but if the destruction level of this year provides a terminus
ante quem for the hoard it is most unlikely that it also provides an occasion for
burial. The owner of the shop where the hoard was found hardly buried it under the
floor as the shop was burning; the hoard may in consequence be regarded as buried
± 200. It seems unlikely that a shop-keeper's hoard from a town less than a hundred
miles from Rome would not include pieces from the mint of Rome with symbols if
these were already in circulation. The inference therefore is that the anonymous
issues in the Mintumo hoard, together with the two signed issues (with C and with
com-ear and!(>-), belong to the very beginning of the denarius coinage. We have
already seen reason to believe this in the case of the issue with C and we have
already seen that a low weight standard is no barrier to an early date for a bronze
issue.
There are also victoriati and gold pieces to be linked with the denarii and bronze
from Sicily so far discussed. As far as the gold 2o-as piece with com-ear is concerned,
no clear evidence exists; but the com-ear perhaps resembles that on no. 72/3 more
closely than that on no. 68/1. There are altogether four issues of victoriati probably
of Sicilian origin, two anonymous,' one with com-ear and one with CjM (the last
including a group of pieces without the identifying letters). Of these, the two anony
mous issues (nos. 67 and 70) and the issue with com-ear (no. 72/1) are certainly
Sicilian. All four issues occur in the Serra Orlando hoard,3 to the virtual exclusion of
other types; their representation in later hoards from the mainland is patchy.
The first anonymous issue, with its notably heavy obverse style and with its reverse
1 See R. Thomsen, ERC ii, 197-204, for an expose of the special pleading of believers in a date of 187
for the introduction of the denarius.
2 These are identified by H. B. Mattingly, Studies Robinson, 213, in a slightly confused paragraph.
• Coin hoards, no. 82.
15
Introduction
invariably displaying the sword below the spear on the right of the trophy, provides
21 specimens (out of 89) in the Serra Orlando hoard. The second anonymous
issue provides the single victoriatus in the Mandanici hoard,t 3 specimens (out of 4)
in the Morgantina pot-hoard and 45 specimens in the Serra Orlando hoard. The
issue with com-ear occurs in the Serra Orlando hoard; here as on the denarius and
bronze the com-ear is a symbole parlant for Sicily. As for the issue with Cj M (no. 71),
it occurs not only in the Serra Orlando hoard, but also in the roughly contemporary
hoard from Taranto;2 its attribution to Sicily is uncertain, but is supported by the
stylistic similarity of its obverse to those of the second anonymous issue and the
. issue with com-ear (all show stylistic affinities with Punic issues of Agrigentum of
the Second Punic War period).3 That all four issues of victoriati are early is apparent
both from their occurrence in the Serra Orlando hoard without other victoriati
except for anonymous pieces from the mint of Rome and from their high weight
standard:
Anonymous victoriatus (no. 67/1) based on a denarius of 4·5 gr.
Anonymous victoriatus (no. 70/1) based on a denarius of 4·5 gr.
Victoriatus with C/M (no. 71/1) based on a denarius of 4·5 gr.
Victoriatus with com-ear (no. 72/1) based on a denarius of 4·5 gr.
The first anonymous issue shows in the crudity of its execution marked affiniti es
with the first issue of denarii with com-ear (no. 68/1) and should be associated with
it. Victoriati with com-ear share the same distinctive cast of Jupiter's nose with the
second issue of denarii with com-ear (no. 72/3) and should probably be regarded
as belonging to the same issue, despite the different form of the com-ear. The
second anonymous issue of victoriati and victoriati with Cj M should be regarded
as fairly closely related to victoriati with com-ear. Guessing what C and M stand
for seems to me pointless; they may represent the name of a man (or men) as well
as of a place. There are no grounds for supposing that any of the victoriati I have
been discussi ng here are earlier than denarii and bronze with com-ear.
The main group of Sicilian issues is completed by two issues of denarii and
quinarii, with dolabella and C.�, one of denarii, with C.�' and one of denarii
and bronze, with branch (nos. 73-6, Table I, 6). The issue with C.� includes a
small anonymous group of identical style with the signed pieces. At least two of
the issues are clearly signed with men's names and it seems probable that the
symbols also represent men's names. The homogeneity of the group appears pri
marily from the distinctive form of the visor on the obverse of the silver, which also
provides the link with the second issue of denarii with com-ear; a visor composed
of three parallel lines occurs on these five issues and nowhere else in the early denarius
coinage. All five issues also invariably show the tail of the further horse in front of the
1 Coin !wards, no. 71. 1 Coin !wards, no. 84.
1 As pointed out by E. A. Sydenham, NC 1932, 94-5; see my PL XIV.
16
The first period of the denarius coinage
hind legs of the nearer horse. Two smaller features, the loop under the visor and
the curl on the left shoulder, link the issues with C· f>!, and branch. The issues with
do/abella, c·� 'and c. f>!, seem to follow on in sequence from the issue with com
ear, the first two, like the issue with corn-ear, including the quinarius. One might
be tempted to separate the issue with branch, since its bronze is both heavier than
some bronze with com-ear and differs from it in fabric and style; but the close links
between the denarii with C. f>!, and those with branch forbid this; rather the weight
standard of the bronze was now restored to a full sextantal level (compare p. 19).
The Sicilian origin of the four issues is adequately attested by their close stylistic
link with the issue with com-ear, their early date both by this link and by their
heavy wcight-standard:
The next issues to be considered are some apparent companions of the main
Sicilian group. There are first three issues of denarii, with com-ear and crooked
staff, with staff and with wheel, and one issue of denarii and bronze, with dolphin
(nos. 77-80, Table 1, 7). All have a peaked visor on the obverse of the denarius
(otherwise only occurring in this period on pieces from the second Rome mint, on
some denarii with spearhead and on denarii with club, in all of which issues the
helmet is very different in form), all invariably show the tail of the further horse
in front of the hind legs of the nearer horse. Denarii with com-ear and crooked staff
and with staff are in addition linked to denarii with C. f>!, and with branch by the
loop under the visor and by the curl on the left shoulder. I am less happy about
placing the issues with wheel and dolphin here, but their stylistic affinities seem
to be here rather than elsewhere.1 E. A. Sydenham's association of the issue with
wheel with the late second-century Narbo issue is not justified on stylistic grounds
and may be decisively rejected.2 Its weight standard, like that of the three issues
with which I wish to associate it, is high:
17
Introduction
Two isolated issues may perhaps be attributed to Sicily, the as with CN·CO
and do/abel/a and the semis with the types Ceres/Hercules and centaur (nos. 81-2).
The first is known only in two specimens; its legend resembles in form the legends
C.� and C· � and its fine style is comparable to that of some of the bronze with
com-ear; it is tempting to link it with denarii and quinarii with simple do/abel/a,
but the different form of the implement forbids an absolute decision. The semis
with Ceres/Hercules and centaur is overstruck on a piece of a pre-denarius issue
with com-ear (no. 42/2) and may therefore itself also be of Sicilian origin; the
head of Ceres is a type appropriate to Sicily.
We are left with two large groups of issues, both of which seem to originate in
south-eastern Italy, and a number of smaller groups and isolated issues, few of
which can be attributed to any particular area.
The first large group consists of issues with spearhead, RR, H, Q1 and V, which
seem contemporary with each other, and of a second issue with spearhead and an
issue with club, themselves contemporary with each other, but later than the other
five issues (nos. 83-9, Table 1, 10). The weight standard of the silver is high, even
if gendy declining :
Victoriatus with spearhead• 4·5 gr.
Denarius etc. with spearhead 4·5 gr.
Denarius etc. with RR 4·5 gr.
Quinarius with H 4·5 gr.
Quinarius with Q 4·5 gr.
based on a
Denarius with spearhead• •.• gr.
denarius of
Victoriatus with club' 4·4 gr. (probably- mean of 14
specimens in San
Angdo and Caltrano
hoards - 3.15 gr.)
Denarius with club 4·5 gr.
Denarii, quinarii and sestertii of the first four issues are linked mainly by similarity
of obverse style; all display a straight, markedly splayed visor and rdated profiles;
the two later issues, characterised by the adoption of a peaked visor ( doubdess
copied from no. 53/2), are linked to the first four issues by the first variety of the
second issue with spearhead, displaying close similarities with the first issue with
1 With this issue goes the issue with Q and anchor, which consists precisely of the denominations not
present in the issue with Q. The assertion (H. A. Grueber, BMCRR ii, 196 n. z; E. A. Sydenham,
CRR,J> . zon.) that a sextans with Q is overstruck on a c:oin of Cales is untrue; the piece is a sextans
with C overstruck on a liardo-Punic c:oin (see Table xvm, 47, a).
1 For anonymous issu.es associated with th.ese victoriati see H. B. Mattingly, St'Udin Robinson, zu
n. 4 and %16.
• With this
issue I place the gold 6o-as piece with spearhead; its neat style is exactly that of this issue
of denarii, quite unlike that of the earlier issue of denarii with spearhead.
• See above, n. z.
18
The first period of the denarius coinage
spearhead in the form of the wing on the helmet and in the shape of the spearhead
(see Pl. XVI, 3 and 16). In addition, the bronze coinages provi<le an overall connecting
thread not only by way of a general similarity of style, but also through an odd
engraver's error, 2 for S, found on the issues with �' H and spearhead; the
association of bronze with spearhead with the second issue of denarii seems to
follow from its rdativdy low weight standard.1 Bronze with club is the odd man out,
of divergent style2 and high weight standard:
But the similarity between silver with spearhead and silver with club is so great
(see Pis. XVI-XVII) that it seems best to place the latter here and postulate for bronze
with club a ddiberate revival of weight standard (compare p. 17).
The second large group centres round the mint of Luceria; it consists of two
issues of silver and bronze, three of silver only and two of bronze only (nos. 97-103,
Table I, 18). The most important issue is that with � and it is hdpful to begin
with this; it can hardly be doubted that the � on this large and homogeneous issue,
occurring also in the same form on the autonomous coinage of Luceria, is the mint
mark of that city. The earliest bronze with � is post-semilibral, apparently not
produced on a very large scale; with the advent of the sextantal standard, the mint
begins to turn out a very substantial coinage; and production remains heavy as
the standard declines. Two problems must be faced immed.iatdy, whether the
history of the weight standard is one of consistent decline and how long the process
lasts; for the weight standard eventually reaches a level not reached elsewhere in
the Roman coinage till the mid-second century (except on the related issue with r).
The steady deterioration of style which accompanies the decline in weight standard
seems to me to provide adequate evidence that the latter is an uninterrupted process;
support for this view may be found in an overstrike of a light-weight piece with �
on a heavy-weight piece (Table xvm, 84). I also bdieve that the whole production
of the mint took place over a very few years, beginning in 214 (see p. 44); the latest
issues of all are sometimes overstruck on autonomous coins of Arpi (incidentally,
evidence for the placing of the mint for the issues with � in Apulia), which are most
unlikely to have been available for overstriking after about 200 (fable XVIII, 87);
1 Bronze with Victory and spearhead, in any case of later style than the bronze issues now under
discussion, cannot also be associated with denarii with spearhead, but must be regarded as an
independent issue (contra A. Alfoldi, Festschrift Schramm, 5 n. 12).
' The blanks are sometimes made in a single, not a double, mould (see p. 579).
19
Introduction
and bronze hoards of the middle of the second century hardly contain any pieces
with �,1 which suggests an issue both restricted in area of original circulation and
of relatively short duration; nor can I see any reason for the continuation of the issue
after the recovery of control of Italy from Hannibal.2 Silver with v consists mainly
of victoriati, with rare quinarii; the issue of victoriati seems to go through three
phases; the earliest pieces (occurring alone of this issue in the Udine hoard)3 have
on the obverse a bead-and-reel border and a head of Jupiter with wild, straggly
hair; in the second phase the bead-and-reel border remains, while the hair is
disciplined into neat, tight rolls; in the last phase a border of dots appears. To
judge by the shape of the neck truncation, quinarii with v seem to be associated
with this last phase; the mint thus provides a rare example of the victoriatus being
introduced initially without the denarius or its fractions; but both victoriati and
quinarii should be associated with the sextantal phase of the bronze coinage with
v; quinarii with v and sextantal unciae with v display an almost identical obverse.
All the phases of the victoriatus are represented in the hoards which contain the earliest
signed issues of the mint of Rome, to be dated to about 207; certainly all the phases
of the victoriatus have a consistendy high weight standard, as does the quinarius:
Victoriatus with� based on a denarius of 4·5 gr.
Quinarius with� based on a denarius of 4·5 gr.
The reasons for the decline in the weight of the bronze are mysterious, particularly
in view of the apparent success of other mints in restoring a declining weight standard
to a full sextantal level (see pp. 17 and 19); one can only assume that the effectiveness
of central control and the availability of metal varied markedly from area to area,
perhaps not surprisingly in the midst of the Hannibalic War.
The issue with vfT, consisting of both silver and bronze, should be regarded as
a product of a subsidiary workshop at Luceria. The victoriatus, like the victoriatus
with �' seems to go through three phases: the first phase displays on the obverse
a small, neat head, with� on the obverse and Ton the reverse; in the second phase
the head on the obverse is larger, the monogram ""[; occurs on the reverse; in the last
phase, both obverse and reverse types are outspread and rather carelessly executed,
while the mint-marks have returned to their original positions.' A rare half
victoriatus, a quinarius and a very rare sestertius are associated with this last phase
by reason of their plunging neck truncation. The weight standard is uniformly high:
Victoriatus and half-victoriatus with �/T based on a denarius of 4·5 gr.
Quinarius and sestertius with von obverse based on a denarius of 4·5 gr.
Bronze with vfT is a small, homogeneous issue of very full sextantal standard.
1 Just the
three pieces in the Cittil Sant' Angelo hoard, Coin /wards, no. 129.
t Note also the die-link between a heavy and a light dextans with � (C. H. V. Sutherland, NC 1938,
129), indicative of nearly contemporary production. 1 Coin /wards, no. 84.
• There are also a number of victoriati with incomplete or blundered legends, no. 98/1c-d.
20
The first per£od of the denarius coinage
The issue is purely Roman1 and the traditional view that the two mint-marks, �
and T, are evidence of an 'alliance coinage' cannot stand. The whole issue was
clearly produced at Luceria; T may be a monetary magistrate's mark or an indication
of the purpose to which the coinage was to be put.
Of the remaining issues of this group, it is perhaps more convenient to take the
bronze issues first. The issue with r is linked to the issue with v not only by its
style, but also by the fact that these two issues alone use the denominations of
dextans and quincunx. Like the issue with �'that with r goes through a decline
in weight standard; there is also an as bearing the letters � and r and it seems clear
that the issue was produced at a subsidiary workshop at Luceria. It may indeed be
the successor of the issue with �/T, with a different magistrate's or paymaster's
mark.
The issue with CIA, on the other hand, though displaying affinities with the
issue with �,2 also has distinctive features of its own. It is similar in style and shares
the odd trick of using the mark of value - instead of I. But its trientes, unlike any
other issue of the denarius coinage, are overstruck on coins of Acarnania and
Oeniadae, across the Adriatic (Table XVIII, 91 and 95, with p. 32). The issue as a
whole is also on a single weight standard. dearly belonging in Apulia, it should be
attributed to a mint at Canusium.3
As for the silver issues of this group, their affinities are clearly here rather than
elsewhere, by reason of the curious combination of victoriatus and quinarius,
without denarius, which occurs nowhere else.4 In addition, victoriati with M
share the bead-and-reel border with victoriati with �'found nowhere else in this
period of the denarius coinage;6 quiD.arii with Q display a head of Roma with
Phrygian helmet, shared with quinarii of the �/Tissue; quinarii with M and Q
have the legend ROMAin an exergue, like quinarii with � and unlike most other
quinarii of this period; it is also remarkable that a hoard in which victoriati with Q
were the only signed issue came from Foggia, a few miles from Luceria.6 Victoriati
and quinarii with � were produced on Corcyra, presumably from booty in silver
available after the operations which followed the Roman-Aetolian treaty of autumn
211,? and thus share only a denominational structure with the rest of the group;
but it is remarkable that this shared structure is paralleled by the Roman use of
the bronze coins of Acarnania and Oeniadae, doubdess from booty, to make coins
of the issue with CIA .s
1 Type copying seems to have been eclectic- the reverse type of the sextans is borrowed from the
coinage of the Brettii, the types of the semuncia from the autonomous coinage of Luceria.
I The blanks for the iSSUes with (... , r and C />. are made in a Single, not a double, mould (seep. 579).
a SeeM. Bahrfeldt, ZjN 1895, 87, for arguments from provenance.
• The issue with 0 includes two varieties of anonymous quinarii.
6 Victoriati with M also display a certain resemblance to unciae of Capua (E. A. Sydenham, NC 1932,
9 4-s).
• Coin !wards, no. 87.
7 F. W. Walbank, Cort�»Umary on Polybius ii, u-13. • See above and p. 32.
21
Introduction
Of the three small groups which remain, the first consists of issues with B,
I, 19). The second and third issues are
pentagram, staff1 and C (nos. 104-7, Table
hdd together by their common striking of gold 6o-as pieces, by the similarity of
the obverses of their denarii and most of all by the -die-link which exists between
their victoriati ;1 denarii with C (including a small anonymous group) go through a
stylistic sequence closely analogous to that undergone by denarii with staff. Denarii
with B display an obverse style closer to that of denarii with pentagram than to any
other style of this period; the awkwardness of the horses' legs on the reverse recalls
some denarii with C.
All four issues show a high weight standard for both silver and, where applicable,
bronze:
Denarius with B 4· 5 gr.
Denarius with pentagram 4·5 gr.
Denarius with staff 4·5 gr.
Denarius with C 4·5 gr.
Bronze with staff based on an as of 40.5 gr.
The earlier of the two issues of denarii with knife and one of the two issues of
denarii with caduceus (nos. 108-9, Table I, 20) resemble each other and no other
issue in the whole of the denarius coinage. Both are of high weight standard:
The last issues to be considered are seven isolated issues of victoriati, those with
torque, C ROT, M, V1 and \$, and two anonymous issues, the one including the
double-victoriatus, the other with the legend ROMA incuse. The last (no. 96) is
1 This issue includes anonymous bronze pieces, linked by their distinctive style with signed pieces (see
PL xx, 16; the semuncia is illustrated by M. Bahrfeldt, Bllitter jar Manzjrft��Uk 193o-33, 682).
• Vatican 255 and 337·
• Anonymous denarii of this style should be associated with denarii with wreath (see Pl.
XXI, 2).
' As in the case of the issues with caduceus, apex and hammer, and Victory (see p. 13), fractions are
struck on a light standard as well
as on a full sextantal standard.
22
The first period of the denarius coinage
certainly of Spanish origin; six of the seven specimens known come from Spain
and a die for the issue is preserved in the Instituto de Valencia de Don Juan in
Madrid;1 the weight standard is high and the issue should be regarded as having
been struck by Cn. or P. Cornelius Scipio before their defeats by the Carthaginians
in 211; the loss of the die may easily have occure
r d in the wake of the disaster.
The other anonymous issue, which includes the double-victoriatus (no. 90), is of
extreme rarity; the presence of the double-victoriatus suggests very strongly indeed
that the whole issue belongs close to the period of the quadrigatus, thus at the very
beginning of the denarius system; weight standard and style support this placing.
The five signed issues are diverse in character. Those with torque and CROT
(nos. 91-2) are of considerable rarity and occur in no early hoards;2 specimens in
museums are almost always worn and it is hard to form a true estimate of their
weight standards; but their styles resemble in no way that of late victoriati and
they should be regarded as belonging to the early denarius coinage.3
As far as can be ascertained, all specimens but one of the issue with V1 (no. 94)
come from the Marcianise hoard (see p. 24); this suggests a Campanian origin,
though an attempt at greater precision would be unwise-the letter V1 may stand
equally for a place or a person. At all events, the high weight standard and bizarre
style place this issue firmly in the early, diverse phase of the denarius system.
Finally, the issues with M and \8 (nos. 93 and 95);4 both are of high weight
standard and occur in large numbers in early hoards; the presence of the half
victoriatus in the second issue suggests an early, experimental phase of the denarius
system.
The coherence within themselves of the groups I have described and their
distinctness from each other both seem to me to be beyond question, except in a
few isolated cases (see p. 17 and p. 19). There is also decisive evidence (see below)
that all the groups were produced at about the same time, not in succession. Since
no group has more than seven issues, it follows that the period to which the groups
belong need have lasted only for a few years.6 I shall show below that the period
begins in 211 and I shall argue that it is over by c. 208; with the battle of the
Metaurus in the following year Rome was firmly in control of the Italian peninsula
and the need for local production of coinage was over.
1 M. Bahrfeldt, Blatter fur Munzfreunde 193o-33, 755·
2 Both issues include anonymous pieces, linked by their styles with signed pieces (see Pl. XVII).
1 It follows that CROT is to be taken as representing a personal name, presumably Croto, not the city
Hersh, NC 1972,76, oddly expecting minting practice during the Second Punic War to be normal);
many of the issues in question are very small and heavy production of coinage is in any case what one
would expect in the middle of the Second Punic War (cf. p. 46 n. 4).
23
Introduction
First the evidence of the hoards. Since, apart from stray pieces, victoriati, denarii
and their fractions and bronze do not occur together in hoards, the three types of
hoards must be considered separately (see Tables II-IV). The three early victoriatus
hoards of Serra Orlando, Taranto and Udine each reflect the coinage of a single
area; the Serra Orlando hoard contains only Roman and Sicilian issues, the Taranto
hoard contains Roman issues, one probably Sicilian issue and issues plausibly
attributed to the area of Tarentum, the Udine hoard contains Roman issues together
with issues that were struck at Luceria or nearby and presumably travelled up the
east coast of Italy. But the four later victoriarus hoards, Canosa, Italy, Pisa and
Paesrum, present a balanced picture of the whole of the first phase of the victoriatus
coinage. The rare issues with CROT and torque occur in no hoards of this period.
The issue with Vl, of which all known specimens but one (BMCRR Italy 242)
seem to come from the Marcianise hoard,1 is not represented in any other hoard
and doubtless circulated in Campania only; the anonymous issue with incuse legend
was produced in Spain (see pp. 22-3) and did not circulate in Italy. As for the very
rare issues with pentagram and staff on the reverse, one example of the former is in
the Pisa hoard. Otherwise, every group of the victoriatus coinage which includes issues
of heavy weight standard is represented in each of the four hoards. We are presented
with a picture of a body of coinage all of the same weight standard and all occurring
in the same hoard context. The picture is also of a body of coinage more or less
contemporary; in none of the four hoards under consideration are any victoriati
more than slightly worn; clearly from the inception of the victoriatus to the time
when the hoards were deposited only a few years can have elapsed.
Early denarius hoards and early hoards with sextantal bronze provide a less
complete body of evidence than early victoriatus hoards; but the overall picture is
the same. Groups which include issues of denarii or fractions ofheavy weight standard
are all represented. Once again, none of the coins is more than slightly worn.
If then it is accepted that we are dealing with a body of coinage made up of
distinct groups, each consisting of one or more issues of victoriati, denarii or sextantal
bronze, all produced within a relatively restricted period, two problems arise,
whether these three elements were introduced at the same time and, if so, when.
24
The first period of the denarius coinage
Com-ear 2 1 1
Spearhead 7 7 4 3 4
Anonymous 1
Torque
CROT
M 11 2 1 2 12
111
\8 3 13 1 2 2
Anonymous with incuse
legend
1- (Group 1) 5 2 4
1-(f (Group 1) 3 6 1 5
Q 1 2 1 5
M 2 1
�
1- (Group 2) 3 2 4
1-fT (Group 2) 5 2
1-(Group 3) 1 1 2
L.(f (Group 3) 2 3 3
Pentagram 1
Staff on reverse
Club 2 3
Crescent 16
Comucopiae
(Totals of Roman coins
in each hoard 89 191 14 119 197 85 291)
For bibliography see Coin hoards, nos. 82-4,86 and t02-3;NC 1970, St (Italy hoard); funher inspection
of the Serra Orlando hoard has Jed me to modify the figures slightly; the Pisa hoard was seen liy
Bahrfeldt (cf. Consularmanzen in ltalienischm Sammlungen, 1.4-15) and Willers (Corolla Numismatica,
317 n. 2, wrongly asserting that the coins are debased).
25
TABLE III. 211-207 B.C.- denarii, quinarii and sestertii
In Table III the issues from Anonymous (Rome 1 and 2) to Pv are approximately contemporary
and precede the issues from Club to Comucopiae
Anonymous (Rome 1) 78 2 ? 8 1 2
Anonymous (Rome 2) 2 ? 15 3
Anchor 2 +
M
Apex
Apex and hammer 2 1
Caduceus ? 1
Victory 1 + 2
Rostrum tridens
c
M
AI<
Com-ear (Type A) 1 ?
Com-ear (Type B) 1 1 ? 1
Dolabella +
C·� +
C·Pi 1 1
Branch + 1
Com-ear and staff
Staff ?
Wheel + 1
Dolphin + 3 2
Spearhead (Group 1) ?
RS?.
H 1 12 1
Q 1
Spearhead (Group 2) ? 1 1
I, 1 9
l,JT 8
Q 36
N\ 29 1
�
B
Pentagram
Staff on reverse ?
c 1 + 2 1
Caduceus ? 1
Knife 1
Wreath 1 1
�
Club ? 1 1 1
Crescent + 1 1 1
Comucopiae 1 1 2
(Totals of Roman coins
in each hoard 5 204 7 120 38 13 u 10)
For bibliography see Coin hoards, nos. 93-4 (the Tivisa hoard is now in the Museo Arqueologico di
Barcelona), 104 and to6-9 (for the Drieves hoard see also K. Raddatz, Schatzfunde ii, pl. t8; for the
Valera hoard Numisma 71, 1964, 25 and p. 10 n. S); p. 679 (Taranto hoard).
26
Tire first period of tire denarius coinage
Cina Perdas
Ducale Mintumo de Fogu Tortoreto
c 1 2
M s
AR 1 1
Com-ear and � 4
Com-ear
Branch
Dolphin
�
H 1
Q
Anchor and Q
v
Spearhead 1
"' 1
1.-{T
r
C/>.. 1
Staff on reverse 7
Wreath 1
Club
Crescent
Comucopiae
(Totals of Roman coins in each hoard 61 16
For bibliography see Coin hoards, nos. 97-8 and 1oo-1 ; the Cina Ducale, Minturno and Perdas de Fogu
hoards also contain post-semilibral bronze with com-ear.
The issue of Cn.Co(rnelius), known in two specimens, and the issue with Ceres/Hercules, known
in one specimen, are omitted from the Table.
observations; both no. 44/5-7 (anonymous) and nos. 59/1 and 6oft (signed) borrow
their style from the same post-semilibral unciae; incuse legends occur on no. 44/5
(anonymous) and on no. 68/tb (signed). Since the weight of anonymous denarii
is the same as that of early signed denarii, it may be concluded that there is no
reason to date anonymous denarii before signed denarii and sextantal bronze. The
27
Introduction
Mattingly, Studies Robinson, l14 n. S) proves nothing; the earliest sextantal bronze in, for instance,
the Cina Ducale hoard also occurs in a 'pre-denarius' context.
• Four red herrings may be eliminated at the outset: the nummi nmJi ofPlautus, Casino to; the m·nummus
of Plautus, Trinummus; the term OO<aAnpos aTcrn\p; and the archaeological evidence from the
'edificio quadrangolare' at Paestum.
The reference of the nummi novi of the new prologue for the Casina may be entirely generic and
it is a waste of time trying to link it with any particular coinage, whether the denarius (H. Mattingly
and E. S. G. Robinson, PBA 193l, l31; CR 1933, sz; contra, T. Frank, AJP 1933, 368; the theory
re-asserted, H. Mattingly and E. S. G. Robinson, AJP 1935, l3G-t; cf. R. Thomsen, ERG ii, 173-80;
H. Mattingly, NC 1963, 47, adds nothing) or one of its later stages (H. B. Mattingly, RitJ. Cult. Class.
Med. 1963, Sl-3).
The trinummus of Plautus was identified by Mattingly and Robinson with an Attic tetradrachrn
regarded as the equivalent of three quadrigati of reduced weight (PBA 1932, 214; AJP 1935, ll�30;
cf. H. Mattingly, NC 1963, 47). In fact there is no reason to suppose that a trinummus was ever a coin
at all (R. Thomsen, ERG ii, tso-t;P. Stein, MusN 1966, 65-9, esp. 67-8 with n. 24) and the passage
of Livy (xxxiv, sz, 6) equating an Attic tetradrachm with three denarii in weight, adduced by
Mattingly and Robinson in support of their view, should be otherwise explained. Neither Livy nor
his source could possibly have known the ratio in 194 between Attic tetradrachms and quadrigati of
reduced weight (R. Thomsen, ERG ii, t3�4l) and Livy's information should be regarded as merdy
mistaken (see A. H. McDonald ad loc. in the Oxford Classical Text).
In order to lend plausibility to their view that quadriaati were described by Livy as denarii,
Mattingly and Robinson asserted that the quadrigatus was a ten-litra piece (6�tTpos <TTtrTI')p)
28
The first period of the denarius coinage
date of 211 or conceivably the year before, but I should like to record my belief
that the date proposed by H. Mattingly and E. S. G. Robinson in 1932 has always
been far more right than the traditional date of 269, belief in which is incompatible
with a critical scrutiny of the evidence. Since the arguments adduced by R. Thomsen
may now be strengthened it seems worth setting them out as briefly and compre
hensively as possible.
(1) The evidence of the hoards points strongly to the Second Punic War as the
period in which the denarius system was introduced. First, the Spanish hoards.
The Granada hoard and a new hoard from Andalusia combine quadrigati
with coins of the last issue struck by the Barcids in Spain, to be dated between
218 and 209. Coins of the same issue are then found with a very early denarius
in the Cheste hoard and an early half-victoriatus in the Mogente hoard, with
slighdy later denarii in the Drieves and Valera hoards. The transition from
quadrigatus to denarius system is surely to be sought in or near the period 218
to 209.1
Sicilian hoards provide comparable evidence. The Syracuse hoard links quad
rigati with Syracusan silver going down to Hieronymus (216 to 215), a new hoard
from Sicily links quadrigati with Syracusan silver going down to the Democracy
(215 to 212); in the Aidone 1908 hoard a bronze of the Syracusan Democracy is
associated with Roman unciae of the last stage before the sextantal standard. The
Barrafranca and Montagna eli Marzo hoards likewise go down to the Syracusan
and therefore also a denarius or 'tenner'. But there is no evidence or probability that the word
• denarius' existed before the creation of the silver piece with the mark of value X. The ancient sources
are clear that the coin was
so named because made up of ten asses (see p. 3); the quadrigatus, like
many of the silver units of Magna Graecia, was subdi'llided into ten litrae (cf. p. 626); there is no
nt
real resemblance at all (R. Thomsen, ERG ii, 143 n. 39, misses the po i of Mattingly's and Robinson's
argument).
The 'edificio quadrangolare' at Paestum, when excavated, produced two victoriati (Atti Soc,
MtJK'Ul Graecia vi-vii, 1965-{), 194-5), although dated by the pottery to the early third century (ibid.,
86); but one of the two victoriati (lnv. no. 120) is (on any chronology) a second-century type (Cata
logue no. 166/1 below); either the pottery is later than the excavators thought or the victoriati are
intruders (the site was
heavily disturbed before excavation).
The date of the denarius is a problem which has generated an enormous secondary literature:
P. H. Webb, NC 1934, The
President's Address; W. Giesecke, Deutsche Mflnzbl4tter 1934-5, 181,
221 and 238; H. Mattingly and E. S. G. Robinson, NC 1938, 1; H. Mattingly, NC 1949, 57; E.
Cavaignac, REL 1953, to6; A. Stazio, AIIN 1958-59, 344; R. Thomsen, ERG i, Ch. 7 and ii, passim;
L. H. Neatby and F. M. Heichelheim, Acta Antiqua (Budapest) 196o, 51. Most of this literature is of
little interest.
1 E. S. G. Robinson, EssaysMattingly, 40, for the dates of the Barcid coinage; for my view of the alleged
portraits on Barcid issues of Spain, see
on no. 296; for the first two hoards mentioned see above,
p. 28 n. 2; for Cheste see Coin hoards, no. 75 (the denarius resembles my Pl. IX, 16); Mogente- no. 91;
Drieves-no. 107; Valera-no. 109.
The last four hoards also
contain drachms of Emporiae of Crysaor type, Group III, of the late third
century (M. Almagro Basch and M. Almagro Gorbea, Numisma 71, 1964, 36-9). These drachms are
also found in the Los Villares hoard (see p. 28 n. 2) with a quadrigatus and in the Tivisa and Las
Ansias hoards (Coin hoards, nos. 94 and 104) with denarii of the same period as those in the Cheste
hoard on the one hand and
the Drieves and Valera hoards on the other.The near identity of weight
standard between early denarii andthe drachms of Emporiae in question is in my view fortuitous;
the latter droplater from4-50 gr. to 4.20 gr., denarii from 4.50 gr. to 3.86 gr.
29
Introduction
Capuan and associated overstrikes (Table xvm, 1-7) provide decisive evidence
(3)
that in 216/215, the weight standard of the bronze was only just slipping below
semilibral. The sextantal weight standard, associated with the denarius, was pre
sumably some years away. The overstrikes in question are primarily coins of Capua,
Calatia and Atella, to be dated to their period of revolt from 216 to 211,1 overstruck
on Roman coins of semilibral or very slighdy lower standard. Two arguments have
been produced to invalidate their evidence; it has been asserted that the coinage of
Capua, Calatia and Atella should be dated to an earlier period and that the coins
overstruck would not have been those current immediately before the revolt.' Both
arguments are contemptible. All the evidence to be derived from types, hoards and
historical background argues for the attribution of the coinage of Capua, Calatia
and Atella to their period of revolt. It is in any case inconceivable that a town such
as Capua, possessing civitas sine suffragio and thus part of the Roman state, should
have been allowed while under Roman rule to strike coinage, let alone silver coinage
or coinage with an Oscan legend.
As far as the second argument is concerned, it is of course true that coins over
struck may include coins produced long before the date of overstriking. But to
suggest that Capua in 216-211 would have overstruck only coins produced, on the
conventional chronology, some 7e>-8o years earlier is the height of unreason. It is
31
Introduction
separated in time from the institution of the denarius. It follows that this cannot be
placed much before c. 210.
(6) The issue with Cf>.., produced at Canusium in the earliest period of the
denarius coinage (see p. 21), is regularly overstruck on bronze of the Acarnanian
League and Oeniadae. The coinage of the latter is to be dated between 219 and 2111
and both coinages will have fallen into Roman hands when M. Valerius Laevinus
captured the town of Oeniadae in 211; the coinage will have returned with Laevinus
in early 210 and been despatched to a mint at Canusium for overstriking.2 Since the
issue with C f>.. belongs to the earliest stage of the denarius coinage, the institution
of the denarius coinage is again located not much before c. 210.
(7) The evidence so far points to a date a few years after 216/215 for the institution
of the denarius. The excavations at Morgantina provide a near-certain terminus ante
quem; coins of the earliest period of the denarius system appear sealed below a late
third-century destruction level, which should be dated to 214 or 211, years when
the town rebelled and was recaptured by the Romans.3 Given the fact that the semi
libra! standard was still in force in 216, the terminus ante quem of 211 is preferable
for the institution of the denarius and the sextantal standard (see p. 43 for the
duration of the post-semilibral standard).
(8) If then the denarius coinage was instituted by 211, but not very long, if at
all, before, three Sardinian issues help to indicate a precise date. The issues with
C, M and AR belong at the very beginning of the denarius coinage; it is almost
impossible not to regard them as struck by (L.) C(omelius), (P.) Ma(nlius Vulso)
and (C.) Aur(unculeius), Praetors of Sardinia in 211, 210 and 209.'
(9) I have shown above that the newly instituted denarius coinage did not survive
its early years unaffected by financial stress. Despite this fact, it is argued that the
record of financial difficulties preserved by Livy is such that the denarius could
not have been instituted at any rate in the middle years of the Second Punic War.6
As I have already argued,' the fiscal measures of the latter part of the war recorded
by Livy were necessary precisely because the Roman Republic had determined on
the restoration of a pure silver coinage. This argument may be reinforced by a
detailed consideration of Livy's narrative.
In the early years of the war, metal (for coinage) seems to have been available.
Apart from tributum and other normal sources of revenue, not to mention reserves,
1 B. V. Head, HN•, 331.
1 I owe this point to H. B. Mattingly (cf.JRS 1970, 232).
1 T.V. Buttrey, Congresso 1961, 261. The arguments for later destruction (H. B. Mattingly, ibid., 269;
NCirc 1962, 164) are special pleading; nor is it true that the later phases of the quadrigatus and its
associated bronze canno t be fitted in between 215 and 212 (see p. 43); for the Mars(Eagle gold
coinage see below.
• See p. 13; the entry in Coin hoards, Index i, should be for (L.) Cornelius, not for (M.) Cornelius
(Cethegus). There is no plausibility in the view of L. Breglia, RAN 1949-50, 19-20, that M stands
for Mammula, Pr. in Sardinia, 217.
' H. B.Mattingly, Studies Robinson, 221 n. 4·
• JRS 1964, 29-32.
32
The first period of the denarius coinage
there was a loan from Hieron II in 216 (Livy xxiii, 21, 5). In 215 a tributum duplex
was decided on, presumably in contrast to tributum simplex hitherto (Livy xxiii, 31,
1-2). But at this· point sources of revenue dried up. The loan from Hieron could not
be repaid (Livy xxiii, 38, 12) and at the end of the year there was no money available
with which to supply the Spanish army (Livy xxiii, 48, 4-8).
A novel method of financing Roman operations was adopted, the use of credit.1
The contract for supplies to the Spanish army was let on the condition that payment
would be made later (Livy xxiii, 48, 9-49, 4). The following year sailors were paid
directly by wealthy individuals, not by the state (Livy xxiv, 11, 7-9), and credit
was again used, to finance the building operations of the censors (Livy xxiv, 18,
1o-11, cf. 2 for inopia aerari). The owners of slaves manumitted to fight refused
payment for the time being (Livy xxiv, 18, 12). After contributing their possessions,
orphans and widows were to be supported by state purchases on credit on their
behalf (Livy xxiv, 18, 13-14). Equites and centurions offered to do without their
pay (Livy xxiv, 18, 15).
But from 212 onwards metal again began to become available and the state in
addition took active steps to make it available. Booty was coming in in almost
every year from 212 (Syracuse) onwards, down to 2o6 (Spain).2 In addition, the
state used the Triumviri Mensarii to levy metal from private individuals in Rome
in 210 (Livy :xxvi, 35-6; Festus, s.v. Tributorum conlationem)- perhaps the first
and the last occasion on which an ancient state effectively mobilised the resources
of its wealthy members; the gold in the aerarium sanctius was also used in 209
(Livy :xxvi,i 10, 11-13); and money was raised by renting out the ager Campanus
(Livy :xxvii, 11, 8). It is significant that 2,400,000 denarii could be provided in 210
for Scipio to take to Spain (Polybius x, 19, 1-2).
Credit financing, by contrast, disappears from the record, until Scipio was forced
to use it in 205, perhaps partly for political reasons, as well as financial ones (though
the state was forced soon after to sell land to raise cash, Livy :xxvi,ii 46, 4). The year
211 stands out as the beginning of a period in which the production of the new
denarius coinage was eminendy possible.
If then the denarius system was instituted in 211 (or perhaps in 212), it remains
to decide how long its first phase, characterised by a heavy weight standard and a
multiplicity of mints, lasted. This problem involves the problem of the Mars/Eagle
gold. A number of factors place this in a general way in the same period as the
1 I shall argue later (p. 43) that the use of credit included the reduction of the weight standard of the
bronze coinage below a semilibral level, the coinage thereby becoming even more fiduciary than it
was already.
' See T. Frank, ESAR i, So-t and 83; after Syracuse (Livy xxv, 31, 8-11) there was Capua (xxvi, 14,
8), Nova Carthago (xxvi, 47, 7; Polybius x, 19), Tarentum (xxvii, 16, 7; Plutarch, Pab. zz) and the
battle of the Metaurus (xxvii, 49, 6; Polybius xi, 3); for boot y from Spain in zo6 see xxviii, 38, S·
The produce of the Spanish mines will also have become available from 209 onwards. It is not clear
how it was intended tO finance the building programme of 2U (xxv, 7> 5).
33
Imroduction
earliest denarii:1 a similar pattern of anonymous and signed issues occurs; the weights
of the different denominations are a scruple or multiples thereof; similar marks of
value, in terms of asses, appear.' But whereas all signed issues of Mars/Eagle gold
can be linked with signed issues of denarii, it is not immediately obvious how long
the anonymous issue from the mint of Rome lasted. It is in my view most likely that
it lasted from 211 to 209.
The view that it began in 211 may be supported by two arguments: its denomina
tional structure (see above) and its function (seep. 626 n .1)identify the Mars/Eagle gold
as an integral part of the denarius system and it is reasonable to suppose that it was
struck at the same time as the earliest denarii; and a specimen with com-ear, from
a Sicilian mint, has turned up at Morgantina in the same destruction level as early
denarii and victoriati.3 The terminus ante quem for both the anonymous and the
signed issues of Mars/Eagle gold should be placed in or very soon after 209; the
use of the aurum vicesimarium from the aerarium sanctius (Livy xxvii, 10, 11) was
clearly only agreed on because all other gold available at that moment had been used.
And in fact that part of the aurum vicesimarium which was sent away from Rome
presumably provided the bullion for the signed issues of Mars/Eagle gold (other
than that with com-ear) from military mints.'
If the Mars/Eagle gold is regarded as lasting from 211 to 209, certain consequences
follow for the rest of the early denarius coinage. The first signed issues from the
mint of Rome bore the symbols or letters anchor, apex, M, crescent and comucopiae
(see p. 10); since gold with only one of these marks is found, the adoption of the
others is presumably to be placed after 209. But it cannot be placed very much after;
the evidence of the hoards seems to show the symbols crescent and comucopiae
appearing just as the phase of the denarius coinage characterised by a multiplicity
1 The ManfEagle gold is rightly regarded as contemporary with the sextantal weight standard by
H. A. Grueber, BMCRR i, 12; his absolute date of course depends on his date for the latter and is
therefore wrong; but his rejection of the testimony of Pliny is a step in the right direction (pau H. J.
Scharp,JMP 1918, t; B. J. H.aeberlin, FrankjuTur Manzzatlllft 1919, 17; W. Giesecke, ibid., 101).
The crucial figures in the pusaae of Pliny in question (NHxxxi,ii 47), recording the interval between
269 and the date of the gold issue, and the number of sestertii to the pound of gold, are in any case
hopelessly corrupt; all correction is arbitrary and time should not be wasted on the passaae (u, for
instance, by R. Thomsen, ERC ii, 245-55 and 305�).
1 Not sestertii, as Pliny, NH xxxiii, 47, followed by H. A. Grueber, BMCRR i, lv; J.-B. Giard, BSFN
1961, 91. For decisive arsuments in favour of asses see R. Thomsen, ERC ii, 299-300. S. Bolin,
Bllltter jar MfJm:jr1111U:U, 1927-29, 273, 291 and 353, is wholly unconvincing.
1 T. V. Buttrey, Con(lf'IW1 19(i1, 263.
' I list the generals who received gold, with tentative suggestions as to what they did with it:
L. Veturius Philo in Gaul (500 lbs) Gold spent as bullion
P.Sulpicius Galba in Greece (500 lbs) Gold spent as bullion
M. M.arccllus in Btruria (500 lbs) Part struck as issue with pentagram
Part passed on to C. Calpurnius Piso and struck u
issue with staff
Q. Fabius Maximus inS. Italy (500 lbs) Struck as issue with spearhead
Garrison commander in Tarentum {too lbs) Gold spent as bullion
Q. Fulvius Flaccus in Campania (500 lbs) Gold spent as bullion.
The issue with spearhead is associated with Tarentum by R. Thomsen, ERC ii, 347·
34
The first period of the denan"us coinage
of mints is drawing to a close; and at the mints at which Mars/Eagle gold was
struck, it tended to be struck towards the end of this phase (see pp. 18 and 22);
only a short time can therefore intervene between the end of the Mars/Eagle gold
in or very soon after 209 and the appearance of the symbols crescent and cornucopiae
at the mint ofRome. About 207 seems appropriate for this appearance.
To resume the discussion so far, the first period of the denarius coinage, struck
atRome and at military mints outsideRome, should be regarded as running from
211 to c. 208 ;1 after this, coinage was concentrated at the mint ofRome, a step made
possible by the recovery of control over Italy. A few issues in the following years
seem to stand outside the main sequence of issues (see pp. 50 and 52) and were
perhaps produced outside Rome; but the conclusion is not a necessary one and
differences of style and fabric alone should never be used as evidence for a separate
mint. In any case, the vast bulk of the coinage of theRomanRepublic between 2o6
and 84 falls into a single sequence which may be attributed without difficulty to the
mint ofRome.2
Before moving on to this, however, it is necessary to go back and consider the
didrachm coinage which preceded the denarius coinage. The institution of the
latter is firmly placed in 211; the earliestRoman coinage may be dated, I believe,
to 280 and the didrachm coinage as a whole reasonably assigned to the intervening
70 or so years.
The first problem to be faced is that posed by the evidence of Pliny (NH xxxi,ii
42-4):
Proxumum scelus fuit eius qui primus ex auro denarium signavit, quod et ipsum
latet auctore incerto. PopulusRomanus ne argento quidem signato ante Pyrrhum
regem devictum usus est. Libralis- unde etiam nunc libella dii
c tur et dupondius
- adpendebatur assis. (Various remarks on the linguistic legacies of this practice
follow.) Servius rex primus signavit aes. Antea rudi usosRomae Timaeus tradit.
Signatum est nota pecudum, unde et pecunia appellata. Maxumus census cxx
assium fuit illo rege et ideo haec prima classis. Argentum signatum anno urbis
cccclxxxv Q. Ogulnio, C. Fabio coss., quinque annis ante primum Punicum
bellum.Et placuit denarium pro decem libris aeris valere . ..
'The next most serious crime was to strike a gold coin; the culprit is unknown.
The Roman people did not even use silver coin before the defeat of Pyrrhus; a
bronze unit of a pound passed by weight . . . Servius was the first to strike a
bronze coin; Timaeus tells us that before that the Romans used uncoined bronze.
1 For the view of E. A. Sydenham that the denarius CQU/d not have been fi.nt struc:lt at Rome, one of
the more fantastic theories foisted on the world by numismatists, seeR. Thomsen, ERG ii, 176-9.
1 The only exception is the Narbo issue (no. 282 and p. 65); for the coinages of Sulla and his enemies
see pp. So-2.
35
Introduction
The coin of Servius bore a cow as its type, whence it wascalled pecunia. The
highest census qualification was 120,000 asses and those who possessed this
composed the prima classis. Silver was coined in the 485th year of the city,
in the consulship of Q. Ogulnius and C. Fabius, five years before the First
Punic War. And it was agreed that a denarius should be worth ten pounds of
bronze ...'
There are grounds for supposing that most of this (populus Romanus ...bellum)
depends in essentials on Timaeus ;1 but still it can hardly be taken at its face value.
Coin hoards show Roman silver coinage in a Pyrrhic War context (seep. 38) and
any possible chronology involves the corollary that the earliest Roman silver coinage
was struck outside Rome and that the date which impressed itself on the literary
tradition was the date at which silver coinage was first struck in Rome. The problem
is to decide which issue was involved and for this the literary tradition offers little
help. It seems reasonable, however, to argue that if the whole of the pre-denarius
coinage was struck outside Roii_le and Roman silver coinage had thus existed for
(say) 50 years before it was struck in Rome, this event would hardly have been
represented as it is represented in the literary tradition, populus Romanus (up to
this point) ne argento quidem signazo usus est;1 Pliny's assertion, unsupported by the
rest of the literary tradition, that the first silver coinage struck in Rome was the
denarius coinage is clearly an unwarranted conflation of two separate pieces of
information, that silver coinage was first struck in Rome in 269 and that the character
istic (but later) silver coinage of the Republic was the denarius coinage.
Pliny (Timaeus) is equally unhelpful on the origin of the Roman bronze coinage.
No one now believes that Servius Tullius produced (signavit) coinage and the
attempt by A. Alfoldi to avoid making Timaeus believe this either is understandable.3
But the selection of passages attributed to Timaeus by Alfoldi is arbitrary, (42)
populus Romanus ne argento quidem signato ante Pyrrhum regem deuictum usus est . • .
(43) antea rudi usos Romae Timaeus tradit (44) argentum signatum anno urbis
. . •
cccclxxxv Q. Ogulno i , C. Fabio coss., quinque annis ante primum Punicum bellum. All
this can be paralleled in the Roman annalistic and antiquarian tradition just as
readily as the material which Alfoldi rejects; and it is difficult to believe that Timaeus
can have referred to (aes) rude without making some reference to bronze in some
different form.
It is better to take the whole passage, populus Romanus ...bellum (except for
the digressions on the linguistic legacies of the assis libra/is and on the etymology
1 A. D. Momigliano, Mis� Rosra,ni, tlkrt.
• So already H. Mattingly, NC 1924, t86. U the Capitol hoard (Coin /wards, no. 6o), in which the
Roman pieces belong to the pre-denarius coinage, could be proved to be a consignment of coin
intended for melting down and re-coining, production of coinage in Rome before the denarius would
be certain.
I MDAI(R) 1961, 64-79·
The pre-denarius coinage
gether show Mars/Horse's head ROMANO didrachms as the only Roman issues
in circulation at the time when the reduced standard was introduced at Tarentum,
presumably towards the end of the Pyrrhic War. The Torchiarolo and Oppido
Lucano hoards include Tarentine light-weight pieces, together with, in each case,
one Mars/Horse's head ROMANO didrachm.5 The evidence of hoards with only
one Roman piece is not strong, but it is confirmed by the evidence of the 'Fallani'
hoard; this contained several Mars/Horse's head ROMANO didrachms, together
with didrachms of Neapolis; these latter went down to a slighdy later point in the
1 Oppido Lucano-information from D. Adamasteanu; Mesagne-Noe2, no. 677 (it is not apparent
from Noe' that this hoard contains Roman pieces; I owe an account of its contents to C. M. Kruy);
Valesio-Coin hoards, no. 12 (the account there should be corrected according to Ricerche e Studi
1967, 95; the hoard is not complete, but contained originally one further piece of Tarentum and one
further piece of Metapontum); Torchiarolo-Coin hoards, no. 11; Italy -several didrachms with
Mars/Horse's head ROMANO
35 didrachms of Neapolis
(Sambon, no. 338, 4 pieces no. 455, 2 pieces
no 342,
. 1 piece ( ?) no. 456, 1 piece
no. 365, 1 piece no. 457, 3 pieces
no 366,
. 11 pieces no 458, 1 piece
.
offinding.
' The hoard also contains a collection of earlier material and Neapolitan issues apparently of the same
date as the Tarentine.
' R. E. Mitchell's dismissal of the Torchiarolo hoard (MwN 1969, SS n. 57) on the grounds of its
'diverse contents', after he has himself drawn attention to the occurrence in hoards of Roman
didrachms with didrachms of Magna Graecia, is simply astonishing. The Roman didrachm n the i
Torchiarolo hoard is fresh, that in the Oppido Lucano hoard somewhat worn (and brutally
i
cleaned). R. E. Mitchell, RIN 1973, 8�109, requ res no separate refutation.
The pre-denarius coinage
sequence than the didrachms of Neapolis in the Torchiarolo hoard.1 It seems clear,
therefore, that at the time when light-weight pieces were introduced at Tarentum,
Mars/Horse's head ROMANO didrachms had not yet been superseded at Rome.2
Given this, it is hard to date the introduction of this small issue before the Pyrrhic
War.
There is a further strong argument in favour of the view that Rome's didrachms
began no earlier than the Pyrrhic War, first adduced by E. S. G. Robinson.3 There
are a large number of South Italian hoards of immediately pre-Pyrrhic War,
Pyrrhic War or immediately post-Pyrrhic War date which might in principle
contain Roman didrachms, but which in fact do not.4 This absence is intelligible
if Rome struck no coinage before about 280, well-nigh incomprehensible if she had
struck didrachms since the fourth century.s
For the second6 and third7 issues of didrachms, there is no firm evidence; but
the fourth can be placed very closely. The system of control-marks used is an
adaptation8 of that on a Ptolemaic series struck in honour of the deified Arsinoe II.
She and her brother-husband Ptolemy II Philadelphus were designated as the
Theoi Adelphoi shortly before 272/1,9 but the sole cult of Arsinoe was not instituted
1 The latest didrachm of Neapolis in the 'Fallani' hol\rd is Sambon, no. 477,the latest in the Torchia-
rolo hoard is Sambon, no. 448.
1 The Benevento hoard (Coin hoards, no. 22) must be left out of the reckoning; the arguments of
E. S. G. Robinson (NC 1945, 97) against the coherence of the hoard as reported are based on
knowledge not available to A. J. Evans when he published it; his confidence in the hoard was clearly
mis-placed (pace R. E. Mitchell, NC 1966,68 n. 2; MusN 1969, 55 n. 6o).
a NC 1945, 97·
' The South Italian hoard itself (NC 1945,97); also Nee*, nos. 147,701 (with AIIN 1965-67, 40),772
(with AIIN 1965-67, 56), to6o (with AIIN 1965-67, 38), 1120 (with AIIN 1965-67, S6),Grimaldi
1933 (AIIN 19(io-61, 66), Metaponto 1955 (NSc 19(16, 176), Lucania 1957 - all with pieces of
Tarentum of Evans's period VI; Noe•,nos. 128 =897, 185, 1048,1049,1056,Taranto 1913 (AIIN
1965-67, 39),Ruvo (AIIN 1965-67, 46) - all with pieces of Tarentum of reducedweight. (I owe most
of this list to C. M. Kraay.)
• Three negative points may be made very rapidly.
The weight standard of Rome's earliest didrachm was borrowed from Neapolis (see p. 590); the
weight standards of later issues result from successive downward adjustments and do not depend on
those of any other mint.
The evidence provided by the overstrike of a Minerva/Horse's head bronze (no. 17/1a) on a Zeus
Hellanios{Eagle bronze of Syracuse (Table XVIII, 13) is inconclusive; for the date of the undenype,
probably 288{7-279{8, see R. Ross Holloway, RBN 1962, 16-17.
R. E. Mitchell argues rightly (MusN 1969, 43-8) that the arguments for dating Rome's earliest
didrachm based on the derivation of the obverse type from the coinage of Metapontum (R. Thomsen,
ERG iii, 93-S) and on the supposed Carthaginian nature of the reverse type (R. Thomsen, ERG iii,
83-92) are weak to the point of non-existence (see also p. 713). In general, I place little weght on the
i
evidence of type parallels; even if one is certain that one type is borrowed from another, no more than
a terminus post quem emerges. I regard it as probable, however, that the com-ear symbol on the
reverse of Rome's earliest didrachm indicates that the mint was at Metapontum (see R. Thomsen,
ERG iii, 156-7).
1 The types of the coinage of Beneventum are copied from this issue,but after a quite uncertain intei::val
(pace R. Thomsen, ERG iii, 107).
7 Arguments based on an interpretation of the types Hercules/Wolf and twins in terms of Fabian
propaganda (as R. E. Mitchell, NG 1966, 66-7; MusN 1969, 56) are in my view misconceived (see
p. 714n. 6).
• E. G. Huzar, CJ 1965-66, 337, misses this essential point.
• P. M. Fraser,Ptolemaic Alexandria, 215-16.
39
Introduction
until after her death in July 270.1 Although the Ptolemaic series could have begun
in the earlier year, it is more likdy to have begun in or after 270. The Roman series
can hardly have begun till a few years later still.2
There is in any case compelling evidence for assigning it to an even later date.
It is the latest of the silver issues with ROMANO and must therefore be contem
porary with or later than the bronze issue with Minerva ROMANO/Eagle
ROMANO (no. 23). And this is certainly a coin of the First Punic War. Of the
pieces known to me (those listed by Bahrfeldt, together with a specimen in Oxford
and a specimen in the collection of G. L. Fallani), two carry with them evidence of
provenance, the specimen in Palermo and that of G. L. Fallani, from Tindari.
A. Santamaria informs me in addition that he recollects two pieces passing through
his hands, both from Sicily. This strong prima facie case for Sicilian mintage is
reinforced by consideration of the internal evidence of the issue itself. It bears the
same reverse type as an early group of the coinage of the Mamertini, an eagle on a
thunderbolt,• it uses symbols as control-marks in the same way,• it has the same
weight standard.5 The issue was undoubtedly struck at Messana when Rome in
264 carried out the fateful decision to intervene on behalf of the Mamertini. The
large issue of Roma/Victory ROMANO didrachms should be regarded as its
contemporary and as the Roman coinage of the First Punic War.
It seems probable then that the ROMA didrachms were only introduced after
the First Punic War. Certainly the fust three issues are small and stylistically
homogeneous, what one would expect in a period of steady, small-scale, peace-time
production.8 A small hoard from Catanzaro7 confirms the view that the last of the
ROMA didrachms, the quadrigatus, appeared only shortly before the Second
1 P. M. Fraser, Ptolemaic Auxandria, 217, cf. 228-30.
1 R. B. Mitchell's attempt to date it between 272 and 269 carries no conviction (NC 1966, 69-7o; the
treatment in MwN 1969, 57 is ao brief as to be misleading); quite apan from the improbability of the
view that Rome improved on the Ptolemaic system of control-marks immediately after the Ptolemaic
issue began to be produced, the attribution of the largeat issue of ROMANO didrachms to a period
of three years during which no major expense was incurred by the Roman state is wholly implausible.
1 M. SllrstrOm, Coinage of the Mlii'IUTtinu, Ser. ii-iv, esp. pl. v, 42; the issues are dated by SlrsttOm,
p. 38, to 288-278, on no good grounds.
• The Roman issue bears the control-marks plough, helmet, stork and sword, the Mamertine issues
the control-marks helmet, bipennis, arrow, spearhead, spear, t (Ser. ii); spearhead (Ser. iii); thunder
bolt, comucopiae, torch, bucranium, A, star, � (Ser. iv).
1 The Roman issue (with the exclusion of two very worn pieces in Florence and Berlin weighing 13.32
gr. and 12-44 gr.) ranges from 19.00 gr. to 15.00 gr. and has a mean (taking into account the Oxford
and G. L. Fallani specimens weighing 17.12 gr. and 17.45 gr.) of 16.25 gr. The Mamertine issues
have the following ranges and means:
Ser. ii 21.26-13.76 gr. 16.78 gr.
Ser. iii 19.1o-15.90 gr. 17.43 gr.
Ser. iv 19.1o-15.28 gr. 17.05 gr.
• The copying of the obverse type of no. 25/1 on a Carthaginian issue (B. S. G. Robinson, Essays
Mattingly, 38) is entirely intelligible on this chronology, as is the appearance of one of the ROMA
bronzes (no. 26/4) asaociated with Stage II of the walls of Alba Fucens G. Menens, Alba Pucens i,
52-3).
' C. M. Kraay, in NoeJ, no. 2019.
40
The pre-denarius coinage
Punic War. The hoard contains one Apollo/Horse ROMA didrachm with coins of
the Brettii, a Hannibalic piece and assorted earlier issues. The absence of quadrigati
from this Second Punic War hoard suggests that they had been introduced only
shortly before it.1
It appears most likely, then, that the Republican silver coinage began at or about
the time of the Pyrrhic war and that the ROMANO didrachms covered the period
down to the end of the First Punic War; that the ROMA didrachms followed the
First Punic War and that the last didrachms, the quadrigati, were introduced not
long before the Second Punic War. Some confirmation for this chronology may be
derived from a consideration of the bronze issues which ran parallel to the silver
coinage.
First, the La Bruna hoard.3 The symbolism of three of the varieties of aes signatum
which it contains is naval (see p. 718) and it is hard to imagine all or any of these
being produced before Rome became a naval power during the First Punic War.'
The coins associated in the hoard with these varieties of aes signatum were on my
view produced during the Pyrrhic War; the gap would be intolerable if they were
dated much earlier.5
1 The same conclusion is suggested by the absence of wear on the quadrigati in the Syracuse hoard,
buried in or after the reign of Hieronymus (see above, p. 30 n. 1).
L. Breglia argues, AIIN 1958-59, 334, that the occurn re ce of quadrigati at Selinunte dates them
before 250, when the site was abandoned; but the site produced a bronze of Hieronymus! It is more
than doubtful whether the hoard, discussed by Breglia, consisting of didrachms of Corinth, etc., with
one quadrigatus is a coherent group.
1 So Suidas, s. v. MoviJTa:, but the testimony has little value (for the view now t2ken of the etymology
of the word moneta see E. Babelon, Mbn. Ac. Inscr. xxx:ix, 1914, 241; TLL, s.v.; from referring to
the temple of Juno Moneta, the word carne to describe the mint there situated, then the article
produced there). It seems to me worth recording my conjecture that Timaeus' interest in Mars and
the October equus (see p. 713) was aroused by the fact that the types of Rome's earliest didrachm,
introduced during the Pyrrhic War and hence part of Timaeus' subject-matter, were Mars/Horse's
head.
Tenney Frank's argument (ESAR i, 42-3), endorsed by R. E. Mitchell (MusN 1969, 42, cf. 71),
that Rome could not have conquered S. Italy without minting coins in her own name is patently
worthless. One might as well argue that the Phoenicians could not have become a great trading nation
without minting coins. The extent of Roman intervention inS. Italy in the fourth century is irrelevant
to the dating of the Republican coinage.
1 Coin hoards, no. 16.
' See Polybius i, 20, 8; 20, 13 with commentary of F. W. Walbank.
6 Although listed earlier as a group in the catalogue, the different varieties of au sigrw.tum were, I am
sure, contemporary with the first four issues of aes grave (so rightly A. Alf�ldi, MDAI(R) 1961, 7o-1,
who, however, mist2kenly regards issues with 'ramo secco' and fishbone types as Roman).
Not only is the hoard context of aes sigrw.tum the same as that of the earliest aes grave (Ariccia and
La Bruna, Coin hoards, nos. 13 and 16), but all the issues whose types convey any indication of date
must be of the period of or later than the Pyrrhic War (see p. 718). It also seems to me that the
notion of creating currency bars (to use a very general term) with types logically follows the notion
of creating coins with types. The primitive cast bar found at Bitalemi in a sixth-century context,
P. Orlandini, AIIN 1965-67, 3 and 13, has nothing whatever to do with Roman aes signarum.
As for function, aes sigrw.tum can hardly have been intended for storage in the treasury, for which
its types in high relief make it wholly unsuitable; nor can it be moneta privata (so F. Gnecchi, RIN
1900, 147) or Greek (soT. L. Comparette, AJN 1918, 1), since some of its types bear the legend
ROMANOM (on the homogeneity of the whole group see L. Clerici, Economia, 236); nor can it
be regarded as created with distinctive types to be dedicated to particular deities (so A. C. Deliperi,
Numismatica 1943-45, 38), since it is usually found in fragments. The almost uniformly martial types
Introduction
Second, the Carife hoard.1 This includes five Roman semilibral semunciae,2
associated with the later stages of the quadrigarus (seep. 44); but it also contains
a semuncia ofBrundisium.3 Now I believe that both the coinage ofBrundisium and
the hoard belong to the period of the Second Punic War; but the hoard cannot in
any case be earlier than 244, the date of the foundation of Brundisium; and at this
date there is evidendy no trace of the denarius coinage.
One small piece of evidence may be adduced as militating against the dating of
the denarius to 269, the actual coinage ofBrundisium. This was begun on a post
semilibral standard and itseems to me in the highest degreeimprobable that this
standard would have been adopted if Rome had already adopted the sextantal
standard, certainly associated with the denarius.'
Finally, the Prow series of aes grave, contemporary with the quadrigarus, seems
to portray a type of prow otherwise first found on the coinage of Antigonus Doson
in an issue struck after 227 ;5 the quadrigarus and the Prow series of aes grave may
reasonably be regarded as belonging to the same period.
If then it is accepted that the Republican coinage began at or about the time of
the Pyrrhic War and that the later stages took place at approximately the dates
assigned to them above, it is possible by making a single, to my mind very plausible,
assumption to bring the successive stages of the didrachm coinage into precise
relationship with the years in which Censors held office (for the Censors and
coinage seep. 6o2). The following are the years between the outbreak of the Pyrrhic
War and that of the Second Punic War in which Censors who went on to complete
their term of office were elected:6 280, 275, 269, 265, 258, 252, 247, 241, 234, 230,
225, 220, twelve in all. If it is assumed that the RomajVictory didrachms which were
being struck at the outbreak of the First Punic War continued to be struck through
out the war, something which is readily intelligible in view of their types (see p. 714),
it will be seen that there is one issue with distinct types for every pair of Censors
from 280 down to and including 225, with the exception of those elected during
the First Punic War. It remains necessary to explain the failure of the Censors of
220 to adopt new types, but I think that this is p�sible. The discrepancy in the
ancient sources between 269 and 268 as the year when coinage was first struck at
suggest the hypothesis that aes signatum was created for the distribution of booty after a victory (see
also below, p. 45 n. to); in any case it is clear that aes signatum, once issued, was treated as bullion
note the piece reponed by E. J. Haeberlin, Aes grave, 143-5, with the Umbrian legend FVKES
SESTINES, meaning 'of the forge at Sestinum' (I owe this translation toR. G. G. Coleman).
t Coin hoards, no. so.
1 Not sextantes, as ni Coin hoards; seeR. Garrucci, Le monete dell' Itala i antica, pl. lxxviii, u, cited
in the original publication of the hoard.
1 BMC Italy, Brunds i u
i m, no. 6.
• SeeR. Thomsen, ERC ii, to6-n note that the coinage of Firmum, colonised in z64, was on a libra!
standard,R. Thomsen, ERC ii, 104-6.
' R. Thomsen, ERC iii, 147-9; for the attribution of the coinage see I. Merker, MusN t96o, 39·
• Of the Censors ofz7z, Z53 and z36 one died in office, the Censors ofz31 were vitio creati; the Censors
ofz7z were perhaps in any case appointed with the sole purpose of building an aqueduct.
42
The pre-denarius coinage
Romel is best explained by supposing that the decision was taken in 269 and that
the Censors only got round to doing something about it in 268; the Censors of 220
may not have concerned themselves with the coinage unti1219, by which time the
Illyrian War and the impending war with Carthage perhaps sufficed to postpone a
decision to adopt new types.
Two problems remain, the dating of the various phases of the quadrigatus and
of the point at which the Oath-scene gold is to be placed, and the dating of the
different stages of the reduction of the weight standard in the Prow series of bronze
coinage. To take the latter first, it is clear that the weight standard first dropped
from a notionally libral one to a semilibral one, then declined through a series of
post-semilibral standards, triental, quadrantal and approximations to these.'
The semilibral standard belongs, I think, in 217; although it is conceivable that
the financial position was felt to be serious enough in 218 to justify a reduction in
weight standard,3 I now incline to think it more likely after the defeat at Trasimene
in 217;' certainly the reduction had taken place by the time of the ludi Romani in
September of that year (see p. 627 n. 1).5
The point at which the semilibral standard was abandoned can also, I think, be
fixed with reasonable precision. When Capua rebelled in 21�215, she overstruck
Roman coins of the very end of the semilibral period (see Table xvm, 1-2), which
should accordingly be regarded as ending by early 215 (see also p. 31).8 The stan
dard is probably already quadrantal (based on an as of four ounces) in 214; the
vast bulk of the bronze struck in Sicily before the creation of the denarius system
(no. 42/2-5) is of quadrantal standard and it seems reasonable to associate this
upsurge in production with the arrival of Marcellus and the beginning of serious
operations against Syracuse in 214.7 The quadrantal standard will then have lasted
till the introduction of the denarius in 211. No surprise need be felt at the speed
with which the Romans reduced the weight standard of their bronze coinage,
from notionally libral in 218 to quadrantal in 214; the Capuan reduction proceeded
with equal speed between 215 and 211.
1 For the sources seeR. Thomsen, ERC i, 33-4; add D. Hal. xx, 17 (20, 9).
1 For details see p. 596. See R. Thomsen, BRC ii, 27-32, for a succinct demolition of the view that
Rome abandoned and then returned to a libral standard; the theory of H. Mattingly, PBA 1963,
319-25, that Rome issued libral and reduced bronze simultaneously is unlikely to commend itself.
1 Cf. Livy xxi, 16, 3-6; I adopted this view inJRS 1964, 29.
' Pliny's dating of the uncial standard Q. Fabio Maximo dictatore (NH xxxiii, 45) is a garbled memory
of a monetary measure taken in c. 141 (see p. 614); but the Lex Metilia de full onibus may be an
economy measure of 217. In general, I think the reduction in weight standard more likely after a
year of defeats.
' For reasons which are unclear, the mint of Rome produced on the semilibral standard not only the
regular Prow series of bronze, but also a collateral series with distinctive types, no. 39/1-s (R.
Thomsen, ERC ii, 229-31 with decisive arguments and earlier bibliography).
• Cf. Livy xxiii, 48, 9, for a (renewed) appeal to fides in the financing of the war in summer 215.
1 So already JRS 1964, 30; no arguments can be derived from the standards of the coinages of rebel
communities such as Capua, Meles and Volcei (contra R. Thomsen, ERC ii, 122-9); these standards
will not have been higher than the Roman, but they may well have been lower.
43
TABLE V. The pre-denarius coinage c. 28<rc. 212 B.C.
t c. 225 B.C. Quadrigati with incuse legend ROMA1 Libral Prow series•
Minerva/BullROMA as10
c. 217 B.C. Semilibral Prow series (sextans to quartuncia) Semilibral Prow series (as to quadrans)
Collateral series (triens to semuncia) Series with com-ear (quadrans)
Oath-scene gold piece
Oath-scene gold half-piece
Half-quadrigati
c. 215 B.C. Quadrigati with legend in relief on raised Post-semilibral Prow series (triens to Post-semilibral Prow series
tabletROMA semuncia) (decussis to quadrans)11
Quadrigati with legend in relief in linear
frameROMA
Quadrigati with com-ear and legend in Series with com-ear (quadran.s to semuncia)
relief in linear frameROMA
Series with I,.. (semis to semuncia) Series with I.- (as and semis)
c. 213 B.C. Debased quadrigati
1 For demolition of the notion of parallel production in different areas of the four ss i ues of ROMANO didrachms with their associated aes gravt,
see R. Thomsen, ERG iii, 63-9, for positive evidence for their relative order, s7-«>; cf. also p. 37 for hoard evidence for the priority of no. 13.
1 These two issues cannot be regarded as struck in the same mint at the same time - the second is characterised by the occurrence of innumerable
little variants, the first by their absence; their placing in the sequence is suggested by the following consid�rations- the Ardea hoard (Coin hoards,
no. 20) shows that the first had been issued before or at the same time as the Apollo/Apollo and Dioscurus/Apollo series of aes grave (for which see
n. 4 below) were issued; the second post-dates the foundation of Cosa in 273 (I owe this point to T. V. Buttrey), but shows no point of
contact with the Hercules/Wolf issue of didrachrns, struck at Rome from 269. The argument ofR. Thomsen, ERG iii, 123, that because the Hercules/
Wolf and twins issue of didrachms and the Goddess/Lion issue of bronze derive their types from the same issue of Syracuse they were issued
simultaneously, is invalid.
1 For the relative order of these two series of aes grave and for their association with the first two issues of didrachms, seeR. Thomsen, ERG iii, 7o-t,
with cross-references; for the oddity that the second has a higher weight standard than the first, sec p. S 9S·
• The consistent occurrence of this series in hoards (Coin hoards, nos. 20 and 21) otherwise consisting only of cc.rtainly Roman pieces shows that it
too isRoman; it should be regarded as a series subsidiary to the Apollo/Apollo series.
• There i s no real evidence for the placing of these two series in relation to each other, though their association as a pair with the second two issues
of didrachms is clear enough; for the heavy unciae of theRomafRoma series, wrongly regarded as relevant byR. Thomsen, ERG iii, 16-23, see p. s66.
• Sec p. 40 above.
' The association with each of these three issues of didrachms and struck bro.nze of a series of aes grave is straightforward; a strigil occurs as a symbol
on the first issue of didrachms and on the light Janus/Mercury series of aes grave, a club on the third issue of didrachms and on a corresponding
RomaR f oma series of aes grave; the light Apollo/Apollo series of aes grav1 is then left to be associated with the second issue of didrachms, on which
no symbol occurs. Of the two types of struck bronze with divergent types, that with Roma/Dog has no symbol and should be associated with the
t;
Apollo/Horse issue, that with HerculeafPegasus has a club as a symbol and should be associated with the Mars/Horse issue ..
The relative order of the three groups of silver, struck bronze and cast bronze is also readily established; pieces of the first two groups occur in the
Italy hoard (Coin hoards, no. 28); the didrachms of these two groups are then to be regarded as having been produced in the same order as the
ROMANO didrachms from which their types were copied; the Basilicata hoard (Coin hoards, no. 29) adds pieces of the third group; the types of the
didrachm of this group are to be regarded as resulting from a conflation of the types of the preceding two didrachms (soR. Thomsen, ERC iii, 76);
the absence of the drachm from the third group is of no consequence.
• For the different varieties of quadrigati and the order of their production, see Appendix, p. 103.
• For the production in sequence of the two varieties of the libral Prow series of aes grave with prow r. and the series with prow 1., sec B. J. Haeberlin,
There appear to be three major sequences of quadrigarus coinage and five minor
issues (including the issue with com-ear); with two of the three major sequences
Oath-scene gold is associated.1 Within two of the major sequences, the legend
ROMA changes from being incuse to being in relief; within one of them, light
weight and debased coins eventually make their appearance. The first stage may
be dated to about 215; a quadrigatus with the legend in relief appears in the Syracuse
hoard,2 which contains Syracusan issues down to those of Hieronymus; the Reman
issues in the hoard presumably go down to the point at which contact between
Rome and Syracuse was broken by the revolt of the latter, in summer 215. Since
Oath-scene gold is associated with one sequence of quadrigati which does not go
beyond the stage with incuse legend and since in another sequence it is associated
with an earlier phase than that with the legend in relief, it must be dated before
215; it is presumably an emergency coinage and is, I think, best associated with the
semilibral reduction; it will have been produced in an attempt to bolster confidence
in the coinage despite the reduction of the bronze standard.3
It is argued elsewhere (p. 626) that the last standard of the post-semilibral phase,
the quadrantal standard, marked the re-creation of a bronze coinage whose face
value and intrinsic value were approximately the same and that the debasement of
the quadrigatus (for which see p. 569) followed because the treasury was unable to
meet the expenditure involved. The last phase of the quadrigatus must therefore
be dated in 213 or later; since the experiment was clearly a disaster, it should be
dated in 212 and regarded as having been abandoned almost immediately.
One general problem remains, the enormous bulk of quadrigatus coinage which was
produced, on my view, over a relatively short time, between 225/4 and 212. But the
problem is more apparent than real; the stylistic diversity of the quadrigatus coinage is
to be explained by the fact that it was produced in three major sequences running
side by side (though I would not wish to say that these sequences were necessarily
produced at difer
f ent mints); and it is clear that the period from 225 onwards
demanded from Rome a military effort greater than any made before;4 state expendi
ture and volume of coinage were presumably on a scale to match the military effort.
I propose therefore the arrangement of the pre-denarius coinage as shown in
Table v.6
1 For details see Appendix, p. 103; the link between silver and gold was first made by E. J. Haeberlin,
ZJN 1908, 25cr2 (the article is otherwise of little interest); a brief discussion in R. Thomsen, ERG ii,
258-61; the classfii cation of P. le Gentilhomme, RN 1934, t, is in my view too detailed; L. Breglia,
'Note stilistiche sui quadrigato', RAL 1951, 265, is of little use.
1 Coin hoards, no. 62; the new hoard from Sicily (see p. 30 n. 1) goes down to the same point in the
quadrigatus coinage, but includes coins of the Syracusan Democracy; it well documents the isolation
of the rebel area from Rome in the years immediately following the revolt.
1 For the dating of the various issues of half-quadrigati see Appendix, p. 103.
' See Polybius ii, 23, 11 with commentary of F. W. Walbank for the scale of Roman operations in 225
(to legions), P. A. Brunt, Manpower, 417-22, for Roman legions during the Second Punic War.
6 For the dating of nos. 1-2 see above, p. 37 n. s, for that of nos. 3-12 above, p. 41 n. 5.
The second century - relative chronology
The coinage of the second century may be divided into three periods, on the basis
of the hoards in which the issues of each period first appear.
There is in the first place a great group of hoards, which I regard as closing about
the middle of the century (see Tables VIII-IX), at about the same time as the cessa
tion of production of the as; the bronze hoards which belong to the group contain
between them examples of almost every issue of bronze from the creation of the
denarius system down to this point, while the smaller silver hoards contain a fair
selection. We may regard the issue of Annius Rufus (no. 221), the latest in the group
of hoards in question, as providing a point at which the coinage may be divided, and
we may feel confident that we know which issues fall before it and which fall after it.
Two very large hoards, Riccia and Masera, add almost identical sets of issues to
the sequence which extends down to the issue of Annius Rufus (see Table x); the
issue of Mn. Acilius Balbus (no. 271), stylistically inseparable from the latest issue
in the Masera hoard (no. 270), may thus be regarded as providing another point
at which the coinage may be divided.
The coinage of the second century may conveniendy be regarded as finishing
with the issue of denarii of Piso and Caepio as Quaestors (no. 330) and the three
issues of quinarii and three of denarii which follow (nos. 331-6); again the hoards
enable us to say which issues precede these seven and which come later (see Table :n).
47
Introduction
is of uniformly low weight. The denarii of the first group (with a few unimportant
exceptions) similarly form a coherent stylistic sequence (for details see p. so); in
addition, the issues of this group are characterised by the not infrequent inclusion
of the victoriatus and by a relatively high (though declining) weight standard for
the bronze. Only two issues in the second group include denarii, that with gryphon
and that ofPurpureo (nos. 182 and 187); the denarii of each issue are distinctive
in style, quite unlike anything else, a fact which may be explained by their having
been produced in isolation.
The separation of the denarii of the three groups finds some slight confirmation
in the hoard evidence (see also p. 51 n. 3 and p. 54 on nos. 139 and 197-8); a very
small hoard from Kalaureia1 contains three issues from the first group, those of P.
Maenius, Todus and Cn. Domitius (nos. 138, 141 and 147), and nothing later;
another, slighdy larger hoard from Mirabella Imbaccari2 contains five issues from
the first group, that of L. Plautius Hypsaeus and those with star, crescent, feather
and female head (nos. 134, 113, 137, 163 and 127), and two from the second group,
that with gryphon and that ofPurpureo (nos. 182 and 187), but nothing later.
The most important problem which remains results from the existence of issues
in this period which consist only of bronze; a few of these issues may be linked
with issues which also include silver and may thus be fitted into the main sequence
of issues (for details see below); but there remains a large number which cannot be
assigned in this way.
The evidence in fact suggests that they were produced as a great block which
barely included issues of which silver formed part. At the lower end, there are
several hoards which contain the issues of bronze only under discussion, but do not
contain more than one or two of the issues to which the third group of denarii
belongs (see Table IX). It is equally impossible to insinuate the issues of bronze only
among the issues to which the first group of denarii belong; the bronze which goes
with the latter forms a coherent stylistic sequence, with which most issues of bronze
only have nothing in common. Finally, it is noticeable that the anonymous victoriatus
(no. 166) in the Biancavilla hoard is very wom,3 which suggests a long gap between
the issue to which it belongs and the latest issues in the hoard; this gap can only
be fil]ed by the issues of bronze only under discussion.
One further general point may be made before considering the sequence of issues
in detail. The anonymous issues of this period are puzzling and I would not wish
to assert that they were produced only at the isolated moments to which they are
assigned; they are placed immediately before the signed issue which they most
resemble, but may have been produced over a period of several years; I am, for
instance, fairly certain that anonymous silver did not die out with the appearance
1 Coin hoards, no. ut. 1 Coin hoards, no. U4.
1 Coin hoards, no. 127.
The second century - relative chrlmology
49
Introduction
of the issues with crescent and comucopiae (nos. 54-5), but continued into the
following period side by side with the issues with staff (no. 112), etc.1
I now tum to consider the sequence of issues in detail. I list in Table VI the issues
in the order in which I think they belong and here provide detailed comment.
(a) The issues from that with staff to that with meta (nos. 112-24) form a homo
geneous group, with minor variations that help towards a detailed arrangement.
(1) The victoriatus. The form of the stem on the trophy in the issue with staff
(no. 112) is the same as in the issues with crescent and comucopiae (nos. 54-5),
belonging to the end of the earliest phase of the denarius coinage; thereafter,
down to the issue of Metellus (no. 132) the form is differen t (see Fig. 1). The vic
toriati of nos. 119-21 are associated with each other by the way in which the legend
sometimes appears framed between two horizontal lines.
(2) The denarius. The basic stylistic homogeneity of the group is broken by
two slightly anomalous issues, those with trident and bull (nos. 115-16); some
pieces of the first issue are perfectly normal, some have a rather crude style which
leads on to that of the issue with bull (see Pis. JXI-xxu); presumably an extra en
graver was temporarily employed.
(3) The bronze. The style is homogeneous throughout, with a weight standard
which oscillates in the region of 40.5-36 gr. The issue with staff is placed early
because of the style of its victoriatus and I place close to it the issues with star,
rostrum tridens and bull (nos. 113-14 and 116);1 the issue with helmet (no. 118) is
placed here largely because of its weight standard, partly because its style is close
to that of the issue with bird and rudder (no. 117B).
(b) Nos. 125-31 seem to belong in the same general period as nos. 112-24, but
without forming part of the main sequence of issues. The issues of Q. Lutatius
Catulus and Varro and with female head (nos. 125-7) form a cohesive stylistic
1 Against the view which I took in Coin hoards, 3lr40·
1 The iaaue with rostrum tridms baa an aberrantly low weiaht atandard, perhaps a legacy of the period
of financial stringency of the Second Punic War.
so
The second century - relative chronology
group, which seems to follow on from the issues with spearhead and club in the
previous period (nos. 88-9; see Pls. XVI-XVII and XXIII). The high weight standard of
the issue with shield and carnyx (no. 128) suggests a relatively early date for it; the
head on the obverse of the issue with pentagram (no. 129) looks like an inferior copy
from it and leads on to that on the two issues with staff (nos. 13<>-1); an element
of continuity, while the weight standard rapidly declines, is provided by the curl
on the left shoulder.
(c) The issues from that of Tampilus to that with owl (nos. 133-5) form a small
group which seems to follow the issue of Metellus (no. 132).
(1) The denarius. The issue of Tampilus displays one style, which, like the use
by the moneyer of a monogram to sign his coinage, derives from the issue of Metellus,
and another style which is somewhat different. This second style is characterised
by the way in which the head of Roma is tilted so as to appear to gaze upwards.
Nos. 133-4 share at least one obverse die;1 no. 135 is a slighdy anomalous issue,
since some pieces have the 'upward gazing' style of nos. 133-4, some a crude and
quite unrelated style; again presumably an unskilled engraver was at work.
(2) The bronze. The weight standard remains based on an as of about 36 gr.
(d) The issue of an Annius or an Aurelius (no. 136) continues the 'upward gazing'
style of the denarii of nos. 133-5 and introduces yet another new style, which can
only be described as angular and harsh; this style in turn carries through to the
issue with crescent (no. 137), where it is joined by a third variant style (see Pl. XXIV,
9-12). These two stylesthen go on inuse down to the issue ofCn. Domitius (no. 147).1
A link with the next stylistic group is then provided by the distinctive triangular
pendant ear-ring which appears with the two anonymous issues, nos. 139-40,3 and
runs through as a feature present on some denarii in each issue in which denarii
occur as far as the issue with prawn (no. 156). Within the sequence as so far estab
lished, there are two points which call for comment. The issue of Sex. Quinctilius
(no. 152) displays an aberrant style marked by the presence of a curl of hair on the
left shoulder of Roma, as well as the normal style of neighbouring issues; there are
denarii of this aberrant style, but without the moneyer's signature. And the two
issues of Cn. calpurnius and L. Coilius share at least one obverse die.'
Meanwhile, the weight standard of the bronze has showed a tendency to drop
somewhat to one based on an as of about 36-31.5 gr.; the issues with bull and
1 C. A. Hersh, in Mints, dies and currendts, no. 16.
1 Two isolated and presumably casual variants occur; some of the heads on the issue with crescent (no.
137) are unusually narrow; and an odd form of helmet with a double visor occurs on the iss.ues with
crescent and of P. Maenius (die-linked to each other- see Pl. XXIV).
• These anonymous issues are placed next to the issues which they most closely resemble, cf. p. 48.
It is also worth noting that the specimen of no. 139 in the Lacco Ameno hoard (Coin hoards, no. 147)
is substantially more worn than that of no. 197.
' Used by a piece of the former in the Montecarotto hoard, of the latter in the Petacciato hoard.
51
Introduction
monogram, shield and monogram, and Victory and monogram (nos. 142-4) are
placed with the issue of Todus (no. 141) because of a shared weight standard,
style and approach to the moneyer's signature;1 the issues of Q. Marius, L. Mamilius,
M. Titinius and S. Furius are placed with the issue of Cn. Domitius for similar
reasons.
(e) (1) Denarii with cornucopiae (no. 157) display a style almost identical to that
of denarii with prawn, but at this point deterioration begins. An anonymous issue,
the issue with fly and the issue of Talna all show the same coarsening of the features
of Roma; the issues are also associated by the use of a new reverse type for the
denarius, Luna in a biga of prancing horses.2 In the next issue continuing stylistic
deterioration is accompanied by considerable stylistic diversification. The issue of
Matienus (no. 162) falls into two stylistic groups; the first has large, sketchily
engraved heads on the obverse and a pair of horses on the reverse, the tail of the
further horse of which shows in front of the legs of the nearer horse; the second
has small, not intolerably ugly heads on the obverse and horses which are almost
caricatures (with the hind-quarters squashed right down) on the reverse. The style
of the first group is picked up by the issues with feather and anchor (nos. 163 and
165), with the latter of which an anonymous issue of denarii is associated (no. 164);
the style of the second group is picked up by the issue with helmet (no. 168) with
which anonymous issues of victoriati and denarii are closely associated (nos. 166-7).
(2) The deteriorating style of the denarius finds its echo in that of the victoriatus,
briefly revived in this period (see Table vn), as part of the issues of Matienus and
with fly and helmet and of an anonymous issue (nos. 159, 162, 166 and 168).3
(3) With the issue of Matienus, the weight standard of the bronze declines dras
tically to one based on an as of about 27 gr.; the issue with dolphin, no. 16o, is
placed in this general period by its weight standard and style.
(f) Nos. 169-72 seem to belong to the same general period as nos. 132-68; their
bizarre styles place them outside the main sequence of issues, but are of no help
in dating them.
(g) We are now faced with the group of issues which consists almost entirely of
issues of bronze only;4 it begins, after the stylistic deterioration and declining weight
standard of the preceding years, with a brave (though short-lived) attempt at
higher quality. The first five issues (nos. 173-7) are associated by a curious and
distinctive stylistic feature found at no other time, the representation of the super-
1 The issue with Victory and spearhead also belongs here, c:f. p. 19 n. 1.
• The arrangeme nt of A. Klugmann, ZfN 1878, 63-5, rests on no real arguments.
a Note the similar form of the letter A on nos. 159/1 and 166/1.
' The assertion of E. Bemareggi, RIN 1964, 7, that metal content provides a criterion for the relative
chronology of the bronze issues of the Republic is without foundation, see p. 572; the analyses which
he publishes are in any case, in the absence of detailed description, wholly useless for scientific
purposes.
52
The second century - relative chronology
Crescent 11 11
Comucopiae 4 1
Staff on obverse 4 8
Thunderbolt 4 7
Knife 1 1
Sow 1 3
Dog 2 2
Meta 2 3
fV\:.. 1 2
M 1 10
Fly 3
M 1 3
Anonymous 9 63
Helmet 5
(Totals of Roman coins in each hoard 408 351)
For bibliography see Coin hcards, nos. 112-13; further inspection of the hoards has led me to modify
the figures slightly.
structure of the prow as in Fig. the style as a whole of the issues is good and
2;
1 An as of no. 196 is overstruck on a semis of no. 173 (see Table XVIII, 1o6); no. 191 is die-linked to
no. 194 (see Pls. xxx, 14 and XXXI, 6).
53
Introduction
(h) With the resumption of issues in silver, it becomes possible once more to make
useful stylistic observations; at the same time substantial hoard evidence begins to
become available again for the first time since the period of the Second Punic War.
The two hoards of Ostia and Biancavilla,1 which just extend into the period under
discussion, add between them the issues of Natta, C. Scribonius and C. Maianius
(nos. zoo-t and 2.03) to the issues of the previous period (see Table IX); style,
weight standard and form of moneyer's signature serve to associate the issue of
Saranus (no. 199) with that of Natta. At the end of the period under discussion,
bronze and silver hoards combine to separate the issue of C. Antestius (no. 2.19)
from earlier issues and the issues of M. Iunius and Annius Rufus (nos. 2.2.o-1)
from the issue of C. Antestius·(see Tables VIII-IX).
The relatively early position of nos. 199-2.03, including the issue of C. Talna
(no. 2.02.), which goes closely with the issue of C. Scribonius, may be confirmed by
consideration of stylistic detail. The thong of the whip in the hand of Victory in
the anonymous issue withVictory in biga and that of C. Maianius (nos. 197 and 2.03) is
always free, sometimes free in those of Saranus, Natta and C. Talna (nos. 199-200 and
2.02), never free in those of L. Saufeius, P. Sula, Safra, Flaus and Natta (nos. 204-8).
The two anonymous issues, nos. 197-8, call for brief comment; the issue with
Victory in a biga as reverse type (no. 197) forms a bridge between earlier issues
with Luna in a biga and later issues. Some of the Victories on no. 197 and on no
other contemporary issue have a goad instead of a whip; the design was presumably
copied from denarii of Purpureo (no. 187), where Luna has a goad, but dropped
out almost immediately. In addii
t on, the further horse is almost completely hidden
behind the nearer horse on no. 197, but not on later issues with Victory in biga.
As for the issue with the Dioscuri as reverse type (no. 198), it shares the high relief
and concave fabric of no. 197; it is also worth noting that in the Citta San Angelo
hoard,2 the first in which the issue appears, itshows the relatively small amount of
wear one would expect on an issue of this period.
1 Coin hoards, nos. 126-7. 1 Coin hoards, no. 129,
54
The second century - relative chrorw/ogy
The issues from no. 204 onwards are arranged to a certain extent arbitrarily, but
the arrangement is not, I think, likely to be far wrong.1 The issues with Victory
or Luna are placed first (nos. 204-8); the Dioscuri then seem to reappear (nos. 209-
10). The three issues of bronze only may belong almost anywhere in this period;
their style and weight standard provide evidence only for this general placing. If
the moneyer Q. Metellus (no. 211) is righdy identified with Q. Caecilius Metellus
Macedonicus (and who else can he be?), he will belong near the beginning of
the period; the symbols on nos. 212-13 perhaps look forward to the appearance of
symbols with moneyers' names on nos. 217-20. Nos. 214-16, all displaying the
moneyers' names in exacdy the same form on the denarius, are surely a triumvirate;
style and nomenclature place the issue of C. Terentius Lucanus (no. 217) next;
symbols with moneyers' names then provide a unifying feature as far as the issue of
M. Junius (no. 220), the last but one of the period under discussion.
55
Introduction
Crescent ?
Comucopiae
Staff on obverse
Star 1 1 1
Rostrum tridens ? 1 1
Trident
Bull
Rudder 1 1
Thunderbolt
Knife
Sow
Dog
Ram
Meta
QLC
'A
Head 2
Shield and carnyx
Pentagram t
Staff and feather
f\.fc.
M
p.p 1 1 1
Owl
N
Crescent 1 ? 2
p.M. t 2 1
Anonymous with Dioscuri t 1
Anonymous with Luna
CN·DO 1
SX·Q 1 t
CN·C� 1 1 1
L·COIL
�
Prawn 1
Comucopiae
Anonymous with Luna
56
The second century - relative chronology
Fly
-,...,
M 1 1 1
Feather 3 1
Anonymous with Dioscuri 2
Anchor ?
Anonymous with Dioscuri 2 1
Helmet
GR
Ear
D
M
Gryphon 1 1
PVR 3 3 8
Anonymous with Victory 10 24 1 1
C.MINI 9 5 5 1
L·SAV 6 7 2 1
P·SV.A 4 3 1 1
SAFRA 7 3 2 2
NAT}\ 8 7 2
FLAVS 2 2 1 1
C.IVNI C.F 6 3 1 t
L·ITI 1 2
M·ATILI SARN 4 2 2 1
Q·MRC LIBO 7 3 1 3
L·SEM PITIO 9 3 1 1
C."'ER·LVC 6 2 1
L·C\1' 4 1 1 2
C.N"STI 4 1 3
M·IVNI 3
N RV 1
(Totals of Roman coins
in each hoard 8 25 123 1 32 38 30)
For bibliography see Coin hoards, nos. 121, 124, 131-2., 135 and 1 47 (the figures for the Kalaureia hoard
in Coin hoards disappeared between second proof and publication).
57
Introduction
Crescent 4 2 3 51 2
Comucopiae 1 1 t6
Staff on obverse 1 8
Star 1 1 4 5 2
Rostrum tridens 2 13 2 2
Dog 1 1 15 2
Meta 1 1 25 3
/'lk.. 1 s 1 17 1
M 2 1 10 1
.J;,.P 1 1 3 14
AI 1 1 3 11 2
Crescent 1 2
T and wren 2 3 1 21 3
M and bull 3 7 1 36 3 1
/l.k and shield 2 8 2
M·TITINI 1 3 1 20 2
� 1 1
Prawn 1
Fly 1 3 11 1
Dolphin 4 3 8
� 2 1
f\A 2 7 4 4 31 6 s
C·S/X 4 1 23 7 1
A·CPc 3 12 2 2 43 7 1
� 3 1 1 16 6
T' s 2 3 30 4
CINA 1 5 1 23 5
SA- 2 5 4 27 7 2
SIX 1 3 35 1
Caps of Dioscuri 1 2
58
The second century - relative chranology
TABLE IX (cont.)
Gryphon 8 1 15 4 1
Wolf and twins 3 10 6 19 5 3
Butterfly 3 2
Butterfly and vine-branch 2 3 1 9 16 3
VARO 2 3 2 10
�ENA 3 5 2 2 13 7
PV/ 1 3
Otw 2 5 1 1
P·BLAS 2 1 1 21 2
OPEl 4 1 1 21 10
Vv 4 5 36 8 2
A 3 2 1 15 1
T\RD 3 3 1 25 8 3
Anchor 7 5 6 7 13 + 1
Ass 1
Star
Anonymous
SAR 10 5
NAT 1 1 7 8 1
C·SCR 1 5 5 1
C·MINI 1 9 11
L·SA \F 2 6
P·SVLA 1 1
SAFRA 1 8
C.IVNI C.F 1 4
C·AFSTI 1
(Totals of Roman coins
in each hoard 86 234 63 185 33o6 612 143)
For bibliography see Coin hoards, nos. 125-30 and 133 (the figures for the issues with staff and of
L. Mamilius have been corrected).
The i ssues with bull, ram and crescent (no. 212) and of S. Furu
i s, C. Saenius and Q. Metellus,
none of which are known in more than three specimens, are omitted from the Table.
59
TABLE X. Coinage 143-125 B.C.
San Giovanni
Petacciato Pachino Syracuse Banzi Agrinion Riccia Maser& lncarico
M.AVF RVS 2.
C.VAL C.F FLAC 2. 2. 40 15 s
M.AVRELI COTA 1 6 2.
A.SPVRI 1 1 1 17 5 4
C.RENI 3 1 8 6 94 19 9
8'
CN.GELI 1 3 39 18 2.
P.PAETVS 1 4 2. 1 43 17 1
TI.VETVR 2. 6o 3 t
SEX.POM 6 5 91 2.1 4
M.BAEBI Q.F T AMPIL 8 12. 1 170 58 14
C.CVR F TRIGE 1 6 3
L.TREBANI 1 1 2.0 6 1
C.AVG 2. 2.4 8 1
L.POST ALB 28 4 1
L.OPEIMI 30 4 2
M.OPEIMI 1 32 3 2
M.ACILIVS M.F 2 25 7
Q.METE . 41 7 1
M.VARG 65 17 2
For bibliography see Coin hoaf'ds, nos. 149, 151, 154, 157-8, 161-3.
Introduction
the heads become broader while retaining basically the same features.The original
version of this style appears for the last time in the issues of C. Valerius Flaccus
(no. 228) and M. Aurelius Cota (no. 229); cruder and more careful versions of the
devdoped style go on side by side down to the issue ofP. Paetus (no. 233), the former
appearing in the issues of M. Aufidius Rusticus (no. 227) and A. Spurilius (no. 230),
the latter in those of C. Valerius Flaccus (no. 228), C. Renius (no. 23 1), Cn. Gellius
(no. 232), P. Paetus (no. 233); a combined version appears from the issue of Sex.
Pompeius (no. 235) onwards.
The Pachino and Syracuse hoards confirm the proposed arrangement of the
issues which fall after the close of the Petacciato hoard (seeTable x); the Pachino
hoard contains one of the two issues which fall before the retariffing of the denarius
(neither is particularly common), one of the issues associated with it (all the others
are very rare) and four of the issues which follow it (the issue of M. Aurelius Cota
is very rare); the Syracuse hoard then adds six more issues, all so common that
their absence from the Pachino hoard can only be explained by the assumption
that they fall after its close. The more detailed arrangement of the two groups of
issues which follow the retariffing of the denarius is clearly less secure; but there
are certain arguments which may perhaps be adduced. The issue of M. Aurelius
Cota seems particularly close to that of C. Titinius, that of A. Spurilius to that of
M. Aufidius Rusticus; C. Renius, Cn. Gellius and P. Paetus look very much like
a triumvirate. As for the next six issues, those of L. Antestius Gragulus and C.
Serveilius M.f. clearly go together; their bronze is closdy similar, in style and
weight, and unlike any other bronze of this period; in particular, the obverse of
no. 238/3f is exactly the same as that of no. 239/3, where the lay-out is typical of
the rest of the issue; furthermore, the denarii of Cn. Lucretius Trio are closer to
those of L. Antestius Gragulus than to any others in this period. Since, finally,
there are good grounds for believing that the issue of C. Serveilius M.f. is the latest
of the six issues under consideration (see p. 64), it seems reasonable to place the
issues ofTi. Veturius, Sex. Pompeius1 and M. Baebius Tampilus as the first three
of the six.
A substantial problem now arises; the remaining issues before the close of the
Maser& and San Giovanni Incarico hoards (see Table x) fall into two distinct se
quences. This was recognised by E. A. Syde:nham who disentangled the two
sequences for the most part correctly; I cannot, however, follow him in placing
one sequence after the other.2 The two sequences are in my view contemporary and,
although I do not feel entirdy happy about this conclusion, I see no way of avoiding
1 Even if the relationship of thereverse typeS of thesetwo issues proposed on pp. 266-8 is unaccept-
able, thetwo typeS clearly have a verysimilar character.
1 CRR, pp. 56-64 (the issue of M. Aburius Geminus, no. 250, is wrongly detached from its sequence and
placed with that of M. Baebius Tampilus); for Sydenham's arguments see NC 1941, 123-4 (the issue
of C. Metellus, no. 269, is treated as the iasue linking the two sequences).
62
The second century -relative chronology
it; inTable x one sequence is distinguished by being inset; I here discuss fi.nt the
reasons for separating the two sequences, then the reasons for regarding them as
contemporary, finally the way in which in my view the mint created the two
sequences.
The obverses of the denarii of the inset sequence are almost perfectly homo
geneous (see Pls. xxxvx-xxxvm); the detailed arrangement adopted heremay bejusti
fied by the following considerations. The denarii of the first five issues are in rather
low relief and invariably display a border of dots on the reverse; the bronze of these
issues is of homogeneous style and also displays a border of dots on the reverse,
with one significant exception to be discussed below.The issue of M. Fabrinius of
bronze only (no. 251 -not inTable x) may reasonably be linked with the five issues
under consideration and all six issues divided into two triumvirates; the issues of
P. Maenius and M. Aburius Geminus are die-linked to each other1 and it is to their
bronze that the bronze of M. Fabrinius is closest; there are cogent reasons, to be
discussed below, for placing the issue of M. Marcius, and hence also probably
those ofTi. Minucius Augurinus and C. Aburius Geminus, before these three.
After the issue of M. Fabrinius, there follows an almost certain triumvirate,
consisting of M. Acilius, Q. Metcllus and M. Vargunteius (nos. 255-7), who all
usc a slowly moving quadriga, otherwise unparallded in this period, as the reverse
type of their denarii; in the course of this triumvirate the border of dots on silver
and bronze is replaced by a line border.The issue ofT. Cloulius seems to follow,
very close in style to that of M. Vargunteius; the denarii of the next four issues are
in fairly high relief and seem to be followed by the denarii of N. Fabius Pictor
(no. 268), M. Porcius Laeca (no. 270) and Mn. Acilius Balbus (no. 271). The last
does not appear in the Masera or San Giovanni Incarico hoards and, although not
particularly common, presumably falls after their close; the denarii of this issue
and that of M. Porcius Laeca display the head of Roma with only two curls falling
down the neck instead of three; the issue of N. Fabius Pictor seems to display the
first traces of a stylistic deterioration which is more apparent in the issues of Lacca
and Balbus.
The obverses of the denarii of the other sequence display almost no point of
contact with those of the sequence already discussed and arc in addition less homo
geneous among themselves;2 it is consequendy possible to point to a number of
idiosyncrasies which serve to provide a basis for arrangement.
The form of the spike adopted for the hdmet on the denarii of C. Curiatius
1 There are two denarii (Turin, F 64S; Hannover (no number), cf. M. Bahrfeldt, Nadltrllge i, 2) of
M. Aburius Geminus with obverses of aberrant type; these obverses oould technically belong to the
issues ofTi. Minucius Augurinus, P. Maenius Antiaticus, N. Fabius Pictor or to that.with elephant's
head, but their style is almost certainly that of the issue of P. Maenius Antiaticus. The deoarii in
question are of pure silver and should be regarded as hybrids produced in error by the mint.
• There seems to be no very oonsistent pattern in the occurrence of dotted and line borders on the silver
and bronze of the sequence now under discussion.
Introduction
(246-8), are similar both to each other and to the three already discussed; but a
new stylistic feature appears. On denarii of L. Trebanius the point of attachment
of the wing of the helmet sometimes shows a tendency to be further back than
usual; on denarii of L. Minucius sometimes and on those of P. Calpurnius always
the point of attachment of the wing is right back, a feature which remains to the
end of the sequence of issues.
With the issue of L. Postumius Albinus (no. 252), the style of the head of Roma
becomes muCh neater and at the same time begins to become gradually smaller;
on denarii of Q. Pilipus (no. 259) a star appears on the flap of the helmet, again a
feature which remains to the end of the sequence of issues. M. Metellus, C. Serveilius
and Q. Maximus (nos. 263-5) then form a clear triumvirate; their issues are restored
by Sulla (see p. 81). With the denarii of C. Metellus (no. 269) the form of the ear
ring of Roma changes and the sequence of issues comes to an end.
If we turn to consider the chronological relationship of the two sequences, it
soon becomes clear that neither can follow the other; the Banzi and Agrinion hoards
contain a representative sdection of issues from the early parts of both sequences
(see Table x), but go to the end of neither sequence. Other arguments may also be
adduced. The sequence which begins with the issue of Ti. Minucius Augurinus
(no. 243) cannot be the earlier, for the titulature on this very issue looks as if it was
adopted to distinguish it from that of C. Augurinus (no. 242); and the dodrans,
struck by M. Metellus (no. 263) and C. Cassius (no. 266), bears a type which is a
badge of the Caecilii, so that it must have been struck first by the former. Similarly
the sequence which begins with the issue of C. Curiatius f. Trigeminus cannot be
the earlier. The bronze of M. Marcius (no. 245) is unlike. the other bronze of the
sequence to which the issue bdongs, but adopts both a line border on the reverse
and its general style from the issue of L. Trebanius (no. 241); this is hardly con
ceivable if the two issues are separated by the whole of the sequence to which the
issue of L. Trebanius bdongs; it also seems unreasonable to suppose that Q. Metellus
(no. 256) was moneyer after M. Metellus (no. 263), apparently his younger brother;
but this is a necessary consequence of placing first the whole of the sequence which
begins with the issue of C. Curiatius f. Trigeminus. Finally, the two freshest pieces
1 There is a denarius (Rome, Capitol2858) of L. Trebanius with the obverse type of C. Augurinus;
it is of pure silver (information from T. R. Yolk) and should be regarded as a hybrid produced in
error by the mint.
The second century- relative chronology
in the Agrinion hoard are those of M. Opeimius and Q. Pilipus, which belong to
this sequence; it cannot in consequence without gross violence to the evidence be
placed as a whole before the sequence which begins with the issue of Ti. Minucius
Augwinus.
If a parallel arrangement of the two sequences is accepted, it remains to consider
exactly what form the parallelism took. It does not seem possible that part of every
triumvirate worked in each sequence, since there appear to be complete triumvirates
within each sequence, for instance, M. Acilius, Q. Metellus, M. Vargunteius and
M. Metellus, C. Serveilius, Q. Maximus. A system of two triumvirates every year,
one to each sequence, conflicts with what we know of the Roman constitution
(seep. 6o2). The only remaining possibility is that issues in each sequence appeared
in alternate years and that the workshop which was not actually producing coins
spent the first part of its free year preparing blanks, the second part, after the
appointment of the moneyers, cutting dies; it is perhaps worth drawing attention
to the fact that early in the fourth century Mytilene and Phocaea made an agreement
under which the mint of each city struck in alternate years for both cities.1 It is
noticeable that all the issues immediately preceding the appearance of the parallel
sequences at Rome are very large and the labour was perhaps felt to be too much
for one workshop. The way chosen of spreading the load was, however, inevitably
rather wasteful and it was eventually brought to an end. In the sequence which
begins with the issue of C. Curiatius f. Trigeminus, the issue of C. Metellus stands
by itself at the end; in the other sequence, the issues of M. Porcius Laeca and Mn.
Acilius Balbus seem to form a pair; I believe that all three moneyers should be
regarded as forming the triumvirate in the course of which the two workshops were
merged; no trace can be detected in the issues which immediately follow of any
system of parallel sequences.
!
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AP.CL, T.MAL, Q.VR I I 3 a a 5 9 4 16 17 3a 4 8 3
C.PVLCHER a a 4 5 4 a3 6 6 13 10 4 7
P.LAECA 1 4 4 4 1 1 a 1 1
L.FLAMINI CILO 6 IS 1 6 39 3 6 8 as as 6 9 a
MN.AQVlL 1 1 1 3 I 4 1 a
L.MBMMI 1 1 6 IS a 4 7 a 4 6
Q.LVTATI CBRCO Q 1 I 4 4 a 3 i 10 3
L.V ALERt FLACCI 4 a 4 9 a 4 a 4 a a 4
MN.FONTBI 1 a 1 5 1 1 -s
M.HERBNNI 1 1 1 1 4 6 8 10 31 3
L.SCIP ASIAG a 1 a 9 5 a 10 4 I
C.SVLPICI C.F 1 + 3 1 1 1
L.MBMMI GAL 5 3 1 9 a 1
L.COT 1 1 a 3 1
L.THORIVS BALBVS a 3 1 s 7 1a 18 7 3 a
L.SATVRN 11 1 3 4 5 17 15 3 4 3
C.COIL CALD 1 a 8 3 3 10 17 a
Q.THERM M.P. + a 1 7 3 s 3
L.IVLI L.F CAESAR +
s
: 3 5 6 1
L.CASSI CABICIAN 1 1 1 4 1
C.FABI C.F + 4 a 1 1a 3 1
L.IVLI 3 I 1 6 1 a
M.LVCILI RVF 1 1 1 2
0\ L.SENTI C.F 4 5
� C.FVNDAN Q a 2 a a 3
M.SERVEILI C.F 3 I 2 3 2
P.SERVILI M.F RVLLVS I 1 2 1 4 6
LENT MAR.F a a 4 a a
PISO CABPIO Q I 1
B (issue
3
P.SA IN Q of quinarii only) 1 5
fi8l:M�AhEJ'
20
C.MALL
'
C.ALLI BALA
(Totals of Roman coins in each hoard 184 186 68 113 89 912 336 84 264:1 102 130 74 79 47 74 225 617 4 80 311 131 5 299 405 ISO 481 S44 167 2S9 58)
For biblioft:[.hy �
see Coin hoards, nos. 164, 16 168 + 198 (after inapectina the Manfrla board I am able to report that the publication is inaccurate; the latest iuue
in the hoard
is o
that . Aurelius Scaurusand I am convin it
that and the Terranova i:li Sicilia hoard form two Jots of the same hoard), 169, 111-2. 174�(theTaranto hoard hasco m e t o liaht
in the Muaeo Nuionale di Taranto), 178-81, 184, 186, 189, 195, 197, 201, 203, 207-8, 210, 212-13 and 215; K. Raddatz, S<lwtzfund� i, 268 (COrdoba after 194S hoard).
The issues of Cetegus, A. Manlius Ser. and Cn. Cornelius S11e1111 are omitted from the Table; for their chronolOSY a« p. 69 below.
Introduction
etc., M. Calidius etc. and Cn. Domitius etc. (nos. 283-5). Strong evidence of
stylistic continuity is provided by the curl which appears on the left shoulder of
Roma on denarii of the mint of Rome from the issue of M. Tulliu s to that of Cn.
Domitius etc., and by the tight roll of hair placed beside the flap of the helmet
from the issue of Q. Marcius etc. to that of Cn. Domitius etc. With this last issue
an attempt seems to have been made to improve the style of the denarius by reducing
the size of the head of Roma. Large heads and small heads run side by side (while
the general style of the denarius slowly improves) through the issues of Cn. Domitius
etc., M. Sergius Silus as Quaestor and the anonymous issue with Roma, wolf and
twins (nos. 285-7); the last two issues appear for the first time in the Maddaloni
andPozoblanco hoards.
The issue of Cn. Domitius etc. also marks the beginning of an ultimately success
ful attempt to restore the weight standard of the bronze coinage to a full uncial
level, although light and heavy pieces occur side by side in the issues of C. Fonteius
andP. Nerva.l Hoard evidence and stylistic considerations make possible a detailed
arrangement of these issues and of other issues which do not include bronze, but
are to be regarded as contemporary. The issues of M. Cipius, C. Fonteius and Mn .
Aemilius Lepidus (nos. 289-91) appear for the first time in the Monte Carotto and
Taranto hoards; the three moneyers are probably to be arranged in this order
with M. Cipius striking :first; his issue of bronze does not yet include the as and the
obverse type of his denarius is copied on the uncia of C. Fonteius; the profiles of
the heads on the denarii of all three issues are extraordinarily similar.
A clear triumvirate is formed by the moneyers P. Nerva, L. Philippus and T.
Deidius, with whose issues that of L. Torquatus as Quaestor is closely associated
(nos. 292-5). All four issues display a similar style and fabric; in addition, the bronze
of the first two place the moneyer's name on the obverse, the denarii of the last
three display the legend ROMA in monogram form. The evidence of the COrdoba
after 1945 hoard is decisive for the placing of the triumvirate immediately after the
issue of Mn Aemilius Lepidus.
.
Cn. Blasio and Ti. Quinctius seem to belong together (the quadrans of the first
copies the obverse type of the denarius of the second); three rather scrappy and
unsatisfactory hoards, La Barroc,ca Baressa and Segaro, suggest that the issue of
L. Caesius is to be placed with them and the three moneyers together regarded as
forming the next triumvirate (nos. 296-8).
The E1 Centenillo hoard then adds the issues of Ap. Claudius etc. and C.Pulcher
(nos. 299-300); the issue ofP. Laeca (no. 301) is so close in style to the latter that
the two can plausibly be assigned to a single year. The COrdoba 1916 hoard then
goes down to the issue of Q. Lutatius Cerco as Quaestor (no. 305); the two-piece
visor of the helmet of Roma on the denarii of L. Flaminius Cilo suggests that
1 See p. 596 n. 4.
68
The second century -relative chronology
it comes soon after the issue of P. Laeca, where the same feature occurs; and
stylistic homogeneity suggests the association of the rare issue of Mn. Aquillius,
which does not occur before the Torre de Juan Abad hoard, with the issue of
L. Memmius.
The last issues in a style basically unchanged since the anonymous issue with
Roma, wolf and twins (no. 287) appear in the Sierra Morena hoard, which just
extends into the next stylistic group with the issue of L. Scipio Asiagenus (no. 311)
(see below). Three points call for retrospective comment.
In the first place, the large and small heads which appeared side by side in the
issues from no. 285 to no. 287 continue to appear, but no longer associated in the
same iss\1e, down to no. 299:
Large heads Small heads
M. Cipius
C. Fonteius
Mn. Aemilius Lepidus
P. Nerva
L. Philippus
T. Deidius
L. Torquatus
Cn. Blasio
Ti. Q.
L. Caesius
Ap. Claudius etc.
The identical profiles of the heads in each sequence make separate artists for the
two sequences, let alone separate mints, very unlikely; but the fact that the two
sequences to a certain extent consist of complete triumvirates recalls the parallel
sequences of issues of the previous period; I suggest that for a few years two different
workshops prepared the blanks and that the artist employed to cut the dies cut
large or small dies according to which blanks were to be used.
Secondly, there is the issue of Cetegus, now known in only one specimen (not
in Table XI), to be placed; its general style belongs in this period, but arguments
from a single specimen are always hazardous; the way in which the hair below
the flap of the helmet is represented is better paralleled on the issues from
that of M. Sergius Silus (no. 286) to that of L. Torquatus (no. 295) than on
later issues; since from P. Nerva onwards there appear to be complete trium
virates, the issue of Cetegus is placed with that of M. Cipius, though without
total conviction.
Finally, there are the mysterious issues of A. Manlius Q.f. Ser. and Cn. Cornelius
L.£ Sisena (nos. 309-10- not in Table XI); they are similar to each other, their
69
Introduction
general style seems derived from that of the Narbo issue (rather than being the
model for it), the position of the mark of value is the same as on the issue of M.
Tullius. The issue of A. Manlius occurs in the Sierra Morena hoard, which provides
a terminus ante quem; a more accurate placing is not at present possible.1
With the issue of L. Scipio Asiagenus the practice of serration, previously em
ployed for the Narbo issue, suddenly appears in the mainstream coinage of .the
mint of Rome; at the same time a wholly new style appears and a change of artist
must be postulated. The four serrate issues are here assumed to form a group
(nos. 311-14); the Torre de Juan Abad hoard then adds the issue of L. Thorius
Balbus, with which the issue of bronze only of L. Hostilius Tubulus (not in Table XI)
is to be associated because of the similarity of their semunciae.
Of the moneyers who remain before the end of the century, L. Saturninus and
C. Coilius Caldus, Q. Thermus and L. Iulius Caesar, L. Cassius Caeicianus and C.
Fabius, all seem to form pairs; the first two pairs stand out because of their homo
geneity of style, the last because of their similar approach to choice of obverse
type; the issues in question, or some of them, first appear in the San Lorenzo and
Oliva hoards, but I do not feel dogmatic about their precise order, except, of course,
that no arrangement is possible which places L. Saturninus in 103 (for the absolute
chronology of this period see p. 75).
The Ricina, Olmeneta and Paterno hoards provide a stylistically satisfactory
sequence down to the issue of Lentulus Marcelli £ (no. 329); and this issue is sty
listically inseparable from that ofPiso and Caepio (no. 330), which appears in the
Carovigno and Imola hoards. There are missing from these hoards (apart, of course,
from rare issues of earlier periods) and still to be discussed, just the three issues of
quinarii only, those of P. Sabinus, T. doulius• and C. Egnatuleius (nos. 331-3),
and three issues of denarii, those of L. Pomponius Molo, A. Albinus etc. and C.
Allius Bala (nos. 334-6). The first group appears in the Crognaleto and Gioia dei
Marsi hoards; it cannot be argued that quinarii are not present in earlier hoards
because deliberately excluded, for the quinarii in the Gioia dei Marsi hoard, which
I have seen, are noticeably the least wom pieces in the hoard; they are therefore the
latest pieces. The Carpena hoard adds the three issues of denarii and brings the
period under discussion to a close.
1 The large numbers of specimens of the two issues in the Berchidda hoard (Coin lwards, no. 249)
cannot beused as evidence that they were struck in Sardinia; there is otherwise only one specimen
of the issue of A. Manlius known to have been found on the island (AI/N 196o-61, 144).
If A. Manlius may be identified with the Legate of 107-105, his issue will need to be placed early
in the period 118-107 to which he is at present assigned, say in tt8.
t It is interesting that these two issues have a line border on the reverse, unlike contemporary issues,
presumably copied from the early victoriati which were assimilated with the new quinarii (see
p. 628).
70
The second century - absolute chronology
(1) is true,! but not really rdevant. I can see no grounds for supposing that Eutropius,
normally regarded (RE vi, 1523) as deriving from Livy for the Republic, here
derives from Velleius; the failure of Florus and Orosius to mention Narbo need
cause no surprise.2
(2) is discussed bdow.
(3) does no more than take one of two possible views; a thematic arrangement of
Brutus 159-6<> is as likdy as a chronological one (so A. E. Douglas in his com
mentary, though without knowledge of the controversy over Narbo); it is worth
remarking that the placing of theNarbo affair where it is makes possible a striking
and significant contrast with Crassus' tacitus tribunatus.
(4) ignores the fact that Cicero's terminology is not consistent; Crassus is admodum
adulescens in 119 in Brutus 159, de off. ii, 47, adulescentulus in de or. i, 40; i, 121;
these are no doubt equivalent terms; but at de or. ii, 170 adulescens is used to de
scribeCrassusin 119 (cf. de off. ii, 49, where speeches by adulescentes et apud iudices
et apud populum et apud senatunr' are mentioned, with Crassus very much in mind;
note also de amic. 101 with ad Att. iv, 16, 2 for the equivalence of admodum adulescens
and adulescens). All that the use of adulescentulus to describe Crassus at the time of
the prosecution of Carbo and adulescens to describe him at the time ofNarbo shows
is that the latter followed the former.' There is no indication of time interval.5
But even ifCicero could be taken as certainly meaning thatNarbo was founded
long after the prosecution of Carbo, there is no guarantee that he was right. He
was in the year 45 woefully ignorant of the composition of the commission which
settled Greece in 146, his dates for Aemilianus' embassy to the East and Aemilianus'
prosecution of L. Cotta, notoriously, differ from those of the historians.
It is time to turn from all this uncertainty to the numismatic evidence.6 Between
the Narbo issue and the issue of Piso and Caepio as Quaestors (no. 330, a special
1 Cf. E. T. Salmon, CP 1963, 235, for Velleius' mis-dating of colonies during the Second Samnite
War; but his uncertainty over Denona is best explained as uncertainty over status, not over date, see
E. T. Salmon, Roman colonisation, n. 221, against H. B. Mattingly, NC 1969, 95·
1 Contra H. B. Mattingly, Honrmages Grenier iii, u6o n. 2. • I follow the Teubner text.
' But even so, note tk or. ii, 88 where adulescentulus and adulescens are used in the same context to
describe the same moment in a man's career.
6 It is wonh remarking that the speech which excited Cicero's admiration was made to prevent the
cancellation of the colony atNarbo (not to urge its foundation; cf. Cluent. 140; tk or. ii, 223; Quintilian
vi, 3, 44) and may have been delivered some time after 118; compare the colony of Junonia, founded
by a law of 123 (P. A. Brunt, 'Equites', 146-7), cancelled in 121.
• The Agrinion hoard is best omitted from the discussion; it may well have been buried in 119 (so
H. B. Mattingly, NC 1969, 331-2), though this is no more than a guess; but theview thatitisanormal
currenc y hoard cannot stand; its three blocks of coinage have terminal dates as follows: Achaean
League, c. 155 (so M. J. Price, on the basis of the Diakofto hoard); Athens, c. t6o (M. Thompson)
or c. 130 (H. B. Mattingly); Rome, c. 130 (M. H. Crawford) or c. 120 (H. B. Mattingly). No conceiv
able chronology can reconcile these terminal dates and there is no reason to suppose that the date of
burial of the hoard bears any relation to any of them; each block of coinage can be related to the
sequence of issues of the mint by which it was produced, but no arguments may be based on the
combination of the three blocks.
B. M. Levick, CQ 1971, 170, avoids the numismatic evidence, alone potentially decisive for the
date of Narbo.
72
The second century - absolute chronology
spread of coinage, these issues will belong to the late 1405; this dating is supported
by the argument that the concentration of hoards in the period immediately before
that of the issues with XVI results from casualties in the wars of 15o-146;8 and
if it is accepted that the issues with XVI are precisely contemporary with
1 For a model discussion of the evidence for this date
·
see T. R. S. Broughton, MRRP i, 578 nn. 3
ands.
1 See above, n. 1.
1 CR 1969, 267 (see Addenda).
• See above, p. 71 n. 9· H. B. Mattingly, Rw. Arch. Narb. 19TZ, t, does not consider the argument
developed in the text, and argues mainly on the basis of prosopographical speculation about the
moneyers A. Manlius and L. Cosconius.
1 Though I cannot argue the point here, I believe that the law restored the Gracchan price, raised by
the Lex Octavia shortly before (cf. Sallust, Hist. i, 6zM; Cic., ck off. ii, 72).
• cr. PBSR t969, 78 n. 20; I DOW believe that I there date the group of hoards in question a quin
quennium too early, but the substance of the argument is not affected.
73
Introduction
at a date in the middle 15os for the appearance of Victory in biga as a reverse type
of the denarius; this is the point at which the production of silver resumes after a
long intermission and the resumption perhaps followed the decision in 158 to
allow the silver mines of Macedonia to reopen and, presumably, to draw revenue
from their functioning.3
The period of bronze coinage virtually unaccompanied by silver will have covered
perhaps fifteen years and thus have begun in about 170; some confirmation of this
estimate is afforded by a new hoard from Thebes,' in which the Greek coins go
down to about 170 and in which there is a fresh specimen of a denarius of Matienus
(no. 162), which falls immediately before the period of bronze coinage.
We are left with a period of some 35 years over which the coinage between the
bronze issue with helmet and the issue of Matienus must be spread; although total
precision is impossible, the dates given in the Catalogue are clearly unlikely to be
out by more than five years either way.
To conclude the discussion of the chronology of the second century, I list a
number of minor points which, although individually unimportant, cumulatively
provide very strong confirmation of the dating proposed here for the period from
the middle of the century onwards.
(1) An as of no. 196, which I date towards 158, turned up at Corinth in a pre-
146 context (Hesperia 1967, 362).
(2) The reverse type of the denarius of Ti. Veturius (no. 234) portraying the
foedus after the Caudine Forks cannot possibly, I think, have been produced after
137, in which year at the latest the unfavourable version of the story of the Caudine
Forks became current; on my dating the issue belongs precisely to 137 (see com
mentary on no. 234).
(3) The San Giovanni Incarico hoard comes from close to Fregellae, destroyed
by L. Opimius in 125 (in praetura, Asconius 17c); there is thus a presumption that
the latest issue in the hoard, that of M. Porcius Laeca (no. 270), dates from no later
than us.
1 In favour of this view may be urged the fact that the marks of value X and X (which are equivalents)
re-appear and replace the mark of value XV I; this may therefore be regardedu marking the moment
when the denarius wu retaritfed.
I The as Gaianuso( Statius, Silvae iv, 9. 22 is clearly anu of Caligula, not a retariffed as ofC. Gtacchus,
pau H. Mattingly, PCPhS 19so-s1, 13-14.
1 Cusiodorus, sub anno 158, tMtalla in Macedonia reperta. Part of the produce of these mines was
doubtless used for the coinage of the fint Macedonian region.
' BCH t969, 712.
74
The second century - absolute chronology
paign of L. Caecilius Metellus Delmaticus, beginning in 119, and its latest issue,
that of M. Tullius (no. 280), is thus perhaps to be dated no later than 119.
(7) Saturninus' quaestorship is undated, except that it must fall before his first
tribunate; his moneyership, if one follows my arrangement of issues in this period,
runs :&om 5 December 105 to 4 December 104; his quaestorship may then imme
diately precede it, his first tribunate begin on 10 December 104.
From 91 onwards the hoard evidence is prolific and dated issues, to which other
issues may be related, become increasingly frequent; the arrangement of the
coinage is best discussed by presenting hoard-tables (see Tables xu-xvu) and
adding some comments.
75
TABLE XII. Coinage 91-79 B.C.
:a
J
J
IS
il
J j j I I! i i j IJ! j
...
Jj� J!
0 0 8
..
..
i
.., � � ...
i
... �
s
g
.B
�g �
]
�
l1 12$ 22 1 ..6 31 10 17 6 .. 3 10 10 3 7
10 :au 3 2 103
O.SILANVS L.P ' + • + 6o
3 27 � 16 18� 1 1 l1 8
23 3 :as2
L.PISO L.P.N PRVGI ... + .. .. + ., 1
8:TITI 2 <439 3 6 120 21 9 + 2 l1 u.s 1 9 + 12 2 .. 6 .s ..
3 so 20 3 1 115 ,.. 19 22 33 2 10 1 16 2 10 .. 5 18
1$3 13
VIBIVS C.P PANSA + s +
M.CATO 32 .. .s 1 3 + 1 :a.s + 6 1
L.TITVRI L.P SABINVS :al 21 :a6 + 1 • 7 1 + • 3 I• 2 2 9
r i ,.
1 .s:a
CN. LBNTVL 2 11 .. + 1 2 ;� 2 + 9 10 2 2 31
C.CBNSORIN 1 + 1 2 1 + 22 2 2 3
L.RVBRI OOSSBN J J 1
.s
..
7 + 3 2
92
101 1 1
..
.. + 13 6 .s 9 .. 2 1
�s=h�VS Q.P +
+
Q.MAX +
A.POST A.P S.N ALBIN l i + 3 .. 3 i ,
Por biblioaraphlatee Coilo "-41, n01. 221, :a:a.s, 227, 23t'�r;f� ·the2<4�ab
:a�,� lc:a, ::r.l,l-9·
26o, :a6:ace,:�1, 261, :a
The issue of terenab, known only in one specimen
, t , · laUet tina of ao d or ronac only.
The first century
each copy the silver types of the other and must have been planned in concert.1
Absolute chronology is more complex. The issue of M. Cato is copied on an Italian
issue of the Social War with a Latin legend, hence of 89 or earlier; the issues of D.
Silanus and L. Piso Frugi refer to the Lex Papiria (see p. 611), the issue of L. Piso
Frugi is of unparalleled size; given then that both the Lex Papiria and the issue of
L. Piso Frugi fall shortly before 89, it is hard to dissociate them from the Social
War. Two arrangements are theoretically possible:
91 D. Silanus
90 L. Piso Frugi
Q. Titius
C. Vibius Pansa
89 M. Cato
L. Titurius Sabinus
or:
90 D. Silanus
L. Piso Frugi
89 Q. Titius
C. Vibius Pansa
M. Cato
88 L. Titurius Sabinus (and others).
77
Introduction
them referring to the Lex Papiria, may in theory bdong anywhere between 91 and
88 (after which prow r. disappears as the reverse type of the bronze for a while);
at least the issue referring to the Lex Papiria should, by analogy with the sestertii
of D. Silanus, be placed close to the passing of the law. Either issue would provide
fractions to go with the asses of D. Silanus.
Nos. 345-9· Of these issues, that of C. Censorinus appears in the Syracuse hoard,
those of Co. Lentulus and L. Rubrius Dossenus in the Alife hoard; no less than
three hoards then close with the issue of L. and C. Memmii. If the arrangement I
have suggested of the moneyers down to L. Titurius Sabinus is acceptable, the next
college may be regarded as that of 88; certainly C. Censorinus fits well as moneyer
in 88 - he was probably exiled by Sulla at the end of that year and did not return
to Rome till the end of 87.1 If his colleague was Co. Lentulus, L. Rubrius Dossenus
may then be placed in 87; his types refer to the plague of that year and to place
him later causes insoluble problems of overcrowding with the moneyers who fall
between him and the year 82.1 The issue ofL. and C. Memmii, the last of the four
under discussion, should be placed in the latter part of 87; it is the first to be struck
ex senatus consulto since 100 and this re-emergence of a formula appropriate to a
coinage authorised late in the year (see p. 6o6) may plausibly be linked with the
Marian capture of Rome and hence of the mint (seep. 6o3). The tenure of office of
M. Fonteius (no. 347),of whom no coins are known (seep. 619),must be placed before
his quaestorship in 84; the first year in which there is room is 88.8
Nos. 35<>-1. The issue of Gargonius etc. (no. 350A) appears in the Caserta hoard,
that of M. Fannius and L. Critonius as Aediles in the Peiraeus hoard; no. 350A is
the issue of a full college of moneyers and should be placed in the year after the
year of office ofL. Rubrius Dossenus and L. and C. Memmii ,thus in 86; anonymous
semuncial bronze with prow 1. (no. 350B) must be associated with it or with the
issue of Mn. Fonteius; the latter is perhaps a less likely candidate, since the signed
bronze which bdongs with it is such a small issue. There is no reason to assign
M. Fannius and L. Critonius to a year other than that to which Gargonius
etc. bdong.
Nos. 352-8 and 36<>-4. These issues appear in the Berchidda hoard and (together
with two Sullan issues) in the Monte Codruzzo hoard; a number of small points
support the relative arrangement adopted here. Both L. Julius Bursio and Mn.
Fonteius strike a distinctive issue ex argento publico (see p. 6o5), the bronze of the
latter, like that of Gargonius etc. has prow 1. as the reverse type; the extraordinarily
Bat fabric of the denarii of C. Licinius Macer is most perfectly paralleled in the
issues of Bursio and Fonteius; the only solitary issue in this period with which the
joint issue of bronze of C. Cassius and L. Salinator (no. 355) may be associated to
1 Appian, BC i, 271 with commentary of E. Gabba.
1 For the debasement of the coinqe of L. Rubrius Dossenus, understandable in 87, see p. s69.
1 See commentary on no. 347·
The first century
form a triumvirate is that of Macer; the issues of C. Norbanus and Laterensis1 then
display the neat style and concave fabric of the issues of L. Censorinus etc. and
Q. Antonius Balbus; these issues in turn are then near the end of the period under
discussion- the prolific serrate denarii of C. Mamilius Limetanus and Q. Antonius
Balbus are the forerunners of the serrate denarii which are the regular product of
the mint of Rome in the following period.
The most natural arrangement of the issues under discussion is:
85 L. Iulius Bursio
Mn Fonteius
.
84 C. Licinius Macer
C. Cassius
L. Salinator
83 C. Norbanus
Laterensis
82 L. Censorinus
P. Crepusius
C. Mamilius Limetanus
83-82 Q. Antonius Balbus as Praetor.
This arrangement is supported by the evidence of the Valdesalor hoard, in which
the latest issues of the mint of Rome are those of C. Censorinus, L. Rubrius Dossenus,
L. C. Memies, Gargonius etc. (anonymous variety), L. Iulius Bursio, Mn Fonteius .
79
Introduction
Nos. 359 and 365-8. The two chief issues of Sulla are those with the titulature
IMP.ITERVM and the titulature IMP. (nos. 359 and 367), both consisting of aurei
and denarii.1 On balance, I am now convinced that this is their relative order,
despite the implication of the titulatures that the order is the other way round;2
no. 359 appears in the hoards later than no. 367, but when it does appear it is
markedly more wom;3 its absence from earlier hoards should be explained by its
relative rarity. As for absolute date, no. 367 appears in the Santa Domenica and
Capranica hoards,' which otherwise contain no piece later than 82, and it should
be attributed to that year; no. 359 may therefore be attributed to 83 and connected
with the preparations for the invasion of Italy.
The titulature on the as of Sulla, no. 368, is closest to that on no. 367; the two
should clearly be associated.!'
The denarii of C. Valerius Flaccus and C. Annius appear i n the Monte Codruzzo
hoard (for which see above);8 as far as the issue of C. Annius is concerned, the
evidence of the Monte Codruzzo hoard, which contains only examples of the early
group offine style (Pl. XLVII, 14-15, cf. no. 366/1a-2b (Group 1), illustrates this style),7
fits well with the historical evidence, according to which C. Annius' governorship
of Spain began only in late 82; the evidence of provenance is decisive for a Spanish
mint for the issue.8 C. Valerius Flaccus was in charge of Gaul at least from 85 to
82,9 but it is most reasonable to attribute his issue of coinage to the period of Civil
War at the end of his term of office.10
1 There is no evidence that these are issues struck for circulation in the East; neither they nor any other
Sullan issue is prominent in the Kerassia hoard (Coin hoards, no 283) and the only find known to me
of Sullan gold is of a piece from the Abruzzi of the issue no 367/4 (Arte e storia 1882, 48); none of
.
the three issues of Sullan gold is based on a Greek weight standard. The only Sullan coinage struck
for circulation in the East consists of imitations of Athenian New-style tetradrachms, some struck in
the Peloponnese before the capture of Athens (Plutarch, Luc. 2, clearly talking about Greek coins,
not about issues of Roman denarii, which hardly circulated in Greece), some at Athens after its
capture. The first issue will be M. Thompson, NetJJ style silver coinage, 425-39, Group I, the second
issue Groups II-III; Groups I-II seem to have been struck by M. Lucullus, but all this coinage
seetns to have been called /\oVKoi/1\M.ta, doubtless because L. Lucullus was the officer chiefly
identified in Greek eyes with exactions of money to finance Sullan activities. For a later inscription
mentioning this coinage see G. Daux, RN 1935, 1, for the whole problem of imitations of Athenian
New-style tetradrachms see E. J. P. Raven, NC 1938, 15o-8; G. le Rider, Melanges Julien Cain i,
323-35; the treatment of M. Thompson, 425-39 is vitiated by her mis-translation of Plutarch.
• Against my own earlier view in NC 1964, 15o-1. Arguments from types as in H. A. Grueber, BMCRR
ii, 45�, are inconclusive - victory may be anticipated as well as celebrated.
• In the Ferentino hoard, Coin hoards, no 261; I am aware that the evidence of a single small hoard is
.
not decisive.
� Coin hoards, nos. 256 and 253·
' It is worth remarking that the only two provenances known for the as are Western, Maddaloni (G.
Riccio, Catalogo, 76) and the Tiber (M. Bahrfeldt, Nachlriige iii, 42).
• The issue of C. Annius also appears in the Carovilli hoard, Coin hoards, no. 251.
1 c. Cavedoni, Ripostigli, st.
' See the Poio hoard, Coin hoards, no. 305. ' E. Badian, Studies, 88�.
1o The mint will have been Massalia (for stylistic arguments from similarities with late drachms of
Massalia, see L. Laffranchi, Demareteion 1935, 117; the material is exhaustively illustrated by A.
Alfi)ldi, RN 1969, pls. vi-xiii). The Gallic origin of the issue is reflected in its prominence in the
Bompas hoard (Coin hoards, no. 290; so already NC 1964, 150 n. t); the issues of C. Annius and C.
Valerius of course rapidly entered empire-wide circulation, see Table L.
So
The first century
Nos. 369-71. These 'restored' issues borrow the reverse types of nos. 263-5
and are, as it were, struck in memory of the men whose names appear on them, not
by these men;1 the issues (which are not serrate) thus fall outside the regular
annual series of issues of the moneyers. I have no doubt that the issues are Sullan
(see commentary on no. 369), but no longer feel certain about their precise date;
they occur for the first time in the San Miniato hoard and thus belong between 82
and 8o;2 they were perhaps struck immediately after Sulla's capture of Rome,
perhaps only in So, after the consolidation of the victory (see commentary on no.
369).
No. 372. The evidence of the Bellicello and Capalbio hoards tends to place this
issue, that of A. Postumius Albinus, as the first moneyer's issue after those of the
college of 82 (for which see above), thus early in 81; the finds in the excavations
at Norba confirm this placing.3 The city was destroyed soon after the capture of
Praeneste, thus early in 81 (Appian, BC i, 439), and was uninhabited in the time of
Pliny (NH iii, 68);' neither the temple of Juno nor the temple of Diana nor the site
as a whole produced any coin later than a hardly worn denarius of A. Postumius
Albinus,5 with the exception of a bronze of Nero from the temple of Juno and a
bronze of Hadrian from the temple of Diana.
Nos. 373-6. These issues occur for the first time in the Carrara hoard, which
otherwise contains no pieces later than 81 (see below); starting from this year as the
terminus ante quem, each issue must be considered in turn. The anonymous issue of
quinarii (no. 373) is the most problematical;6 its absence from among the 33 quinarii
in the Capalbio hoard is surely significant, given that it is so common; it also has
no point of contact with the Sullan coinage. The best solution seems to be to regard
it as struck during 81 by a now unidentifiable Marian remnant.1 The issue of Q.
Metellus belongs between the closing of the Monte Codruzzo hoard in 82 and some
time in 81; there is no difficulty in regarding it as struck in the course of his opera
tions in Cisalpine Gaul, after a first imperatorial salutation.8 The issues with the
legends Q(uaestor) and ex s(enatus) c(onsulto) (nos. 375-6) are identified as Sullan
by their types (seep. 373);9like the issue of Q. Metellus they belong in 82-81, but
1 Some of the original reverse dies may even have been kept and used again (see Addenda).
1 Contra T. J. Luce, AJA 1968, 36; for the alleged piece in the Cingoli hoard see on Coin /wards, no.
237. The three issues are common enough i n first-century hoards (see Table L) for it to be certain
that if they had been struck before 90 they would have appeared in the big hoards of the 8os.
• NSc 1904, 423-30; cf. PBSR 1969, 82; this find should have been listed in Coin hoards.
• NSc 1901, 558, cited by G. Lugli, Enc. It. xxiv, 926, does not seem to me to provide evidence for
revival.
• I have seen the coin, now in the Museo Nazionale di Roma.
• The obverse is copied from that of no. 340/2 or that of no. 334/1 (cf. no. 335/1-2 and 10), the reverse
from that of no. 345/2.
7 For the evidence, see p. 629.
• So H. Mattingly, PBA 1953, 262; a second salutation, presumably in Spain, is recorded by ILLRP
366. Note the absence of the issue of Q. Metellus from the Poio hoard; the issue cannot be Spanish.
• For the Sullan weight of the aureus of no. 375, see C. Cavedoni, Ripostigli, 147·
81
Introduction
I do not wish to do more than connect them in general terms with Sullan operations
in Italy during that period.l
Nos. 377-S. Of these two issues, that of C. Marius Capito appears in the Carrara
hoard as the only moneyer's issue later than that of A.Postumius Albinus; the issue
of L. Volumnius Strabo, which is very rare, appears in the Montiano hoard of 79
(see below) slighdy, but not gready, wom; this fact and the style of the issue suggest
St as its date.
Nos. 379-St. The issues of L. Procilius and C. Poblicius appear in the San
Miniato hoard; they may be assigned to So; to the same year, because of the close
similarity of its obverse to that of C. Poblicius, may be assigned the gold issue of
A. Manlius with the equestrian statue of Sulla (no. 3S1); the legend describing Sulla
as Dictator goes with the statue and does not refer to his position at the time of the
issue (he was simply Consul in So').
Nos. 3S2-4. The relative order of these three issues seems adequately established
by the hoards; I suggest that they form a college and belong to 79·
S2
The fim cmtury
latter links it to the next group of issues. As for absolute date, the issue of the
Quaestor P. Lentulus must be dose to 75 or 74;1 the sequence of issues does not
allow the former year, but the latter accords well; the dating of the subsequent issues
is to a certain extent arbitrary and minor variations would be possible in the dates
which I adopt down to the issue of Kalenus and Cordus in 70 (for which see below).
No. 402 (see Addenda). I take the issue of Magnus out of sequence, since the
criteria for dating it are quite different from those for dating the denarius issues
of this period. The issue is clearly triumphal; three occasions are thus possible,
81,:t 71 or 61. Of these the first is excluded by the fact that Pompeius was Propraetor,
not Proconsul (Licinianus 39 Bonn), and by the fact that he did not use the tide
Magnus until he was in Spain;3 the second occasio n seems more likdy than the third
- it is closer to the first period of military coinage and also provides a better context
for the obverse type.•
Nos. 401 and 403-40. This is perhaps the most difficult period of the Republican
coinage to arrange satisfactorily, at any rate if a precise arrangement is attempted;
the hoard evidence hdps only with part of it and the whole period is one of great
stylistic diversity. I propose to use the hoard evidence to establish an oudine
arrangement and then with the hdp of stylistic and prosopographical arguments to
attempt somewhat greater precision.6
The two important fixed points of the period from c. 70 to 50 are the joint issue
of M. Scaurus and P. Hypsaeus as Curule Aediles in 58 and the associated issues of
A. Plautius and Cn. Plancius as Curule Aediles in 55,8 all common or very common
issues. There are no hoards containing large numbers of issues later than c. 70
which do not contain the joint issue of M. Scaurus and P. Hypsaeus; but there are
six substantial hoards containing this issue which do not contain the issues of A.
Plautius or Cn. Plancius. These hoards may all reasonably be regarded as closing
before 55· They fall furthermore into two groups, the second of which (Frauendorf,
1 Note filiation to distinguish from the Q. Cyrene 75 or 74·
1 E. Badian, Hemus 1955, 107; 1961, ZS.J.
1 Plutarch, Pomp. 13 with F. Miltner, RE Di, Z073; for the acquisition of the title see Pliny, NH vii,
96 (after the African campaign); Dio xxxvii, 21, 3 (before 6z); the title came into particular prominence
after the Eastern wus G. P. V. D. Balsdon, Historia 1950, 29�; cf. Appian, Mith. sS:t), but that
does not bear on the question of when the title was first used.
' See commentary on no. 402; the attribution of the issue to the period after 49, as by H. Mattingly,
NC 1963, 51, is impossible - its weight standard is far too high. H. A. Grueber, BMCRR ii, 464-s,
is wrong to assert that Q. Metellu s and Magnus triumphed together in 71, cf. Inscr. It. xiii, 1, p. s6s.
' The arrangement proposed by A. .Alf'Oldi , SNR 1954, s, may safely be gn i ored; his claim that stylistic
analysis provides the only valid method for investigating the chronology of the Roman Republican
coinage is a mere assertion, unsupported by argument or evidence; it is also inherently implausible,
see my remarks in Cqjn luxzrds, 3; stylistic analysis should only be used as a last resort. As far as this
period in particular is concerned, .Alf'Oldi's arrangement collapses over his <bltes for the issues of
M.. Plaetorius Cestianus and C. Memmius- SS and 63 respectively; it is unreasonable to postulate
two M. Plaetorii as Curule Aediles a decade apart, and the reverse type of C. Memmius with a trophy
can only allude to the victories of C. Memmius L.f., the moneyer's uncle, in 57 (there are no earlier
known victories in the family to celebrate).
• L. R. Taylor, Athenaeum 1964, 12. I am not persuaded by G. V. Sumner, Phoenix 1971, 249 n . u.
TABLE XIII. Coinage 78-49 B.C.
.s
�
(I)
s :a
J 0
'0
gu
9 ·8
� fta l
1 j
0
�! ! J ·� j
.a 0 11:
I
"
.g
�
·
]
g �
R.
i R -8
0
:a
!
·a. .:I
J
�
e Cl
� Illa "' ;.J �
g
�
0
�
8
ll
..
�
X
0
�
� �
•
s
(I)· !I �
II) "' � � Cl IIQ
�
IIQ
78B.C,
M.VOLTBI M.P 2 2 + .. + 1 $$ 1 t:l 32. s 8 8 9 2 9 2 1 3 9 .. 8 6
L.CASSI Q.P 1 + 1 + 2 l 4 3 3 :a :a 1 2
L.RVTILI FLAC 1 1 + 1 + 1 11 6 :a6 10 2 1 8 I I 3
r
3:l 3 .. .. 9 3 ..
P.SATRIBNVS 1 I + + 1 12 4 1 8 8 s 4 .. 2 I 1 2 4 3
L.RVSTI + 2 1 1 s I 2 I 2
L.LVCRBTI TRIO + 1 + 2 14 1 20 7 6 2 2 6 :a 3 3 1 1 3 I
C.BGNATIVS CN.P CN.N MAXSVMVS + I + 7 2 1 10 6 s 2 1 1 1 1 3 1 3 1
CN.LBN
C.POSTV I
a
L.PARSVLBI MBNSOR
.
+
+
2
+
+
1
1 29
1
8
6
1
2
1 I
2
s
3 I
3
1
I 6
:at .. 2
1
2
10
3
3
3 s 24 .. 3 s s s 3
8
P.LENT P.F
.POMPONI RV
L.N�
L.PLABTORI L.P Q
S
l 2 4
2
:a
1
1
1
.
MN �
L.AXSIVS L.F NASO
VIL MN.F MN.N
1 1
1 1 2 1 7 l l l
1
2
¥.'�iv�0fflfiNVs
M.PLABTORIVS CEST
1
1 l 2
1
l I 6
1
7 3
"B.C.
P.GALB ABD CVR 1 4 l 1 7
C.HOSIDI C.F. GBTA 1 7 1 1 12 3 1 1 8 4
C.PISO L.F FRVGI 1 2 2 1 2 1
M.PLABTORIVS M.F CESTIANVS ABD CVR 1 10 1 1 2 i 1
3
2
s
11
7
..
Q.POMPONI MVSA I I I 4 2
L.TOR�VAT
L.ROSC FABATI 3 8 3 I I s 2 3 I 7 2
LONGIN 7 4 I 6 2 I 8 s
L.FVRI CN.F BROCCHl 4 4 9 2
PAVLLVS LEPIDVS I 14 I I 14 6 IS 3
LIBO
PAVLLVS LEPIDVS{ LIBO
6 8 I 3 I 19 2 � I 18 4
3 I 2 I 2 I
M.PISO M.F FRVG I
M.LEPIDVS I
P.YPSAB I 9 I I 4
SVFBNAS I I II I I 4
sa B.C.
M.SCAVR, P.HYPSAEVS � 2 6 4 I 28 s 9 3 24 16
C.SBRVEIL C.F I 4 4
C.CONSIDI NONIANI 1 1
PHILIPPVS I I 12 I It 20 6
FAVSTVS 2 I I I s 3
C.MBMMI C.F 1 4 2 I I I
�.CASSIVS 3 I 2 I 14 I
.FONTBIVS P.F CAPITO 1 :1. 1 3 7
P.CRASSVS M.F l I I I I 3
00 uB.C.
V\
A.PLAVTIVS ABO CVR I 2 I s I
CN.PLANCIVS ABO CVR 1 6 I
BRVTVS 4 to s
�POMPEI RVFI 2 :1. I 4 2
BSSAL.F
L.VINICI
CALDVS 2 1 2
SBR.SVLP
MARCBLLINVS
49 B.C.
�.SICINIVS
BRI &VRB
<4
For biblioaraPhy ace CAi11 ltt>ards, nos. 283, 289-90, 298, 300, 302, 3<>8-9, 311-13, 315-17, 319 (now publiahed in AIIN 1965-7, 8s), 336-7, 339, 341, 3<4<4-s. s6s, 349-52.
The aolai&tue of Mqnua is omitted from the Table.
Introduction
Ancona and Compito) contains several issues not present in the first (Nea Karvali,l
San Gregorio and Sustinenza). It seems probable that the several issues in question
belong to the period betw.een 58 and 55 and that the Nea Karvali, San Gregorio
and Sustinenza hoards close more or less with the joint issue of M. Scaurus and
P. Hypsaeus. Certainly this is among the least wom in the Nea Karvali hoard and
the Sustinenza hoard.2 The other issues in the Nea Karvali, San Gregorio and
Sustinenza hoardsare thus to be attributed to the period between c. 70 and c. 58.
Three arguments may be used to support this conclusion. With the arrangement
suggested we have a fairly even distribution of �ers between c. 70 and 50.
Obviously the bulk of coinage struck may vary enormously from one period to
another; but since the moneyership is to be regarded as an annual magistracy
(see p. 6o2) and since nothing warrants the assumption that no coinage was struck
for long periods in the 6os and sos, an even distribution of moneyers is what we
should expect.
The second argument depends on the Altamura and Licuriciu hoards and on a
new hoard from Greece.3 Although there are no hoards containing large numbers
of issues later than c. 70 which do not contain the issue of M. Scaurus and P.
Hypsaeus, these three small hoards taken together are informative. Of the issues
which I wish to assign to the period between c. 70 and 58, the Greek hoard contains
the issues of C. Hosidius Geta, C. Piso Frugi and L. Furlus Brocchus; the Altamura
hoard contains the issues of M. Plaetorius Cestianus (2 pieces), L. Roscius Fabatus
and Libo; the Licuriciu hoard contains the issues of C. Hosidius Geta, L. Furius
Brocchus and Paullus Lepidus.The three hoards thus contain between them almost
all the common issues which in my view belong to the period between c. 70 and 58
(the issue of Longinus is the only common one missing), but do not contain the
issue of M. Scaurus and P. Hypsaeus of 58.
Finally, with the arrangementsuggested it is possible to give a satisfactory account
of the careers of those moneyers who can be identified (seep. 708 and some detailed
remarks below); although the strength ofthis argument should not be over-rated,
it has some value as confirmation of an arrangement adopted on other grounds.
I now turn to detailed comment on single issues or groups of issues.
Nos. 401 and 403-4. No. 403, the issue of Kalenus and Cordus, belongs in 70
(see on no. 403);' the other two issues, on grounds of style and fabric (see Pl. L),
go closely with it; for what my opinion is worth, it is that the issue of Mn. Aquillius
belongs in 71, the issue ofT. Vettius Sabinus (with that of Kalenus and Cordus)
in 70.
1 I should like to thank T. Hadteos for showingme photographs of this hoard.
• I have seen the Sustinenza hoard, in the Museo Civioo di Verona.
• For thetint hoard I depend on information from T. R. Volk, for the last on photographs shown me
by T. Hadteos; for Licuriciu see Coin hoards,no. 331.
' The issue, which is not common, does not appear in the Nea Karvali, San Gregorio and Sustinenza
hoards.
86
The first century
No. 405. This man re-appears as Curule Aedile in 67 (T. R. S. Broughton, MRRP
ii, 150 n. 3); his moneyership could go in 68, but is surely better in 69.
No. 406. The curule aedileship ofP. Galba is to be dated in 69 (T. R. S. Broughton,
MRRP ii, 136 n. 4).
Nos. 407-8. Both these issues include denarii of widely differing fabric, thick, of
small diameter and convex, or thin, outspread and flat; both fabrics appear in the
issue of M.Plaetorius Cestianus, only the former in the issue ofP. Galba; I suggest
that the issues of C. Hosidius Geta and C. Piso Frugi fall in the two years after the
year to which Cestianus and Galba belong, thus in 68 and 67; it is worth mentioning
that one of the Consuls of 67 is C. CalpurniusPiso.
No. 409· For the date of the issue of M. Plaetorius Cestianus as Curule Aedile,
67, see above on no. 405; the fabric is thin, outspread and flat.
Nos. 41o-12. These three issues share a style characterised by sharp, fine features
and a fabric which is lighdy convex and fairly outspread; I think they go together
and place them in the years 66 to 64. Two small points may be made- the head
of Apollo in the issue of Q.Pomponius Musa (no. 410) is very close to that on some
pieces of C. Calpurnius Piso (no. 408) (see Pl. L); and one of the Consuls of 65,
in which year I place L. Torquatus, is L. Manlius Torquatus.1
Nos. 413-17. The issue of Longinus retains the fabric of nos. 41o-12, but the
style is much coarser; this style is then perpetuated in the following issues. Longinus
and L. Furius Brocchus perhaps belong in 63,2 the next three issues in 62 (the
joint coinage of Paullus Lepidus and Libo shows clearly that they belong in the
same year as each other).
Nos. 418-21. Thekey issuehere is that ofP. (H)ypsaeus (no. 420), probably not
less than two years before his curule aedileship, thus in 6o.8 The issues of M. Piso
Frugi and M. Lepidus, associated with each other by their common use of certain
priesdy symbols (found nowhere else on the Republican coinage) and by their
neat style, perhaps belong in 61 - one of the Consuls of 61 is M.Pupius Piso Frugi.
The issue of Sufenas is almost identical in style with that ofP. (H)ypsaeus (seePl.
u); occurring slighdy worn in the Sustinenza hoard, it may be attributed to 59·
No. 422. The joint issue of M. Scaurus and P. Hypsaeus, one of the largest of
the late Republic, belongs in 58, probably by itself.
Nos. 423-7. The piece of Philippus in the Sustinenza hoard is finer than those
of M. Scaurus and P. Hypsaeus, which slighdy suggests a later date; also, insofar
as one can compare male heads and female heads on coins, the style of the issue of
Philippus seems to belong with that of the issues of C. Serveilius and C. Considius
1 The issues of Q. Pomponius Musa and L. Torquatus, which arc rare, do not appear in the Nca
Karvali, San Gregorio and Sustincnza hoards .
1 Both use the titulaturc IIIVIR, cf. p. S99; the accent used in the legend on the iasue of L. Furius
Brocchus recalls that used in the legends on the issue of Q. Pomponius Musa.
• The issue, which ia rare, docs not appear in the Nca Karvali, San Gregorio and Sustincnza hoards
.
Introduction
Nonianus. These issues in rum, too rare for their occurrence or non-occurrence in
hoards to be significant, are close in style to the issues of Faustus and C. Mem.mius
(nos. 426-7), which appear for the first time in the Frauendorf hoard. Turning to
absolute chronology, I place C. Serveilius and C. Considius Nonianus in 57,Philippus,
Faustus and C. Mem.mius in 56 ;1 in justification it may be remarked that one of the
Consuls of 56 is L. Marcius Philippus, that the types of Faustus and C. Mem.mius
refer to events of 57 and that the moneyership of Faustus is best placed not less
than two years before his quaestorship in 54·
Nos. 428-30. These three issues appear for the first time in the Compito hoard
and may plausibly be assigned to 55;2 for the issue ofP. Crassus this is indeed the
only year available, since he was still in Gaul with Caesar in the first half of 56 and
joined his father in Parthia in the second half of 54; it is presumably no accident
that his father is Consul in 55.8
Nos. 431-2. For the date, 55, see above, p. 83 n. 6.
Nos. 433-4. The Alesia and Grazzanise hoards suggest that these issues follow
the issues of A.Plautius and Cn.Plancius; since they seem to form a pair, the years
down to 56 and 53-52, when the moneyers concerned, M. Brutus and Q.Pompeius
Rufus, were otherwise employed, are excluded; on balance, 54 seems the best year
for their moneyerships, although it immediately precedes the year of Brutus'
quaestorship, since 55 is already fully occupied by other moneyers.
No. 435· The issue of Messala is dated patre cos.;' of the various theoretical possi
bilities, 53 is shown to be right by the occurrence in a slighdy worn state of a
denarius of Messala in the Brandosa hoard.
Nos. 436-9. Of these four issues, that of Caldus appears for the first time in the Broni
and Casaleone hoards, that of Marcellinus in the Brandosa hoard; the rare issues of
L. Vinicius and Ser. Sulpicius are placed in this general period by their style. Greater
precision emerges from a consideration of the evidence for absolute chronology; the
issue ofL. Vinicius is perhaps best placed the year before his tribunate, thus in 52; the
style of the heads on the obverse, particularly the prominent noses, associates the
issues of Caldus, Ser. Sulpicius and Marcellinus; the first two may be placed in 51,s
in which year one of the Consuls is Ser. Sulpicius Rufus, and Marcellinus in so.
1 Stylistic arguments cannot be used to separate the two parts of the issue of Faustus, with and without
s(matus) c(onsultQ); for moneyers striking part of the issue ofone year smatus ccnsulto seep. 6o8.
1 The small Ancona hoard seems to close at the same time as the Compito hoard; its evidential value is
DOt great.
1 This isaue provides sufficient evidence to undermine the theory ofH. B. Mattingly, NC 1956, 189, that
issues struck smatus consulto are struck by Quaestors (a theory in any case not supported by any
evidence, but only by a series ofhypotheses); if P. Crassus was Quaestor when he produced no. 430,
he would have held the office a year before his elder brother.
' This issue provides the justification for assigning moneyers, other things being equal, to a year in
which a relative held high office; in the arrangement which I have adopted for this period, only the
isaue of M. Lepidus (no. 419) is detached from an available year ofthfs kind.
1 It is worth recording that in a small, unpublished hoard in the Museo Nazionale di Taranto, closing
with the issue of Mn. Acilius (no. 442), there is a denarius of Caldus in an almost unwom state.
88
The first century
to 47-46 made by A. Alfbldi, Antiquitas 4, iv, 9-18, must be regarded as a failure; even if the dragon
which forms part of the reverse type were African, that would not prove that the issue was struck
there (and consequently during the African campaign); nor is it relevant that the issue provoked
African imitations it
- also provoked a Gallic imitation. The evidence of the hoards is in any case
conclusive (see above); the gap in the hoards that would result from moving the issue down to 47-46
is ignored by Alfl)ldi, 16-17, without even an attempt to understand its significance.
1 The type of Varro with a double obverse suggests production in unpeaceful conditions; both issues
are rare and their failure to appear till the San Niccolo hoard causes no surprise; their absence from
all hoards of the 70s, 6os and sos is, however, clear evidence for a date in the Civil War period.
89
TABLE XIV. Coinage 49-45 B.C.
0 Cll
f0 0
i> �
fl)
::::1
>
:a
0
0
5 .a
�
]
j
� !:! 0
J � ; fl)j5 �
(J
(5
-e
·:;
u
z !:0 � ii
� 5 'C
i Cll
8 F.l>
Cl'>
49 B.C.
'8 6 2
MN.ACILIVS1 + + 30 26 + 3 42 36 + s
CAESAR with Elephant/Pontifical emblems1 + + 6 24 2 2 + 6 21 65 + 38
L.LENTVLVS, C.MARC COS . . 1 + 3
CN. PISO PRO Q. MAGN PRO COS . + . +
VARRO PRO Q. MAGN PRO COS . + 2
48 B.C.
L.HOSTILIVS SASERNA 9 9 3 2 1 + 20 14 + 3
C.VIBIVS C.F C.N PANSA 2 1 1 1 + 1 + 40 27 + 6
ALBINVS BRVTI.F . 1 2 1 + 1 + 20 20 + 4
C.PANSA, ALBINVS BRVTI.F . + + 2 1
CAESAR with LII 2 1 + 2 1 + 1
47 B.C.
L.PLA
VTIVS PLANCVS . 1 . + 1 + 17 19 + 1
ALICINIVS NERVA 1 + s s
C.ANTIVS C.F RESTIO + 2 2 +
A.ALLIENVS PRO COS, C.CAESAR IMP COS ITER
CAESAR with Venus/Aeneas carrying Anchises 1 5 + + 3 44 + 13
Q.METEL PIVS SCIPIO IMP (alone) + 1 + 3 + 6
Q.METELL PIVS SCIPIO IMP (with Legates) 1 + 5
M.CATO PRO PR + 2
46 B.C.
MN.CORDIVS RVFVS 6 2 + 2 + 8 120 + 23
T.CARISIVS . 1 3 + 3 + 12 128 + 17
C.CONSIDIVS PAETVS . 2 2 + 2 + 4 35 + 12
(CAESAR) with COS TERT DICT ITER + + 26 + 1
CAESAR with Venus and Cupid/Trophy . . + 10 + 3 3 2
M.POBLICI LEG PRO PR, CN.MAGNVS IMP 4 2 + 1
M.MINAT SABI PR Q, CN.MAGNVS IMP F . 1
\0
... 45 B.C.
L.PAPIVS CELSVS + 4 4 + 3
PALIKANVS � . +
L.VALERIVS ACISCVLVS 1
SEX. MAGNVS PIVS IMP
(Totals of Roman coins in each hoard 3000 730 426 1758 109 140 1208 76 1000 1520 659 400 36o)
For bibliography see Coin hoards, nos. 357, 359, 362, 365, 379, 381, 384, 388-93 (391 now re-published in AIV t968-9, 29).
Issues consisting of gold or bronze only are omitted from the Table.
1 Examples of these two issues, already recorded from the Cadriano hoard, are therefore not recorded for the San Niccolo hoard, but were doubtless
present in it.
Introducti'on
Proquaestor in 4�48, there are no grounds whatever for attributing the issue to him
or to Spain, where he served under Pompeius against Sertorius.1 Nos. 446-7 were, I
think, struck in Greece in preparation for the campaign which ended at Pharsalus.1
Nos. 448-51. The joint coinage of C. Vibius Pansa and D. Brutus shows clearly
that they belong in the same year as each other; the hoards display them and L.
Hostilius Saserna as the moneyers striking next after Mn Acilius. It emerges below
.
that there is a full college of moneyers for each year from 47 onwards and the choice
is thus whether to regard Saserna as the third moneyer of 49 or the third moneyer
of 48; I have no strong views on the matter, but 49 seems to me marginally more
likely to be a year with only two moneyers than 48. D. Brutus certainly belongs in
48 -he was besieging Massalia in 49 and was appointed to Gallia Transalpina late
in 48 (Appian, BC iii, 197); C. Pansa was in Rome in 48 (Cicero, ad Att. xi, 6, 3;
Lig. 7)- no magistracy is attested and he may be regarded as moneyer (see also
P· 465 ).
No. 452. The figure LII can hardly be taken as a reference to anything other
than Caesar's age ;3 since the Romans seem t? have regarded a man as 30 when 30
years of his life were completed' and since Caesar was hom on 13 July 100,6 this
issue belongs after 13 July 48. Its failure to appear in hoards which contain the
issues of moneyers striking since the beginning of 48 is no surprise.
Nos. 453--5 and 463-5. Of these six issues, all but that of C. Antius Restio occur
in the Dra�evica hoard; since this is a rare issue, its absence does not prevent its
belonging to the period covered by the hoard. The three issues of Mn Cordius .
92
The first century
93
Introdtlct'Um
not think there is any valid evidence either for the mint of the issue or for the nature
of the unspecified pref�hip of C. Clovius.1
Nos. 477-9· These issues may be both dated and assigned to mints with tolerable
certainty; no. 477 follows on from the coinage of Cn. Pompeius in Spain and may
be attributed to late 45 and to the mint of Salpensa;2 no. 479, with which no. 478
is closely associated, bridges the period during which Sex. Pompeius is moving
from Spain to Sicily; pieces of fine style, presumably early in the issue, are found
in Spain/ pieces of degenerate style, presumably the result of production on a
massive scale, are found in Sicily.'
1 Contra S. L. Ccsano, Rend. Pont. Ace. Arch. 1947-49, 13�1 (opting for an urban prefectship; but
in that cue one would expect the full titulature, cf. DO. 475); M. Grant, PITA, 7-11 (opting for a
prefectship colo,UU deduundlu and citing Cicero, jam. xili, 7; but one would expect a mention of
C. Ooviua' colleagues); A. AlfOldi, Melanges Carccpino, 3�1 (opting for a naval prefectship in
Cyrenaica; the evidence for an Italian mint cited by Grant ia enough to refute this suggestion). The
only aort of prefectship which would be explained without more ado by the striking of coins would
be a prefectahip monetaeferiwulae.
1 T.V. Buttrey, NC 196o, 97; the letter Bon some pieces should be regarded as a casual survival of
the letter B on aome pieces of the ooinage of Cn. Pompeius; the absence of the letters SAL on aome
other pieces does not prove that they were struck at a different mint.
1 M. Bahrfeldt, Bl4tUrfiir Manzjreund1 193�33, 755·
• In notable quantities in the excavations of Morgantina; cf. alao L. La1franchi, Boll. Circ. Num. Nap.
1917, ::u.
6 F. L. Ganter, ZJN 1895, 183, reduces this period to a shambles.
• See Table xv for the Pasquariello, Potenza and San Bartolomeo hoards; note alao the Florence and
Thrace hoards (Coin hoardJ, nos. 399 and 402).
94
The first century
must be placed earlier. L. Flaminius Chilo announces on his coins that he is the
first of his college of moneyers to strike ;1 since they bear the portrait of Caesar,
they can hardly precede the coup d'etat of Octavian; the early part of 43 is thus
without moneyers' issues (see p. 640).
Nos. 488-9. M. Antonius appears to strike two parallel issues (for the dates see
commentaries on nos . 488-9); the first, which uses his portrait, is continued by his
main sequence of coinage as Illvir r.p.c.1
No. 490· The issue is adequately dated by its developing titulature.
No. 491. For the date of this issue see T. R. S. Broughton, MRRP ii, 338 and
commentary on no. 491.
Nos. 492-3. These issues are clearly celebration issues to mark the formation of
the Triumvirate; there is an absolute continuity of style between the portraits of
M. Antonius on no. 488 and on no. 492 and between the portraits of Octavian on
no.490 and on no. 493 (see Pl. LVIII; note also the size of the dots of the border on
nos 490/1-2 and 493). The titulature on no. 493 picks up that on no. 490/1-2,
.
substituting IIIVIR R.P .C. for COS.; IMP. goes back to the beginning of
Octavian's military career (see p. 740 n. 4) and has nothing to do with the battle
of Philippi.�
No. 494· For the association of L. Livineius Regulus, P. dodius, L. Mussidius
Longus and C. Vibius Varus in a college and their dating to 42, see T.V. Buttrey,
Portrait gold, 32-44.
No. 495· The style of this issue is unlike anything else in this period; this fact
and the fact that the titulature of Lepidus includes PONT .MAX. suggest that
the issue was struck by Lepidus h.imself; for the occasion of the issue see com
mentary on no. 495·
No. 496. The issues of M. Antonius of 41 are dated on internal grounds; this
issue seems to me to precede them and I here tabulate what I believe to be the
stylistic developments involved:
No. 492 leads to no. 496/1 (rev., Temple) which leads to no. 516/4-s
No. 494/17 and 32 lead to no. 496/2 (rev., Sol)
New engraver for no.496/3 (rev., Sol) which leads to no. 516/1-2
and thence to rest of coinage of M. Antonius.
The coins illustrated on Pls. LVIII-Ull present the evidence for this picture; three brief
comments are necessary. Within no. 496/3 the head of M. Antonius is becoming
steadil.Y larger; no . 516/3 combines the styles of no. 516/1-2 and of no 516/4-5 .
95
TABLE XV. The moneyers 44-c. 40 B.C.
�B�8 ! 5
I I §
I fl)
�a' 0 f.'! 0 �� f! e
L
5
'8u g �
'Q
:5 �� ...
�� a
a � 8
...
'> "'
ll. ·r::
� •
0
ll. (I) ll. � (I)
.� "CC f-o < � u
44 B.C.
M.METrlVS . 1 9 z z
L.AEMILIVS BVCA 1 1 4 10 1 z 1
P.SEPVLLIVS MACER z z z z 1 3 Z5 3 4 1
C.COSSVTIVS MARIDIANVS .
3 1 1 2
CABS DIC QVAR COS QVINC (issue of gold only) 3
C. CAESAR IMP
43 B.C.
L.FLAMINIVS CHILO 1 1 1 1
P.ACCOLEIVS LARISCOLVS 3 z 1 13 1 z 3
PETILLIVS CAPITOLINVS z 1 10 1 4 z
'& L.CESTIVS, C.NORBANVS PR (issue of gold only) 22
.p B.C.
L.LIVINEIVS REGVLVS . 1 1 6 z 5 3 4 9
P.CLODIVS M.F . z 10 1 6 32 5 7
L.MVSSIDIVS T.F LONGVS . . 1 17 3 7 9 z 3
C.VIBIVS V ARVS . 12 1 67 1 z 3
4' B.C.
C.CLODIVS C.F VESTALIS . '
. 4 3
M.ARRIVS SECVNDVS
C.NVMONIVS VAALA
L.SERVIVS RVFVS
c. 40 B.C.
TI.SEMPRONIVS GRACCVS 3
Q.VOCONIVS VITVLVS 1
(Totals of Roman coins in each hoard 983 200 42 4 43 1 1 96 2000 4 0 23 21 1111 203 507 966 642)
For bibliography see Coin hoards, nos. 397-8, 4oo-1, 406-7, 415, 417-18, 423 (add H. Cohen, Descripticn i, xxviii), 425, 430 and 432.
TABLE XVI. The Pompeians 44-c. 40 B.C.
44 B.C.
Q.NASIDIVS 1 1 6 . 2 +
43-42 B.C.
M.AQVINVS LEG, C.CASSI PR.COS(issueofgoldonly)
M.AQVINVS LEG, C.CASSI IMP (issue of gold only) . 1
LENTVLVS SPINT, C. CASSI IMP . 8 2 1
LENTVLVS SPINT, BRVTVS
CAEPIO BRVTVS PRO COS 1
MVRCVS IMP . 1 +
MAG PIVS IMP ITER PRAEF CLAS ET ORAE MARIT 2 4 33 +
41-40 B.C.
CN.DOMITIVS L.F AHENOBAR IMP . 1
Q.LABIENVS PARTHICVS IMP
(Totals of Roman coins in each hoard zoo 40 2321 203 642 172 1o,ooo)
For bibliography see Coin hoards, nos. 398, 415, 417, 423 (add H. Cohen, Description i, xxviii), 43S·
TABLE XVII. The Caesarians 43-31 B.C.
j j 1 j llo
:1 ��
8
i
� <I J :1J >
g
.§
4J B. C.
c.ANTONIVS M.P PRO COS
+
M.ANTON IMP
M.ANTO
M.ANT I
COS
(L
'tJ fu!�
I
M.LEPIO (COS)
(issue o( �IMP (iuue of dcnarii) i l 2)
Anonymoua q� with LVGVDVN A 1 s
C.CAESAR IMP
C.CABSAR COS PONT AVG (issue of aold only) ..
M.ANTON IMP RPC + l 2 s
C.CABSAR IIIVIR RPC + :i
M.ANTONIVS IIIVIR RPC, C.CAESAR IIJVIR RPC (it�ue of aold only)
\0
00 M.ANTONIVS IllVIR RPC. M.LBPIOVS UIVIR RPC (iuue
C.CAESAR IMP IIIVIR RPC PONT AV, M. ANTONIVS I
o�ld on?'J
IUV RPC AVG u
i( ue of aold only)
42 B.C.
ANTONI IMP IIJVIR RPC with A XLI (iuue of qu.inarii only) )
M.ANTONI IMP IIIVIR RPC with temple of Sol i
M.������vll�V�RPC (IMP) with bad of Sol
2 3 l ..
+ .. 2 s l 2 s
+ 2 l .. 3
LEPIOVS PONT MAX IIIVIR RPC, CAESAR IMP IIIVIR RPC 2 l 2 +
41 B.C.
M.ANTONIVS IMP IIIVIR RPC with PIBTAS COS .. + 2 l
ANT AVG IMP UIV RPC with PIBTAS COS 2 3 2
M.ANT IMP AVG IIIVIR RPC, M.NBRVA PROQ P, L.ANTONIVS COS
M.ANT IMP AVG IUVIR RPC, M.BARBAT
M.ANT IMP AVG UIVIR RPC, M.NBRVA P
�OQ
P L.ANTONIVS COS
P, CAESAR IMP PONT IUVIR RPC
M.ANT IMP AVG IUVIR RPC, M.BARBAT Q P, CABSAR IMP PONT IJIVIR RPC
M.ANT IMP AVG UIVIR RPC, L.GBLL �
P, CAESAR IMP PONT JIIVIR RPC
C.CAESAR IUVIR RPC, BALBVS PRO P or POPVL IVSSV
+
+
l
t
l
2
3 l) to + )
40 B.C.
M.ANTON IMP AVG IIIVIR RPC, L.PLANCVS PRO COS
M.ANTON IMP AVG JIIVIR
ANT IMP JIIVIR
�
�CN.DOMI L.PLANCVS IMP ITER
AHBNOBARBVS IMP
M.ANT IMP IUVIR with c:aduc:nll and nro
C.CAESAR IIIVIR RPC, Q.SALVIVS IMP COS 0 IG
com= + l l .. l 3
3' B.C.
M.ANTON IMP IIIVIR (AVG), CAESAR IMP (PONT) IIIVIR!RPC
RPC 1 2 6 6 +
CAI!SAR IMP, ANTONIVS IMP 1 3
M.ANTONi C.CAI!SAR (IM\b IUVIR RPC (iuue of quinarii only) 1 7<4
M.ANT IIIV R RPCf P.VENT I PONT IMP
DOM COS ITER MP
38 B.C.
M.ANTONIVS M.P M.N AVGVR IMP TI!RT COS DESIGN ITI!R BT TI!RT IIIVIR RPC with Lion or Ocuvia
(iaue o�d onlyk
M.ANTON S M.P .N AVGVR IMP TERT COS DESIG ITI!R BT TI!RT UlVIR RPC with head of Sol 1 2
IMP DIVI IVLr P TI!R IIIVIR M.AGRIPPA COS DESIG (iuue of aold
RPC, only)
DIVI P M.AGRIPPA COS DESIG 1
IMP OOSAR DIVI IVLI P, M.AGRIPPA COS DESIG 2 3
37 B.C.
(M.)ANT AVGVR IIIVIR IMP TER
RPC troph with k 2
IMP CAESAR DIVI F UIVIR RPC with ...:rificial
plemenll
IMP CAESAR DIVI F COS ITI!R BT TER DESI tripod with
IMP CAESAR DIVI F IIIVIR ITER COS ITI!R ET TER DI!SIG
RPC with aacrifidal implementa + •
IMP CAESAR DIVI F IIIVIR ITI!R COS ITI!R BT TERT DESIG
RPC with wreath
,, B.C.
ANTONlVS AVGVR COS DES ITI!R BT TI!RT IMP TI!RTIO IIIVIR RPC with tiara . 1
IMP CAESAR DIVI F IIIVIR ITI!R COS lTI!R BT TI!R DBSIG
RPC with DIVO IVL 1 J
� ,. B.C.
M.ANTONI M.P M.N AVG IMP TERT COS ITER DESIGN TERT IIIVIR (iaaue of old only)
RPC f
ANTON AVG IMP Ill COS DES III IIIVIR RPC, M.ANTONIVS M.F.F of�old �ue only
ANTON AVG IMP Ill COS DES Ill IliVIR RPC, M.SILANVS AVG Q P 0 CO +
ANTON AVG IMP III COS DES III IIIVIR ANTONIVS AVG IMP III
RPC, 2
3:aB.c.
ANTONI, CLEOPATRA!! RI!GINAE REGVM FILIORVM RI!GVM
31 B.C.
M.ANTONIVS AVG IMP lUI COS TI!RT IIIVIR (D.TVR) RPC,
ANT AVG IUVIR RPC iuue
}:fon:ary + <42
M.ANTONIO COS Ill IM IIII, �TONIO AVG) SCARPVS IMP
IMP CAESAR DIVI F AVGVR NTIP
(IMP) CABSARI DIVI F (AVG PONT), SCARPVS IMP
(Totals of Roman coins in each hoard 1111 203 1$0 966 6-4:1 924 1915 2672 207 740)
For bibliotnphy see C<till Mardi, noc. 418, -4:13 (add H. Cohen, DuenptiMI I, nvili), -4:9- 4 , 4<4�· <4S9 (the hoard bIn the Muste de Saint-Gcrmain-en-Laye) and <475·
1 30, <4)2, 437, 4<
0
The issue of M. AntoniiH strudt to cdebrate his marriaae to Ocuvia (no. 527), known only o
in ne s pecimen, lS omitted fromth e Table.
�
�
Introduction
and proves that we have to do with more than one engraver in the same mint,
not more than one mint; the varieties of no. 517 most similar to no. 516/1-2
are 5c and 7-8.
The reverse type of no. 496/1 occurs in the coinage of Buthrotum;1 it perhaps
portrays a local temple, and if it does, there is a strong presumption that at least
this part of the issue was struck at Buthrotum.
No. 497· The various components of this issue alike in style, titulature and
are
disposition of obverse legend; the date of the issue as a whole seems to be between
nos. 493 and 518.
Nos. 498-508. The coinage of the Liberators belongs in 43-42 (see Table XVI);
for the arguments on which a more detailed arrangement may be based seep. 741
n. 3; for Ephesus as a mint see Appian, BC v, 26.
No. 509· The issue of Q. Comuficius presumably belongs between his salutation
as Imperator and his final defeat by T. Sextius, both in 42·
No. 510. For the date of this issue see commentary thereon.
No. 511. For the date of this issue see commentary thereon.
Nos. 512-15. The absence of these issues from the Alvignano hoard would in
itself be decisive evidence for placing these issues after 42 ;2 in addition, the pieces
of the issue of C. dodius Vestalis in the Cisterna hoard, which I have seen, are
shown by the complete absence of wear on them to be the latest in the hoard. Note
the similarity of the neck truncation on the aurei of Vestalis and of M. Arrius
Secundus.
Nos. 516-17. These two issues are dated by their references to the consulship of
L. Antonius to 41; following on from no. 496, they are clearly struck in the East,
where M. Antonius was occupied throughout 41.8
No. 518. For the date of this issue see commentary thereon; its style identifies it
as part of the main sequence of coinage of Octavian as Illvir r.p.c., struck for
him by Balbus.
No. 519. For the date of this issue see commentary thereon.
Nos. 52o-2. The issues of Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus and L. Plancus for M.
Antonius may be dated to 40, that of Ahenobarbus to the period after he joined
M. Antonius,4 that of Plancus to the period after his flight to M. Antonius after
the fall of Perusia (Appian, BC v, 208).6 Both issues surely come to an end before
the issues of M. Antonius celebrating the pact of Brundisium. The very small
issue, no. 520, may be placed in 40 by reason of its style of portraiture (see Pl. LXII);
1 See Pl. u, 19; I should like to thank C. M. K.raay for drawing my attention to this coin.
1 As also from the Borzano and Caiazzo hoards, see Table xv.
1 The use of Fortuna as a cype in no way argues for a mint at Praeneste, ccn:ra J. Liegle, Z/N 1935,
81-3.
' Sources in T. R. S. Broughton, MRRP ii, 3Bl.
' Contra D. Magie, Roman ruh ii, 118o n. 9; MRRP ii, 381. It cannot be too strongly emphasised that
these and similar issues should be regarded as issues of M. Antonius, struck/or him by his followers.
100
The first century
its smallness is readily explained by the fact that most of the coinage of M. Antonius
of 40 was struck by Ahenobarbus and Plancus.
No. 523. This issue is dated by its description of Salvidienus as Cos. Desig.;
since it belongs to the main sequence of the coinage of Octavian (cf. on no. 518
above), it should be regarded as struck before Salvidienus' departure for Gaul.
The Peccioli hoard, which closes with this issue (see Table XVII), contains examples
of almost all the common issues of M. Antonius and Octavian of the years 42-40.
No. 524. For the date of this issue see commentary thereon; the mint is perhaps
to be sought in Cilicia.1
Nos. 525-6. The precise dates of these issues, which go very closely together,
are uncertain; they first appear in the Arbanats and Contigliano hoards, which
otherwise close with issues of 39; if dated c. 40, they may be regarded as forming
the bulk of the coinage of Octavian of that period.
Nos. 527-8. For the occasion of these issues see commentary thereon.
No. 529. The titulature of this issue would suggest at first sight that it is not a
coherent issue and that 1-3 belong before the formation of the Triumvirate; but
the absence of pieces of these types from all hoards of the 4os, notably the Caiazzo
hoard (see Table XVII), makes this chronology impossible;2 the simple tirulatures
CAESAR IMP., ANTONIVS IMP., are adequately explained by the view that
the issue is to celebrate the pact of Brundisium (note the O'Vatio celebrated by the
two Triumvirs, lnscr. !tal. xiii, 1, p. 568) and the thematic link between 1-3 and 4
is so close that it is best if all be placed together. The style of the portrait of
can
Octavian on 1-2 identifies the issue as part of the main sequence of his coinage.
No. 530. For the date of this issue see M. Grant, FITA, 37-9; I see, however, no
reason to attribute it to a mint at Brundisium -the only known piece with a pro
venance is a piece in the British Museum from the Troad.
No. 531. For the date and mint of this issue see T.V. Buttrey, MusN 196<>, 108;
note that it occurs in the Apulia hoard (Coin hoards, no. 438) associated with pre
dominandy Eastern issues.
No. 532. For the date of this issue see commentary thereon.
No. 533· This issue occurs for the first time in the Avetrana hoard, in which the
latest issue otherwise is that of M. Agrippa, dated to 38; this year is also suitable
for no. 533 -the full form of the titulature looks as if it belongs soon after the treaty
of Puteoli.3
No. 534· This issue is dated to 38 by its description of Agrippa as Cos. Desig.•
1 A. R. Bellinger, MusN 195z, 6o.
1 Contra M. Bahrfeldt, 'Chronologie', 191-:z; the argument from the non-occurrence otherwise of the
simple titulature CAESAR IMP., etc., after the formation of the Triumvirate is necessarily circular.
• It follows that M. Antonius' adoption of the titulature
IMP. TBRT. is for the victory at Gindarus
in 38, see T. V. Buttrey, MusN t96o, to6-8; the titulature
IMP served throughout the period during
which Antonius was entitled to the titulature IMP. ITER (cf. A. von Sallet, ZfN 1885, 385).
• The legend is mis-read by 0. Tb. Schulz, Z/N 1935, tot.
101
Introduction
No. 535· The titulature of this issue belongs in or after 38; there is insufficient
evidence to attribute it to a mint at Puteoli.l
No. 536. This issue appears to fall betWeen no. 533 and no. 539; it may reasonably
be assigned to 37.
Nos. 537-8. These two issu es form a pair, displaying basically the same types,
the first with Octavian as IIIvir r . p. c., the second with him as IIIvir iter r. p. c. ;
the year must be 37, the year in which a renewal of the Triumvirate was agreed.
No. 539· The types of this issue apparendy reflect Antonius' Armenian expedi
tion of 36 (p. 743); the issue thus belongs in this or the following year.
No. 540. This is the last issue of Octavian before the group of issues with IMP.
CAESAR or CAESAR DIVI F., which are to be dated in the years before and after
Actium; this issu e may be placed in and after 36.1
No. 541. The two types of this issu e form a pair, linked by the portrait of the
son of M. Antonius; the issue must belong to 34, the year of M. Antonius' second
consulship.
No. 542· This issue, and with it the quaestorship pro consule of M. Silanus, cannot
be placed very closely; its style seems to place it between no. 541, dated to 34, and
the issues of 31.
No. 543· This issue presumably follows the assignation at Alexandria late in 34
of kingdoms to Cleopatra and her children;8 again, its style places it between no.
541 and the issues of 31.
No. 544· This enormous issue, struck to pay the legions that fought at Actium,
presumably occ upied the period before the battle.
No. 545· This issue records Antonius' fourth imperatorial salutation immediatdy
before the battle of Actium.
No. 546. The coinage of Scarpus for Antonius and Octavian falls immediatdy
before and after the battle of Actium;' his coinage for Antonius records his fourth
imperatorial salutation; his coinage for Octavian cannot have lasted after his final
victory.
No. 547· Struck on a semuncial standard and overstruck on an uncial as, this
unique piece is attributed by T.V. Buttrey to the 8os;5 but the trick of using two
prows as a type to indicate a double unit puts the issue in the same general period
as the fleet bronze of M. Antonius ;• for its standard compare the issue ofL. Atratinus,
no. 530.
1 Ccmtra M. Grant, FITA, 47-50.
1 It closes the Carbonara hoard (see Table xvn); for the succeeding issues see JRS 1974 (review of
K. Kraft, Zur Mflntprl'igulw des Al(f!Utw).
1 SeeR . F. Roui, Marco Antonio, u8-zo, with earlier bibliography.
102
A P PENDIX
RELATIVE ARRANGEME N T OF
QUADRIGATUS ISSUES
The arrangement of the quadrigatus coinage is peculiarly difficult; its various styles
often shade almost imperceptibly into each other and hoards ofef r little help, since
they are concentrated in the middle period of the coinage (the early period was
one of peace and hence not one when hoards were buried, the late period was
one when the coinage was debased and hence not hoarded); all I propose to do here
is to identify the main groups into which the coinage falls, since only from a study
of the dies can a final solution of the problem be expected (see Addenda).
(a) What may be regarded as the mainstream sequence of quadrigati (no. 28)
begins with a group showing on the obverse heads in high relief with circular
ringlets of hair on top and long, neat, curving sideburns, on the reverse Jupiter
and Victory both standing in the chariot and an incuse legend (Pl. II, 1-4); as the
issue progresses, the relief becomes lower and the side of the chariot lengthens
(Pl. 11, 7 and 14); i n due course, the back of the chariot ceases to be properly engraved
on the dies and the bottom of the dress of Victory becomes visible (Pl. III, 7),
while at the same time the legend appears with a mixture of incuse letter-forms
and letter-forms in relief.
Loosely connected with this sequence are two small groups which invariably have
an incuse legend (Pl. II, 5� and 8-9) and a third group whose reverses go through
a progression similar to that of the first phase of the mainstream sequence and whose
last obverses are reminiscent of the second phase of the mainstream sequence
(Pl. III, 1�).
The early reverses of this second phase pick up the reverses of the end of the
first phase (note the posture of Victory), the obverses revert to a style similar to
that of the middle of the first phase (though much inferior, see Pl. m, 8-9). Both
obverses and reverses then run through a series of increasingly degenerate styles;
the obverses are occasionally curiously feminine in appearance, the legend on the
reverse is now invariably in relief in a linear frame. The last issues of the second
phase are heavily debased (see p. 569).
Half-quadrigati and gold state� and half-staters may be aSsociated with the
middle of the first phase of the mainstream sequence (Pl. II, 1�13).
103
Introduction
(b) The most distinctive part of the second sequence (no. 29) is its close, with a
legend in relief placed on a tablet shaped like an inverted trapeze; style and form of
tablet may then be followed back into a period with an incuse legend (Pl. v, 1-4).
To be associated with this sequence is a group with the same-shaped tablet,
but a much cruder obverse style and a curiously rigid portrayal of the team of
horses; the group displays a legend composed of a mixture of incuse letter-forms
and letter-forms in relief, which remains throughout the changing sequence of ob
verses (Pl. v, 7-10).
Half-quadrigati and gold staters and half-staters may be associated with the
sequence (Pl. v, s-6 and 11-12).
(c) The distinctive feature of the third sequence (no. 30) is the stance of Victory
not in the chariot, but on the tailboard, so that the whole of her figure is visible;
the sequence falls into two groups, doubtless largely parallel with each other, the
first with a variety of heads showing rather harsh features and with the legend
invariably on a rectangular tablet, the second with heads showing soft, rather stupid
features and with the legend initially on a rectangular tablet and later on an inverted
trapezoidal tablet; the legend is invariably incuse.
Half-quadrigati may be associated with the sequence (Pl. VI, 4).
(d) I list separately one small group of quadrigati which progresses from a legend
composed of a mixture of incuse letter-forms and letter-forms in relief to a legend in
relief in a linear frame, with throughout an obverse style characterised by very
angular features and a heavily indented neck truncation (no. 31; Pl. IV, 1o-13).
I also list separately three varieties of quadrigati in which I can see no real point
of contact With any other group, no. 32 (note the knobbed sceptre held by Jupiter,
Pl. III, 12), no. 33 (the obverse is slightly reminiscent of those of the mainstream
sequence, the reverse completely sui generis, Pl. IV, 14) and no. 34 (Pl. IV, 15, I am
unable to place the obverse).
(e) No more than tentative suggestions can be made for absolute dating and mint
attribution; the first sequence of quadrigati discussed seems to run through the
whole period of quadrigatus coinage and should presumably be attributed to the
mint of Rome; either or both of the second and third sequences may belong to an
ancillary workshop or to ancillary workshops there - neither covers the whole
period of quadrigatus coinage� and in this respect both resemble the collateral
1 Both sequences include half-quadrigati, which seem to have been produced from zt6 to (say) z14;
the terminuspost qumr for these is established by the Sessa hoard (Coin Jwart!s, no. 48), which included
a semilibral bronze datable to Z17 or later (see p. 43) and perhaps included gold datable probably
to Z17 (see p. 46), but included halved quadrigati rather than half-quadrigati; since neither sequence
includes quadrigati which seem much earlier or much later than their half-quadrigati, the second
sequence (which includes gold) should be regarded as running from Z17 to z14, the third sequence
(which does not include gold) should be regarded as running from z16 to Z14; both sequences clearly
end before the debasement of the coinqe begins.
104
Relative arrangement of quadrigattu issues
series of bronze coinage (no. 39), produced in an ancillary workshop in Rome from
217 to 215 (seep. 43).
The different small groups of quadrigati may have been produced at military
mints in Italy and will in this case be forerunners of the issues of the early denarius
coinage produced outside Rome. Part of the second phase of the mainstream se
quence of quadrigati may also have been produced outside Rome- individuation
of stylistic groups is almost impossible in this uniformly degenerate coinage.
Non-Roman ooerstrikes
A Capua
1. Quincunx (Pallas r.{Pegasus r., Giard 4) overstruck on a semilibral sextans (no. 38/5).
(a) Paris (de Luynes 117), 26.08 gr. (J.-B. Giard, BSFN 1961, 3; Concresso 1961, 247 n. 68).
2. Biunx (Jupiter r./Diana in biga r., Giard 11) overstruck on a semilibral uncia (no. 38/6).
Hersh 37·
(a) Naples, F869, 10.45 gr.
B Atella
3· Quad.runx (Jupiter r./Jupiter in quadriga r., Giard 1) overstruck on a semilibral sextans
(no. 38/5). Hersh 33·
(a) BMC Italy, Atella, no. 1, 27.23 gr.
(b) Paris (de Luynes 58), 26.33 gr.
4· Biunx (Jupiter r./Oath-taking scene, Giard 2) overstruck on a semilibral uncia (no. 38/6).
Hersh 35·
(a) Oxford, 12.35 gr.
(b) Rome, Museo Nazionale, 9·90 gr.
(c) Naples, F787, 9.72 gr. (Gabrici 1 and 18, wrongly described).
S· Biunx (Jupiter r./Oath-taking scene, Giard 2) overstruck on a collateral uncia (no. 39/4).
Hersh 34·
(a) BMC Italy, Atella, no. 4, 11.55 gr.
6. Uncia (Jupiter r./Victory crowning trophy, Giard 3) overstruck on a collateral semuncia
(no. 39/5).
(a) Paris, AF, 5·54 gr. (J.-B. Giard, Concruso 1¢1, 258 n. 74).
c Calatia
7· Biunx (Jupiter r./Jupiter in biga r., Giard 3) overstruck on a semilibral uncia (no. 38/6).
Hersh 36.
(a) Paris (de Luynes 64), 13.65 gr.
D Velec:ha
8. Biunx (Sol facing/Elephant r.) overstruck on a semilibral uncia (no. 38/6). Gabrici 16.
(a) Munich, 11.98 gr. (R. Thomsen, ERG i, 138 n. 29).
9· Uncia (Sol facing/Horse's head r.) overstruck on a collateral semuncia (no. 39/5).
Bahrfeldt 25; Gabrici 17.
(a) Berlin, 6.85 gr. (Buchreibung iii, 165; R. Thomsen, ERG i, 131 n. 6, 138).
105
Introduction
E Carthage
10. Bronze struck in Italy during the Second Punic War (Tanit !.{Horse's head r., E. S. G.
Robinson, NC 1964, 53 no. 4 with pl. vii, no. 4) overstruck on a semilibral uncia (no. 38/6).
Hersh 32. First utilised by H. Mattingly,JRS 1929, 26 n. 1.
(a) BM, 12.67 gr.
(b) BM, 11.69 gr.
11. Teruncius or quadrans struck in Italy during the Second Punic War (Hercules r.{Horse
r., E. S. G. Robinson, NC 1964, 41-2 with pl. v, 8) overstruck on a semilibral uncia (no. 38/6).
(a) Vienna. (R. Garrucci� Le tnb1Ute tkll'Italia antica, pl. Jxxxvii, 18.)
\
Roman overstrikes
12. Bronze (no. 17/1a) overstruck on a bronze, probably of Naples (Head of Apollo r./
Man-headed bull r.). Cf. Bahrfeldt 27 (=R. Garrucci, pl.lxxvii, 22, no. 17/1b over Suessa).
(a) Vatican 21.
13. Bronze (no. 17/1a) overstruck on a bronze of Syracuse (Zeus HellaniosfEagle, BMC
Sicily, Syracuse, no. 468; for the date see p. 39 n. 5). Hersh 19.
(a) Hersh, 5.29 gr.
14. Semilibral semuncia (no. 38/7) overstruck on a bronze of Carthage (SNG (Cop.) xlii,
nos. 317-19). Bahrfeldt 46; Hersh 4· Ntm vidi.
(a) Lagoy, 6.75 gr.
15. Post-semilibral triens (no. 41/7b) overstruck on a semilibral sextans (no. 38/5). Bahrfeldt
3 and 6; Hersh 38.
(a) Hannover 42, 28.51 gr.
(b) Paris, A183, 28.25 gr. (A., pl. uxix, 4).
(c) Kircher, 28.00 gr. (R. Garrucci, pl. lxxviii, 13).
(d) Oxford, 23.89 gr.
(e) Paris, A343, 23.32 gr.
16. Post-semilibral triens (no. 41/7b) overstruck on a collateral sextans (no. 39/3). Hersh 41.
(a) Haeberlin=Berlin, 28.31 gr.
(b) Six, 27.32 gr.
(c) Copenhagen, 26.96 gr. (SNG (Cop.) i, no. 233).
17. Post-semilibral quadrans (no. 41/8b) overstruck on a bronze of Ptolemy II (Svoronos
610). Bahrfeldt 33; Hersh 9·
(a) Vienna, 16.45 gr.
18. Post-semilibral sextans (no. 41/9) overstruck on a semilibral uncia (no. 38/6). Bahrfeldt
4 and 8; Hersh 39·
(a) Berlin, 15.62 gr.
(b) Hannover 121, 13.88 gr.
(c) Hannover 77, 13.05 gr.
(d) Cambridge, 12.68 gr.
(e) Hannover 120, 12.o6 gr.
(f) Paris, A378, 11.87 gr. (A., pl. xi, 7).
(g) Paris, A381, 11.6o gr. (A., pl. xi, 5).
lo6
Ooerstri�s
19. Post-semilibral sextans (no. 41/9) overstruck on a collateral uncia (no. 39/4). Hersh 42·
Non vidi.
(a) Hannover, 11.51 gr.
20. Post-semilibral uncia (no. 41/10) overstruck on a semilibral semuncia (no. 38/7).
Bahrfeldt 5; Hersh 40.
(a) Paris,A409, 5.80 gr. (A., pl. xli, 9).
21. Quadrans with com-ear (no. 42/2) overstruck on a bronze of Ptolemy II (Svoronos 610).
Hersh 10.
(a) Hersh, 17.29 gr.
22. Quadrans with com-ear (no. 42/2) overstruck on a bronze of Hieron II (Hieron/
Horseman,BMC Sicily, Syracuse, no. 565). Gabrici 3; Hersh 20.
(a) Gariazzo,17.65 gr.
(b) BMCRR Romano-Campanian 139 ter, 17.40 gr.
(c) Leningrad, 17.30 gr.
(d) Johnson, 17.20 gr.
(e) Bonazzi So,17.00 gr.
(f) Gabrici, 16.90 gr.
(g) Rome, Capitol 113, 16.43 gr.
(h) Naples, F1415, 16.10 gr.
(i) Paris, A1433, 15.80 gr. (No com-ear.)
(j) Leningrad, 15.25 gr.
(k) BMCRR Romano-Campanian 139 bis, 15.22 gr.
23. Uncia with com-ear (no. 42/4) overstruck on a bronze of Hieron II (Poseidon/Trident,
BMC Sicily, Syracuse, no. 598). Bahrfeldt 39; Gabrici 7; Hersh 22, b-g.
(a) Hersh,8.61 gr.
(b) Rome, Museo Nazionale 74129,7.00 gr.
(c) Paris, A2132, 6.77 gr.
(d) Montagna di Marzo hoard, 6.76 gr.
(e) Montagna di Marzo hoard, 6.05 gr.
(f) Rome, Museo Nazionale (Gnecchi), 6.00 gr.
(g) Paris,A2129,5.81 gr.
(h) Citta Ducale hoard, 5.80 gr.
(i) Citta Ducale hoard,5.50 gr.
(j) Hannover, 5·44 gr. (non vidJ)
(k) Montagna di Marzo hoard, 5.38 gr.
(1) Citta Ducale hoard, 5.30 gr.
(m)Montagna di Marzo hoard, 5.20 gr.
107
TABLE XVIII (cont.)
24· Uncia with com-ear (no. 42/4) overstruck on a bronze of Carthage (SNG (Cop.) xlii,
nos. 307-23). Bahrfeldt 47; Hersh 5, a.
(a) Paris, A2133, 6.77 gr. (A., pl. luxi, 8).
25. Triens with 1- (no. 43/3a) overstruck on a semilibral sextans (no. 38/5). Hersh 43.
(a) Paris, A3266, 28.30 gr.
(b) Vienna, 27.40 gr.
26. Anonymous dupondius (no. 56/1) overstruck on an anonymous as (no. 56/2- a contem
porary issue, see p. 12). Bahrfeldt 9; Gabrici u; Hersh 62. Av. wt. 41.1 gr.
(a) BM 1912-7-14-27, 47·59 gr. (Perhaps Ostia hoard.)
(b) Rome, Museo Nazionale, 47.45 gr. (1923 hoard.)
(c) Hamburger 96, 273=Hall 461 (H. P. Hall, NC 1933, 143)=Hersh, 46.33 gr. (Perhaps 1923
hoard.)
(d) Rome, Museo Nazionale (Gnecchi), 45.50 gr. (Ostia hoard.)
(e) ANS, 45-30 gr.
(f) Rome, Museo Nazionale, 43.20 gr. (1923 hoard.)
(g) Rome, Museo Nazionale, 43.00 gr. (Ostia hoard.)
(h) Rome, Museo Nazionale, 39·90 gr. (1923 hoard.)
(i) Hamburger 96, 272=Berlin w/1932, 39.50 gr. (Perhaps 1923 hoard.)
G) Depoletti=Paris, A1070, 39.15 gr. (A., pl. lv, 5).
(k) Rome, Museo Nazionale, 38.00 gr. (1923 hoard.)
(1) Pari.s, AF, 37.87 gr. (Perhaps 1923 hoard.)
(m)Bonazzi 141, 37.10 gr. (Ostia hoard.)
(n) Hannover 16oo, 36.6o gr.
(o) Mayer, 35.61 gr. (Ostia hoard.)
(p) Rome, Museo Nazionale, 35.30 gr. (1923 hoard.)
27. Anonymous as (no. 56/2) overstruck on a collateral quadrans (no. 39/2). Hersh 48.
(a) Paris, A923, 34·34 gr. (A., pl. cxii, 1).
28. Uncertain as overstruck on a semis with Cf). (no. 100/2). Bahrfeldt 20; Hersh 71.
(a) Turin, F635, 13.19 gr.
29. Anonymous semis (no. 56/3) overstruck on a post-semilibral quadrans (no. 41/8b).
Bahrfeldt 13; Hersh so.
(a) Vienna, 15.63 gr.
30. Uncertain semis overstruck on a semilibral uncia (no. 38/6). Hersh 6o.
(a) Oxford, 10.62 gr.
31. Uncertain semis overstruck on a bronze of Carthage (SNG (Cop.) xlii, no. 345-9).
Hersh 6.
(a) Scullard, 10.46 gr.
32. Anonymous semis (no. 56/3) overstruck on a bronze of the Syracusan Democracy
(BMC Sicily,
Syracuse, no. 678).
(a) Oxford, 9.66 gr.
33· Uncertain semis overstruck on a bronze of Hieronymus (BMC Sicily, Syracuse, no.
64s).
(a) Oslo, 8.26 gr.
to8
Overstrilus
34· Uncertain semis overstruck on a bronze of Naples (BMC Italy, Neapolis, no. 235).
Hersh 1.
(a) Hersh, 4·97 gr.
34 bis. Anonymous semis (no. 56/3) overstruck on a semilibral sextans (no. 38/5). Hersh
46.
(a) Berlin, 408/t88o, 22.27 gr.
35· Anonymous triens (no. 56/4) overstruck on a semilibral uncia (no. 38/6).
(a) Siena.
36. Anonymous triens (no. 56/4) overstruck on a collateral uncia (no. 39/4). Gabrici to;
Hersh 49·
(a) BMCRR Romano-Campanian 135, 13.93 gr.
37· Anonymous triens (no. 56/4) overstruck on a post-semilibral sextans (no. 41/9). Hersh
51.
(a) Paris, AF, 12.30 gr.
39· Uncertain triens overstruck on a bronze of Carthage (SNG (Cop.) xlii, no. 375). Hersh
8.
(a) Hersh, 7.26 gr.
40. Uncertain triens overstruck on a bronze of Ptolemy IV-Ptolemy VII in Cyrenaica (BMC
Cyren4ica, p. 82, no. 43). Bahrfeldt 34; Hersh 13.
(a) Vienna, 6.20 gr.
42. Uncertain triens overstruck on a bronze of Carthage (SNG (Cop.) xlii, nos. 307-23).
Bahrfeldt 48 (wrongly described); Hersh 7·
(a) Paris, A1115, 5.25 gr. (A., pl. lxi, 3).
43· Anonymous quadrans (no. 56/5) overstruck on a semilibral uncia (no. 38/6). Hersh
41·
(a) Vienna, 11.90 gr.
44· Anonymous sextans (no. 56/6) overstruck on a post-semilibral uncia (no. 41/to). Bahrfeldt
12; Hersh 52.
(a) Paris, A1021, 6.32 gr. (A., pl. lxiii, 15).
(b) BMCRR Rome 410, 5·37 gr.
45. Anonymous sextans (no. 56/6) overstruck on a bronze of Naples (BMC Italy, Naples,
159). Bahrfeldt 55; Hersh 2.
(a) Paris, A1155, 4.76 gr. (A., pl. 1xiii, 18).
46. Sextans with Victory (no. 6t/6) overstruck on a bronze of Hieron II (Poseidon/Trident,
BMC Sicily, Syracuse, no. 598). Bahrfeldt 38; Hersh 26.
(a) Hannover t88, 5.66 gr .
109
Introduction
47· Sextans with C (no. 63/6) overstruck on a Sardo-Punic bronze (Tanit/Bull, L. Forteleoni,
Ser. vi). Bahrfeldt so; cf. 49; Hersh 16.
(a) BMCRR Italy 223, 4.82 gr.
(b) Turin, 4.65 gr.
(c) Paris, A3053, 4.6o gr.
(d) Hannover 487, 4·54 gr.
(e) BMCRR Rome 412 (probably), 4·54 gr.
(f) Hannover 488, 4.32 gr.
(g) Paris, A3058, 4·09 gr. (A., pl. c, 17).
(h) Turin, 3·99 gr.
(i) Milan 316, 3·85 gr.
(j) Rome, Museo Nazionale (Gnecchi), 3.80 gr.
(k) Paris, A3o62, 3.68 gr. (A., pl. c, 18).
(1) BMCRR Italy 188, 3.31 gr.
(m)BM, 3.30 gr.
(n) Paris, A3o63, 3.30 gr. (A., pl. c, 19).
(o) Paris, A3o64, 3.20 gr. (A., pl. c, 20).
(p) Paris, A3o66, 2.85 gr.
(q) Turin, 2.6o gr.
(r) Turin, 2.50 gr.
(s) Perdas de Fogu hoard.
48. Semis with M (no. 64/3) overstruck on a quadrans with com-ear and !\?' (no. 69/5).
Hersh 67.
(a) Hannover 1209, 8.94 gr.
49· Sextans with M (no. 64/6) overstruck on a Sardo-Punic bronze (Tanit/Bull, L.
Forteleoni, Ser. vi). Bahrfeldt 52; Gabrici 14; Hersh 17.
(a) Rome, Museo Nazionale (Gnecchi), 5.27 gr.
(b) Paris, A3453, 4·93 gr.
(c) Rome, Capitol 788, 4·90 gr. (64/6c)
(d) Paris, A3455, 4·74 gr.
(e) Paris, A3458, 4.38 gr.
(f) Milan 318, 4·32 gr.
(g) BMCRR Italy 121, 4.15 gr.
(h) Hannover 1212, 3·90 gr.
(i) BMCRR Rome 469, 3.89 gr.
(j) BMCRR Italy 125, 3.76 gr.
(k) Paris, A3466, 3.6o gr. (A., pl. cvii, 6).
(1) BMCRR Italy 123, 3.56 gr.
(m)Paris, A3467, 3·47 gr.
(n) Hannover 1217, 3.31 gr.
(o) Paris, A3471, 3.29 gr. (A., pl. cvii, 8).
(p) Hannover 1213, 3.25 gr.
(q) BMCRR Italy 124, 2.92 gr.
110
Overstrikes
111
TABLE XVIII (cont.)
6z. Triens with com-ear and 10 (no. 69/4) overstruck on a bronze of Hieronymus (BMC
Sicily, Syracuse, no. 645). Bahrfeldt 41; Hersh 28.
(a) Rome, Museo Nazionale, 8.75 gr.
(b) Berlin, 7.8o gr.
(c) Hersh, 7.14 gr.
63. Quadrans with com-ear and [10] (no. 69/5) overstruck on a bronze of Rhegium (Apollo/
Tripod, BMC Italy, Rhegium, no. 73). Bahrfeldt 29; Hersh 3·
(a) Paris, A1439, 8.23 gr. (A., pl. lxvii, 11).
(b) Cambridge, 7.29 gr. (See also Table XLVII, 11.)
(c) Paris, A1447, 6.57 gr.
64. Quadrans with com-ear and [10) (no. 69/5) overstruck on a bronze of Hieron II
(Poseidon/Trident, BMC Sicily, Syracuse, no. 598). Bahrfeldt 31; Gabrici 4; Hersh 21.
(a) Rome, Museo Nazionale, 7.80 gr. (R. Garrucci, pl. lxxviii, 8.)
(b) Paris, A1448, 6.47 gr.
(c) Gariazzo, 6.20 gr.
(d) Paris, A1451, 6.01 gr.
(e) Hersh, 5.86 gr.
(f) Vienna, 5.36 gr.
65. Sextans with com-ear and 10 (no. 69/6) overstruck on a bronze of Hieron II (Poseidon/
Trident, BMC Sicily, Syracuse, no. 598). Bahrfeldt 40; Gabrici 9; Hersh 23 (wrongly
described), 24 and 25.
(a) Paris, Atou bis, 9·54 gr.
(b) Kircher, 8.oo gr.
(c) Hannover 156o, 6.40 gr.
112
Overstrikes
68. Semis with com-ear (no. 72/5) overstruck on a post-semilibral triens (no. 41/7b).
(a) Montagna di Marzo hoard, 25.00 gr. (R. Thomsen, ERG ii, 52 n. 219).
69. Quadrans with com-ear (no. 72/7) overstruck on a semilibral uncia (no. 38/6). Hersh 45·
(a) Ftirstenberg, 13.13 gr. (cited by Haeberlin, not in sale catalogue).
(b) Paris, A1437, 10.91 gr.
70. Uncia with com-ear (no. 72/9) overstruck on a bronze of Hieron II (Poseidon/Trident,
BMC Sicily, Syracuse, no. 598). Hersh 22, a also 5, b (the same piece).
(a) Paris, A2146, 4.05 gr. (A., pl. lxxxi, 9).
71. Semis Ceres/Hercules (no. 82/1) overstruck on a quadrans with com-ear (no. 42/2).
Gabrici 6.
(a) Turin, F192, 23.90 gr. Vidi.
72. Sextans with I.- (no. 97/6b) overstruck on a semilibral uncia (no. 38/6). Hersh 44·
(a) Paris, A3317, 12.04 gr. (A., pl. civ, S).
73· Uncia with 1..- (no. 97/7b) overstruck on a bronze of Suessa (Apollo/Man-headed bull,
BMC Italy, Suessa 9).
(a) Paris, Z3519, 5·74 gr.
74· Quadrans with I.- (no. 97/13a) overstruck on a semilibral uncia (no. 38/6). Hersh 55·
(a) Hannover 567, 12.62 gr.
75· Quadrans with 1..- (no. 97/13a) overstruck on a collateral uncia (no. 39/4). Hersh 57·
(a) Vienna, 11.58 gr.
113
Introduction
76. Quadrans with 1.- (no. 97/13d) overstruck on a semilibral uncia (no. 38/6). Babrfeldt 7
(wrongly described).
(a) Hannover 548, 12.08 gr.
11· Semis with 1- (no. 97/17) overstruck on a post-semilibral quadrans (no. 41/Sb).
(a) Bari 1945.
78. Semis with 1- (no. 97/17) overstruck on a post-semilibral sextans (no. 41/9).
(a) Paris, A3249, 16.55 gr.
79· Triens with 1- (no. 97/tSb) overstruck on a post-semilibral sextans (no. 41/9). Hersh 58.
(a) Rome, Museo Nazionale (Gnecchi), 12.15 gr.
So. Sextans with 1- (no. 97/2oa) overstruck on a bronze of Hieron II (Poseidon/Trident,
BMC Sicily, Syracuse, no. 598). Hersh 27.
(a) Oxford, 5·65 gr.
(b) Hannover 1580, 5.11 gr.
81. Sextans with 1- (no. 97/2oa) overstruck on a post-semilibral uncia (no. 41/10). Hersh
59, a.
(a) Paris, A3336, 5·44 gr.
82. As with 1- (no. 97/22a) overstruck on a semilibral sextans (no. 38/5). Hersh 4
(a) Paris, A3212, 27.14 gr.
(b) Hannover 1568, 24o6 gr.
83. Semis with 1- (no. 97/24) overstruck on a post-semilibral s extans (no. 41/9). Hersh 61.
(a) BMCRR Italy 15, 11.59 gr.
(b) Paris, A3258, 9·55 gr.
83 bis. Semis with 1- (no. 97/24) overstruck on a semilibral uncia (no. 38/6).
(a) Paris, AF, 10.59 gr. (at present, 1971, among anonymous pieces).
84. Quadrans with I,.. (no. 97/26) overstruck on an uncia with 1- (no. 97/7b).
(a) BMCRR Italy 212, 5.18 gr.
85. Sextans with 1- (no. 97/27) overstruck on a post-semilibral uncia (no. 41/10). Hersh 59, b.
(a) Paris, A3339, 3·93 gr.
86. As with 1- (no. 97/28) overstruck on a Punic bronze (as NC 1964, pl. vii, 1, but bronze).
(a) Bari 3330.
87. As with 1- (no. 97/28) overstruck on a bronze of Arpi (Male head/Boar, BMC Italy,
A.tpi, no. 4).
(a) Paris, A3233, 7.18 gr.
(b) Paris, A3234, 6.98 gr.
88. Dextans with r (no. 99/u) overstruck on a semilibral uncia (no. 38/6). Hersh 65.
(a) Hannover 1583, 13.82 gr.
89. As with C!>. (no. 100/ta) overstruck on a semilibral sextans (no. 38/5). Bahrfeldt 19. Non
vidi.
(a) Riccio, 33.41 gr.
go. As with CIA (no. 100/1b) overstruck on an uncertain semis. Hersh 70.
(a) Hannover 1533. 13.11 gr.
114
Overstrikes
93· Triens with C lA (no. 100/3) overstruck on a collateral semuncia (no. 39/5). Bahrfeldt 24;
Gabrici 13. Non vidi.
(a) Riccio.
94· Triens with CIA (no. 100/3) overstruck on a post-semilibral uncia (no. 41/10). Bahrfeldt
22. Non oidi.
(a) Berlin.
95· Triens with CIA (no. 100/3) overstruck on a bronze of the Acamanian League (BMC
ThesUJJy, Acamanian League, no. 21). Hersh 15.
(a) BM, 7·45 gr.
(b) Paris, A3084, 6.22 gr.
(c) Turin, 6.02 gr.
(d) Paris, A3o88, 5.84 gr. (A., pl. ci, 9).
(e) Paris, A3o89, 5·11 gr.
(f) Paris, A3090, 5.70 gr.
(g) Hersh, 5·37 gr.
(h) Hersh, 4-95 gr.
(i) Munich, 4-70 gr.
115
Introduct£on
96. Semis with staff (no. 106/5) overstruck on a semilibral sextans (no. 38/5). Hersh 46
(wrongly described).
(a) Cambridge, 22.02 gr.
91· Triens with staff (no. 1o6/6a) overstruck on a semilibral uncia (no. 38/6). Bahrfeldt 2
and 10 (latter wrongly described); Hersh 54·
(a) Paris, A2422, 12.28 gr.
(b) Paris, A2423, 11.99 gr. (A., pl. Jxxxvi, 17).
(c) Vicarello find.
(d) Paris, A978, 14.01 gr. (A., pl. lx, 13).
98. Triens with staff (no. 1o6/6b) overstruck on a semilibral uncia (no. 38/6). Hersh 54·
(a) Rome, Capitol 412, 14.75 gr.
(b) BMCRR Italy 73, 13.74 gr.
(c) Rome, Capitol4o8, 11.05 gr.
(d) Paris, A990, 10.91 gr.
99· Quadrans with staff (no. 1o6/7a) overstruck on a semilibral uncia (no. 38/6). Bahrfeldt
30 (wrongly described).
(a) Paris, A2428, 14.87 gr.
(b) Vienna, 12.00 gr.
100. Sextans with staff (no. 1o6/8b) overstruck on a collateral semuncia (no. 39/5). Bahrfeldt
26.
(a) Paris, A2536, 4.96 gr. (A., pl. lxxxvii, 11).
101. Sextans with staff (no. 1o6/8b) overstruck on a semilibral semuncia (no. 38/7). Hersh 56.
(a) Hannover 308, 4·75 gr.
102. As with N (no. 136/2) overstruck on an uncertain semis.
(a) Oxford, 27.10 gr.
103. Denarius with anchor (no. 165/1a) overstruck on an uncertain denarius with incuse
legend. Bahrfeldt 1.
(a) Masera hoard 304. Vidi.
104. As with 1' (no. 177/1) overstruck on a bronze of Ptolemy VI Philometor a. N. Svoronos,
no. 1424). Bahrfeldt 35; Hersh 12.
(a) Paris, A365o, 23.30 gr. (A., pl. ex, 8).
105. As of Murena (no. 186/1) overstruck on a Ptolemaic bronze a. N. Svoronos, no. 448
or 509). Hersh 11.
(a) Hannover 1781, 39.10 gr.
1o6. As with star (no. 196/1) overstruck on a semis of C. Saxula (no. 173/2). Bahrfeldt 16.
(a) Paris, AF (among pieces of C. Saxula), 10.74 gr.
107. Semis of M. Vargunteius (no. 257/2) overstruck on an uncertain triens.
(a) Paris, A16o14, 9.85 gr.
108. Denarius of L. Flaminius Cilo (no. 302/1) overstruck on a denarius of P. Nerva (no.
292/1).
(a) Berlin. (M. Bahrfeldt, Nachtriige i, 116.)
116
Ooerstrikn
109. Quadrans ofL. Memmius Gtl. (no. 313/4) overstruck on a quadrans of M. Hercnruus
(no. 308/3).
(a) Paris, A10253, 5·93 gr.
110. Denarius of A. Albinus (no. 335/1o) overstruck on a denarius of A. Albinus (no. 335/9).
(a) Paris, A14464, 3.80 gr.
111. Denarius of C. Vibius Pansa (no. 342/5b) overstruck on a denarius of Q. Titius (no.
341/1). Hersh 72.
(a) Paris, A16456, 3.00 gr.
113. Denarius of Brutus (no. 433/1) overstruck on an uncertain Dioscuri denarius. Bahrfeldt
17; Hersh 74·
(a) Berlin.
114. Denarius combining obverse of no. 488/1 with reverse of no. 489/1 (both issues of
M. Antonius) overstruck on a denarius of Cn. Lentulus (no. 393/1), which is plated, a fact
presumably not apparent at the time of overstriking.
(a) BM, 3·45 gr.
115. Bronze of Oct.avian (no. 535/1) overstruck on an as of Sex. Pompeius (no. 479/1).
(a) Paris, A14183, 16.20 gr.
(b) Paris, A14185, 15.52 gr.
116. Bronze of Oct.avian (no. 535/2) overstruck on a Ptolemaic bronze.
(a) Hannover, 22.80 gr. (non vidi)
1 103 17 114
2 97 18
3 15 19 89
4 18 20 28
5 20 21 91
6 15 22 94
7 76 23 92
8 18 24 93
9 26 25 9
10 97 26 100
11 27 cf. 12
12 44 28
13 29 29 63
14 30 99
15 31 64
16 1o6 32
117
Introduction
33 11 45 6o
34 40 46 14
35 104 41 24
36 48 42
31 49 53
38 46 so 41
39 23 51 51
40 6s 52 49
41 62 53
42 66 54
43 61 ss 45
44 51 s6
1 34 34 s
2 45 35 4
3 63 36 1
4 14 31 2
s 24 and 10 38 15
6 31 39 18
7 42 40 20
8 39 41 16
9 11 42 19
10 21 43 25
11 105 44 72
12 104 45 69
13 40 46 96 and 34 bis
14 91 47 43
15 95 48 21
16 47 49 36
17 49 so 29
18 51, cf. so 51 37
19 13 52 44
20 22 53 6o and 6 1
21 64 54 9 7 and 98
22 23 and 10 ss 74
23 6s s6 101
24 65 51 75
25 65 ss 79
26 46 59 81 and 85
27 8o 6o 30
28 62 61 83
29 66 62 26
30 6t 63 ss
31 61 64 82
32 10 6s 88
33 3 66 59 and 6o
us
Overst�s
71 28
72 112
73 113
74 114
This Table owes an immense amount to the fundamental articles of M. Bahrfeldt, ZfN 1895, 72, and of
C. A. Hersh, NC 1953, 33, although checking has in some cases enabled corrections to be made; the
two articles, together with that of E. Gabrici, Boll. Circ. Num. Nap. 1947-48,29, are cited by author's
name alone after the description of individual overstrikes; for other abbreviations, see p. 123; for
collections cited, see p. 126.
Concordances with the lists of Bahrfeldt and Hersh are given above; the following overstrikes
listed by Bahrfeldt are not listed here:
No. 11 Not an overstrike at all, contra both Ailly ii, 190 (pl. lxvi, 9- Paris, A1251) and
Bahrfeldt.
No. 14 A re-strike of semis.
No. 15 Not an overstrike at all, contra both Bahrfeldt and E. J, Haeberlin, Aes grave, 129 (who,
unlike Bahrfeldt, gives the correct inventory number, F 139), but an example of no.
97/sc, a quadrans with the obverse type of a sextans, whence the confusion.
No. 18 Hopelessly uncertain.
No. 28 Gabrici 2; probably autonomous Luceria overstruck on Rome.
No. 32 Probably Venusia overstruck on Rome.
No. 36 Same as no. 39·
No. 37 Same as no. 40·
No. 53 Dubious.
No. 54 Dubious.
No. 56 Dubious.
This Table lists a number of overstrikes which have been taken from older publications without
being checked; they are marked'Non Wli'. Although there is nothing difficult about them, no use is
made of them in my discussions of the chronology of the Roman Republican coinage. They figure
here simply for the sake of completeness.
119
CATALOGUE
NOTE ON USE OP THE CATALOGUE
Mint and tUJte are normally given without qualification; for discussion see reference t o
Introduction.
Where an issue consists of cast and struclc pieces, the two fabrics are explicitly distinguished.
Certain standard types are fully described only on their first appearance.
Most earlier errors of description are tacitly corrected (to correct them explicitly would double
the length of this book ). In the Appendix there may be found lists of noteworthy pieces which
are modern forgeries, misread, etc.; a cross-reference to a number followed by an asterisk
refers to this Appendix.
Size of issue is variously indicated; an attempt has been made to compute the number of
dies used for precious metal issues (see pp. 64<>-94); since there is no way of computing the
number of moulds used for a cast bronze issue, I have here simply recorded the number of
pieces listed by Haeberlin; in order to provide a basis of comparison, I have then simply
recorded the numbers of pieces listed by Haeberlin and Bahrfeldt for all the struck bronze
issues contemporary with the cast bronze coinage. It would be theoretically possible to compute
the numbers of dies used for struck bronze issues of the denarius coinage, but would in view
of the poor state of preservation of most pieces lead to conclusions of very dubious value; I
have preferred to record the number of pieces of each issue in Paris, for it is clear that Ailly
(whose collection makes up the vast bulk of the Paris collection) bought as much as possible
of this class of coinage and his collection may consequently be taken as representing fairly
accurately the relative rarity or commonness of each issue.
The weight standard of each issue is again variously given; for cast bronze issues I have
simply given the as-averages worked out by Haeberlin; for silver and struck bronze issues down
to no. 24 I have given the averages worked out by C. A Hersh, NC 1964, 35o-1 and Bahrfeldt
respectively. From no. 25 onwards I have attempted to guess at the theoretical standard of an
issue, basing my guess on the average of pieces in Paris, London and Hannover (for the
procedure involved seep. 592; for the emergence of the scruple as the unit of weight on which
coin weights are based see p. 590).
The control-marks used on an issue are sometimes listed in the course of the discussion of
the numismatic problems within an issue, sometimes tabulated separately.
I here list, with abbreviations where they exist, works cited at the head of each issue (in the
case of nos. 480 and 494 also a t the head of each variety).
A P.-P. Bourlier, Baron d'Ailly, Recherches sur Ia monnaie romaine, Lyon,
1864-9·
(For signed issues, reference is given to volume and page, for anonymous
issues of the denarius coinage reference is given not only to volume and
page, but also to plate and number.)
Alfoldi A. AlfOldi, Zur Auswertung tier Miinzqwllen der Geschichte desJaJrres 44 v.
Chr. (see Bibliography).
123
Catalogue
cam
pane
Bf., Goldmiin M. Babrfeldt, Die Riimische Goldmiinzenpriigung, Halle, 1923.
zenpriigung
M. Babrfeldt, NZ 1881,178,'Unedirter Denar des Allius'.
M. Babrfeldt, NZ 1909, 67, 'Die letzte Kupferpragungen der Romischen
Republik'.
M. Bahrfeldt,J/AN 1909-10,94,'M. Antonius, Octavia und Antyllus'.
M. Bahrfeldt, Berliner Miinzblatter 1916, 6os, 'Der Romische As-Fund von
Orbetello'.
M. Bahrfeldt, Frankfurter Milnzzeitung, 1917, 241, 'Ober das Goldstiick
mit CAESAR DICT ITER'.
M. Bahrfeldt, Blatter fiJr Miinzfreunde 192o-3, 364, '0ber das sogennante
Anderthalb-Sesterzstiick'.
M. Bahrfeldt, Blatter fiir Miinzfreunde 1924-6,65, 'Das semunziale Kupfer
mit der Prora nach Links'.
M. Bahrfeldt, Blatter fiJr Miinzfreunde 193o-3,241, 'Romische Goldmi.in-
zen'.
M. Bahrfeldt, Blatter filr Milnzfreunde 193o-3, 679, 'Meine numismatische
Reise in Spanien undPortugal'.
M. Bahrfeldt, Blatter fiir Miinzfreunde 1934-6, 49, 'Bin rotnisch-kam
panisches Zweilitrenstiick'.
T.V. Buttrey, MusN 196o, 75, 'The denarii of Cn. Pompeius Jr and M.
Minatius Sabinus'.
T.V. Buttrey, MusN 196o,95,'The denarius ofP.Ventidius'.
T.V. Buttrey, NC 196o,83, 'The "pietas" denarii of SextusPompey'.
T.V. Buttrey, Studia Oliveriana 1963, 7, 'The unique "as" of Cn. Piso
Frugi an unrecognised semuncial dupondius'.
T.V. Buttrey, T.V. Buttrey, The Triumviral portrait gold of theQuattuorviri Monetales of
Portrait gold 42 B.C., New York, 1956.
F. Capranesi, Bullettino 1835,43,'Monete inedite di recente scoperta'.
R. A. G. Carson, BMQ 1955,11, 'The gold stater of Flamininus'.
L. Cesano, NSc 1928, 83, 'Ripostiglio di "aes signatum" e di "aes
grave'".
M. H. Crawford, NC 1965,149,'N. Fabi Pictor'.
M. H. Crawford, NC 1970,51, 'An early hoard of victoriati'.
M. H. Crawford, NC 1971,143,'C. Censorin'.
E. Gabrici, Corolla Numismatica, 98, 'Monete inedite o rare del Museo
Nazionale di Napoli'.
F. Gnecchi, RJN 1903,383, 'Un denaro repubblicano ignoto'.
H. A. Grueber, Corolla Numismatica, 115,'The coinage ofLuceria'.
T. Hackens, RBN 1962, 29,'Considerations sur le poids du denier vers la
fin de la republique '.
Haeberlin E. J. Haeberlin, Aes grave, Frankfurt-am-Main, 1910.
C. A. Hersh, NC 1952,52,' Sequence marks on the denarii ofP. Crepusius'.
E. Leuthold, RJN 1958, 21, 'Di alcuni simboli poco noti sui denari di L.
Papius e di L. Roscius Fabatus'.
D. E. D. Miiller, Menwrie numismatiche, Rome, 1847.
J. Neudek, NZ 1872, 15, 'Unedirte oder sehr seltene Mi.inzen meiner
Sammlung rOmischen reducirten Consular-Kupfer'.
124
Abbreviations used and fOOrks cited in the Catalogue
Ball 9/2/1932.t
Banzi hoard*- Cmn lwards, no. 157.
Bari, Museo Nazionale. *
Basel, Historisches Museum.*
Bastianelli Collection- G. de Falco, Listino no. 83.
Beauvoisin hoard* -Coin !wards, no. 459, in Musee de Saint-Germain-en-!..aye.
A de Belfort, ASFN 1883, 245, 'Recherches des monnaies romaines impenales non decrites
par Cohen'.
Bellicello hoard*-Coin lwards, no. 2S7·
Berlin*- H. Dressel, Beschreilnm.gderamiken Miinzeniii, 1, pp.165-79,DOS.1-171, Berlin,189+
Bern, Historisches Museum*-R. Wegeli and P. Hofer, DU Miinzen, 1923.
BM* = British Museum (see also under R. A. G. Carson).
BM photo-file.*
BMC Italy = A catalogue of Gretk cmns in the British Museum. Italy, London, 1873.
BMCRR = H. A. Grueber, Cmns of the Roman Republic in the British Museum, London 1970
(corrected reprint).
Bologna* -Cat. = La moneta di Rom4 repubblicana. Storia e civilta di un popolo. Catalogo a
cura di F. PamJini Rosati, Bologna, t¢6.
Bonazzi Collection- Ratto 23/1/1924.t
Borghesi Collection-Raffaele Dura 2/4/t88tt (withdrawn) = Sangiorgi t9/t/t893t (a relic of
the collection = Drouot 25/S/t908t).
Bornemann Collection- cited by &hrfeldt.
Brandis Collection- Canessa 22/S/1922.t
Brandosa hoard* -Coin !wards, no. 352.
Brindisi, Museo Provinciale.*
Browne Collection- Sotheby 2S/3/193S·t
Brunacci Collection- Santamaria 24/2/t958.t
Brussels, Biblioth�que Royale.*
BudapC":St, National Museum.
Butler Collection- Sotheby 3/7/1911.t
Cahn30/5/t932.t
Caiazzo hoard = Berlin- Coin !wards, no. 423·
?Caiazzo hoard = BM (cf. A. de Belfort, ASFN 1883, 245).
Caiazzo hoard = Paris (cf. H. Cohen, Description, xxviii).
126
Collections cited in the Catalogw
F. Capranesi, Anna li 1842, 134- See Bibliography.
Capua, Museo Provinciale Campano.*
Carbonara hoard = Bari* -Coin hoards, no. 443·
Carbonara hoard = Naples*- Coin hoards, no. 443·
R. A. G. Carson, NC 1959, t, 'Roman coins acquired by the British Museum, 1939-1959'.
Castagneto hoard = Berlin- Coin hoards, no. 527.
Cazlona hoard- Coin hoards, no. 188.
Cerreto Sannita hoard*- Coin hoards, no. 155.
Cina Ducale hoard*- Coin hoards, no. 97·
CittA Sant'Angelo hoard*- Coin hoards, no. 129.
Clarke Collection*- bequeathed to BM.
Copenhagen, Nationalmuseet* and Thorvaldsenmuseet.*
Cordova hoard*- Coin hoards, no. 184; NC 1969, 85.
Cosa hoard*- Coin hoards, no. 313.
Crawford Collection on deposit in Fitzwilliam Museum.*
Cuzzi Collection - Baranowslty 9/12/1929.t
Depoletti Collection- Capobianchi 6/3/1882.t
Drouot 30/tt/1967·t
Fallani Collection.*
Fenelon Farez Collection- cited by Bahrfeldt.
Fiesole, Museo Civico (excavation coins).*
Florence, Museo Archeologico.*
Fontanarosa hoard*- Coin hoards, no. 141.
Fiintenberg Collection- cited for Table XVIII, 69.
Haeberlin (apart from buying at the auction sale of Haeberlin's gold and silver coins, the
•
127
Catalogue
128
Collections cited in the Catalogue
CatakJgo Monete greche, Naples, 1870, Roman- see G. Fiorelli, CatakJgo ...Monete
..•
romane, Naples, 1870) (See also E. Gabrici, Corolla Numismatica, 98, 'Monete inedite o
rare').
Fonnerly Narbonne Museum- cited by Bahrfeldt.
New York, Metropolitan Museum- collection largely on deposit at ANS.*
Nordheim Collection- Glendining 9!3/1931.t
129
Catalogue
Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica* (numbered according to two MS catalogues, one for au grave,
one for other coins).
Venice, Museo Archeologico.*
Venice, Museo Correr.*
Vicarello find*- never fully published; seeR. Thomsen, ERG i, 118 (not remarking that the
deposit goes down to the Empire); F. Panvini Rosati, Rend. Pont. Ace. Rom. Arch. 1967-68,
57; L. Mihc elini Tocci, ibid., 75; much information about the find can only be recovered
from a perusal of the pages of Ailly and Haeberlin.
Vico Matrino hoard*- Coin hoards, no. 47·
Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum.*
Vigatto hoard*- Coin hoards, no. 475·
Villa Potenza hoard*- Coin hoards, no. 319; AIIN t965-7, 85.
Voirol Collection-Mtinzen und Medaillen 38.t
Yale University- T. V. Buttrey, NC 1964, 125, 'Some Roman Republican coins at Yale'.
The weight standard is about 3.29 gr. (average of 6 specimens). For the types see
p. 713 n. 1.
The weight standard is perhaps twice that of no. 1. For the types seep. 713 n. 1.
4 ANONYMOUS Mint-Rome
131
5 ANONYMOUS Mint-Rome 28o-� B.C.
Anchor. Tripod.
The weight standard of 1-2 is based on a didrachm of about 7.29 gr. (average of
118 specimens of 1). For the types see p. 713.
Janiform head of Dioscuri, with hair tied with Head of Mercury 1.; above, I.
band; above, I.
Specimens listed by Haeberlin: 95·
133
3 Trieu (Pl. D) BMC Italy, p. 48, no. 8; Haeberlin = Berlin
Thunderbolt; on 1., oo; on r., oo, Dolphin r. or, occasionally, 1.; below, oooo.
The weight standard of 1-7 is based on an as of about 322 gr. (for 7 seep. 595 n. 7).
For the types see p. 716.
Laureat e head of Apollo I.; before, Horse galloping r.; above, star of eight rays.
ROMANO upwards. Border of dots. Line border.
The weight standard of ta-b is about 7.21 gr. (average of 58 specimens). For the
types see p. 714.
The weight standard of ta-b is about 9·57 gr. (average of 62 specimens listed by
Bahrfeldt).
134
No specimen that I have seen is sufficiendy well preserved to determine whether
or not the lion is attempting with its mouth to extract a spear which has lodged in
its forepaw (compare the gem illustrated in de Foville, RN 1905, pl. 8, 14; A.
Sambon, Corolla Numismatica, pl. 14, 3; also SNG (Ashmolean) i (A), nos. 1311-17
(Velia); W. Giesecke, ltalia Numismatica, pl. 21, 10 (Volsinii)). For the types seep.
714.
Bf., Monete romanD-campane, 3; S. 3-3c; see above, pp. 44-5, below, no. 119*, no. 3o6*.
tb Lltra Vatican zz
Similar. Similar, but horse's head 1.; before,
ROMANO upwards (".
th Lltra Oxford
Similar. Similar; behind, ROMAMO downwards.
135
t1Utra BMCRR Romano-Campanian 17
Similar, but no star or legend. Similar.
The weight standard of 1a-i is about 5.17 gr. (average of 94 specimens listed by
Bahrfddt). The distinction between officialpieces of this s
i sue and unofficial copies is
hard to make; for possible examples of the latter seep. 565. For the types seep. 714.
The weight standard of 1-2 is based on an as of about 331 gr. For the types see p.
716.
The weight standard is about 7.05 gr. (average of 136 specimens). For the types see
P· 714.
21 ANONYMOUS Mint-Rome
Haeberlin, 65-71; S. 31-37 (except 36a). See above, pp. 44-5, below, no. 308*.
137
7 SemUDcla BMC Italy, p. 46, no. 14
Acorn; beside,�. Same type; beside, 3.
Specimens listed by Haeberlin: 64.
The weight standard of 1-7 is based on an as of about 265 gr. (for 7 seep. 595 n. 7).
For the types see p. 716.
Comucopiae(1) A
Dog r Glasgow, M33
Pentagram r
Comucopiae(2) 1::.
Comucopiae(2) E Philipsen 296
Comucopiae(2) :X: Vienna 1081
Dog :X: Turin
Comucopiae(3) I Berlin, Beschreibung, 119
Dog K
Trident K
Wing K
Comucopiae(4) " Berlin, Beschre£bung, 120
Comucopiae(2) M Naples, S1541
Wreath N ANS, Newell
Comucopiae( ?) 0 Hamburg (MS notes of Bahrfeldt)
Palm-branch 0 Tolstoi 43
Wing 0
Comucopiae(2) n Cambridge, Leake
Comucopiae(2) p Naples, F1402
Comucopiae(3) I
Caduceus T Copenhagen, Thorvaldsen Museum
Comucopiae(2) T
Round shield y Berlin
Round shield X
Round shield 'f
Sword in scabbard with belt(t) () Turin
Caduceus AA Bologna
Comucopiae(3) BB Berlin, Beschreibung, 121
Pelta BB
Pelta rr Naples, F .1404
Comucopiae(4) 1::.1::.
Com-ear (1) EE Naples hoard = Paris, AF
Star EE Paris, AF
138
TABLE XIX (cont.)
I list a number of combinations omitted from the Table as deriving from plated o r mis-read pieces:
Comucopiaef � (C. Cavedoni, Ri'Uista tkl/a numismatica i, pl. i, whence Babelon)- doubtless
ComucopiaefA
Comucopiae/H (Menbacher 13/10/1891, 3 with description only- doubtless Comucopiae/HH
Club/H (Babelon)- in fact ClubfHH
Sceptre/! (Babelon)- in fact Sword in scabbard with belt/zz
Rudder/0 Naples, F1403- plated
Ruddertrr (Babelon)- in fact Ruddertnn
DogJrr (Babelon) - in fact Dogtr
Caduceus/EE (Mionnet i, 127, no. 274)- in fact Caduceus/AA (in Paris)
Tripod/99 (Riccio)- doubtless Tripod/00
Anchor/11 (Riccio)- doubtless Anchor/YY
Staff/MM (Tolstoi 42)- doubtless Sword in scabbard with belt/MM
-/[ ) BM cast of plated piece
139
The weight standard is about 6.75 gr. The system of control-marks is devdoped
from the system used on silver decadrachms ofArsinoe II of Egypt G. N. Svoronos,
Ptolemies iv, 94; R. Thomsen, ERG iii, 127-36). These display on the obverse a
sequence of letters from A to 0, AA to no and A to 13. The Roman didrachms
display a symbol on the obverse and a sequence of letters :&om A to 0 and M
For the weight standard, number of specimens known and control-symbols see
Bahrfddt and p. 40, for the types see p. 714·
Haeberlin, S7-63; S. s7-63a. See above, pp. 44-S, below, no. 123*.
The weight standard of 1-7 is based on an as of about 270 gr. For the types see
P· 7t6.
Bf., Monete rotnanO-campane, 27-29; Haeberlin, 76-8o; S. 24, 25-26 and 44-49. See above, p.
40.
141
6 Trieos BMC It4ly, p. so, no. S
Thunderbolt; on L, oo; on r., oo. Dolphin r.; above, sickle; below, oooo.
Specimens listed by Haeberlin: 52.
The weight standard of 4-9 is based on an as of about 272 gr. For the types see pp.
714 and 716.
Bf.,Monete romanc-campant, 32-34 and 37; Haeberlin, 81-82; S. 27-29,22, 51-52 and S4-SS·
See above, p. 40, below, no. 31*, no. 124*.
5 Aa Haeberlin = Berlin
Head of Apollo r., with hair tied with band; Same type 1.
behind, acorn.
Specimens listed by Haeberlin: 7·
142
1 Quadraos Haeberlin = Berlin
Boar r.; above, acorn; below, ooo. Same type 1.
Specimens listed by Haeberlin: 2.
The weight standard of 5-8 is based on an as of about 284 gr. For the types see
pp. 714 and 716.
Bf., Monete romano-campane, 25-26, 36 and 35; M. Bahrfeldt, Blae tt r fUr MUnzjreunde 193o-
33, 681; Haeberlin, 71-75; S. 23-23a, 7, 131 and 38-43. See above, p. 40.
The weight standard of 2-4 is based on a litra of about 3·375 gr. (average of 26
specimens of 2 listed by Bahrfeldt- 3.08 gr.; of 36 specimens of 3-6.23 gr.; of
5 specimens of 4-3.23 gr.).
143
9 SextaDa BMC Italy, p. 47, no. 10
Scallop-shell seen from outside; below, oo and Scallop-shell seen from inside; below, club.
club.
Specimens listed by Raeberlin: 63.
The weight standard of 5-10 is based on an as of about 266 gr. For the types see
pp. 714 and 716.
Bf., Monete romano-campane, 17, A, a-d; B, a; 43; Bf., Goldmiinzmprl.igung, 1-2; S. 69-?o;
64�. 65 and 68; 67. See above, pp. 42-6, below, no. 32*, no. 125*.
The weight standard of 3-5 is based initially on a didrachm of about 6.75 gr. (see
P· 590).
For the size of this issue see p. 676; for the distinction between this issue and nos.
144
29-34 and for the dating of the various components of this issue, see pp. 103-5; for
the close connection between 5 and no. 41/1, seep. 626 n. 5· For the types seep. 715.
Bf., Monete romano-campane, 17, A, a-c; B, a; Bf., Goldmunzenpr(igUt�K, 1-2; S. 69-70; 64d-e;
67. See above,pp . 42-6.
2 Half-stater (Pl. v)
Similar. Similar.
Obverse dies: seep . 691. Reverse dies: seep . 691.
3 Didrachm (Pl. v)
Similar. Ju
p iter in quadriga r., driven by Victory
Jup iter holds sceptre in l. hand and hurls
thunderbolt with r. hand;incuse on tablet or
in relief on tablet, ROMA. Line border.
4 Drachm (Pl. v)
Similar. Similar, but quadriga I. and ROMA in
exergue.
The weight standard of 3-4 is based initially on a didrachm ?f about 6.75 gr. (see
P· 590).
For the size of this issue, seep. 676; for the distinction between this issue and nos.
28 and 3C>-4 and for the dating of the various components of this issue, see pp. 103-5.
For the types see p. 715.
Laureate, Janiform head of Dioscuri. Border Jup iter in quadriga r., driven by Victory
of dots. Jup iter holds sceptre in 1. hand and hurls
thunderbolt with r. hand; incuse on tablet,
ROMA. Line border.
145
2 Drachm (PL VI)
Similar. Similar, but quadriga 1. and ROMA in
exergue.
The weight standard of 1-2 is based initially on a didrachm of about 6.75 gr. (see
P· 590).
For the size of this issue see p. 676; for the distinction between this issue and nos .
28-9 and 31-4 and for the dating of the various components of this issue, seepp. 103-5.
For the types seep. 715.
31 ANONYMOUS
Laureate, Janiform head of Dioscuri. Border Jupiter in quadriga r., driven by Victory
of dots. Jupiter holds sceptre in L hand and hurls
thunderbolt with r. hand; incuse on tablet or
in relief in linear frame, R0M A. Line
border.
seeP· 715.
146
34 ANONYMOUS Mhlt-uncertaiD .225-214 B.C.
Haeberlin, 26-51 and 57; S. 71-77. See above, pp. 42-6, below, no. 26*, no. 126*.
The weight standard of 1-6 is based on an as of about 268 gr. H. A. Grueber's view
(BMCRR i, xx-xxii) that the standard is based on an as of a full Roman pound
1 47
cannot be maintained; he is unaware that this issue is not the first of its kind and
that the as in Pesaro is false (E. J. Haeberlin, ZJN 1908, 159). For the types see
P· 718.
Laureate head of Saturn r. occurs on one specimen (Paris - Haeberlin, pl. 22, 3).
sionally ooo.
Specimens listed by Haeberlin: 21.
The weight standard of 1-5 is based on an as of about 270 gr., declining to about
236 gr. For the types seep. 718.
Haeberlin, 104-116; S. 89-92 and 85-88. See above, p. 43, below, no. 27*, no. 127*.
The weight standard of 1-8 is based on an as ofabout 132 gr.; the weight standard of
the as itselfis somewhat lower (R. Thomsen, ERG ii, 32-6). For the types seep. 718.
149
39 ANONYMOUS (SBMILIBRAL) Mint-Rome 217-215B.C.
A. ii, 232; Haeberlin, 134-141; S. 93-97· See above, p. 43 n. s.
The weight standard of 1-5 is based on an as of about 128 gr. The semi-circular
ornament in the hair of the female head on 1 seems to be part of the diadem; for the
types in general seep. 719.
BRONZE (GROUP 1) -FOR LATER BRONZE WITH CORN-EAR SEE NOS. 42 AND 72
ta Quadrans (cast) Haeberlin =Berlin
Head of Hercules 1.; below, ooo. Prow 1.; above, ·com-ear; below, ooo.
Specimens listed by Haeberlin: 1. Specimens in Syracuse: 5·
The weight standard of 1a-b is based on an as of about 133 gr. For the types see
p. 718; for a possible occasion for the issue see p. 6o4 n. 3·
150
41 ANONYMOUS (POST-SEMILIBRAL) Mint-Rome 215-212 B.C.
6e Semis (struck) (Pl. VII) Rome, Capitol 241 (cf. A. pl. lvii, 12)
Laureate head of Saturn r.; behind, S. Prow r.; above, S; below, ROMA.
Specimens listed by Haeberlin: 1.
151
1• Triens (cast) BMCRR Rome 43
Helmeted head of Minerva 1. (Corinthian Prow 1.; below, oooo.
helmet); below, oooo.
Specimens listed by Haeberlin: 35.
One specimen has ooo on obverse and reverse (Haeberlin = Berlin).
1-11 are based on a diversity of weight standards, which fall between those of nos.
38-9 and the sextantal weight standard (R. Thomsen, ERG ii, 4<r-8); a number of
different issues is doubdess involved, but it is not yet possible to distinguish these.
For the types see p. 718.
A. ii, 238, 396-397 and 398-400; Bf., Monete romano-campane, 17, A, e; Haeberlin, 137-138;
S. 66 and p. to*. See above, pp. 43-5, below, no. 128*.
152
BRONZE (GROUP 2)-FOR LATER BRONZE WITH CORN-EAR SEE NO. 72.
A. ii, 66o and 785; Haeberlin, 192-195; S. 122-125 and 128-130. See above, pp. 44-5, below,
no. 30*, no. 129*.
BRONZE (GROUP 1)-FOR LATER BRONZE WITH I.- SEE NO. 97·
t As (cast) (Pl. I) BMCRR Italy (Aes grave) 3
Laureate head of bearded Janus. Prow r.; above, I; before, I.-.
Specimens listed by Haeberlin: 9·
153
3b Triens (�truck) Paris, A 3268
Similar, but !- before. Similar.
The weight standard of 2-4 is based on a 6o-as gold piece of about 3·35 gr.
154
S Deoarlua (Pl. a) BMCRRRome 1
Helmeted head of Roma r.; behind, X. Dioscuri galloping r.; incuse on tablet or in
Border of dots. linear frame, ROMA. Line border.
Obverse dies: [100]. Reverse dies: [125].
For stylistic varieties of 5-'7 see Plate IX, 1<r-24. The weight standard of 1 and 5-'7
is based on a denarius of about 4·5 gr. For the types seep. 720.
155
1b Qulnarius (Pl. x) BMCRR Rome 2o8
Similar, but Roma has very large nose. Similar.
Obverse dies (both varieties): [zo]. Reverse dies (both varieties): [25).
49 NOT USED.
The weight standard of 2 is about 4·5 gr. (average of 15 specimens- 4.21 gr.).
Specimens in Paris: 2.
Specimens in Paris: 1.
The weight standard of 3-8 is based on an as of about 40.5 gr. (average of 37 asses
-36 gr.).
51 M Mint-Rome
A. ii, 789; S. 171. See above, p. 10, below, no. 132*.
The weight standard is probably about 4·5 gr. (average of London, Paris and
Copenhagen specimens- 4.12 gr.).
The weight standard is about 4·5 gr. (average of 6 specunens- 4.38 gr.).
157
2 Dcaarius (PL x) BM
Helmeted head of Roma r.; behind, X. Dioscuri r.; in linear frame, ROMA. Line
Border of dots. border.
Obverse dies: [too]. Reverse dies: [125].
For stylistic varieties of 2 see Pl. x, t3-20.
The weight standard of 1-2 is based on a denarius of about 4·5 gr. For the types
seeP· 720.
S. t.43-t43f', 23t-23te and 302-303; see Key to Plates. See above, pp. 11 and 30 n. 3, below,
nos. 34-35*, no. 131*.
The mark of value is missing on one obverse die (BM photo-file; Paris, AF- S·S3 gr.).
For minor stylistic varieties of 2-5 see Pis.x, 23-4 and XI, 1-3.
The weight standard of 2-8 is based initially on an as of about 54 gr.and gradually
declines to the levd at which nos. 50/3-8, 57/3-8 are struck; the weight standard
of the dupondius is based on an as of about 27 gr. and this denomination should
be regarded as a fiduciary issue (seep. 12). It should be noted that light-weight
asses of this issue are rare almost to the point of uniqueness; supposed examples
are often mis-read pieces of other issues; thus A. pl.lv, 6 (Paris, A 1077, 23.24 gr.),
lvi, 4 (Paris, A 1182, 12.12 gr.) and lvi, 6 (Paris, A 1169, 19.98 gr.) are all pieces
where a moneyer's mark before the prow has been removed by wear. (The piece
weighing 18.51 gr. - A 1170 - listed by Ailly as being like pl.lvi, 6 is not of this type
at all, but is a normal (no. 339/1) semuncial as.)
The prow on the reverse, both here and on signed issues, appears variously
decorated. with different designs on the superstructure (note A., pl. lxxv, 10) or
with the ram in the form of a wolf's head or with a wing immediatdy behind the
ram.
A. ii, 361; S. 219-221a, 265-266 and 315. See above, p. to, below, no. 134*.
15 9
2 De:aarlua (Pl. xn) BMCRR Rome 431
Helmeted head of Roma r.; behind, X. Dioscuri r.; above, crescent; in linear frame,
Border of dots. ROMA. Line border.
Obverse dies: [6o1. Reverse dies: [751·
The weight standard of 1-2 is based on a denarius of about 4·4 gr. (average of 25
denarii- 4·03 gr.).
3As BMCRR Rome 336
Laureate head of Janus; above, I. Prow r.; above, I and crescent; below,
ROM A.
Specimens in Paris: 11.
Specimens in Paris: 1.
43 gr.).
The weight standard of 1-2 is based on a denarius of about 4·4 gr. (average of 23
denarii- 3·99 gr.).
t6o
3As BMCRR Rome 334
Laureate head of Janus; above, I. Prow r.; above, comucopiae; before, I; below,
ROMA.
Specimens in Paris: 8.
161
tb Denarius (Pl. Xlii) BMCRR Italy 42
Similar, but helmet with curving visor. Similar, but legend on tablet or in linear
frame.
Obverse dies (both varieties): [zo). Reverse dies (both varieties): [25).
The weight standard of ta-b is about 4·5 gr. (average of 13 specimens- 4.10 gr.).
For the transition from a helmet with a straight visor to one with a curving visor
compare the issue with Caduceus (no. 6o/ta-c).
2As BMCRR Italy 44 (heavy series)
Laureate head of Janus; above, I. Prow r.; above, hammer and apex; before, I;
below, ROMA.
Specimens in Paris: 14.
The weight standard of 2-7 (heavy series) is based on an as of about 54 gr. (average
of 20 asses- 53 gr.). For the existence side by side of a heavy and a light series of
bronze fractions (the latter on an uncial standard) seep. 13.
The weight standard of ta-c is about 4·5 gr. (average of 12 specimens- 4.26 gr.).
For the transition from a helmet with a straight visor to one with a curving visor
compare the issue with Apex and hammer (no. 59/ta-b). For tb, without caduceus,
but of identical style with ta, see pp. 12 f.
The weight standard of2-7 (heavy series) is based on an as of about 54 gr. (average
of 14 asses - 53 gr.). For the existence side by side of a heavy and a light series of
bronze fractions (the latter on a less than uncial standard) seep. 13.
The weight standard of 1 is about 4·5 gr. (average of 13 specimens- 4.11 gr.).
163
3As BMCRR Italy 25 (heavy series)
Laureate head of Janus; above, I. Prow r.; above, Victory with wreath, and I;
below, ROMA.
Specimens in Paris: 13.
The weight standard of 2-8 (heavy series) is based on an as of about 54 gr. (average
of 21 asses - 51 gr.). For the existence side by side of a heavy and a light series of
bronze fractions (the latter on an uncial standard) see p. 13. For the symbol
compare the line of Ennius, Scaemca 67], volans de caelo cum corona et taenits, cf.
381}.
The weight standard is about 4·5 gr. (Crawford specimen- 4·37 gr.).
63 c Mint-Sardinia 2UB.C.
2 As Paris, A 3049
Laureate head of Janus; above, I. Prow r.; above, I; before, C; below,
ROMA.
Specimens in Paris: 1.
Specimens in Paris: 1.
The weight standard of2-6 is based on an as ofabout 36 gr. (average of2 asses -34 gr.).
The issue was probably struck by L. Cornelius Lentulus (RE Cornelius 187), Pr.
211 (see p. 32).
64 MA Mint-Sardinia 2tOB.C.
Laureate head of Janus; above, I. Prow r.; above, I; before, :;f; below,
ROMA.
165
3 Semia Paris, A 3446
Laureate head of Saturn r.; behind, S. Similar; above, S.
Specimens in Paris: 1.
Specimens in Paris: 1.
6b Sextanl BM
Similar. Similar, but before, �.
65 AVR 309B.C.
B. Aurelia 9-14; Bf. i, 51; iii, 24; S. 161-162d. See above, p. 13.
166
4 Triens Paris, A 4965
Hebneted head of Minerva r.; above, oooo. Prow r.; above, ROMA; before, �;
below, oooo.
Specimens in Paris: 1.
The weight of the one known specimen is 1.91 gr. For this quinarius, of similar
style to nos. 63/1, 64/1 and 65/1, seep. 13.
The weight standard is based on a denarius of about 4·5 gr. (average of 8 speci
mens- 3.03 gr.). For the form of the trophy see pp. 15-16.
The weight standard of 1-3 is based on a denarius of about 4·5 gr. (average of 18
denarii- 4.14 gr.). For 1b, 2b and 3, without com-ear, but of identical style with
1a and 2a, see p. 14.
above, I. ear.
2b Aa BM
Similar. Similar, but I C instead of 10.
Specimens in Paris (both varieties): 2.
168
5QuaclraDa BMCRR Romano-Campanian 143
Head of Hen:ules r. wearing boar-skin; Bull charging r.; above, corn-ear and ooo;
behind,§. below, snake; in exergue, ROMA.
Specimens in Paris: 21.
A. ii, uo-111;pl. !iii, 9 and 13-14;M. H. Crawford, NC 1970, 54· See above, p . 13.
t Vlctoriatus (Pl. XIV) BMCRR Italy 139
Laureate head of Jupiter r. Border of dots. Victory r. crowning trophy; in exergue,
ROMA. Line border.
Obverse dies: [6o]. Reverse dies: [75].
The weight standard is based on a denarius of about 4·5 gr. (see NC 1970, 54).
A. ii, 625 and 639; M. H. Crawford, NC 1970, ss; S. 112. See above, p. 13, below, no. 137*.
tc Vlctoriatus (Pl. XIV) Hannover 697 (A. ii, 105;pl. liii, 6 (?))
Similar, but no C. Similar.
Obverse dies (all varieties): [40]. Reverse dies (all varieties): [So).
The weight standard of 1&-<: is based on a denarius of about 4·5 gr. (see NC 1970,
55). For 1C, without CjM, but ofidentical style with ta-b, seeP· 15.
169
72 CORN-EAR Mint-Slclly (2) 2u-2to B.C.
A. ii, 387 and 775; Bf., Goldmiinzenpri:igung, 6b; S. 193-195d and 234-235. See above, p. 13.
The weight standard of2 is based on a 6o-as gold piece ofjust below 3·375 gr.
3 Denariua (Pl. XIV) BMCRR Rome 281; Paris(JNG 1965, pl. 8, 5)
Helmeted head of Roma r.; behind, X. Dioscuri r.; below, com-ear; in in
l ear frame,
Border of dots. ROMA. Line border.
Obverse dies: [20). Reverse dies: [25 ).
The weight standard of 2-4 is based on a denarius of about 4·5 gr. (average of 17
specimens- 4.04 gr.).
BRONZE ( GROUP 3)- FOR EARLIER BRONZE WITH CORN-EARSEE NOS. 40 AND 42
S Semis (Pl. XIV) Montagna di Marzo hoard
Laureate head of Saturn r.; behind, S. Prow r.; above, com-ear and ROMA;
below, S.
Specimens in Paris: o.
170
to Semuncla Paris, A 2210
Head of Mercury r. Similar; no mark of value.
Specimens in Paris: 3·
BRONZE (GROUP 4)
uAs Paris, A 2093
Laureate head of Janus; above, I. Prow r.; above, corn-ear; before, I; below,
ROMA.
Specimen.<� in Paris: 5·
The weight standard of 11-15 is based on an as of about 36 gr. (average of8 asses
-33 gr.).
The weight standard of 1-2 is based on a denarius of about 4·5 gr. (average of 4
denarii- 4.31 gr.). The symbol is clearly a dolabra or dolahella, probably the latter,
certainly not an ascia or adze (for the distinction see K. D. White, Agricultural
implements, 61-8).
74 C.VAR Miot-Slclly (z) 209-2o8 B.C.
B. Terentia 2-3; S. 199-200; RE Terentius 76 (identified with the magistrates of nos. 126 and
185). See above, p. 13, below, no. 138*.
The weight standard of 1-2 is based on a denarius of about 4·5 gr. (average of 5
denarii- 4·19 gr.).
The issue was perhaps struck by a younger relative of C. Terentius Varro, Cos.
216.
172
tb Denarius BMCRR Italy 109
Similar, but curl on 1. shoulder. Similar.
The weight standard of 1a-d is about 4·5 gr. (average of 19 specimens- 4.26 gr.).
The weight standard of 2-6 is based on an as of about 49·5 gr. (average of 12 asses
-48 gr.).
The weight standard is about 4·5 gr. (average of 3 specimens- 4.04 gr.). The
identity of the symbol associated with the com-ear is not obvious- it appears to
be similar to the staff on no. 78{1, but, for some reason, crooked.
173
78 STAFF Mint-Sicily 209-ZoS B.C.
A. ii, 462; S. 208. See above, p. 17.
The weight standard is about 4·5 gr. (average of 13 specimens- 4.31 gr.). The
staff on this issue seems to be of uniform thickness (contrast no. 1o6/3a) and to bear
indications of length; it is perhaps a ckcempeda or measuring-pole.
The weight standard is about 4·5 gr. (average of 28 specimens- 4.o6 gr.).
174
4 Quadrans Paris, A 1999-2000
Head of Hercuel s r.; behind, §. Similar; below, ooo.
Specimens in Paris: 2.
The weight standard is not easy to determine. Both pieces known are wom and the
Yale piece perhaps looks as if it has suffered loss of weight from corrosion. The
standard is probably closer to that of the Turin piece (44.97 gr.) than to that of the
Yale piece (32.87 gr.).
The moneyer is probably Cn. Cornelius Dolabella, Rex Sacr. 208-180, and the
do/abel/a a canting type referring to his cognomen.
Given the corroded state of the only surviving example, the weight standard is
probably based on a sextantal as, of about 54 gr. For the reverse type compare
Monumenti inediti iv, pls. 6-7; R. Brauer, ZJN 1910, 57 (not citing this coin).
For 1b, without spearhead, but of identical style with 1a, see p. 18.
175
a Denarius (Pl. XVI) BMCRR Italy 54
Helmeted head of Roma r.; behind, X. Dioscuri r.; below, spearhead; in linear frame,
Border of dots. R 0 MA. Line border.
Obverse dies: [ <10]. Reverse dies: [ < 12].
The weight standard of 1-3 is based on a denarius of about 4·5 gr. (average of 9
denarii- 4.22 gr.; see also NC 1970, 56).
The weight standard of 1-3 is based on a denarius of about 4·5 gr. (average of 2
denarii- 4·30 gr.).
Despite Bahrfeldt's doubts (reported in BMCRR ii, p. 192 n.t), the reading of this coin seems
corr«t.
The weight standard of4-7 is based on an as of about 36 gr. (average of5 asses- 35 gr.).
176
85 H Mint-S.E. Italy 211-210 B.C.
On one reverse die the H intrudes into the exergue (Hannover 509).
The weight standard of ta-b is based on a denarius of about 4·5 gr. (average of 24
quinarii- 2.15 gr.).
2As BMCRR Italy 203
Laureate head of Janus; above, I. Prowr.; above, I; before, H; below, ROMA.
Specimens in Paris: 11.
Specimens in Paris: 6.
The weight standard of 2-7 is based on an as of about 40.5 gr. (average of 17 asses
-37 gr.).
177
2 Triens Paris, A 3597
Helmeted head of Minerva r.; above, oooo. Prow r.; above, ROMA; before, Q; below,
0000,
Specimens in Paris: 3·
Specimens in Paris: 3·
The weight standard of 2-5 is based on an as of about 31.5 gr. (average of 7 quad:..
rantes -7 gr.).
A. ii, 255; S. 301-301a. See above, p. 18, below, no. 37 *, no. 140*.
1 As Paris, A 1528
Laureate head of Janus; above, I. Prow r.; above, Q and I; before, anchor;
below, ROMA.
Specimens in Paris : 1.
Specimens in Paris: 5·
The weight standard of 1-5 is based on an as of about 40.5 gr. (average of 5 asses -
36 gr.).
A. ii, 411 and 777; Bf., Goldmunzenpriigung, 2e; S. 232, 222 and 224-224e. See above, p. 18.
The weight standard of 2a-b is about 4·4 gr. (average of 21 specimens- 3.98 gr.).
38 As Paris, A 2255
Laureate head of Janus; above, I. Prow r.; above, spearhead; before, I; below,
ROMA.
3b As Turin, F 436
Similar. Similar, but above, I; before, spearhead.
Specimens in Paris (both varieties): 1.
179
5 Triens Paris, A 2235
Helmeted head of Minerva r.; above, oooo, Prow r.; above, ROMA; before, spearhead;
below, oooo.
Specimens in Paris: 2.
Specimens in Paris: 3·
A. ii, 106 and 485; pl. liii, 11; S. 211-213c. See above, p. 18, below, no. 141*.
For 1b, of identical style with 1a, but without club, see p. 18.
The weight standard of 1-2 is based on a denarius of about 4·5 gr. (average of 19
denarii-4.05 gr.).
3 As (Pl. XVII) BMCRR Rome 312
Laureate head of Janus; above, I. Prow r.; above, club; before, I; below,
ROMA.
Specimens in Paris: 13.
s Triens Leningrad
Helmeted head of Minerva r.; above, oooo. Similar; before, �-
Specimens in Paris: o.
180
6 Quadrans Paris, A 256o
Head of Hercules r.; behind, §. Similar; before, §.
Specimens in Paris: 1.
A. ii, 101 and 108; pl. liii, 5 and t8; S. 83*; M. H. Crawford, NC 1970, 53· See above,
p. 22.
A. ii, 109 and 574; pl. llii, 21. See above, p. 22.
The weight standard of 1a-b is perhaps based on a denarius of about 4·5 gr. (note
weights ofrelatively unworn BM specimens). For 1 b, without torque, but ofidentical
style with 1 a, see p. 23 n. 2.
181
93 CROT Mint-uncertain 3H-2o8 B.C.
A. ii, 112; pl. liii, 23; B. Maecilia 1; S. 120. See above, p. 22.
The weight standard of 1a-b is perhaps based on a denarius of about 4·5 gr. (note
weights of unworn BM specimens). For 1b, without CROT, but of identical style
with u, see p. 23 n. 2.
A. ii, 107 and 719; pl. liii, to; S. 111. See above, p. 22, below, no. 142*.
The weight standard of 1a-c is based on a denarius of about 4·5 gr. (average of 32
early and late hoard specimens- 3.23 gr.). For 1c, without M, but of identical
style with 1b, seep. 23 n. 4·
The weight standard is based on a denarius ofover 4·5 gr. (average of 16 specimens,
all but one ultimatdy from Marcianise hoard- 3.41 gr.).
95 VB Mint-uncertain %U-2o8BC
. .
B. Vibia (not numbered); S. 113-114. See above, p. 22.
The weight standard of 1-2 is based on a denarius of about 4·5 gr. (average of 25
early and late hoard specimens of 1 - 3.22 gr.). For 1c, without \9, but of identical
style with 1b, seep. 23 n. 4·
The weight standard is based on a denarius of about 4·5 gr. (average of 7 specimens
-3.12 gr.; for lists of specimens seeM. Bahrfeldt, ZfN iii, 1876, 235; v, 1878, 37;
and in A. Schulten, Numantia iv, p. 264 n. 1).
The weight standard of 1-2 is based on a denarius of about 4·5 gr. (average of 24
victoriati- 2.99 gr.; of 7 quinarii- 2.03 gr.).
BRONZE ( GROUP 2)- FOR EARLIER BRONZE WITH 1,.. SEE NO. 43·
BRONZE (GROUP 3)
9 Dextans Milan 344
Head of Ceres r. Victory in quadriga r. holding reins in r. hand
and staff in 1. hand; above, 1.-; below,
ROMA; in exergue, Soooo.
Specimens in Paris: o.
Specimens in Paris: 2.
Head of Mercury r.; below, l.-; above, ooo. Prow r.; above, ROMA; below, ooo.
Specimens in Paris: 3·
BRONZE (GROUP 4)
a6 Dextans Paris, A 3237
Head of Ceres r. Victory in quadriga r. holding reins in r. hand
and staff in l. hand; above, 1.-; below,
ROMA; in exergue, Sooo.o
Specimens in Paris: 4·
Specimens in Paris: 3·
186
BRONZE (GROUP 5)
:ua As (Pl. xvm) BMCRR Italy 168
Laureate head of Janus; below, 1.-; above,-. Prow r.; above, I; before, I.-; below, ROMA.
Specimens in Paris: 20.
On this crudely executed piece one of the mint letters or marks of value may be missing.
On this crudely executed piece one of the mint letters or marks of value may b e missing.
Specimens in Paris: 3·
On this crudely executed piece one of the mint letters may be missing.
The mark of value is missing on one obverse die (Paris, A 3303). A:n additional mint-mark is
present below the head on one obverse die (Fallani).
BRONZE (GROUP 6)
28 As (Pl. XVIII) A 3232 (A. pl. lvii, 7-9); A 1339 (A. pl. lxv, 5)
Paris,
Laureate head of]anus; below, I,..; above,-. Prow r.; above, I; before, l-; below, ROMA.
Specimens in Paris: 5 + 9·
On this crudely executed piece one or more of the mint letters or marks of value may be missing.
A. ii, 691 and 754; M. Bahrfeldt, Blatter fur Miinzfreunde 193o-33, 68o; M. H. Crawford,
NC 1970, 52; S. 132-137 and 176a-177. See above, p. zo, below, no. 144*.
For a specimen with T on reverse only and another without either letter see NC 1970, 52;
for a piece resembling the latter, but with legend BOMA see Pl. XIX, 6.
The weight standard of 1-4b is based on a denarius of about 4·5 gr. (average of 42
victoriati- 2.98 gr.; of 23 quinarii- 2.02 gr.). For 4b, without t.., but of identical
style with �' see illustration in Haeberlin catalogue.
188
7 Uncia Paris, A 3414
Helmeted head of Roma r. (Phrygian helmet); One of the Dioscuri r.; below, T; behind, o;
below, 1-; behind, o. in exergue, ROMA.
Specimens in Paris: 3·
specimens of all denominations- 51 gr.). It is difficult to detach this issue from no.
97; it should be regarded as forming part of the product of the mint of Luceria and
T perhaps as a mint-master's mark.
BRONZE (GROUP 1)
ta As (Pl. XIX) BMCRR Italy 257
Laureate head of Janus; below, r; above,-. Prow r.; above, I; before, r; below, ROMA.
tb As Paris, A 3548
Similar. Similar, but - above.
Specimens in Paris (both varieties): 11.
Specimens in Paris: 7.
The weight standard of 1-9 is based on an as of about 22.5 gr. (average of 14 asses
-20 gr.).
BRON'ZE (GROUP 2)
to Aa (PL XIX) Paris, A 3549 (unique)
Laureate head ofJanus. Prow r.; above, I; before, r; below, ROMA.
-23 gr.).
191
101 KOP Mint-Corcyra 211-210 B.C.
The weight standard of 1-2 is based on a denarius of about 4·5 gr. (average of 6
quinarii- 2.06 gr.).
The issue was probably struck at the instance of M. Valerius Laevinus (RE
Valerius 211) as Propraetor. For the monogram � compare BMC Thessaly to
Aetolia, Corcyra, nos. 378-So. But it here indicates only striking on Corcyra, not
striking by Corcyra. Even if it were certain (which it is not) that A is the monogram
of a magistrate responsible for the production of the issue rather than that of an
eponymous magistrate, the purely Roman types and the legend ROMA (not
PQMAIQN or the like) would identify the issue as Roman. But the production
of the issue on Corcyra tells us nothing whatever about the nature of Roman rule
there. For the supposed Illyrian origin of the victoriatus see p. 7·
A. ii, 77; pl. li, 24; ii, 82; pl. lii, 9-10 (wrongly given obverse of 11) and 12; ii, 587; S. 115 and
181a. See above, p. 21.
A ii, 699 and 723; S. 117 and 183-184. Sec above, p. 21, below, no. 147*.
193
tb Denarius (Pl. XX) BM
Similar, but no curl on l. shoulder or beneath Similar.
visor.
Obverse dies (both varieties): [<to). Reverse dies (both varieties): (<u).
The weight standard of ta-b is about 4·5 gr. (average of 8 specimens- 4.08 gr.).
Helmeted head of Roma r.; behind, X. Dioscuri r.; below, pentagram; in linear
Border of dots . frame, ROMA. Line border.
Obverse dies: 2. Reverse dies: 2.
The weight standard of 1 and 3 is based on a denarius of about 4·5 gr. (average of
2 denarii-4.29 gr.).
194
3b Denarius (PL XX) Hannover 279&; Paris, A 238o; Milan 292
Similar, but with long hair; mark of value Similar, but ROMA always in linear frame.
always X.
The weight standard of 1 and 3a-c is about 4·5 gr. (average of 18 denarii-
4·25 gr.).
1 95
to Semuncla Vatican 6331 (unique)
The weight standard of 4-10 is based on an as of about 40.5 gr. (average of 14 asses
-39 gr.). For 7c, without ejther staff or club, but of identical style with 7a-b, see
p. 22 n. 1; for the style of 10, which links it with the rest of the issue, see the illustra
tion given by Bahrfeldt in the article cited.
The staff on this issue and on nos. 112 and 13o-1 is very similar in form to the
staff which figures on a Delian decree honouring Scipio Africanus (SIG 617;
BCH 1904, 271 with pl. 12) and which is a symbole par/ant for his cognomen (for
which see Macrobius, Sat. i, 6, 26). Although the staff here and on the inscription
widens towards the end held in the hand, there no trace of the fleur-de-lys or
is
globe characteristic of a sceptre (for which see Index of Types, s.f1.). The staff here
also resembles the staff which is to be regarded as the attribute of a magistrate (see
on no. 242) and it would be overbold to assert that this issue or no. 112 or nos. 13o-1
must have been struck by a Scipio. For a staff of a very different form see no. 78.
The weight standard is about 4·5 gr. (average of 30 specimens-4.23 gr.). For 1d,
without C, but of identical style with 1c, see p. 22.
The weight standard is about 4·5 gr. (average of 10 specimens - 4.03 gr.).
196
109 KNIFE Mint-uncertain 211-208 B.C.
The weight standard is about 4·5 gr. (average of 16 specimens- 4.30 gr.).
The weight standard of ta-b is about 4·3 gr. (average of 17 specimens- 3.87 gr.).
For 1b, without wreath, but of identical style with 1a, see p. 22 n. 3·
The weight standard of 2-3 (heavy series) is based on an as of about 49·5 gr.
(average of 16 asses - 45 gr.). For the existence side by side of a heavy and a light
series (the latter on a less than uncial standard) see p. 596.
The weight standard is perhaps about 4·3 gr. (average of 4 specimens- 3.88 gr.).
The issue was perhaps struck by an A(i)lius (Aelius), not otherwise known.
197
u2 STAFF Mint-Rome 2o6-t9S B.C.
A. ii, 442; S. ztoa, .24<>-.24.2 and .243b-.243C. See above, p. so, below, no. 148*.
The weight standard of 1-2b is based on a denarius of about 4.2 gr. (average of u
denarii- 3.76 gr.). The two varieties of the denarius are linked by a common
Specimens in Paris: 5·
The weight standard of 1 is about 4.2 gr. (average of 25 specimens- 3.89 gr.).
2. As (Pl. XXI) Paris, A 16o3
Laureate head of Janus; above, I. Prow r.; above, star; before, I; below, ROMA.
Specimens in Paris: 2..
34 gr.).
s Quadrans
Head of Hercules r.; behind, §. Similar; below, ooo.
Specimens in Paris: 7.
The weight standard is about 3·9 gr. (average of 26 specimens -3.58 gr.).
The weight standard of ta-tb is about 3.8 gr. (average of30 specimens-3.46 gr.).
200
The weight standard of 2 is doubtless somewhat above the average weight of the
two known specimens -34 gr. The identity of the symbol on 2 is less than certain. It
cannot be a rhinoceros (seep. 554) and it looks more like a bull than anything else.
The weight standard of 1-5 is based on an as of about 40.5 gr. (average of 16 asses
-37 gr.).
201
3 Semb Paris, A 176s
Laureate head of Saturn r.; behind, S. Similar; before, S.
Specimens in Paris: 3·
Specimens in Paris: 1.
The weight standard of 1-2 is based on a denarius of about 4.1 gr. (average of 6
denarii- 3·73 gr.).
202
6 Quadrans Paris, A 2280
Head of Hercules r.; behind, §. Similar; below, ooo.
Specimens in Paris: 2.
The weight standard of 3-8 is based on an as of about 40.5 gr. (average of 6 asses
-37 gr.).
The weight standard of 1-2 is based on a denarius of about 4.0 gr. (average of 6
denarii- 3.64 gr.).
Specimens in Paris: 4·
203
7 SextaDa Paris, A zo6s
Head of Mercury r.; above, oo. Similar; below, oo.
Specimens in Paris: 1.
The weight standard of 3-7 is based on an as of about 40.5 gr. (average of 8 asses
-36 gr.).
The weight standard of 1-2 is based on a denarius of about 4.0 gr. (average of 9
denarii- 3·71 gr.).
3 As Paris, A 2863
Laureate head of Janus; above, I. Prow r.; above, sow; before, I; below,
ROMA.
Specimens in Paris: 4·
Specimens in Paris : S·
Specimens in Paris: 3·
34 gr.).
122DOG Mint-Rome 2o6-195 B.C.
A. ii, 321; S. 249-2s1d. See above, p. so, below, no. 40*, no. 1SS*·
The weight standard of 1-2 is based on a denarius of about 3·9 gr. (average of 8
denarii- 3.64 gr.).
3 As (Pl. XXIII) BMCRR Rome 489-490
Laureate head of Janus; above, I. Prow r.; above, dog; before, I; below,
ROMA.
Specimens in Paris : 7.
-32 gr.).
205
a As (Pl. xxu) Paris, A 1648; Vatican 6t8z
Laureate head of Janus; above, I. Prow r.; above, ram; before, I; below,
ROMA.
Obverse dies: 1. Reverse dies: 1.
The weight standard of 1-2 is based on a denarius of about 3·9 gr. (average of 4
denarii- 3·83 gr.).
3As Paris, A 1674
Laureate head of Janus; above, I. Prow r.; above, meta; before, I; below,
ROMA.
Specimens in Paris: 8.
-35 gr.).
2o6
125 QLC Mint-uncertain 2o6-2oo B.C.
The weight standard is about 4.2 gr. (average of 11 specimens- 3.84 gr.).
The letters are presumably the initials of praenomen, nomen and cognomen; the
moneyer is probably a Q. Lutatius Catulus or Cerco, not otherwise known.
The weight standard is about 4·4 gr. (average of 12 specimens- 4.o6 gr.).
The moneyer is perhaps A. Terentius Varro, Pr. 184 (RE Terentius So).
A. ii, 567; B. Horatia 1; S. 277. See above, pp. 50f., below, no. 156*.
The weight standard is about 3.6 gr. (average of 12 specimens- 3.32 gr.).
The restoration of this issue by Trajan with the added legend COCLES provides
no grounds whatever for supposing that it was originally struck by someone of
that name - the family was certainly extinct by this period.
The weight standard is about 4.2 gr. (average of 9 specimens- 3.84 gr.).
207
The restoration of this issue by Trajan with the added legend DECIVS MVS
provides no grounds whatever for supposing that it was originally struck by some
one of that name - the family was certainly extinct by this period.
The weight standard is about 3.8 gr. (average of 18 specimens-: 3.50 gr.).
The weight standard of ta-b is about 3·5 gr. (average of 27 specimens- 3.22 gr.).
The weight standard is about 3.6 gr. (average of 3 specimens- �.27 gr.).
A. ii, 713; B. Caecilia 1-7; Bf. i, 56; iii, :z6; S. 317-319d. See above, pp. 5of.
208
2 Denarius (Pl. xxm) BMCRR Rome 532
Helmeted head of Roma r.; behind, X. Dioscuri r.; below, 1\fc.; in linear frame,
Border of dots. ROMA. Line border.
Obverse dies: [<to]. Reverse dies: [< 12].
The weight standard of 1-2 is based on a denarius of about 3·9 gr. (average of 4
denarii- 3.6o gr.).
B. Baebia 1 and 3-11; Bf. iii, 25; S. 334-337e; RE Baebius 42-43 ( ?). See above, p. 51, below,
no. 42*, no. 157*.
On one reverse die the monogram is reversed, M (Paris, A 5089, cf. G. Riccio, Catalogo, pl.
iii, t8).
209
2b Deaariua BMCRR Rome 557
Similar. Similar, but M above.
Obverse dies (both varieties): [20]. Reverse dies (both varieties): [25].
The weight standard of 1-3 is based on a denarius of about 3·9 gr. (average of 18
denarii- 3.6o gr.).
Specimens in Paris: 1.
- 35 gr.).
The moneyer is presumably either Cn. Baebius Tamphilus, Pr. 168, or this
man's cousin, son of M. Baebius Tamphilus, Cos. 181, and father of M. Baebius
Q.£ Tampilus, Mon. c. 137 (no. 236).
2.10
1b Denarius (Pl. XXIV) BMCRR Rome 552
Similar. Similar, but l:r1i above.
Obverse dies (both varieties): [3o]. Reverse dies (both varieties): [37].
-34 gr.). The letter-form J... is usual, but L occurs sporadically throughout the
issue.
The monogram W is traditionally resolved into L. Pl(autius) H(ypsaeus) and if
this is correct the moneyer may be a homonymous son of L. Plautius Hypsaeus,
Pr. 189.
The weight standard is about 3·9 gr. (av erage of 19 specimens- 3·77 gr.).
211
136 AN or AV Mint-Rome 194-190 B.C.
A. ii, 617 and 783; B. Aurelia 1-7; Bf. i, 51; S. 326-327e; RE Aurelius 1. See above, p. 51,
below, no. 158*.
The weight standard of 1 is about 3·9 gr. (average of 19 specimens- 3.76 gr.).
Specimens in Paris: 1.
A. ii, 361; S. 352, 267-267d, 314 and 316-316d. See above, p. 51.
The weight standard of 1 is about 3·9 gr. (average of 16 specimens- 3.81 gr.).
212
2As BMCRR Rome 579
Laureate head of Janus; above, I. Prow r.; above, I and crescent; below, ROMA.
Specimens in Paris: 2.
The weight standard is about 3·9 gr. (average of 11 specimens- 3·74 gr.).
The moneyer is in this period more likely to be a Maenius than a member of
any of the other possible gentes. He is presumably related to one or more ofT.
Maenius, Pr. 186, C. Maenius,Pr. 180 and Q. Maenius,Pr. 170, and is perhaps the
grandfather ofP. Maenius Antiaticus M.f. (no. 249).
A. ii, 63 and pl. li, 8 (wrongly assigned reverse of 7); S. 338. See above, p. 51.
The weight standard is about 3·9 gr. (average of 7 specimens- 3.67 gr.).
213
140 ANONYMOUS Mint-Rome 189-18o B.C.
Helmeted head of Roma r.; behind, X. Luna in biga r., holding reins in 1. hand and
Border of dots. goad in r. hand, with horses galloping; in
linear frame, ROMA. Line border.
Obverse dies: [U>). Reverse dies: [25].
The weight standard is about 3·9 gr. (average of 7 specimens- 3.72 gr.).
A. ii, 513; S. 345-346g; RE Tod. See above, p. 52, below, no. 159*.
The weight standard of 1 is about 3·9 gr. (average of 13 specimens- 3·75 gr.).
2a As BMCRR Rome 592
Laureate head of Janus; above, I. Prow r.; above, T with bird perched on it
- bird holds wreath in beak; before, I;
below, ROMA.
214
Sb Quadrans (Pl. XXV) Paris, A 2645
Similar. Similar to 4b; before, §.
Specimens in Paris (both varieties): 4·
Specimens in Paris: 1.
215
143 SHIELD AND MAE Mint-Rome t1J9-t8o B.C.
B. Maenia 2�; S. 375-375d; RE Maenius 14. See above, pp. 51f.
t As Paris, A 11989
Laureate head of Janus; above, I. Prow r.; above, shield and 1\/!K..; before, I;
below, ROMA
Specimens in Paris: +
3 Triens BM
Helmeted head of Minerva r.; above, oooo. Similar; above, shield and 1\/!K..; before, �.
Specimens in Paris: 2,
216
4 Quad.rans Milan 341
Head of Hercules r.; behind, §. Similar; before, §.
Specimens in Paris: 5·
Specimens in Paris: o.
3 Triens
Paris, A 2977
Helmeted head ofMinerva r.; above, oooo. Similar; before, B·
Specimens in Paris: 3·
-32 gr.).
217
146 AVTR Mint-Rome 189-18oB.C.
B. Autronia 1;Bf. i, 53;ii, 22; S. 341-341a; RE Autroniw 1-2. See above, p. 51, below, no.
44*, no. 16o*, no. 246*.
The weight standard is about 3·9 gr. (average of 10 specimens- 3.72 gr.).
The moneyer is perhaps L. Autronius, defended by the elder Cato (ORP
no. 207).
The weight standard of 1 is about 3·9 gr. (average of 9 specimens- 3.69 gr.).
The weight standard of 2-4 is based on an as of about 31.5 gr. (average of 10 asses
- 29 gr., from Bahrfeldt).
The moneyer is presumably Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cos. 162.
218
2 Semis (Pl. XXV) Paris, A 126o5
Laureate bead of Saturn r.; behind, S. Similar; before, S.
Specimens in Paris: 2.
Specimens in Paris: 1.
ta As Paris, A 12088
Laureate head of Janus; above, I. Prow r.; above, Ulysses holding staff in 1.
hand and I; before, ROMA upwards; below,
1.-·MAMII.-1.
219
38 Trieoa Paris, A 12095
Hehneted head of Minerva r.; above, oooo. Similar to 2a; before, �·
3b Trieoa Paris, A 12105
Similar. Similar to 2c; before, � (no moneyer's name).
Specimens in Paris (both varieties): 5·
B. Titinia, t-6; Bf. i, 251; S. 365-365e; RE Titinius 12. See above, p. 52, below, no. 46*.
220
s Sextans Paris, A 15647
Head of Mercury r.; above, oo. Similar; before, 8.
Specimens in Paris: 1.
Specimens in Paris: 1.
The weight standard of 1-6 is based on an as of about 31.5 gr. (average of 17 asses
-30 gr.).
The moneyer is perhaps a son of M. Titinius, Pr. urb. 178, or of M. Titinius
Curvus, Pr. for Nearer Spain in 178.
Helmeted head of Minerva r.; above, oooo. Prow r.; above, S· V; before, �; below,
ROMA.
Obverse dies: 2. Reverse dies: 1.
221
153 CN.CALP Mint-Rome 1S,....18oB.C.
B. Calpumia t; S. 348; RE Calpumius 11. See above, p. St.
The weight standard is about 4.1 gr. (average of 11 specimens- 3.92 gr.).
The moneyer is presumably the father of Cn. Calpurnius Piso, Cos. 139, and
perhaps the son of the Cn. Calpurnius who was an officer during the Second Punic
War (RE Calpurnius 68; Frontinus, Strat. iii, 6, 5).
The weight standard is about 4.1 gr. (average of 8 specimens- 3.89 gr.).
The moneyer is perhaps L. Coelius, Leg. 17o-169.
The weight standard of 1 is about 4.1 gr. (average of 6 specimens- 3.96 gr.).
� As (cf. PL XXVI) Paris, A 993t (30.62 gr.)
Laureatehead of Janus; above, I. Prow r.; above, 'W; before, I; below, ROMA.
Specimens in Paris: 1.
222
156 PRAWN Mint-Rome 179-170 B.C.
A. ii, 558 and 781; S. 343-344a. See above, p. 51, below, no. 163*.
The weight standard of 1 is about 3·9 gr. (average of 15 specimens- 3.83 gr.).
The weight standard is about 4.1 gr. (average of 10 specimens- 3·96 gr.).
The weight standard is about 3·9 gr. (average of 11 specimens- 3·73 gr.).
159 FLY Mint-Rome
The weight standard of 1-2 is based on a denarius of about 3·9 gr. (average of 22
denarii - 3·76 gr.).
3 Aa (Pl. XXVI) BMCRR Italy 382
Laureate head of Janus; above, I. Prow r.; above, fly; before, I; below, ROMA.
Specimens in Paris: 3·
Specimens in Paris: 3·
Specimens in Paris: 2.
The weight standard of3-7 is based on an as of about 31.5 gr. (average of 11 asses
-31 gr.).
A. ii, 37.2; M. Bahrfeldt, Blatter ftlr Miinzfreunde 193o-33, 681. See above, p. sz.
224
3 Triens BMCRR Rome 429
Helmeted head of Minerva r.; above, oooo. Similar; before, �.
Specimens in Paris: 2.
B. Juventia 1�; Bf. i, 165; ii, 56; iii, 63; S. 328-329d; RE luventius 25. See above, p. 52,
below, no. 164*.
Helmeted head of Roma r.; behind, X. Luna in biga r., with horses prancing; below,
Border of dots. Pv or A-; in exergue, ROM A. Line border.
Obverse dies: [ < 10]. Reverse dies: [ < 12].
The weight standard of 1 is about 3·9 gr. (average of 6 specimens- 3.71 gr.).
2 As (Pl. XXVII) BM
Laureate head of Janus; above, I. Prow r.; above, ""frv; before, I; below, ROMA.
Specimens in Paris: o.
Helmeted head of Minerva r.; above, oooo. Prow r.; above, ROMA; before, ""frv or A-;
below, oooo.
Specimens in Paris: 3·
Specimens in Paris: 2.
225
162 MAT Mint-Rome 179-170 B.C.
B. Matiena 2-8; Bf. i, 183; ii, 62; iii, 76; S. 32o-321h; RE Matienus 1. See above, p. 52,
below, no. 166*.
On one reverse die the monogram is followed by I (Paris, A 12626) but it is not dear whether
this is deliberate or the result of a die-engraver's error.
The weight standard of 1a-2b is based on a denarius of about 3·7 gr. (average of
28 denarii - 3·42 gr.).
226
Hannover 1314
Similar. Similar to 6b; below, oo,
The weight standard is about 3·7 gr. (average of 17 specimens- 3.51 gr.).
The weight standard of ta-b is about 3·7 gr. (average of 11 specimens- 3·39 gr.).
For this denarius, of similar style to no. 165/1, see p. 52.
The weight standard of 1a-b is about 3·7 gr. (average of21 specimens- 3·49 gr.).
227
t66 ANONYMOUS Mint-Rome t7!rt70B.C.
A. ii, 109 and pL llii, 20; ii, 113 and pl. liii, 24; S. 313. See above, p. 52.
The weight standard is based on a denarius of about 3·7 gr. (average of 15 specimens
- 2.66 gr.).
The weight standard is about 3·7 gr. (average of 26 specimens- 3·59 gr.).
The weight standard of 1-2 is based on a denarius of about 3·7 gr. (average of 9
denarii- 3-52 gr.).
The weight standard is about 3·7 gr. (average of 17 specimens- 3·57 gr.).
There are no good grounds for identifying the moneyer as a Sempronius Gracchus.
22ts
170 EAR Mint-uncertain 199-170 B.C.
The weight standard is about 3·9 gr. (average of 11 specimens- 3.82 gr.).
The weight standard is about 3·9 gr. (average of 14 specimens- 3.67 gr.).
A. ii, 703; S. 291. See above, p. 52, below, no. 49*, no. 167*.
The weight standard of 1 is about 3·9 gr. (average of 14 specimens- 3.64 gr.).
The weight standard of 2-3 is impossible to determine on the basis of the three
surviving specimens; it is perhaps based on an as of about 27 gr.
B. Clovia6-to; Bf. i,86; iii, 39; S. 36o-36od; RE Cluvius 1 4. Seeabove,pp. 52ff.,below,no. so*.
229
.2 Semis BMCRR Rome 648
Laureate head of Saturn r.; behind, S. Similar; before, S.
Specimens in Paris: 9·
The weight standard of 1-5 is based on an as of about 31.5 gr. (see p. 53).
The moneyer is perhaps a son of C. duvius Saxula, Pr. 173.
5 Satans BM
Head of Mercury r.; above, oo. Similar; before, 8.
Specimens in Paris: s.
The weight standard of 1-5 is based on an as of about 31.5 gr. (seep. 53).
The moneyer is perhaps a son of A. Caecilius, Aed. Pl. 189.
175 C.SAE Mint-Rome
Bf. i, 257; ii, 73; S. 357· See above, pp. 521f.
The weight standard of 1-5 is based on an as of about 31.5 gr. (see p. 53).
Since the supposed as with 1.-· A' is a gross and horrible forgery (p. 549), the
most likely resolution of the monogram is Pae(tus).
The weight standard of 1-5 is based on an as of about 31.5 gr. (see p. 53).
Certain or even probable resolution of the monogram is impossible.
The weight standard of 1-5 is based on an as of about 31.5 gr. (seep. 53).
The moneyer is perhaps L. Cornelius Cinna, Cos. 127, coming late to the consul
ship (say 27 years after his moneyership), as befits the first of his family.
179 BAL Mint-Rome 169-158 B.C.
B. Naevia 1-5; Bf. i, 189; S. 354-354d. See above, pp. 51-ff. , below, no. 170*.
Specimens in Paris: 1.
The weight standard of 1-5 is based on an as of about 31.5 gr. (see p. 53).
The moneyer cannot be identified even if his cognomen is Balbus, he may be an
-
Acilius or a Naevius.
233
S Senana (Pl. XXIX) BMCRR Rome 6o7
Head of Mercury r. with caduceus over Similar; before, 8.
shoulder; above, oo.
Specimens in Paris: 2.
The weight standard of 1-5 is based on an as of about 31.5 gr. (seep. 53).
It seems to me improbable that the monograms C· SIX .and SIX refer to different
cognomina and families. This moneyer is perhaps a younger brother of C. (duvius)
Sax(ula), DO. 173·
Specimens in Paris: 1.
The weight standard of 1-4 is based on an as of about 31.5 gr. (seep. 53).
The weight standard of 1 is about 3·9 gr. (average of 34 specimens- 3.78 gr.).
234
3 Semis BMCRR Italy 335
Laureate head of Saturn r.; behind, S. Similar; before, S.
Specimens in Paris: 2.
The weight standard of 2-6 is based on an as of about 31.5 gr. (seep. 53).
Specimens in Paris: 2.
The weight standard of 1-6 is based on an as of about 31.5 gr. (seep. 53).
235
t84 BUTTERFLY; BUTTERFLY AND Mint-Rom.e •69-•ss s.c.
VINE-BRANCH
Specimens in Paris: 1.
The weight standard of 1a-6 is based on an as of about 31.5 gr. (seep. 53).
B. Terentia 4-6 and 8-9; Bf. i, 246; ii, 78; S. 364-364e; RE Terentius 76. See above, pp. 52ff.,
below, no. 172*.
Specimens in Paris: 1.
The weight standard of 1-6 is based on an as of about 31.5 gr. (seep. 54).
The moneyer is perhaps A. Terentius Varro (RE Terentius 81), Commissioner
to L. Mummius, Cos. 146.
B. Licinia 1-5; Bf. i, 166; ii, 57; iii, 66; S. 373-373d. See above, pp. 5211'., below, no. 53*, no.
171*.
3 Triens BM
5 Sextans
Head of Mercury r.; above, oo. Similar; before, 8.
Specimens in Paris: o.
The weight standard of 1-5 is based on an as of about 31.5 gr. (see p. 54).
The moneyer can perhaps be identified with L. Licinius Murena (RE Licinius
120), the great-grandfather of L. Licinius Murena, Cos. 62. The great-grandfather
held the praetorship (Cicero, Mur. 15), presumably before his appointment as
Commissioner to L. Mummius, Cos. 146. But the praetorship cannot be more closely
dated.
237
tS, PVR Mint-Rome t69-ts8 B.C.
B. Furia 13 and 8,; Bf. i, 119,; ii, 44i iii, 51 and 103,; S. 424 and 359-359C· See above, pp. 52tf.
t Denariua (Pl. xxx) BMCRR Italy 420
Helmeted head of Roma r.,; behind, X. Luna in biga r., holding reins of nearer hone
Border of dots. in l. hand and reins of further hone (and
usually a short stick as well) in r. hand,; above,
murex-shell; below, PV R,; in linear frame,
ROMA. Line border.
Obverse dies: [8o]. Reverse dies: [too].
The weight standard of 1 is about 3·9 gr. (average of 10 specimens- 3.61 gr.).
3 Semia BM
Laureate head of Saturn r.,; behind, S. Similar; before, S.
Specimens in Paris: t.
The weight standard of 2-7 is based on an as of about 31.5 gr. (seep. 54).
The silver and bronze should be regarded as forming a single issue, despite the
use of the murex-shell (alluding to the cognomen Purpurio) only on the silver and
despite the different form of the moneyer's name on the bronze (except on the
uncia1). Different forms of names and divergent use of symbols are common within
later issues (for example, nos. 204-5). The letter forms on silver and bronze are
similar and the idiosyncratic style of the silver is well accounted for by the supposi
tion that it was produced in a period when no other silver was struck.
The moneyer is a Furius Purpurio, not otherwise known.
1 Bahrfeldt's rejection (iii, 103) of the Paris uncia as an altered coin cannot stand, since the Hannover
uncia is a die-duplicate. After a careful examination of both coins, I think the legend should be read
PV R and the coins attributed to this issue.
188 OPEIMI Mint-Rome 169-158 B.C.
B. Opeimia 1-5; Bf. iii, 78; S. 362-362d; RB Opeimius 1. See above,pp. 52ff.,below, no. 173*.
4 Quadraos BM
Head of Hercules r.; behind, §. Similar; before, §.
Specimens in Paris: 4·
B. Cornelia 6-to; Bf. ii, 37; S. 37o-37od; RBComelius 76. See above,pp. 52ff.,below,no. 54*.
4 Quadraos BM
Head of Hercules r.; behind, §. Similar; before, §.
Specimens in Paris: 5·
239
The moneyer is presumably P. Cornelius P.f. Blasio, whose praetorship is
attested by SEG iii, 451 = Sherk 4; the praetorship is to be dated in the late 1405
(detailed argument by H. B. Mattingly, NC 1969, 103-4).
The legend on one reverse die is, in error, 0 PEt.. (Avola hoard).
5 Satan� Lisbon
Head of Mercury r.; above, oo, Similar; before, g.
Specimens in Paris: o.
Specimens in Paris: 1.
On one reverse die the form of the monogram is \A (Montoro Inferiore hoard). The difference
in style is not sufficient to suggest a separate issue (contra Bahrfeldt).
240
3 Triens Paris, A 15923
Helmeted head of Minerva r.; above, oooo. Similar; before, �.
Specimens in Paris: 7·
Specimens in Paris: 2.
241
2 Semis (Pl. XXXI) BMCRR Rome 799
Laureate head of Saturn r.; behind, S. Similar; before, S.
Specimens in Paris: 6.
S Sextans Glasgow
Head of Mercury r.; above, oo. Similar; above, oo,
Specimens in Paris: o.
A. ii, 280 and 518; S. 264-2648 and 264c-264d. See above, pp. 52ff.
Helmeted head of Minerva r.; above, oooo. Prow r.; above, ROMA; before, star; below,
oooo.
Specimens in Paris: 4·
Specimens in Paris: o.
The weight standard of 1-5 is based on an as of about 22.5 gr. (see p. 54).
A. ii, 71 and pl. li, 15-18; S. 376, 431 and 439· See above, p. 54 (also Addenda).
The size and stylistic range of this issue suggest that it was struck over more than
one year. But it does not seem possible (contra Sydenham) to divide it into chrono
logical groups.
A. pl. lvi, 3 and lxvi, 5 (as); !viii, 11, 14 and 15 (semis); !xi, 4 (not a cast piece)- 5 (triens);
lxii, 14-17 (quadrans); W.12 (pl. iv, 3)(triens).
It should be noted that supposed examples of asses of this issue are often mis-read
pieces of other issues; thus A. pl.lvi, 5 (Paris, A 1174, 14.43 gr.; A 1184,11.90 gr.)
also pl. lvii, 6 (Paris, A 1334, 16.90 gr.) are all pieces where a moneyer's mark
above the prow has been removed by wear.
B. Atilia t-6bis (ii, p. 593); Bf. i, 46; ii, 19; iii, 22; S. 377-378c; RE Atilius 57· See above,
p. 54·
Specimens in Paris: 5·
245
200 NAT Mint-Rome 155 B.C.
B. Pinaria 2-'J; Bf. i, 202; iii , 8z; S. 382-383d; RE Pinarius 14- See above, p. 54, below, no.
175*·
The moneyer is presumably a Pinarius Natta, not otherwise known, but perhaps a
brother of no. 208.
B. Scribonia 1-7; Bf. i, 235; ii, 74; iii, 91; S. 38o-38te; RE Scribonius 4· See above,
p. 54·
Specimens in Paris: 1.
247
203 C.MAIANI Mint-Rome 153 B.C.
The border of dots on the reverse is presumably an artistic idiosyncracy (compare no. 20<)/1).
Specimens in Paris: 1.
The moneyer is a C. Maianius, not otherwise known. For a possible further Repub
lican member of the same gens see ILLRP 515, line 7·
B. Saufeia 1-5; Bf. i, 234; ii, 74; S. 384-385d; RE Saufeius 4· See above, p. 54, below, no.
s6*, no. 176*.
249
6 Uncia BM (unique)
Helmeted head of Roma r.; behind, o. Similar; before, o.
The presence of the female head on the prow-stem is not always apparent on worn
coins.
The identity of t?e moneyer depends on the interpretation of Velleius ii, 17, 2,
where L. Sulla, Diet. 82-81, is described as sextus a Curnelio Rufino (P. Cornelius
Rufinus, Cos. 290 and 277). The reckoning is traditionally taken as inclusive
(F. Miinzer, RE iv, 1514) and on this basis P. Cornelius Sulla, Pr. 186, will
be the Dictator's grandfather. The moneyer will then belong to the next genera
tion and will perhaps be an elder brother of L. Cornelius Sulla, the Dictator's
father, thus:
Since the Dictator was born in 138, his uncle could have been born in the 18os
and come to an early moneyership in the 15os.But the reckoning may be taken as
exclusive (none of the parallel passages in Velleius- i, 3, 3; i, 6, 2; i, 6, 5 - provides
conclusive evidence one way or the other, but ii, 10, 2- septem ante hunc ...Cn.
Domitium (Cos. A.D. 32) fuere,..sed omnes ad consu/atum pervenerunt- is sug
.
gestive). In this case the moneyer will be the son ofP.Cornelius Sulla,Pr.186, and
himself the Dictator's grandfather.
The female head which decorates the prow-stem on the bronze coinage should
be regarded as that of Venus and not as that of a Sibyl. The derivation of the
cognomen Sulla from Sibylla (Macrobius, Sat. i, 17, 27) is not only false (Th.
Mommsen, RF i, 44 contra B. Borghesi, CEuvres i, 161-5), but is contradicted by the
Dictator's memoirs and is doubtless an Imperial invention (Gellius i, 12, 16, c£
Plutarch, Sui/. 2, 1; J. Gage, Apol/on romain, 436--7, nonetheless argues that the
Dictator associated himself with the false etymology). The head of Venus recurs
in the same position on the coinage of L. Memmius Gal. (no. 313), where it
may indicate descent from one of the familiae TroU:mae (cf. S. Weinstock,
Divus Julius, 88), and as the main type on part of the coinage of the Dictator
(nos.359 and 375-6); the Cornelii Sullae perhaps had a tradition of veneration
for Venus.
2o6 SAFRA Mint-Rome 150 B.C.
B. Afrania 1�bis (ii, p. 592); Bf. i, 15; iii, 9; S. 388-389d; RE Afranius 7· See above, p. 54,
below, no. 177*.
Since there is never a point between S and A F R A, Safra should be regarded as the
moneyer's cognomen (not otherwise known) rather than as representing S(p). Afra
(nius).
B. Decimia 1; Bf. i, 103; S. 391. See above, p. 54, below, no. 57*.
251
2o8 NATTA Mint-Rome 149 B.C.
The moneyer is presumably a Pinarius Nana, not otherwise known, but perhaps a
brother of no. 200.
B. Itia 1; Bf. i, 138; S. 394-3943; RE Itius. See above, p. 54, below, no. 58*.
The letter-form I, is usual, but L occurs (West Sicily (a) hoard); see also on no. 203/1.
The moneyer is perhaps a L. lteius or L. Iteilius (see RE), not otherwise known.
B. Junia 1"'7; Bf. i, 159; ii, 54; iii, 6o; S. 392-393e; RE Junius 14. See above, p. 54, below,
no. 247*.
Bf. i, 57; ii, 23; iii, 28; S. 374; RE Caecilius 94· See above, p. 55.
The weight standard is not easy to determine. All pieces known are exceedingly
worn and the weights of 17.50 gr. (BM) and 14.65 gr. (Hannover) are certainly
both far below the standard.
The moneyer is probably Q. Caecilius Metellus Macedonicus, Cos. 143.
253
4 Quadran.a (Pl. xxxm) Paris, A 2576
Head of Hercules r.; behind, §. Similar; before, g.
Specimens in Paris: 2.
B. Atilia 8-15; Bf. i, 47; ii, 19; S. 398-399e; RE Atilius 67. See above, p. 55·
254
6 Sextans Paris, A 4905
Head of Mercury r., with caduceus over Similar to 2a, but M ·AT I L I only; before, 8.
shoulder; above, oo.
Specimens in Paris: 2.
B. Sempronia 2-9; Bf. i, 235; iii, 92; S. 402-403d; RE Sempronius 74. See above, p. 55,
below, no. 6o*, no. 179*.
B. Te1•entia to-14; Bf. i, 246; S. 425-426d; RE Terentius 56. See above, p. 55 (also Addenda).
4 Triens
Helmeted bead of Minerva r.; above, oooo. Similar; before, �·
Specimens in Paris: 4·
257
tc DeDarlaa Haeberlin 456 • Berlin
Similar to ta. Similar; below, puppy r. with one fore-foot
raised.
Obverse dies: 1 (used for ta) Reverse dies: 1 (used for td)
All five varieties form a single sequence -1a and tb share a reverse die (BMCRR
Rome 855 and 858), 1a and 1c share an obverse die (Paris, A 4076 and Haeberlin
456 Berlin), 1c and td share a reverse die (Haeberlin 456
= Berlin and Cordova
=
hoard 63), td and te share an obverse die (San Lorenzo del Vallo hoard and Masera
hoard 479).
The moneyer is otherwise unknown. As for his cognomen, Livy provides no evidence
whatever (contra Babelon) for an Antestius Labeo in the second century B.c. The
Labeo of xlv, 31, 14 is probably one of the missing /egati at xlv, 17, 2 and, if so,
must be a consular; he is therefore to be identified with Q. Fabius Labeo, Cos. 183.
The moneyer's cognomen, if the puppy is held to be significant, may perhaps be
Catulus.
uo M.IVNI Mint-Rome 14S B.C.
The moneyer's cognomen is shown by the ass's head to have been Silanus (RE vi,
653; cf. P. A.MacKay, MusN 1968, 8), but the history of the early Iunii Silani is
unfortunately obscure and likely to remain so. Here is a possible reconstruction of
their stemma (the numbers are those of RE):
B. Aurelia 19; Bf. i, 52; S. 409 and 413; RE Annius 78 (Aurelius 2o6). See above,
pp. 5 4-5·
259
2n ANONYMOUS 143 B.C.
On one reverse die Diana holds another torch, as well as reins, in her I. hand (Petacciato
hoard).
The biga of stags and crescent are presumably present as the attributes of Diana;
the recurrence of the type on no. 400/1a-b provides no adequate evidence for the
attribution of this issue to a moneyer of the gens Axia (contra W. Kubitschek, NZ
1913, 232).
B. Curiatia 1; S. 436; RE Curiatius 10. See above, p. 55, below, no. 182*.
The moneyer is probably the father of C. Curiatius f. Trigeminus (no. 240). The
father, rather than the son, is probably C. Curiatius, Tr. Pl. 138, who may have
died in office in that year (A. E. Astin, Scipio Aemi/ianus, 130). For the origin of
the cognomen see Livy i, 24, 1.
There are no grounds for supposing that the reverse type portrays Juno
Cur(r)itis or Quiritis, who is characterised by the possession of sword and shield
(Roscher ii, 59�7). It is perhaps just worth drawing attention to the twin altars
of Janus Curiatius and Juno Soraria (commentary of R. M. Ogilvie on Livy i,
26, 13).
B. Julia 1; S. 443; RE Julius 29. See above, p. 55, below, no. 249*.
26o
The absence on this issue and on no. 323 both of the cognomen Caesar and of any
of the types used on coins by Iulii Caesares suggests very strongly that neither this
moneyer nor the moneyer of no. 323 were Iulii Caesares, but belonged to another
branch of the gens Julia.
B. Atilia 16; Bf. i, 48; iii, 22; S. 444; RE Atilius 44; Nomentanus 1. See above, p. 55, below,
no. 250*.
The legend NOM, in the position occupied by the name ROMA on contemporary
issues, appears without exception on official pieces of this issue and is clearly not
a mistake. The moneyer is thus perhaps L. Atilius Nomentanus and perhaps identical
with the Nomentanus who is probably to be restored at Lucilius 56M and 69M
and who was probably on the staff of Q. Mucius Scaevola, Pr. 120 in Asia (C.
Cichorius, Untersuchungen zu Lucilius, 244-9; RE Nomentanus assigns too late a
date to the moneyer). The discussion of the issue by H. Mattingly, PCPhS 195cr1,
14, is fanciful and the problem considered, the astonishing substitution of N 0 M
for ROM A, remains unexplained. For a possible ancestor note the L. Atilius,
inlustris adulescens, of Livy xlv, 5, 2.
B. Titinia 7-8; Bf. i, 252; iii, 99; S. 445; RE Titinius 6. See above, p. 55, below, no. 183*.
The moneyer, C. Titinius, is not otherwise known, but may belong to an earlier
generation of the same family as one or more of C. Titinius Gadaeus (RE Titinius
261
21), a participant in the Second Sicilian Slave Revolt, C. Titinius of Minturnae
(RE Titinius 8), plaintiff in a cause celibre heard by C. Marius, and C. Titinius (RE
Titinius 7), a mutineer during the Social War (Sisenna, fr. 52P- his name is reported
as C. Titius by Dio xxx-xxxv, fr. 1ooB).
B. Aufidia 1; Bf. i, 49; ii, 20; iii, 23; S. 446-446a and 458; RE Aufidius 35· See above, p. 62,
below, no. 62*, no. 184*.
B. Valeria 7-10; Bf. i, 257; iii, 104; S. 44C>-442 and 454; RE Valerius 167. See above, p. 62.
262
4 Quadrans Paris, A 15942
Head of Hercules r.; behind, §. Similar; before, §.
Specimens in Paris: z.
The moneyer is perhaps a grandson of C. Valerius Flaccus, Pr. 183, and perhaps
the father of C. Valerius Flaccus, Cos. 93·
B. Aurelia 16; Bf. i, 52; iii, 25; S. 429; RE Aurelius 105. See above, p. 6z, below, no. 185*.
B. Spurilia 1; Bf. i, 241; iii, 96; S. 448; RE Spurius 2. See above, p. 62, below, no. 251*.
B. Renia 1-3;Bf. i, 229; iii, 90; S. 432-433a;RE Renius. See above, p. 62, below, no. t86*,
no. 252*.
Bahrfeldt's scepticism over the genuineness of the semis and the quad.rans is un
justified. The semis is automatically authenticated by the presence of the specimen
in the Azaila hoard (sharing both dies with Naples 113863 and Paris, A 146o4).
As for the quad.rans, the specimen published by Minervini has not come to light.
But the two specimens cited by Bahrfeldt, weighing 5.82 and 7.20 gr., are now in
Hannover (1856 and 1857). They are not die-duplicates, but share only an obverse
die. Bahrfeldt's suspicion that they are altered pieces of another issue is not likely
to be right. The style of the obverse can only satisfactorily be paralleled on the
quadrantes of Ti. Veturius (no. 234/2a-b). Since the latters' reverse type is not a
prow, but an oil-jar and a strigil, alteration of quad.rantes of Ti. Verurius into
quad.rantes of C. Renius is out of the question.
The moneyer is presumably a C. Renius, not otherwise known.
The biga of goats on the reverse of the denarius and the goat on the semis and
quad.rans can hardly be intended as an allusion to the moneyer's nomen, either by
way of reno = a reindeer-skin or by way of pi}v = sheep; an allusion to a cog71omen
Capella i s just possible (compare the jackdaw on bronze of L. Antestius Gragulus
- no. 238/2-3). There is insufficient reason to identify the goddess with the diadem
driving the biga of goats as Juno Caprotina (who was akin to Juno Sospita of
Lanuvium, with her goatskin head-dress- see S. Weinstock, RE xvii, 849); the
most significant fact to be connected with the type is probably the association of
Juno with the goat before the institution of the Capitoline cult (C. Koch, Juppiter,
71, 105-7 and 112-16). It should in any case be noted that the early Imperial
inscription &om the Via Appia between Tres Tabernae and Forum Appi (G. Marini,
Gli atti e monumenti de' fratelli arvali, 61-62 = GIL x, 6493), recording a C. Rennius
264
C.l. Laetus (not C. Rennius C.f. Laetus, as given by Babelon), is of no relevance
to the moneyer's origo.
B. Gellia 1-6; Bf. i, 126; ii, 46; S. 434-435b; RE Gellius 4· See above, p. 62, below, no. 187*,
no. 253*.
On one obverse die the necklace on the head of Roma is of pendants, not of beads (San
Lorenzo del Vallo hoard).
The mark of value on the reverse of the triens and the quadrans is sometimes missing (Paris,
A 10031 bis; BMCRR Rome 922).
Some pieces of this issue are of crude style, but they should not be regarded as forming a
separate group (contra Sydenham).
The moneyer is probably the son ofT. Veturius Gracchi f. Sempronianus, Augur
from 174 (E. Badian, Arethusa i, 1, 1968, 31-6).
The obverse type of the denarius has been held to refer, by means of an associa
tion of Mars with Mamurius, to the aetiological story about the smith Mamurius
Veturius and his reproductions of the anci/e which fell from heaven (Festus, s.v.
Mamuri Veturi; Ovid, Fasti iii, 379-92; Plutarch, Numa 13). But the story is appa
rendy unknown to Varro (LL vi, 49) and the type more probably recallsTi. Veturius
Philo,Flamen Martialis from 204.The reverse type makes a decisive break with the
traditional approach to selection of coin types; it should be regarded as referring
to an early version of the story of the CaudineForks, in which the unfavourable
agreement with the Samnites was honoured, and as supporting the ratification of
thejoedus Numantinum of 137, in the negotiation of whichTi. Sempronius Gracchus,
Tr.Pl.133, was closely involved(M. H. Crawford,PBSR 1973, 'Foedusandsponsio').
The reverse type of the quadrans is curious, but consistent with the unconven
tional types of the denarius. It has excited interest since its discovery F
( . Capranesi,
Annali 1839, 282; C. Cavedoni, Bu/lettino 1840, 167; G. Minervini, Bullettino 1841,
27) and is traditionally interpreted (Th. Mommsen, RMw, 556 n. 285) as indicating
that the quadrans was the price of entry to a bath. It has also been connected
266
(C. Cichorius, RS, 177 n. 1) with the existence of a ball-player Veturius. Both
theories seem to me improbable. One of Hercules' chief roles was as patron of
athletic games (RE Supp. ill, 1007-9; esp. Pliny,NHvii, 205, ... condere instituit . . •
. .. Hercules Olympiae athleticam) and the oil-jar and strigil should be regarded as
his attributes in this capacity. The type is thus one of several reverse types which,
by way of artistic variation, show the attributes of the deity on the obverse instead
of the prow, the usual reverse type of the bronze coinage (compare the club on no.
253/3 and the types of the whole series, no. 285/3-7).
The moneyer is probably Sex. Pompeius, Pr. ?119, father of Cn. Pompeius Strabo.
The reverse type of the denarius represents the finding by the shepherdFaustulus
of Romulus and Remus being suckled by the she-wolf at the foot of theficus Rumina/is
(Livy i, 3, to-14, 7 with commentary by R. M. Ogilvie); the presence ofFaustulus
suggests that the type aims to portray the original scene, not the statue of the wolf
and twins set up adficum Rumina/em (Livy x, 23, 11-12; D. Hal. i, 79, 8). The bird
perched on the stem of the tree is clearly a woodpecker (Ovid, Fasti iii, 37 and 54;
267
Plutarch, de fortuna Rom. 32od; QR 268f.; origo gentis Romanae 20, 4), the other
two birds seem not to be woodpeckers and may be merely decorative. For the two
fici Ruminales see S. B. Platner and T. Ashby, TDAR, 207-8; Livy i, 4, 5 with
commentary by R. M. Ogilvie. For other representations of the scene see Roscher
i, 1465-9; iv, 202-7; see also p. 719. The jug on the obverse of the denarius and on
the obverse and reverse of the bronze seems to allude to the cult of Rumina (Varro,
RR ii, 11, 5; Nonius 167M, from Varro; Plutarch, QR 278d; Rom. 4, 1). The signi
ficance of the types is considerable. The scene on the denarius is perhaps the most
obvious way of symbolising a belief in the imperial claims of Rome (for which in
this period see F. W. Walbank,JRS 1965, 1-16) and an appeal to such a belief may
perhaps have been held to justify the repudiation of the foedus Numantinum of 137
(M. H. Crawford, PBSR 1973, 'Foedus and spon.sio'). The adoption of the type by the
father of Co. Pompeius Strabo may perhaps show a link between this branch of
the Pompeii and the family of Q. Pompeius, Cos. 141, who urged the repudiation.
B. Baebia 12; Bf. i, 54; S. 489. See above, p. 62, below, no. 255*.
The moneyer is a M. Baebius Q.£ Tampilus, not otherwise known, but perhaps
the father of (M.) Baebius, Tr. Pl. 103 and an ancestor of Q. Baebius Q.f., the
Proquaestor of /G v, 2, 146; he is presumably descended from one of the consular
Baebii Tampili of the early second century.
268
237 CN.LVCR TRIO Mint-Rome 136 B.C.
B. Lucretia 1; Bf. i, 173; S. 450; RE Lucretius 32. See above, p. 62, below, no. 63*.
B. Antestia 9-11 and 13; Bf. i, 19; iii, 11; S. 451-452a and 452c-452e; 465; RE Antistius 33·
See above, p. 62, below, no. 64*, no. 189*.
B. Servilia 1-4; Bf. i, 238; iii, 94; S. 525-526b; RE Servilius 14. See above, pp. 62, 64.
The weight standard of 2-4 is based on an as of about 13.5 gr. It is remarkable that
all three denominations weigh on average virtually the same.
The moneyer cannot be identified with the C. Servilius in the list of provincial
governors in Cicero, div. in Caec. 63 and is not otherwise known (see F. Serrao,
Studi de Francisci ii, 471, for the date of the governor's trial).
His family connections are best indicated in a stemma (the numbers are thoseofRE):
(59) C. Servilius (Geminus), Pr. before 218
I
Geminus, Cos. 202
I
[M. ServiliusJ (18) M. Servilius, Pont. 170
I I
(14) C. Servilius M.f., Mon. c. 136 (13 = 91) C. Servilius Vatia,
Mon. c. 127
(11 = 12) C. Servilius, (19) M. Servilius C.f., (93) P. Servilius C.f. M.n.
Pr. 102 Mon. c. 100 Vatia Isauricus, Cos. 79
270
The two moneyers,RE 14 andRE 13 = 91, are presumably cousins, descended from
the Consuls of 203 and 202. Since the supposed Aedile of 173, C. Servilius C.f.,
does not exist (see discussion on no. 423), aM. Servilius may be postulated as the
father of the moneyer, RE 14, and the son of the Consul of 203.
The reverse type of the denarius presumably alludes to the moneyer's descent
from P. Servilius Geminus, Cos. 252 and 248 (on whom see Cicero, acad. pr. ii,
84);1 for the wreath on the obverse of the denarius and the reverse of the bronze
see p. 728. The mast with pennant on the reverse of the bronze may be no more
than an artistic elaboration of the type.
B. Curiatia 2-9 bis (ii, p. 594); Bf. i, 101; iii, 44; S. 459-46od; RE Curiatius 11. See above,
pp. 62ff., below, no. 65*.
The legends on the bronze without Victory are some times rather sketchy and the final F
barely present.
The moneyer is probably the son of C. Curiatius Trigeminus (no. 223), although
striking only seven years later (cf. p. 301).
B. Trebania t-5; Bf. i, 255; iii, tot; F. Capranesi, Bullettino 1835, 44; S. 456-457c; RE
Trebanius. See above, pp. 62ff., below, no. t90*·
ta Denarius BMCRR Rome 957
Helmeted head of Roma r. with curl on I. Jupiter in quadriga r., holding sceptre and
shoulder; behind, X. Border of dots. reins in 1. hand and hurling thunderbolt with
r. hand; below, L· R EBN I; in exergue,
ROMA. Line border.
B. Minucia 3-6 and 8; Bf. i, 187; iii, 76; S. 463-464b and 464d; RE Minucius 31. See above,
pp. 62ff., below, no. 66*.
For a denarius with the obverse of this issue and the reverse of no. 241/1, see p. 64 n. t.
D. Hal. xii, 4, 6 (In 439) Ti;> 8� Ti)v l<CXTCx TOV McnAiov IJiJwcnv emo86vn M,Wl<i'l'
O'TCcO'lV &v8p1<XvTos �'4'11cplcrcrro t'l (3ovATj.
Livy iv, 16,2-4 L. Minucius hove aurato extra portam Trigeminam est donatus, ne
plebe quidem invita, quia frumentum Maelianum assibus in modios aestimatum
plebi divisit. (3) Hunc Minucium apud quosdam auctores transisse a patribus ad
plebem, undecimumque tribunum plebis cooptatum ...invenio; ... (4) Sed ante
2 73
omnia refellit falsum imaginis titulum paucis ante annis lege cautum (in 448) ne
tribunis collegam cooptare liceret.
Pliny, NH xviii, 15 L. Minucius Augurinus, qui Sp. Maelium coarguerat, farris
pretium in trinis nundinis ad assem redegit undecimus plebei tribunus, qua de
causa statua ei extra portam Trigeminam a populo stipe conlata statuta est.
Pliny, NH xxxiv, 21 (columna) item L. Minucio praefecto annonae extra portam
Trigeminam unciaria stipe conlata- nescio an primo honore tali a populo, antea
enim a senatu erat- ...
Livy's account is most obviously at fault. The bos auratus should be regarded as
an animal to be sacrificed (A. W. Lintott, Historia 1970, 15 n. 15) and not as a
monument. A mention of a statua or columna has dearly fallen out (A. D. Momigliano,
SDHI 1936, 376 = Quarto Contributo, 333, not refuted by commentary of R. M.
Ogilvie on Livy iv, 16, 2), to which reference is made in the last sentence quoted.
With this correction the passages all seem to refer to one and the same monument,
sometimes to the part instead of to the whole (contra H. Lyngby, Eranos 1961,
15o-1; the view developed in Eranos 1963, 56-7 that the column was part of the
mysterious sacellum or ara Minuci, quem deum putabant of Festus, s.v. Minucia and
Minucia porta, does not seem to me capable of substantiation). An irresolvable
conflict remains over whether Senate or people authorised the monument and there
is no possibility of certainty over the status of L. Minucius, but neither problem
is important for present purposes.This issue and that ofTi. Minucius C.£ Augurinus
(no. 243) provide the only available evidence for the appearance of the monument.
Unfortunately, they in no way help to localise it more precisely than do the literary
references (there are no grounds for H. Lyngby's belief, Eranos 1961, 139, that it
stood in a com-market) and they fail to provide decisive dating criteria (A. D.
Momigliano, SDHI 1936, 377-8 = Quarto contributo, 335-6; G. Becatti, La co/onna
cochlide istoriata, 34-7; commentary ofR. M. Ogilvie on Livy iv, 16, 2; compare no.
346/3-4). But whatever the origin of the monument, it was by early Imperial times
believed to have been erected in honour of L. Minucius for his part in a corn
distribution in 439· It seems clear to me that the coins refer to the same belief.
The togate figure on the column, holding a staff as the attribute of a Consul (D. Hal.
iii, 62; Servius on Vergil, Aen. xi, 238; for the form of a sceptre as the attribute of
a god see, for instance, no. 241/1), is presumably intended to represent L. Minucius
himself;1 the com-ears beside the base of the column are not part of the monument,
but symbols appropriate to him.The figure on the left of the column holding the
loaves, if that is what they are, is probably P. Minucius or M. Minucius, Coss. 492
and 491, years when a com-distribution took place; the figure on the right of the
column is M. Minucius Faesus, one of the first plebeian Augurs in 300.
1 H. Lyngby's identification of the figure on the column as Triptolemos or the god Minucius, Erarros
1961, 148-9, seems to me entirely fanciful. J. Gag�, MEFR 1966, 79, on this cype is misconceived.
274
It should be noted that this issue and that ofTi. Minucius C.£ Augurinus provide
the earliest explicit testimony for the connection of a member of the gens Minucia
with a corn-distribution - the accounts of Cincius and Calpurnius Piso of the
events of 439 (of which A. D. Momigliano, SDHI 1936, 374-89 Quarto contri
=
buto, 331-49, remains the best account) preserved in D. Hal. xii, 4, 2-5 talk only
of the part played by L. Minucius in the affair of Sp. Maelius (for which see
now A. W. Linton, Historia 1970, 12). The coins antedate by some years both the
building of the Porticus Minucia, perhaps used in Imperial times for corn
distributions (S. B. Platner and T. Ashby, TDAR, 424; F. Castagnoli, MAL
1946-8, 175-8, expresses the view that the Porticus Minucia used for com-distribu
tions was distinct from the Republican Porticus Minucia and was only built under
daudius), and the first historical instance of a cura annonae, in 104 or slighdy
earlier.
The use by C. Augurinus and his brother of a 'popularis' type in the years
immediately preceding the tribunate ofTi. Gracchus perhaps marginally strengthens
the possibility that the successor of M. Octavius as Tribune in 133 was a Minucius
(see D. C. Earl, Latomus 196o, 666-9).
On one obverse die the mark of value X occurs instead of � (Pontecorvo hoard 738). The
lettering on the reverse is so small and crowded that a letter is sometimes omitted, as in
T I· MI NV C C. F (Masera hoard 949) or AVGV R N I (Hannover 2019).
·
275
4 Quadra.Ds Hannover 2023; Hannover 2024
Head of Hercules r.; behlnd, §. Similar; before, §.
Specimens in Paris: 6.
On 2-5 the middle I of the legend is sometimes merged with the superstructure of
the prow.
The moneyer is presumably brother of C. Minucius Augurinus (no. 242).
The reverse type of the denarius is a somewhat sketchy representation of the
Columna Minucia, for which see on no. 242· The lituus on the bronze records the
augurate of M. Minucius Faesus, perhaps primarily by way of an allusion to the
moneyer's cognomen (the lituus is sometimes barely visible, as on Pl. XXXVI, 19).
B. Aburia 1-5; Bf. i, 1; ii, 1; iii, 3; S. 490-491c; not in RE. See above,pp. 62ff., below,n0.192*.
GEM M
before, §.
Specimens in Paris: 24.
276
245 M.MARCI MN.F Mint-Rome 134 B.C.
B. Marcia 8-to; Bf. i, 178; S. soo-sota; RE Marcius 22. See above, pp. 62ff., below, no. 68*.
f\1\F
ROMA.
Specimens in Paris: S·
B. Numitoria t�; Bf. i, 190; S. 466-467c and 467e; RE Numitorius t. See above, pp. 62ff.,
below, no. 69*.
Given the varying ages at which the moneyership might be held, I can see no
objection to identifying the moneyer with C. Numitorius C.f. Lem., mentioned in
the Senatus consultum de agro Pergameno, if this is of 129 (contra L. R. Taylor,
VDRR, 238). Note the probable presence of the brother of the moneyer, Sex.
Pompeius (no. 235), VDRR, 245·
B. Calpu.mia 2-4; Bf. i, 65; iii, 30; S. 468-469a; RE Calpumius 17. See above, pp. 62ft'.
The moneyer is perhaps the father of P. Calpurnius Lanarius, Leg. 81, the only
other Republican Calpurnius with the pramomen Publius (R. Syme, Historia 1955,
19).
Paris, A 12972
Helmeted head of Minerva r.; behind, � Similar; before, �-
Specime.ns in Paris: t.
The last two letters of the moneyer's name are sometimes partly concealed by the prow-stem
(Vienna 2944).
The moneyer is probably the father of L. Minucius Basilus (RE Minucius 37).
279
250 M.ABVRI M.F GEM Mint-Rome 1p B.C.
B. Aburia 6-8; Bf. i, 2; ii, 2; iii, 3; S. 487-488a; not in RE. See above, pp. 62ff., below,
no. 70*.
For a denarius with the reverse of this issue and the obverse of no. 249/1 see p. 63 n. t.
B. Fabrinia 1-4; Bf. i, 115; ii, 43; iii, 48; S. 453-453c; RE Fabrinius. See above,
pp. 62ff.
B. Postumia 1; S. 472; RE Postumius 43· See above, pp. 62ff., below, no. 257*.
The moneyer is not otherwise known, but is doubdess a son ofL. Postumius Albinus,
Cos. 154; the apex on the obverse and the whole reverse type together refer to the
father's having been Flamen Martialis. The moneyer was perhaps Flamen Martialis
later (Cicero, Brutus 135). At the time of this issue the office was held by L. Valerius
Flaccus, Cos. 131.
B. Opeimia 12-14; Bf. i, 192; iii, 78; F. Capranesi, Bullettirw, 1835, 43; S. 473-474 and 474b;
RE Opeimius 4· See above, pp. 62ff., below, no. 193*.
281
254 M.OPEIMI Mint-Rome 131 B.C.
The moneyer is not otherwise known, but is presumably the brother of L. Opeimius
(no. 253).
The tripod on the obverse, accompanied by Apollo on the reverse, perhaps
indicates that the moneyer's father, Q. Opimius, Cos. 154, was Xvir s.f. (cf. B.
Borghesi, CEuvres i, 357; G. Wissowa, RuK, 500 n. 6).
'
B. Acilia 4-7; Bf. i, s; S. 511-512b; RE Acilius 13. See above, pp. 62ff.
3 Triena
Helmeted head of Minerva r.; behind, I· Similar; before, �.
Specimens in Paris: 1.
282
256 Q.METE Mint-Rome 130 B.C.
B. Caecilia 21-26 and 15-16; Bf. i, 57; ii, 16 and 23; iii, 27 and 28; S. 486b-486c and 509-
stob; RE Caecilius 82. See above, pp. 62ff., below, no. 71*.
Anumber of variant legends occurs, Q Mt (BMCRR Rome 1059), Q · fll"t_ (Paris, A 5259),
·
Although 2b and 4b are traditionally given to C. Metellus (no. 269), it is clear from
their style and fabric that they are merdy cardessly executed pieces of this issue.
The moneyer is presumably Q. Caecilius Metellus, Cos. 123.
B. Terentia 7 ;Vargunteia 1-5; Bf. i, 261; S. 507-508c; REVargunteius 4- See above,pp. 62ff.
Laureate head of Saturn r.; behind, S. Prow r.; above, M· \A.. G; before, S; below,
ROMA.
Specimens in Paris: t6.
3 Triens BMCRRRome 1071
The moneyer is doubtless the father of no. 332 and is perhaps the T. Cloelius of·
Cicero, Rose. Am. 64 (whose reading should be preferred to that ofValerius Maximus
viii, 1, 13, see T. P. Wiseman, CR 1967, 263).
The significance of the corn-ear is obscure (but see p. 729); the wreath appears to
be without significance, since the obverse type as a whole is copied from that of
no. 239/1.
36t CN.DOMIT .Mint-Rome uS B.C.
B. Domitia 14, 3, 4 and 5; Bf. i, 104; ii,4o; iii,46; S. 514-515c; cf. REDomitius 20. See above,
pp. 62ff., below, no. 194*.
CN·DOM; before,§.
Specimens in Paris: 26.
Two variant legends occur, DE OMI (Paris, A 9180) and D OMIT (Paris, A 9165).
Since this issue and no. 285 are separated by only a decade, it is difficult to regard
both moneyers as Domitii Ahenobarbi in the same line of descent. This moneyer
is perhaps a Cn. Domitius Calvinus or a Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus from a collateral
branch of the family; for second-century Calvini note the commander in Liguria
(Frontinus, Strat. iii, 2, 1 with A. E. Douglas, Brutus, p. 187), for collateral Aheno
barbi note the Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus of Livy xlii, 28, 13 (an oppido adulescens
in 172 he can hardly be the Cos. 162; I owe this point to H. B. Mattingly)
and the L. Domitius Cn.f. (Ahenobarbus) in the Senatus consultum de agro
Pergameno.
For the wild-beast fight on the reverse see W. Kubitschek, NZ 1913, 228; the
fight and the com-ear together seem to refer to the games and distributions of
produce offered to the Roman people by an Aedile as a step to higher office (see
P· 729).
1 Not hound, contra Babelon and Sydenham (see M. H. Crawford andR. Thomsen in M. Thompson,
TMAgriniqr!Hoard, us); the type thus in nowayrefen to the exploits ofCn. Domitius Ahenobarbus,
Cos. 122, against King Bituitus (for dogs in battle see R. M. Cook, Festschrift Rumpf, 38).
286
262 ANONYMOUS WITH ELEPHANT'S HEAD Mint-Rome uS B.C.
B. Caecilia 38-42; Bf. ii, 23; S. 49�497c; RE Caecilius 93 or 91. See above, pp. 62ff., below,
no. 73*, no. 195*.
The bell varies somewhat in position and is occasionally missing altogether, as is the branch.
The sceptre is usually rather summaril y executed.
The moneyer is presumably either J_.. Caecilius Metellus Diadematus, Cos 117, or .
L. Caecilius Metellus Delmaticus, Cos. 119, perhaps the former, whose three
brothers all hdd the moneyership (nos. 256, 263 and 269).
The dephant's head recalls the victory of L. Caecilius Metellus, Cos 251, over .
B. Caecilia 28-29 and 31-34; Bf. i, 59; iii, 28; S. 48o-482c; RE Caecilius 77· See above, pp. 62ff.
Reiterdenkmal des Aemilius Paullus, pl. 7) and the laurel-wreath on the denarius
allude to the Macedonian victory in 148 of the moneyer's father, Q. Caecilius
Metellus Macedonicus (no. 211); for the elephant's head see on no. 262. Vulcan,
whose bust appears on the obverse of the dodrans, was the father of Caeculus
(Vergil, Aen. vii, 678 (cf. Servius and Schol. Ver. ad Zoe.); x, 543), ancestor of the
Caecilii according to one of the traditions recorded by Festus, s.v. Caeculus.
288
z6.f C.SERVEILI Mint-Rome U7 B.C.
B. Servilia 5-6 and 8-11; Bf. i, 239; iii, 95; S. 483-484b; RE Servilius 13 and 91. See above,
pp. 62ff., below, no. 74*.
Line border.
Obverse dies: [22]. Reverse dies: [27].
The moneyer is probably C. Servilius Vatia, for whom see the stemma with no. 239
and F. Miinzer, RA, 304 n. 1.
The reverse type of the denarius probably refers to the propensity for single
combat of the moneyer's ancestor, M. Servilius Pulex Geminus, Cos. 202 (Livy xlv,
39, 16-19; Plutarch, Paul. 31, 2 and 5-6). The letter M on the shield thus stands
for Marcus (B. Borghesi, CEuvres i, 441-9; C. Cavedoni, Bullettino 1845, 185-6,
citing Dio lxvii, 10, 1). It is in any case clear (contra H. Mattingly, PCPhS 195<>-1,
13) that the type bears no relation to the various descriptions of the killing of Sp.
Maelius by C. Servilius Ahala. The lituus on the obverse refers to the augurate of
M. Servilius Pulex Geminus. See also p. 729.
.
266 C.CASSI Mint-Rome 126 B.C.
B. Cassia 1-3; Bf. i, 76 and 77; ii, 33; iii, 36; S. 502-504. See above, pp. 62ff.
1 Deaarius (Pl. XXXVIII) BMCRR Rome top
Helmeted head of Roma r.; behind, voting- Libertas in quadriga r., holding reins and rod
urn and K Border of dots. (tlindicta) in 1. hand and pileus in r. hand;
below, C·CASS I; in exergue, ROMA. Line
border.
Obverse dies: (88). Reverse dies: [uo].
.290
obverse of no. 386/1 ; it should therefore be regarded as that of Liber; the ivy
wreath makes it clear that it cannot be that of Venus. The symbolism is the same
as that of the revers e type of the denarius (for the theme of libertas, compare nos.
270 and 428; for the association between libertas and leges tabe//ariae, see Ch.
Wirszubski, Libertas, 20 and s o ; cf. T. P. Wiseman, New men, 4-s).
The apex identifies the moneyer as a T. Quinctius F)amininus, perhaps the son
ofT. Quinctius Flamininus, Cos. 123 (for the origin of the cognomen, see F. Miinzer,
RA, us).
The Macedonian shield alludes to the victory of T. Quinctius Flamininus, Cos.
198, over Philip V of Macedon. The use of the Dioscuri as reverse type, unusual in
this period, perhaps records Flamininus' offering to the Dioscuri in recognition of
the liberation of Greece (Plutarch, Flam. 12).
B. Fabia tt; Bf. i, 113; S. 517-517a; M. H. Crawford, NC 1965, 149; RE Fabius us. See
above, pp. 6zff., below, no. 258*.
291
tb Denarius (Pl. XXXVIII) BMCRR Rome 1173
Similar, but control-letter before bead of Similar, but control-letter above Pictor.
Roma.
Obvene dies: 14. Revene dies: 19.
The moneyer is presumably the grandson ofQ. Fabius Pictor, Pr. 189 and Flamen
Quirinalis, and son of the Numerius Fabius Pictor whose name should be restored
at Cicero, Brutus 81 (E. Badian,JRS 1967, 228).
The reverse type seems to portray Q. Fabius Pictor, who attempted, albeit
unsuccessfully, to hold at the same time the military office of Praetor in Sardinia
and the civilian office of Flamen Quirinalis (Livy :xxxvi,i so, 8 and 51, 1�).
B. Caecilia 14, 17 and 19; Bf. i, 56; iii, 27; S. 485-486a; RE Caecilius 84. See above, pp. 62ff.,
below, no. 75*, no. 197*.
The legend on one reverse die isM· RORC (Glasgow) and on another apparently M·POR
(San Lorenzo del Vallo hoard).
B. Acilia 1-3; Bf. i,4> iii, 4; S. 498-499a; RE Acilius 26. See above,pp. 62tf., below,no. 198*.
The moneyer is presumably Mn. Acilius Balbus, Cos. 114. The laurel-wreath on
the obverse, of unusually elaborate form, presumably complements the figure of
Victory on the reverse. The Lex Acilia (Sherk 16, line 12 with G. Tibiletti, Athenaeum
1953, 5), cited by C. Cavedoni (Annali 1849, 187) and given a religious content, is
of no relevance to the reverse type, for which see p. 728.
293
272 ANONYMOUS Mint-Rome 135-125 B.C.
A. ii, 169 (pl. lix, 9); 196 (pl. lxii, 18 and lxiii, 2).
Border of dots.
Obverse dies: [300]. Reverse dies: £375].
The scyle of the issue as a whole and of the rostrum in particular varies from presentable to
horrible.
·
The moneyer is presumably the grandson of Q. Fabius Labeo, Cos. 183 (with whom
the arbiter of Cicero, de off. i, 33 is identified by Valerius Maximus vii, 3, 4, probably
rightly), and the son of the Q. Fabius Labeo mentioned by Cicero, Brutus 81 in a
mid-second-century context; the Spanish milestone, ILLRP 461, may belong to
the moneyer or to his father.
The rostrum on the denarius probably alludes to the naval victories of the eldest
Labeo as Praetor in 189 or Proconsul in 188; for his triumph see Livy xxxvi,i 6o, 6;
The reasons advanced at BMCRR ii, 247 n.1 are decisive for the separation of this
issue from no. 279.
The moneyer may plausibly be identified with the Praetor of Sicily (RE Papirius
·
39) mentioned by Cicero,fam. ix, 21, 3·
The branch appears to be without significance, since the obverse type as a whole
is copied from that of no. 76.
295
277 Q.MINV RVF Mint-:-Rome u2 B.C.
B. Minucia 1-2; Bf. i, 187; ii, 62; S. 421-422; RE Minucius 56. See above, pp. 65, 75, below,
no. 76*, nos. 2oo-2o1*.
The moneyer is preswnably Q. Minucius Rufus, Leg. 110 and elder brother of the
Consul of 110 (see also p. 75).
B. Plutia 1; Bf. iii, 69; S. 410 and 414; RE Plutius (xxi, 1, 1270). See above, p. 65.
B. Papiria 7 and 9; Bf. iii, 8o; S. 415 and 416a; RE Papirius 37· See above, p. 65.
B. Tullia 1; S. 531; RE Tullius 11. See above, pp. 65, 68, 75·
B. Furia t8; Bf. i, 124; S. 529; RE Furius 79· See above, p. 65.
297
z8z L.LIC, CN.DOM AND ASSOCIATES Mint-Narbo uS B.c.
B. Aurelia 20; Cosconia t; Domitia 15-19; Licinia 11-15; Poblicia t; Pomponia 7; Porcia 8;
Bf. i, 53; iii, 67; S. 52o-524; RE Cosconius 6; Domitius 21 ; Licinius 55; Publicius t8;
Pomponius 5; Porcius 25. See above, pp. 65, 71ff., below, no. 259*.
The helmet on the obverse is often neither distinctively Phrygian nor distinctively Attic; the
end of the reverse legend may read C Ill· DOM (Hannover 2223), CN·GOM (Vatican
2552) or CN· ODM (Vatican 2554).
The end of the reverse legend may read CN·GOM (Vatican 2555) or CN ·DO (ANS).
The end of the reverse legend may read Cl!l· DOM (Alba di Massa hoard) or CN·GOM
(BMCRR Rome 1193).
The style of this issue differs markedly from that of contemporary mainstream issues,
the erratic reverse legends are unparalleled on the Republican silver coinage and
the administrative framework of the issue (apparently two senior monetary magis
trates with five junior associates) is most extraordinary. A provincial mint may
therefore be postulated and H. Mattingly's arguments for Narbo seem decisive
(JRS 1922, 230, anticipated on a number of points by J. de Witte, RA 1887, 2,
137). The colony belongs in uS and the issue may be independently dated by
hoard-evidence to c. 120 (for the precise date of the colony and the issue seep. 71);
the reference of the reverse type is apparently to the victories over the Gauls that
made the colony possible (see below); the L. Licinius who is one of the two
senior monetary magistrates was surely the L. Licinius Crassus responsible for the
colony.
None of the magistrates who sign the issue mentions the position they held; all
were presumably empowered to strike coinage by the law establishing the colony.
L. Licinius and Cn. Domitius should be regarded as Ilviri col. deduc., M. Aurelius
Scaurus, L. Cosconius, C. Malleolus, L. Pomponius and L. Porcius Licinus as
Curatores denariorum flandorum. Their coinage is distinguished, apart from the
features mentioned above, by the casual use of X or *, surely without significance,
and by the practice of serration, presumably a device to emphasise the distinctive
ness of the issue.
L. Licinius Crassus was Cos. 95; Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus seems to have struck
coinage as moneyer also (no. 285) and to have been Cos. 96. Their·junior associates
did not have distinguished careers - M. Aurelius Scaurus is presumably the late
second-century Quaestor of Cicero, div. in Caec. 63 and in Verr.t, 85 (E. Badian,
Studies, 101 n. 98),the son of M. Aurelius Scaurus, Cos. 108, and the father of the
M. Aurelius M.f. Vol. on the consilium of Cn. Pompeius Strabo at Asculum; L.
Cosconius is presumably the son of M. Cosconius, Pr. 135 (see L. R. Taylor, VDRR
208); C. Malleolus is presumably the father of C. Malleolus, Q. So (no. 335); L.
Pomponius is perhaps the father of L. Pomponius Molo (no. 334) and of Cn.
Pomponius, ?Tr. Pl. 90; L. Porcius Licinus is presumably the grandson or great
grandson of L. Porcius Licinus, Cos. 184.
The accoutrements of the figure in the biga forming the reverse type are purely
Gallic (note the canryx and the criss-cross pattern on the shield, similar to those
on no. 281/1) and I find it hard to believe (with Eckhel and Mommsen) that Mars
is represented in this barbarian get-up. The figure is clearly a Gaul (W. Kubitschek's
B. Marcia 16-17; Fabia 12-13; Roscia 1-2; Bf. i, 114; S. 541-541b; RE Marcius 30. See above,
pp. 6s, 68.
299
The first moneyer, even if a Q. Marci11S, is virtually unidentifiable. His colleagues are
unknown.
B. Calidia 1 and 3; Caecilia 35-36; Fulvia 1-2; Bf. i, 61, 65 and 119; S. 539-539a; RE Calidius
3; Caecilius (see below); Fulvius 14. See above, p. 68, below, no. 202*.
M. Calidius is perhaps the father of Q. Calidius, Pr. 79; Q. Metellus may be either
Q. Caecilius Metellus Numidicus, Cos 109, or more likely Q. Caecilius Metellus
.
B. Domitia 7, 9-13; Curtia 2-7; Junia 9-14; Bf. i, 103 and 159; ii, 55; iii,44 and 6o; S. 535-535a
and 537-538d; RE Domitius 21; Curtius 11; Junius 169 ( ?). See above, p. 68, below, no.
203*·
The legend on one reverse die is C N ·OMI (F. Gnecchi, RIN 1889, pl. iii, 3 = Rome,
Museo Nazionale (Gnecchi) 852).
on 1. shoulder; before, Q ·CV RT upwards; hand and hurling thunderbolt with r. hand;
behind, X. Border of dots. above, lituus; below, M·SIP.,; in exergue,
ROMA. Line border.
Obverse dies: [185). Reverse dies: [231].
The mark of value is missing on one obverse die (ANS, HSA 25475).
3 Semis Hannover 2058-2059
Laureate head of Saturn r.; before, CN · Harpa; above, M·SILA; below, Q·CVRTI.
OOMI upwards; behind, S.
Specimens in Paris: 1.
4 Triens Paris, AF
Helmeted head of Minerva r.; above, oooo; Aegis; around, M·SI LA·Q·CVRT I.
before, C N 00M I upwards.
·
Specimens in Paris: 1.
This college of moneyers presents in its most crucial form the problem of identifi
cation (cf. p. 272). If Cn. Domitius is the Consul of 96, there is a gap of half a
generation between him and M. Silanus, whether he is the Consul of 109 or this
man's son. Q. Curtius is totally unknown.
The lituus on the reverse of 2 is usually held to refer to the augurate of an ancestor
of M. Silanus. The reverse types of the bronze, by way of artistic variation, show
the attributes of the deities on the obverse instead of a prow (for the types of the
uncia see p. 745).
301
286 M.SERGI SILVS Q Mint-Rome u6or us B.C.
B. Scrgia t; Bf. i, 238; S. 534 and 544; RE Sergius 42· See above, pp. 68f,, below, no. 26o*.
The mark of value is missing on one obverse die (San Lorenzo del Vallo hoard). The size of
the head of Roma covers the whole range from large to small.
For the types in general see p. 729, for the two birds, p. 719 n. 5· Compare also the
gem, A. Furtwiingler, Antike Gemmen, pl. 28, 6o.
B. Cornelia 18; Bf. i, 91; iii, 42; S. 553; RE Cornelius 97· See above, p. 69.
The moneyer is perhaps the father of the notorious political boss of the 7os, P.
Cethegus, who on the evidence of Cicero, Brutus 178 was hom about 120 (and for
1 The spikes on the helmet are clearly visible on the coin itself; but I should not like to be dogmatic
about the nature of the branch or the sex of the goat.
302
whom see Cicero, Brutus 178 with commentary of A. E. Douglas; T. R. S. Broughton,
MRRP ii, Supplement 18).
The correct identification of the head-gear of the male figure on the reverse and
of the wreath around the type, made by J. Eckhel in 1795 (DNV v, 180) and by H.
Cohen in 1857 (Midailles consulaires, 101), but ignored by their successors, imposes
certain limitations on the interpretation of the type Both the recent identification
.
of the male figure as King Silvius as a child (A. Alfoldi, Urahnen, 24; Early Rome,
239 n.1) and the traditional identifications as Attis (Ch. Lenormant, RN 1842, 245,
citing the rearing of Attis on goat's milk; C. Cavedoni, Bullettino 1844, 23; Th.
Mommsen, RMw, 540 and later handbooks; the cult of Attis was in any case of
negligible importance at Rome before the Empire, see P. Lambrechts, Attis, 43
and 71, righdy ignoring this coin; J. A. North,JRS 1965, 278) or as Genius Junonis
Sospitae (C. Cavedoni, Saggio, 152 n.46 and 199; G. Riccio, Monete delle famiglie,
63) are likewise excluded. The ivy-wreath characterises the type as Dionysiac (compare
the thyrsus on no. 353) and the male figure should probably be regarded as Dionysus
himself (compare A. Furtwangler, Antike Gemmen, pl. 42, 62). The borrowing of
the Phrygian helmet for the head of Roma is neither surprising nor significant.
For the letters EX· S· C see p. 6o6.
B. Cipia 1 and 3�; Bf. i, 81; iii, 38; S. 546-547c; RE Cipius 2. See above, pp. 68f., below,
no. 77*.
Paris,AF
Laureate head of Saturn r.; before, Prow r.; before, S; below, ROMA.
M C I PI· M· F
· upwards; behind, S.
Specimens in Paris: 2.
No specimen displays more than one o on obverse or reverse; the coin is therefore an uncia.
B. Fonteia 1�; Bf. iii, 49; S. 555-556d; RE Fonteius 6 and ?2. See above, pp. 68f.
The control-letters on the obverse of the denarius run right through the Latin
alphabet, alone or accompanied by 1-7 dots; 0 with ··· and E · with ··· ···
304
occur, also X as well as �; no control-letter or control-letter+ dot has more than
one die; it is curious that obverse dies thus fall into groups of eight, the number of
days in a nundinum (on which see A. K. Michels, Calendar, 192-4).
For the weight standard of 2-6 see p. 596; Bahrfeldt's surprise at the weight of
the uncia is misplaced,since this denomination is often relatively heavy compared
with larger and more easily produced denominations.
The moneyer is doubtless a brother or cousin of the moneyer Mn. Fonteius
(no. 307); either may be identified with the Fonteius who was Legate in 91. This
moneyer is presumably the father of no. 353 and perhaps also of no. 347·
The Janiform head which forms the obverse of the denarius should be regarded
not as that of Fontus (for those existence there is no good evidence, K. Lane, RRg,
77 n.1 ),but as that of the Dioscuri, whose jugate heads form the obverse of no. 307;
both moneyers come from the gens Fonteia and therefore from Tusculum (L. R.
Taylor, VDRR, 214), the chief cult-centre of the Dioscuri in Latium; the reverse
type of this issue is doubtless an allusion to the transmarine origin of Telegonus
(for whom see on no. 149),the founder ofTusculum (the anchor on the as presumably
alludes to this too). The obverse type of the uncia is borrowed from the denarius
of M. Cipius.
The legend on the reverse should all be regarded as forming the moneyer's name -
since most Republican coin legends are of indeterminate case, the dative is hardly
significant. Certainly there are no grounds for regarding Mn. Aemilius Lepidus as
the name of the horseman portrayed (contra H. Gesche, JNG 1968, 34; G. Fuchs,
Architekturdarsrellungen, 1o); such a name should be in the nominative (see no.
381 for the only unequivocal example). The moneyer is probably to be identified
with the Mn. Aemilius Lepidus attested by the filiation of Mn. Aemilius Mn.f.
Lepidus,Cos. 66; he is perhaps the son of M. Aemilius Lepidus,Cos. 126 (G. V.
Sumner,JRS 1964,42 n.9).
M. Stuart's careful argument (AJA 1945, 23o-4o) that the arches which form
part of the reverse type represent an aqueduct, though not absolutely decisive, is
stronger than the arguments for any other interpretations.1 The aqueduct is doubt-
1 The bridge-buildlng Aemilius of Plutarch, Nwna 9 does not get one very far.
less the one begun by M. Aemilius Lepidus and M. Fulvius Nobilior Censors in as
179, but completed by and named after Q. Marcius Rex, Pr. 144, despite the oppo
sition of another M. Aemilius Lepidus (Frontinus, Aq. i, 7, reading pro collegio;
Stuart, 24C>-9; see also on no. 425, A. E. Astin, Scipio Aemilianus, 108-10; 126).
The three arches are explained by Stuart as those carrying the aqueduct across the
Via Praenestina (249-50, ignored by Gesche).
The identity of the statue standing on the arches is uncertain, since a moneyer
could portray an ancestor bearing a different praenomen to his own, without ex
plicidy identifying him (see no. 433).
If the legend on the obverse is descriptive, the head may be regarded as that of
Roma.
B. Licinia 7-10; Bf. i, 166; ii, 57; iii, 66; S. 548-549c; RE Licinius 135-136. See above, pp. 68f.,
below, no. 78*, no. 204*, no. 261*.
above, crescent; behind, ROMA upwards; N: R VA; at top of coin, bar on which stands
before, K Border of dots. tablet bearing letter P. Border of dots.
Obverse dies: [73]. Reverse dies: [91 ].
The first letter of the moneyer's name on the reverse is sometimes rather carelessly executed
(cf. A. von Sallet, ZJN 1875, 86).
2 Semis BM
Laureate head of Saturn r.; before, P N: R VA
· Prow r.; above, female dancer; before, S;
upwards; behind, S. below, ROMA.
Specimens in Paris: 4·
B. Mantia 2; Bf. i, 176; iii, 72; S. 545; RE Manlius 78. See above, pp. 68f., below, no. 262*.
1 Denarius (Pl. XL) BMCRR Italy 518
Helmeted head of Roma r.; behind, ROM Horseman charging 1.; below, L T0 R Q VA;
·
B. Cornelia 19-23; Bf. i, 91; ii, 37; iii, 42; S. 561-562b; RE Cornelius 75· See above, pp. 68f.,
below, no. 263*.
r., §.
Specimens in Paris: 3·
The twelve varieties of 1 were perhaps produced successively (though not necessarily
in the order given) in the course of the twelve months of the year; symbols on
obverse and reverse are sometimes natural pairs, but seem otherwise to have been
chosen at random (the Romans merely numbered half their months and clearly
assigned no special character to them); it is interesting that some of the symbols
recur on earl y, undated tesserae nummulariae (ILLRP 987-8; 994-5; 997-8 -all
presumably of about 100 B.C.). The type of 4 is borrowed from denarii of Ti.Q
(no. 297).
The moneyer is doubdess a descendant of Cn. Cornelius Blasio, Pr. 194.
There are no grounds for supposing that the obverse of 1 bears a portrait of P.
Scipio Africanus (contra H. M.-L. Vollenweider, Museum Helvecicum 1958, 38-42;
H. H. Scullard, Scipio, 249-51, without new arguments). The supposed precedents
for this issue, the issues of New Carthage and Canusium discussed by E. S. G.
Robinson (Essays Mattingly, 41-3), are in my view illusory and in any case their
obverses in no way resemble this obverse; and the stylistic peculiarities of the latter,
which lend plausibility to the traditional view that it is a portrait, are in fact re
produced on contemporary issues (see Plate XL).1 Nor does the Capitoline triad
on the reverse provide any evidence for regarding the obverse as a portrait of Scipio.
The association of Scipio with Jupiter and the Capitol (for his visits to the Capitol
and the placing there of his imago see Polybius x, 5, 5 with commentary of F. W.
Walbank; id., PCPhS 1967, 54-6, accepting the traditional view of the denarius of
Cn. Blasio) is secondary to the event at the centre of the Scipionic legend, the
capture of New Carthage (F. W. Walbank, 54-69); and it seems to me to defy
probability to suppose that Cn. Blasio as moneyer adopted a portrait of Scipio as
his type, whereas L. Scipio Asiagenus striking a few years later (no. 311) did no
such thing. We should rather suppose that Jupiter, who appears with the rest of
the Capitoline triad on the denarius of Cn. Blasio, alone on the issues of Cn. Cornelius
Ll. Sisena (no. 310), L. Scipio Asiagenus and two Cn. Lentuli (nos. 345 and 549),
was the object of special veneration by the whole gens Cornelia; from this fact those
parts of the Scipionic legend associated with Jupiter and the Capitol perhaps
1 0. Vessberg, Studien, 126-7 points to the thin and sinewy neck, the high forehead, deep-set eye and
pointed nose, the prominent cheekbone; all may be found on denarii of C. Fonteius or Mn. Aeml i ius
Lepidus.
310
developed. If it is accepted that family tradition suggested the Capitoline triad to
Cn. Blasio as a reverse type for his denarius, a head of Mars on the obverse is
readily intelligible as a counterpart of deities sometimes known as summi imperatores
(ILLRP 192 with commentary). The unusual reverse type of the as, apparently
borrowed by the artist from the coinage of Agathocles (C. Cavedoni, Annali 1849,
194), may result from a similar association of ideas.
B. Quinctia 6; Bf. ii, 72; iii, 90; S. 563; RE Quinctius 18. See above, pp. 68f.
The control-marks on each variety are the letters of the Latin alphabet, including
Y and Z or S ; the letters are always accompanied by a dot above or below or on
the right or the left and apparent exceptions to this rule (for instance, B, E and S
reponed by Bahrfeldt) depend on misread specimens; within each variety no
control-mark has more than one die.
The identity of the moneyer is wholly uncertain, but he may be a Ti. Quinctius
or Ti. Quinctilius; three factors militate against the possibility that the Q on the
reverse stands for Quaestor; the whole legend seems to be copied from that ofT.
Quinctius Flamininus (no. 267); the borrowing of the type of this denarius for the
quadrans of Cn. Blasio suggests that the two men belong to the same college of
moneyers; and on contemporary issues attributed to Quaestors the Q does not run
on from the name.The rat (or mouse) provides no assistance;1 although the moneyer
may come from Sabinum (see below), he can hardly be connected with the Murrius
of Varro, RR ii, 6, 1 or the Q. Murrius of ILLRP 265, both from Reate, since the
adjective from mus is murinus (I owe this point to E. Badian); C. Cavedoni's syggestion
(Ripostigli, 125) that the moneyer isTi. QuinctiusTrogus will not do, since the link
rat-rodent-Tf>WyetV-Trogus is hopelessly tenuous and at Varro, LL vi, 90 and 92,
cited by Cavedoni, the correct reading may beT. Quinctius Rocus, rather than T.
QuinctiusTrogus.
The unusual bust of Hercules on the obverse, recurring on no. 329, is perhaps
that of Hercules Respiciens,2 attested at Reate (GIL ix, 4673; note also the founda-
1 A. Alfl)Jdi, Festschrift Schefold, 34 n. 196, holds the astonishing view that the mouse stands for
Minucius.
• For the meaning of this word see Varro in Nonius wM.
311
tion of Reate by a companion of Hercules, Suetonius, Vesp. 12); the desultor on
the reverse perhaps portrays a statue, if the tablet with the incuse legend
D.S.S. is intended to recall a statue-base (B. Pick, Frankfurter Mii_nzzeitung
1917, 249); the formula d(e) s(enatus) s(ententia) is a common one in building
inscriptions. See also p. 729.
Border of dots.
Obverse dies: [5o]. Reverse dies: [62].
compare Ovid, Fasti iii, 438,julmina nulla tenet). For Veiovis seeS. Weinstock, Divus
Julius, 8 n. 2; A.B. Cook, Zeus i, 711-12; T. J. Luce, AJA 1968, 25-6; E. Cocchi
Ercolani, RIN 1968, 115 adds nothing. The attributes of the figures on the reverse
correspond to the description of the Lares Praestites in Ovid, Fasti v, 137-8;
Plutarch, QR 276f; the monograms should therefore be resolved as La(res) Pr(a)e
(stites). The significance of the bust of Vulcan is not apparent.
Border of dots.
Obverse dies: [320]. Reverse dies: [400].
312
The consistent occurrence of the letters Q· \R. at the end of the legend provides no
evidence for the resolution Q(uaestores) Ur(bani), contra Th. Mommsen, RMw, 561
n. 301; on one contemporary bronze issue struck by three moneyers (no. 285/3-7b)
the name of Cn. Domitius appears consistendy on the obverse, the names of Q.
Curtius and M. Silanus consistendy on the reverse; on two contemporary silver
issues (nos. 283 and 284) one moneyer out of three fails to appear at the head of the
list. Against Mommsen's interpretation may be urged the fact that only one Quaestor
Urbanus seems to have been in charge of the Aerarium at any one time, at any rate
down to Sulla (Polybius xxiii, 14, 5; Lex Cornelia de XX quaestoribus FIRA i, =
no. 10, lines 1-4; cf. the epigraphic/ex repetundarum, FIRA i, no. 7,lines 68-9 and the
epigraphiclexagraria, FIRA i, no. 8,line46; see also the sources cited on p. 633 n. 1).
The letters Q·\R. at the end of the legend on this issue should be regarded as represent
ing a name and the whole issue should be regarded as struck by three moneyers.
Ap. Claudius is presumably Ap. Claudius Pulcher, Pr. 89 and Cos. 79; if the
monogram T f\A is read as T ·Mal(· · · · · ), the second moneyer is perhaps better
taken as a T. Maloleius than as a T. Mallius (C. Cichorius, RS, 146; E. Badian,
Historia 1963, 138; contra, A. Degrassi on ILLRP515; the T. Mallius cited by F.
Miinzer, RE xiv, 918 should be regarded as a T. Manlius, L. R. Taylor, VDRR,
228); but I now prefer to read the monogram as T. Manl(···)and to identify the
moneyer with T. Manlius Mancinus, Tr. Pl. 107; the third moneyer is presumably
a Q. Urbinius, not otherwise known, perhaps the father of C. Urbinius, Q. 74·
B. Porcia 4; Bf. i, 224; iii, 87; S. 571-571a; RE Porcius 21. See above, pp. 68f.
The moneyer is L. Flaminius Chilo (for the spelling compare nos. 236 and 288),
not otherwise known.
The moneyer is presumably Mn. Aquillius, Cos. 101. His types need do no more
than reflect a predilection for the cult of Sol and Luna (cf. H. A. Grueber, BMCRR
ii, 300 n.2); the stars on the reverse represent the heavens through which Luna
passes (compare no. 426/2).
1 The arguments of J. Bleicken (RE xxiii, 2449) that the military figure is protecting the civilian figure
and therefore represenu the author of a law concerning prowcatio will not do; the actions of the
attendant with the rods are unintelligible without the presence of the governor.
304 L.MEMMI Mint-Rome 109 or to8 B.C.
The moneyer is the brother of C. Memmius, Tr. Pl. 111; for his family and his
later career see T. P. Wiseman, NC 1964, 157 (with stemma); CQ 1967, 164; J. R.
Hamilton, CQ 1968, 412. The moneyer may be identified with L. Memmius, who
visited Egypt as a Senator in 112 (RE Memmius 12; P. Tebt. 33 W. Chrest. 3,
=
line 3; the terminology of the Greek can hardly be regarded as indicating any
particular rank within the Senate, contra M. Gelzer, Nobility, 26 n. 198); if this is
right, the moneyer had already been Quaestor.
The obverse type remains unexplained, despite the speculations of E. Gabrici,
RIN 1892, 175 and H. A. Grueber, BMCRR ii, 299 n.2; if the moneyer and the
tourist in Egypt are the same man, out-of-the-way religious and artistic interests
may perhaps be postulated. For iconographic parallels to the unusual representation
of the Dioscuri see L. Cesano, BCAR lv, 1928, 118 n. 5; L. Barry, Bull. Inst. Fran;ais
Arch. Or. 1906, 165; E. Breccia, Monuments de /'Egypte Greco-Romaine i, 124; W.
von Bissing, Aegyptus 1953, 347; Ch. Picard, RA 1964, 1, 195 adds nothing. For
the head on the obverse compare no. 350A.
B. Lutatia 2 and 5; Bf. i, 174; ii, 17; iii, 69; F. Capranesi in D. D. Milller, Memorie, 56; S.
559-56o; RE Lutatius 14. See above, p. 68, below, no. 79*, no. 2o6*.
oneachside);above,ROMA;before,CE RCO Q
upwards; behind, K Border of dots. wreath. Border of dots.
Obverse dies: (135]. Reverse dies: [169).
The moneyer is presumably L. Valerius Flaccus, Cos 100. The figure of Mars and
.
the apex together recall the fact that the moneyer's father, Cos 131, hdd the office
.
ofFlamen Martialis (an office probably held at the time of this issue by the Albinus
of Cicero, Brutus 135, but later to be held by the Consul of 100). For the corn-ear
see p. 729.
B. Fonteia 7-8;Bf.i, 117; S. 566-566b; RE Fonteius 8 and ?2. See above, p. 69, below, no.265*.
The mark of value is sometimes X instead of � (BMCRR Rome 1209- wrongly described;
Vienna 2047).
The control-marks on la-b are the letters of the Latin alphabet; within each variety
no control-letter has more than one die. The control-marks on 1c are the letters A
to L with two dots above the ship and the letters M to X with two dots below the
ship; no control-mark has more than one die. The control-marks on 1d are the
letters A to L with three dots above the ship and the letters M to X with three dots
below the ship; no control-mark has more than one die.
The moneyer is doubdess a brother or cousin of the moneyer C. Fonteius (see
316
on no. 290). For the symbolism of the types of 1b-d see on no. 290; the letters PP
on the obverse of 1a identify the Dioscuri as also the Penates Publici, whose aniconic
counterpart, the dolio/um containing the sacra brought from Troy, appears on the
reverse (JRS 1971, 153); its odd position doubdess results from the difficulties
involved in portraying the cargo of a boat (see Addenda).
B. Herennia 1-4, Cornelia 37 and i, p. 3Z; A. ii, 353 and 34Zi Bf. i, 94 and U7; ii, 46; ill, 5Z;
S. 567-568b, 766; RE Herennius to. See above, p. 69, below, no. So*.
The legend on the reverse die with .,:.. is M 1-E E RNN I (Hersh
· 22 ).
5 Semuncla (Pl. XLI) Rome, Capitol 1558 (A. ii, pl. l.xxvii, 1 -
inaccurate; Bf. i, pl. v, 100) (unique)
Bust of Diana r., with bow and quiver over Comucopiae; on 1., ROMA downwards.
shoulder.
The control-marks on ta-b are the letters of the Latin alphabet, with or without a
dot; the letter may be upright, as A, on its face, as )>, or on its back, as <( ; the
dot may appear above or below or on the right or the left. Within each variety no
control-mark has more than one die, except that I and - may have two dies each,
one for the letter on its face and one for the letter on its back, 0 and X may have
317
three dies each, one for the letter upright, one for the letter on its face and one for
the letter on its back.
The anonymous pieces 4b and 5 (for the latter compare nos. 315/2 and 316/2)
clearly belong in this general period, by reason of their weight standard, types and
style, even if their attribution to this issue is not absolutely secure.
The moneyer is presumably M. Herennius, Cos. 93·
The reverse type of the denarius illustrates pietas in action (for the identification
of the type see Hyginus 254, 4 with C. K. Galinsky, Aeneas, 55 n.105; for the story
of the Catanaean brothers see Aetna 6o3 with commentary of F. R. D. Goodyear
- not citing this coin). It is uncertain whether the moneyer was a descendant of
Herennius Siculus the Haruspex and used the story of the Catanaean brothers to
recall the loyalty of the Haruspex to C. Gracchus (Valerius Maximus ix, 12, 6).
Herennius Siculus seems in any case despite his cogrwmen to have been Etruscan by
origin (Velleius ii, 7, 2), and the type was doubtless chosen not for its Sicilian asso
ciations, but because the story of the Catanaean brothers provided a well-known
example of pietas in action (contra B. Borghesi, CEuvres ii, 205-6).
B. Mantia 1; Bf. i, 175; iii, 72; S. 543; RE Manlius 63. See above, pp. 69f.
The moneyer is perhaps the same person as A. Manlius, Leg. 107-105. I see no
way of deciding whether S E R is the abbreviation of the tribe Sergia or of a cog
rwmen Sergianus (L. R. Taylor, VDRR, 229-30, with earlier bibliography).
The reasons for the portrayal of Sol rising from the waves and surrounded by
stars and moon are entirely obscure.
B. Cornelia 17; Bf. i, 90; S. 542; cf. RE Cornelius 373· See above, pp. 69f.
318
The moneyer is to be distinguished from Cn. Cornelius Sisenna, Pr. ?119.
The figure below the chariot on the reverse should probably be regarded as a
demon (F. W. Goethert, MDAI(R) 1940, 233, with earlier bibliography; the argu
ments ofL. Curtius, MDAI 1951, to, that the figure is the Summanus who decorated·
the Capitoline temple take no account of the representations of the temple on nos.
385 and 487); whether or not Jupiter is actually fighting the demon, the type as
a whole, astral symbols and all, is to be taken as an artistic embellishment of a
simple Jupiter type; for the association of the gens Cornelia with Jupiter see on
no. 296. For Sol and crescent compare no. 309·
The control-marks are the letters of the Latin alphabet, with or without a dot; the
dot may appear above or below or on the right or the left.1 Within each variety no
control-mark has more than one die.
The moneyer is presumablyL. Cornelius Scipio Asiaticus, Cos. 83. For the types
see on no. 296.
1 utters may occasionally be reversed in error (as 111· in ta, BMCRR Rome 1367).
319
3u C.SVLPICI C.F Mint-Rome to6 B.C.
B. Sulpicia 1-4; Bf. i, 244; ii,77; iii, 96; S. 572-573b; RE Sulpicius 9· See above, p. 70, below,
no. 207*.
C F. Border of dots.
·
4 Quadraas Glasgow
Head of Hercules r.; behind, §. Similar, but also before, §.
Specimens in Paris: 4·
The control-marks on 1 are the letters of the Latin alphabet; each control-letter
may have several dies, as BMCRR Rome 1318 and Milan 716.
The moneyer is doubdess a son of C. Sulpicius Galba, Illvir a.d.a. c. 120 (exiled
in 109), and a brother of Ser. Sulpicius C.f. Galba on the consilium of Pompeius
Strabo at Asculum (ILLRP 475; C. Cichorius, RS, 138--9).
The obverse type of the denarius, the Dei Penates Publici, and the miracle of
the sow on the reverse,! observed by the same Penates, are both associated with
Lavinium (origo gent. Rom. 12, 5 (Cato); W. Ehlers, Museum Helveticum 1949, 166;
A. Alfoldi, Early Rome, 259 ff. with other sources; E. Mayer, Acta Antiqua (Budapest)
1968, 198), presumably the origo of the moneyer; for the borrowing of the icono
graphy of the Penates from that of the Dioscuri, see D. Hal. i, 68, 2.
B. Mernmia 2-5; Bf. i, 185; iii, 76; S. 574-575b; cf. REMemmius 14. See above,p. 70, below,
no. 208*, no. 266*.
GAL
Border of dots.
Obverse dies: 1. Reverse dies : 1.
1 There is no trace of the portrayal of a foedus (contra A. Rubino, Btitr. Vorgtschichtt, t86-9t).
320
1b Denarius serratus BMCRR Rome 1329
Similar, but control-mark before. Similar.
The legend on the reverse die with control-mark S is L M..MMI only (Rome, Capitol2185) .
·
The control-marks on 1b-e are the letters of the Latin alphabet, with or without a
dot; the dot may appear above or below or on the right or the left. In principle,
within each variety no control-mark has more than one die, but control-marks may
occasionally be used twice in error (as Q· in tb, Paris, AF and A 12703).
The moneyer is presumably the father ofL. and C. Memmii L.f. Gal.1 (no. 349),
but is not otherwise known. He and his sons apparendy belong to the less important
branch of the Memmii, using their tribe, Gal[eria], to distinguish themselves from
the more important branch (for which see on nos. 304 and 427). It is remarkable
that the use of Venus as a coin-type, presumably to draw attention to the claim of the
Memmii to be one of the familiae Troianae (Servius on Vergil, Aen. v, 117;Lucretius
i, 1-43), is more assiduous in the coinage of the less important branch of the Memmii.
The use of Saturn as a coin-type on the denarius of this issue is unexplained.
B. Aurelia21; Bf. ii,22; S.577-5 77b; RE Aurelius100and101. See above, p. 70 , below, no. 267*.
bound with laurel-wreath, with tongs over around, laurel-wreath. Border of dots.
shoulder; behind, �; around, wreath. Border
of dots.
Obverse dies:1. Reverse dies: 1.
1 The identification of the tribe is due to B. Borghesi, CEuvres i, 151; see also L. R. Taylor, VDRR, 233.
321
1b Denarius serratus BMCRR Rome 1296
Similar, but control-mark before. Similar.
The control-marks on 1b are the letters of the Latin alphabet, alone or accompanied
by up to two dots; the control-marks on 1c are the letters of the Latin alphabet;
within each variety each control-mark may have several dies, as Brussels and San
Lorenzo hoard with the letter V in 1b, Copenhagen and BMCRR Rome 1305 with
the letter C in 1c. The dies used for td seem to have been taken at random from
the dies used for 1b and tc; the following combinations on pure silver pieces are
known to me:
A- JT- Paris, A5047
0 /E- Paris, A5049; Hague 528
·
B. Hostilia t; Bf. i, 136; ii, 16. See above, p. 70, below, no. 81*.
322
316 L.THORIVS BALBVS Mint-Rome tosB.C.
B. Thoria t; Bf. i, 247; iii, 98; S. 598; RE Thorius 4· See above, p. 70, below, no. 268*.
The legend on one reverse die with control-mark X is R ALBVS (Vienna 3921). (Pl. XLII)
The control-marks on 1 are the letters of the Latin alphabet (occasionally with a dot,
Cambridge, H. Mattingly, NC 1956, 165); each control-letter may have several
dies, as BMCRR Rome 1625-6.The weight of 2 (dearly a semuncia, compare nos.
308/5 and 315/2; there is no trace of o on the reverse, contra Bahrfeldt) is 2.00 gr.
The moneyer is L.Thorius Balbus, Leg. 79· His obverse type alludes to the cult
of Juno Sospita at Lanuvium, his place of origin (Cicero, de fin. ii, 63; G. Wissowa,
RuK, 188-9; G. Dumezil, Eranos 1954, 105; L. R. Taylor, VDRR, 259; compare the
provincial coinage ofThorius Flaccus, M. Grant, FITA, pl. x.ii, 9; for the obverse
legend compare ILLRP 170; for the iconography of Juno Sospita see G. Hafner,
JDAI 1966, 186).The reverse type is usually held to allude to the moneyer's nomen
by way of the word taurus; but see p. 719 n. 8 (see Addenda).
B. Appuleia 1-3; Bf. ii, 16; iii, 20; S. 578-580; RE Appuleius 29. See above, pp. 7o-5, below,
nos. 82-83*.
The control-marks on each variety are the letters of the Latin alphabet, alone or
accompanied by up to four dots; within each variety no control-mark has more
than one die.
The moneyer is presumably C. Coelius Caldus, Cos. 94, father of no. 437·
B. Julia 4; Bf. i, 139; S. 593-593a; RE Julius 142. See above, p. 70, below, no. 270*.
The legend on the obverse die with control-mark · F is CAESA (Rome, Capitol1839).
The control-marks are the letters of the Latin alphabet as far as S, normally dis
posed or reversed, alone or accompanied by one or two dots; the control-mark on
the reverse is invariably the same as on the obverse, except that the dots sometimes
get lost in the rest of the type.1 No pair of control-marks has more than one pair of
dies.
The moneyer is presumably L. Iulius Caesar, Cos. 90.
The reverse type alludes to the descent of the Iulii from Venus by way of Aeneas
and Ascanius-Iulus (see p. 727). The lyre is presumably explained by the links of
the Iulii with Apollo (G. Wissowa, RuK, 296 with n.3; C. Koch,Juppiter, 79).
B. Cassia 4; Bf. i, 78; S. 594; RE Cassius 32. See above, p. 70, below, no. 271*.
The control-marks are the letters of the Latin alphabet,2 with or without a dot;
A on the obverse is paired with X on the reverse, 8 with V and so on as far as K
with M; when a dot occurs, it occurs on obverse and reverse and in the same position.
Each pair of control-marks may have several pairs of dies.
The moneyer is a L. Cassius Caecianus (for the cognomen and its spelling compare
ILLRP 777), not otherwise known.
1 The combination S/2 occurs (Glasgow). The letter N is sometimes reversed.
325
The reverse type merely complements the bust of Ceres on the obverse (so rightly
H. le Bonniec, Ceres, 37o-1; note Ovid, Amores iii, 10, 11-14); together the two types
recall the foundation of the temple of Ceres by Sp. Cassius, as Cos. II 493 (D. I:Ial.
vi, 94, 3; Tacitus, Ann. ii, 49, 1; see also commentary of R. M. Ogilvie on Livy ii,
41, 10). The supposed reference to an unattested colony on the Caeciae Insulae is
(pace Babelon and T. F. Carney, NC 1959, 83-4) absurd. For the speculations of
A. Vercoutre (ASFN 1891, 21 = CRAI 1890, 246) see H. A. Grueber, BMCRR i,
236 n. 3 .
B. Fabia 14-:16; Bf. ii, 42; S. 589-591; RE Fabius 15. See above, p. 70, below, no. 272*.
The control-marks on 1a are the letters of the Greek alphabet, on 1 b the letters of
the Latin alphabet,1 alone or accompanied by up to two dots; within each variety
no control-mark has more than one die.
The moneyer is perhaps C. Fabius Hadrianus, Pr. 84 (REFabius 82; the C. Fabius
C.f. Q.n. Hadrianus of ILLRP 363 must then be this man and not his son).
The bird which appears on the denarius and the as resembles a flamingo; it may
therefore be identified with one of the two birds called buteo by the Romans (the
'Sumpfvogel' ofF. Miinzer, RE vi, 1759, as opposed to the kind of hawk). It should
therefore be regarded as the bird which settled on a ship commanded by a Fabius
and thus gave a cognomen to the Fabii Buteones; given the existence of these
coins, it is better to hold that Pliny, NH x, 21 wrongly identifies the buteo
which settled on the ship with a kind of hawk than that the story is entirely
fictitious (see C. Cavedoni, Appendice, 95; also RN 1857, 354).2 If L. R. Taylor,
VDRR, 212, is right in regarding C. Fabius Hadrianus as a first generation Roman,
1 The Greek letter Z occurs reversed.
' For the possibility of an auspicium from a 'Sumpfvogel' see Servius on Vergil, Am. i, 398.
he may be regarded as arrogating affinit y with the Fabii Buteones, who were by
now extinct and who did not use the praenomen Caius (Th. Mommsen, RMw, S78
n. 344; compare nos. 403, 41S and 420). For the association of Cybele and victory
see Livy xxLx, 10,4-11,8; 14, s-14; xxxviii, 18,9 = Polybius xxi, 37, s-6; for their
connection with the career of Marius and his hopes of victory see Diodorus xxxvi,
13; Plutarch, Mar. 17; F. Bomer, MDAI(R) 1964, 136; M.G. Morgan, Klio 1973,
241-s. For the letters EX·A·PV seep. 6os.
B. Julia 3; S. 585; RE Julius 30. See above, p. 70, below, no. 84*.
The moneyer is probably not a Julius Caesar (see on no. 224). For the corn-ear see
p. 729.
The moneyer is perhaps the son of Mn. Lucilius M.f., if Senator in 129 (not the
nephew, as L. R. Taylor, VDRR 227),and perhaps the father of M. Lucilius, Tr. Pl.
?64; he is in any case not related to the poet Lucilius (A. B. West, AJP 1928,240).
For the letters rv see p. 6os.
327
The control-marks on each variety are the letters of the Latin alphabet; each control
letter may have several dies, as Licodia hoard and Carbonara hoard = Naples,
both with the letter K below.
The moneyer is the brother of C. Sentius C.f., Pr. 94, and himself the Praetor of
ILLRP 485, cf. Sherk 19, perhaps between 93 and 89 (R. Syme, Historia 1964, 159).
For the letters A G r V B see p. 6os.
·
The control-marks are the letters of the Latin alphabet, on the denarius alone or
accompanied by one dot,1 on the quinarius alone or accompanied by up to three
dots; within each denomination no control-mark has more than one die.
C. Fundanius is not known to have progressed beyond the quaestorship; he
is presumably the father of C. Fundanius, Tr. Pl. 68 (R. Syme, JRS 1963, 58).
The Gallic carnyx (for which see on no. 281) on 2 makes the reverse type as a
whole a clear reference to Marius' victories over the Cimbri and Teutones; the
triumphator on 1 may therefore perhaps be regarded as Marius himself, the rider
on the near horse as Marius' son, now aged 8 (cf. W. Ehlers, RE viiA, 508; compare
no. 402).
B. Servilia 13; Bf. ii, 76; S. 6o2; RE Servilius 19. See above, p. 70, below, no. 273*.
The moneyer is doubdess the father ofP. Servilius Rullus, Tr.Pl. 63; apparendy
of consular ancestry (Cicero, de leg. agr. ii, 19 with R. Syme, Hermes 1964, 410),
he is presumably descended from one or other of the Servilii Gemini, Coss. 203
and 202. For the letter r see p. 6os.
B. Cornelia 25-27; Bf. ii, 37; S. 604-606; RE Cornelius 230. See above, p. 70, below, no.
274*·
The control-marks on ta-b are the letters of the Latin alphabet and the letters of
the Greek alphabet, alone or accompanied by up to three dots; on te-d the control
marks are the letters of the Latin alphabet andY, alone or accompanied by a dot. The
control-mark on the reverse is invariably the same as on the obverse;1 within each
variety no pair of control-marks has more than one pair of dies.
The moneyer is P. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus, son of M. daudius Marcellus
(RE daudius 226) and father of no. 393·
The obverse type of the denarius, if correctly identified as Hercules Respiciens
(see on no. 297), perhaps reflects the Sabine origin of the daudii. For the reverse
type (compare Roma on the Gemma Augustea) see on no. 397· The triskeles on the as
alludes to the capture of Syracuse by M. daudius Marcellus, Cos. V 208, during
the Second Punic War (compare nos. 439/1 and 445/t, struck by members of the
same family, and no. 457/1, struck in Sicily; there is no reason whatever to suppose
that the adoption of the triskeles as a symbol to indicate Sicily was the responsibility
of the Romans, contra H. B. Wiggers, Festgabe Peter Berghaus, 12; cf. L. Lacroix,
Et. Arch. Class. t955-6, 96 n.4). For the letters P· E· S· C see p. 6o6.
The control-marks on ta are the symbols bow (BMCRR Rome 1126), arrow (BMCRR
Rome 1125) and trident (BMCRR Rome 1127), on tb the symbols star (Madrid),
crescent (Vienna 1005), hare (Kor&szakal hoard 85; Naples, F794- same die), (see
Pl. XLII, 22) (BMCRR Rome 1128) and '(Y (reported by Bahrfeldt from Paris). Each
symbol may have several dies, as BMCRR Rome 1125 and Milan 955·
In view of the fact that only one Quaestor Urbanus seems to have been in charge
1 Except that careless execution may sometimes result in the accidental omission of a dot and that one
letter may sometimes be reversed (as C(:) on tb, Paris, A St.p).
330
of the Aerarium at any one time (see on no. 299), the issue should perhaps be regarded
as having been struck by a Quaestor Ostiensis and a Quaestor Urbanus, in any case
a likely combination for dealing with the com supply. Piso, the Quaestor Ostiensis,
is probably L. Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus, Pr. 90 (R. Syrne, Historia 1955, 58),
owner of an arms factory during the Social War, author of a Lex Calpurnia offering
the citizenship to certain categories of Italian allies and father of L. Calpurnius Piso
Caesoninus, Cos. 58; Caepio, the Quaestor Urbanus, is presumably Q. Servilius
Caepio, ?Pr:...91 (E. Badian, Studies, 34; see also p. 73).
The reverse type portrays the two Quaestors at work, the obverse type the god
in whose care the Aerarium was placed. For the letters EX· S· C see p. 6o6, for the
occasion of the issue p. 73·
The control-marks are the letters of the Latin alphabet, alone or accompanied by
up to four dots; the control-mark on the reverse is invariably the same as on the
obverse, except that the position of one dot may be reversed, as·¢1¢ No pair of ·.
331
The control-marks are the letters of the Latin alphabet, alone or accompanied by
up to four dots. Within each variety no control-mark has more than one die.
T. Cloulius is presumably to be identified with the Marian Cloelius, Leg. 83
(T. P. Wiseman, CR 1967, 263). The carnyx (for which see on no. 281) identifies
the trophy on the reverse as Gallic and makes it clear that the allusion is to the
victories of Marius; for the purpose of the issue see p. 629.
B. Pomponia 6 and 1-5; Bf. i, 222; ii, 70; iii, 86; S. 607-6o8d; RE Pomponius 4 and 22. See
above, p. 70, below, no. 86*, no. 210*.
Laureate head of
Apollo r.; around v, Lighted altar; to 1., Numa Pompilius holding
L·POMPON· MOLO. Border of dots. lituus; to r., victimarius leading goat; in
exergue, NV M · roM I L. Border of dots.
Obverse dies: [30]. Reverse dies: [37].
332
5 Quadrans BMCRR Italy 744
Head of Hercules r.; behind, §. Similar; before, g.
Specimens in Paris.: 16.
The moneyer is a L. Pomponius Molo, not otherwise known, but perhaps the son
of no. 282/4. The reverse type alludes to the alleged descent of the Pomponii from
Pompo, the son of Numa (Plutarch, Numa 21; cf. D. Hal. ii, 76, 5; 58, 2).
333
3d Denarius BMCRR Italy 701
Similar. Similar, but grasshopper.
sa Semis Copenhagen
Laureate head of Saturn r.; behind, S. Similar; before, S.
Sb Semis (Pl. XLIII) BMCRR Italy 710 and 711 = Rome 503
Similar, butS before. Similar.
Specimens in Paris (both varieties): 6.
Helmeted head of Minerva r.; above, oooo. Prow r.; above, hammer and ROMA; below,
0000,
Specimens in Paris: 6.
Sb Sextans Glasgow
Similar, but with caduceus over shoulder. Similar.
Specimens in Paris (both varieties): 1.
334
toa Denarius BMCRR Italy 718; Italy 721
Laureate head of Apollo r.; behind, star with Dioscuriwatering horses at fountain of
varying number of rays; below, ROMA; Juruma; in field, crescent; in exergue,
before, X. Border of dots. A·ABINVS·S·F or A·ALBINVS·S·F.
Border of dots.
335
No particular reason is apparent for the types of 2 (but see Cicero, de div. i, 115;
ii, 113), nor for the use of these types on 1a-c, the joint issue of the whole college;
it is curious that the star and crescent which appear on obverse and reverse
respectively on 1oa-b recur as alternative symbols on 1b-c.1
characterised by the letters of the Latin alphabet are combined both with a succes
sion of dies characterised by a grasshopper and with a succession of dies character
ised by a variable symbol. Each letter and each variable symbol has several dies
(readily observable in any large collection). In the course of the production of the
issue any obverse die in use could be combined with any 'grasshopper' die in use or
with any 'variable symbol' die in use. The issue came to an end before the system
had been worked through, since few obverse dies with letters after Q are found with
'grasshopper' dies and no such obverse dies are found with 'variable symbol' dies.
The moneyer is a C. Allius Bala, not otherwise known.
B. Iunia 15-21 and 23; Bf. i, 162; ii, 55; iii, 62; W. 23; S. 644a-647 and 649; RE Iunius 162.
See above, pp. 75ff., below, no. 212*, no. 276*.
1 If the crescent can properly be considered in isolation, it may indicate the time of day, evening, at
which the Dioscuri appeared at the Lacus lutumae (C. Cavedoni, Saggio, 173 n. 88).
TABLE xx. Control-marks on denarii of C. Allius Bala
..
u "C
�
0.
0. "'
�
0
..
0
c:
0
·o.
.9 a ..Cl ..
...
c:
u
.,
..Cl
c:
0
.c: u
::l
u
.c: ·s
..Cl
� u
j
I
e
1>0 u
.. 0.
6
>
t:
..1<1
� ::l
�
.0
l
"C 0
0
0 0 "' "C
::s
� ·;:::
»
� 0
Cf.) � 0 8 p:: u & 1-- � 0 t5 u
A + +
B + + 2 +
c + + + 3 + + + 6
D + + 4 + + + + + +
E + + + + + + +
F + + + + + + +
G + + + + + + + + + 2 +
H + + + + + +
I + 7 + + + +
K + + + 1 + +
L 1 + + + +
M + +
N + +
0 + 1 5 2
p + +
Q + +
R +
s +
T +
v +
X +
There is a barbarous piece with T on obverse and anchor 1. on reverse (Paris, A+ 3865).
337
2c Denarius BMCRR Rome 1842; Rome 1846
Similar; before, control-mark. Similar.
The control-marks on tb are the letters of the Greek alphabet; each control-letter
may have several dies. The control-marks on 2c may be letters of the Latin alphabet!
or letters of the Greek alphabet; each control-letter may have several dies. The
control-marks on the obverse of2e are the letters of the Latin alphabet; each control
letter may have several dies. The control-marks on the reverse of 2d-f are the
symbols ear, grasshopper and wing and it looks very much as if they are engravers'
marks; all dies with •wing' show Victory holding a palm-branch in the left hand
and the reins in the right hand, instead of a palm-branch and the reins in the left
hand and a whip in the right hand.
The control-marks on the obverse of 3 are the letters of the Latin alphabet,2
on the reverse the numerals from I to XXX; each control-mark may have several
dies (readily observable in any large collection). A single obverse die may be com-
1 The letter C sometimes occurs reversed, :) (ANS, HSA10596).
t The letter D sometimes occurs reversed, a (BM).
bined with reve�e dies bearing different numbers, a single reverse die with obverse
dies bearing different letters, and it looks as if the mint aimed to produce every
possible combination between letters and numerals.
The torque on 1-2 betrays the moneyer's descent from D. lunius Silanus, Pr.
141, who was hom a Manlius Torquatus (compare Suetonius, Cal. 35); for a stemma
see on no. 220. The mask of Silenus on 1 alludes to the moneyer's own cognomen,
theplough on 1a perhaps to that of the Iunii Bubulci (rather than to the translator
of Mago's treatise on farming). The head of Salus on 2 is usually related to the
building of the temple of Salus by C. Iunius Bubulcus Brutus, Cens. 307. The re
verse type of 1 should refer to a Gallic victory. For the letters E · L · r see p. 611.
The letters L· P· D· A· Pprobably stand for Lege Papiria de assis pondere (seep. 611).
W. 7-9 and 12-16; S. 679-679c. See above, pp. 75ft'., below, no. 87*, no. 213*.
1b As Paris, AF
Similar. Similar, but between ROMA and prow, I.
339
tc Aa Paris, A 1173
Similar. Similar, but I before.
Specimens m Paris (all varieties): 9·
Only in the case of the as is the style distinctive enough to display affinities with the
style of semuncial pieces signed with moneyers' names. The lower denominations are
listed here without any very great conviction, since some may equally well be un
B. Calpurnia
6-16 and 18-21; Bf. i, 67; ii, 25; iii, 30; W. 17-22; S. 65o-676a and 677-677d;
RE Calpurnius 98. See above, pp. 75ff., below, no. 88*, no. 213*, no. 214*.
For full details see R. Grassby and M. H. Crawford, The denarius coinage of L. Piso Frugi
(forthcoming); the issue was apparently produced by:
Obverse dies: [864]. Reverse dies: [1080].
340
:zb Quinarius BMCRR Rome 2140; Rome 2138
On one reverse die a wreath appears before the feet of Victory (Glasgow).
sb Semis Copenhagen
Similar. Similar, but no F RVG I.
Specimens in Paris (both varieties): 21.
341
TABLE XXI. Control-marks on quinarii of L. Piso Frugi
On 1.:
1 Oub 2a Haeberlin 1358
2 Trident 2a BMCRR Rome 2176
3 Bucranium 2b Paris, A 6302
4 Butterfly 2b BMCRR Rome 2138
5 Lizard 2b Pontecorvo board 171
6 Palm-branch 2b BMCRR Rome 2140
7 Rudder 2b Paris, AF
Onr.:
8 B 2b Paris, A 6303
On 1.:
9 Bow 2C Paris, A 6300
10 Caduceus 2d Haeberlin 1316
11 Com-grain 2d Paris, A 6326
12 2d BMCRR Rome 2175
13 Apex 2e-g Paris, A 6310
14 Bipennis 2e-g BMCRR Rome 2141
10 Caduceus 2e-g Avetrana board
1 Oub 2e-g BMCRR Rome 2142
11 Com-grain 2e-g Paris, A 6327
15 Comucopiae 2e-g BMCRR Rome 21431
16 Crescent 2e-g Paris, A 6317
17 Dolphin 2e-g BMCRR Rome 2145
18 Ear 2e-g BMCRR Rome 2146
19 Flail 2 e-g Paris, A 6328
20 Goat's bead 2e-g BMCRR· Rome 2148
21 Knife (see pl. LXX, 1) 2e-g BMCRR Rome 2149
22 Tanner's knife 2e-g BMCRR Rome 2150
5 Lizard 2e-g BMCRR Rome 2151
23 Lotus 2e-g BMCRR Rome 2147
24 Owl 2e-g Paris, A 6314
25 Pileus 2e-g BMCRR Rome 2152
26 Spear (see pl. LXX, 2) 2e-g Bari 2347
27 Star 2e-g Paris, A 6311
28 Sword (see pl. LXX, 3) 2e-g Paris, A 6324
29 Wing 2e-g Paris, A 63o6
30 See pl. LXX, 4 2e-g Paris, A 6307
31 See pl. LXX, 5 2e-g Paris, A 6313
32 See pl. I:XX, 6 2e-g Paris, A 6330
33 A 2e-g BMCRR Rome 2155
34 B 2e-g Paris, A 6332
35 c 2e-g BMCRR Rome 2156
36 E 2e-g BMCRR Rome 2157
37 H 2e-g BMCRR Rome 2158
38 K 2e-g Paris, A 6336
39 M 2e-g BMCRR Rome 2159
1 There is a plated specimen with comucopiae, struck from a different die (Hague 207-t.g. 9.os).
TABLE XXI (cont.)
On r.:
51 Cup ze-g Paris, AF
5Z A ze-g BMCRR Rome z163
8 B 2e-g Paris, A 6353
53 c ze-g Bari Z346
54 E ze-g Paris, A 6354
55 F ze-g Siena
56 G 2e-g Paris, A 6356
57 I ze-g BMCRR Rome 2164
58 K ze-g BMCRR Rome z165
59 0 ze-g BMCRR Rome zt66
6o R 2e-g Paris, A 6361
61 s ze-g Oslo
6z T ze-g BMCRR Rome z167
63 v ze-g BMCRR Rome z168
64 X ze-g BMCRR Rome z170
65 III ze-g Paris, A 6351
66 S: 2e-g BMCRR Rome Z173
67 E ze-g Paris, A 6355
68 y ze-g Paris, A 6365
On I. and on r.:
69 Arrow/1 ze-g Paris, A 6369
70 Arrow/11 2e-g Pontecorvo hoard 174
71 BMCRR Rome 2154
'
Arrow/1111 ze-g
72 Hammer/V ze-g Paris, A 6367
73 Hammer/VI ze-g Vienna 1190
74 ? /VII 2e-g Oslo
75 S/VIII Ze-g Paris, A 6368
76 Ear/VIIII ze-g Paris, A 6366
77 X/M 2e-g Paris, A6371
Onl.:
78 Duck's head ze var. Capitol (Bf. i, pl. iii, 68-9)
343
6b Quadrans Rome, Capitol 287
Similar. Prow r.; above, ROMA; below, ooo.
The control-marks on 2a-d may be symbols, letters of the Latin alphabet or frac
tional signs, on 2e-f symbols, letters of the Latin or Greek alphabets, numerals or
fractional signs, on 2g a symbol and a numeral or a letter of the Latin alphabet
and a numeral or two letters of the Latin alphabet; no control-mark has more than
one die; for the control-marks attested see Table XXI on pp. 342-3.
The moneyer is L. Calpurnius Piso Frugi, Pr. 74·
The types of the denarius and the sestertius recall the Ludi Apollinares, converted
into a permanent festival as a result of the proposal of C. Calpurnius Piso, Pr. 211
(Livy xxvi, 23, 3). The reverse type of the quinarius is a variant on the normal type
and, taken with the reverse type of the as, perhaps reflects the progress of the
Social War. For the letters E· L· r seep. 611.
344
TABLE xxn. Control-marks on asses of Q. Titius
The attribution to this issue of the symbols crescent above the prow together with caps of the
Dioscuri, crescent or star before the prow results from a series of errors in Bf. i, 250; W. 36; Bf.
iii, 99·
4C AI Hannover 2494
Similar to 4L Similar, but before, I.
The control-symbols on 4d may occur above, behind, before or bdow the prow;
each control-symbol may have several dies; for evidence for this and for the control
symbols attested see Table XXII above.
The moneyer is a Q. Titius, not otherwise known; for speculation see T. P.
Wiseman, CQ 1964, 131, accepting the traditional interpretation of the types.
345
I do not know what the head on 1 is (there are no good grounds for regarding it
as that of Murunus Turunus, so righdy Roscher ii, 207),1 nor why Bacchus and
Pegasus appear as coin types here; Victory is a variant of the normal type of the
quinarius. The types of 5-7 are borrowed &om the silver coinage of C. Vibius C.f.
Pansa, Q. Titius' colleague as moneyer.
B. Vibia 1-15; Bf. i, 262; ii, 82; iii, 104; W. 4 4 -58; S. 683-690b, 690<1 and 69of-690g; RE
Vibius 15. See above, pp. 75ff.
dots.
Obverse dies : 4 . Reverse dies: 4·
1 Contra RE(First edition) v, 285; RB xvi, 981; C. Cichorius, Untersuchungen zu Lucilius, 206-8; the
identification goes back to Ch. Lenormant, Nouvelle galirie mytho/ogique, 12, and is based on the
mistaken view that the ass's head which occurs as a symbol on 4d is a winged phallus(!) (cf. id., RN
1838, u; d'Ailly, RN 1838, 243; Lenormant, RN 1839, 21; A. de Longperier, RN 1839, 178 =
<:Euvres ii, 15). 1 Not on a raised base, contra J. Bayet, Rev. Beige Phil. 1951, 27.
Sb Denarius (Pl.XLIV) BMCRR Rome 2244
Similar. Similar, but no Victory.
Obverse dies (3a-sb): [988]. Reverse dies (3b-5b): [1097].
7d As See below
Similar. Similar, but before, I.
7e As See below
7f As See below
On two reverse dies a symbol, a helmet, appears above the prow, apparently as a control-mark
(Hannover 2524 = Bf. iii, pl. vii, 193; W. 45; Oxford)
347
7f W.48 C·VIBI·PANS(Paris,A16552)
W.48 C·VIBI·PNS(Paris,A16554)
W. 48 C· VI Bl· N S (BMCRR Rome 2315; cf. 2314, with uncertain legend)
W. 48 C. VI Bl· N (Vienna 4159)
W.48 C. VI Bl· A· (non vidi)
W.55 C·VI B IVS(Rome, Capitol- non vidi)
W. 54 C. VI Bl (Berlin)
The existence of one obverse die with a beardless Janus (Bf. ii, pl. vi, 128 W. pl. vi, 7) is
=
a casual eccentricity. The mark of value on the obverse of 7d-f is sometimes missing.
8a Semis BM
Laureate head of Saturn r.; behind, S. Prow r.; above, C·V I B I· R.
9b Quadrans Berlin
Similar. Prow r.; above, C ·VI B I· R; before, §.
Specimens in Paris (both varieties): 3.
There is sometimes a mark of value above the head on the obverse (Vatican 7089).
(adapting E. A. Sydenham, CRR, 105n.) and which I illustrate on Pl. xuv. These
obverse styles are combined with the different reverse types thus:
3a A-c
3b A, A-c, c (Miinz Zentrum Koln, psl23, 103).
4a A, B
4b A-c, C
5a A-c, C
5b A, A-c, C, B, D, E
Obverse Reverse
a, a, •
1 Same die. Presumably same die. 6 Missing - see Babelon.
Ant
Comucopiae
Eagle's head Haeberlin 1415
Flower
Goat's head BMCRR Rome 2242
Grasshopper Copenhagen
Owl Haeberlin 1416
Palm-branch Haeberlin 1421
Forepart of stag
Star
Thunderbolt BMCRR Rome 2243
Victory with wreath
Wreath
5·
2249 and Rome 2299 provide an example of an obverse die combined with the
reverse types 4b and sb. For the symbols attested on 3a-b see Table XXIV above,
I hope in due course to publish a die-study of 43-5b.
The moneyer is presumably the (adoptive) father of no. 449 and hence one of
those proscribed by Sulla (Dio xlv, 17, 1); for his tribe see T. P. Wiseman, CQ
1964, 331, for the occasional spelling of the cognomen in the form Pasa compare ILS
8890 = ILLRP 421.
The types of 1-2 reflect the moneyer's cognomen; the symbolism of Victory on
3a, 43, sa, 7a-d presumably reflects Roman successes in the Social War; the obverse
type of 9 is borrowed from the silver coinage of Q. Titius, C. Pansa's colleague as
moneyer, as is perhaps also the differential symbol on 7b. The style of the reverse
of 4a recalls certain tetradrachms of Syracuse, for instance BMC Sicily, Syracuse,
no. 214. For Apollo, Ceres (for the pig see Ovid, Fasti iv, 465--{)) and Minerva see
on no. 494·
349
TABLE XXV. Control-symbols on quinarii of M. Cato
Altar
Anchor
Ant
Anvil Capalbio hoard
Arrow r.
Ball Moscow
Bidens
Bipennis l.
Bipennis r.
Bow
Bucranium
Butterfly r.
Butterfly downwards
Caduceus BMCRR Italy 68o
Capricorn
Carnyx Pontecorvo hoard 858
Club
Com-ear
Comucopiae BMCRR Italy 682
Crescent
Crook
Cuirass
Dolphin
Eagle
Ear r.
Ear downwards
Fibula Pontecorvo hoard 847
Fly I. BMCRR Italy 685
Fly r.
Helmet
Ivy-leaf
Knife
Ladder ANS
Lituus I.
Lituus r.
Lyre
Comic mask
Palm-branch
Mask of Pan
Pedum
Plough
Poppy-head
Prow-stem
Rudder
Sceptre
Scorpion I.
Scorpion r. Athens
Snake
Curled snake
Spear 1.
Spear r.
Standard
350
TABLE XXV (cont.)
Sword I. Padova
Sword r.
Sword in scabbard I. Athens
Thunderbolt
Thyrsus
Tongs
Torch
Tortoise San Mango sul Calore hoard
Triangle
Trident I.
Trident r.
Trophy I.
Trophy r.
Wing
Wreath
The control-marks on 2b are numerals from I to XV, letters of the Latin alphabet,
letters of the Greek alphabet and symbols; each control-mark may have several
dies; as BMCRR Italy 683-4; for the control-symbols attested see Table xxv
above.
351
Even if this issue should turn out to be dated just before the Social War, the
moneyer can hardly be identified either with the praeron·us of Gellius xiii, 20, 12,
who son of the Cos. 118 would probably be too senior for a moneyership c. 91,
as
or with the father of Cato Uticensis who died praeruram petens, in 91 at the latest.
For possible identifications see T. P. Wiseman, NC 1964, 156; a further identification
with M. Porcius the wine-merchant (R. Rowland, Historia 1969, 374) is just possible.
The seated figure which forms the reverse type of 1-2 is presumably Victoria
Virgo, whose shrine was built by Cato Censorius (Livy xxxv, 9, 6; Th. Mommsen,
RMw, 572 n. 330; S. Weinstock, RE viii A 2, 2497 and 2512); it is difficult to relate
the letters S T to anything but the seated figure and it does not seem unreasonable
352
4a As Paris, A 15793 (the Victory is barely visible);
Hannover 2543; Vatican 7023; Copenhagen
Laureate head ofjanus;above, I. Prow L·TITVRI·L·F; before,
r.; above,
Victory with SABINVS,
wreath; below,
S�INVS, S�NVS or S�NS.
The following variant legends occur: L·TIT\). I· L F (Hannover 2546)
·
S.t� INVS
L · TITV R I· L (Paris, A 15834)
[ ]
L· T IV< I· L· F (from Bahrfeldt)
SA> NV$
L· TITVRI (Paris, A 15797)
SABINVS
L·TIT 'v< I· L ·F (Paris, A 15804)
SABINVS
L· TIT� I (Paris, A 15815)
[ ]
4b As Bahrfeldt citation; Hannover 2551; Berlin
Similar, but no mark of value. Similar, but before, I; below, SABINV$,
S�NVS or SA, IN.
The following variant legends occur: L · TITVRI· L (Berlin)
SA> NVS
L· TIT\). I· L· F (Paris, A 15821)
S�NVS
L· TITVRI (Hannover 2550)
[ ]
L· TITVR (Hannover 2553)
SABINVS
L ·TITVR (Paris, A 15785)
S?CIN
4C As Paris, A 15835
Similar. Similar, but no mark of value; below,
S?C INV$.
The following variant legend occurs: L·TI TVR I· L (Rome, Capitol 2846)
S�INV$
353
TABLE XXVI. Control-symbols on denarii of L. Titurius Sabinus
Anchor
Anchor and dolphin Pontecorvo hoard 1136
Arrow r.
Arrow with thong r.
Two arrows r.
Bow
Bow and arrow
Bow and quiver Milan 1245
Branch
Bull's head
Caduceus
.Qub
Com-ear BMCRR Rome 2335 (wrongly described)
Cuirass
Fish r.
Bunch of grapes Milan 1250
Grasshopper
Hammer
Harpa
Helmet
Knife Moscow
Lituus Milan 1251
Lizard
Lyre
Palm-branch
Palm-branch tied with fille t
Plough
Poppy-head Turin, Simboli, 705
Ram's head
Rectangle
Rudder BMCRR Rome 2337
Sceptre
Scorpion
Ship
Small ship
Spear with broad head BMCRR Rome 2341
Spear with narrow bead
Staff with double hook
Staff with single hook
Stag running r.
Stilus
Strigil
Strigil and vase (see Pl. LXX, 7)
Sword I. Milan 1252
Sword r.
Thunderbolt
Thyrsus
Thyrsus tied with fillet
Torch
Trident
Trident and dolphin
Triskeles
354
TABLE XXVI (cont.)
Trophy
Vine-branch with leaf
Wheel
Wing
See Pl. LXX, 8
See Pl. LXX, 9
See Pl. LXX, 10
See Pl. LXX, 11
See Pl. LXX, 12
See Pl. LXX, 13 Moscow
See Pl. LXX, 14 Bari 2650
Control-symbols listed are attested in Paris unless otherwise stated. Of the symbols listed by Babelon
to be simply mis-described, I have not found carnyx, laurel-leaf and prawn.
and unlikely
Table XXVI above. Despite Bahrfddt's incredulity, 5b-7 are as described and dearly
belong to this issue; for retrograde legends on bronze of this period, see no.
341/6.
L. Titurius L.f. Sabinus re-appears as Leg. 75· The cognomen, although dearly
responsible for the appearance of Sabine types on 1-3, provides no real evidence
for attributing a Sabine origo to the moneyer (contra L. R. Taylor, VDRR, 26o;
J.-P. Morel, MEFR 1962, 32). The types themselves are mosdy straightforward;
the head of King Tatius is identified on 1-2 by the monogram A and is present
without the monogram on 3; the reverse types of 1-2 illustrate Sabine incidents in
Roman history, the rape of the Sabine women (see Livy i, 9 with commentary of
R. M. Ogilvie) and the punishment of Tarpeia (see Livy i, u, 5-9 with commentary
of R. M. Ogilvie; G. Dumezil, Tarpeia; A. D. Momigliano, Misc. Fac. Lett. Pi/.
Torino 1938,23 = Quarto contribute, 479, with bibliography there cited; G. Devoto,
SE 1958, 17 = Scritti minori ii, 355); for artistic comment on the two representations,
355
see J. M. C. Toynbee, Essays Mattingly, 222-4; J.-P. Morel, MEFR 1962, 32-6
(righdy rejecting the interpretation of G.-Ch. Picard, Trophees, 111, but implausibly
arguing that types illustrating Sabine incidents in Roman history were suggested
to the moneyer by the experience of the Social War). The only puzzle is provided
by the star in crescent on 2; a variety of explanations has been canvassed, the omina
l unae connected with Tarpeia (Propertius iv, 4, 23), the temple of Luna in Graecostasi
(put forward by Th. Mommsen, RMw, 585 n. 363, implicidy abandoned, GIL i2,
p. 296), theSabine origin ofSol and Luna (G. Wissowa,RuK,315 n.2), the supposed
Italic nature of a star in crescent (put forward by J.-P. Morel, MEFR 1962, 38-45).
The problem, which I cannot solve, is caused by the fact that only the first two
explanations, now universally rejected, take account of the fact that ·the star in
crescent, both in this issue and in that of P. Petronius Turpilianus (RIC Augustus
114-15), is associated with Tarpeia and only with Tarpeia. The appearance on 1b-c,
2b-c and 4d of a palm-branch, symbol of victory, and on 3 and 4a of Victory herself
presumably reflects Roman success in the second year of the Social War. For the
letters A· r V see p. 6o5.
B. Cornelia 5o-53; Bf. i, 96; ii, 39; iii, 42; W. 62-66; S. 702-704ll; RE Cornelius 216. See
above, p. 78, below, no. 89*.
The moneyer is probably Cn. Cornelius Lentulus dodianus, Cos. 72 (T. P. Wiseman,
NC 1964, 156; his presumed son, Pr. 59, is perhaps an adopted son). For the types
of 1 see p. 731, for the obverse type of 2 see on no. 296.
B. Ma.rcia 18-23; Bf. i, 179; iii, 74; W. 67-70; S. 713-716a; M. H. Crawford, NC 1971, 143;
RE Marcius 43· See above, pp. 78f., below, no. 216*.
tb Denarius
Similar, but no control-mark. Similar.
tc Denarius
Similar to ta. Similar, but control-symbol.
td Denarius
Similar to 1b. Similar.
te Denarius
Similar to 1a. Similar, but control-letter (Greek).
t.f Denarius
Similar to 1 b. Similar.
1g Denarius
Similar. Similar, but control-letter (Latin).
th Denarius
Similar. Similar, but fractional sign as control-mark.
ti Denarius
Similar. Similar, but no control-mark.
Obverse dies (all varieties): 102. Reverse dies (all varieties): 113.
357
TABLE xxvn. Control-marks on second issue of denarii of C. Censorinus
Above Be/Of.O
I III Vatican 4oo6
I XV
II II Vatican 4011
I I (spaced thus) II Vatican 4005
II· I
v III
VI X
VII II Copenhagen
VIII XX BM
X XXXII Amascno hoard
XXI v
D. y Vatican 3986
B c
H s
M· N·
V· M
<%> K
Bird Spear
Bird and I Two birds
Drawn bow Spear
Double comucopiae with arrow Crescent BMCRR Rome 2395
between
Double comucopiac with sceptre Prow
between
Crescent enclosing star Star
Crescent enclosing star Com-ear
Crescent between two stars Snake
Cupid Palm-branch
Head r. See Pl. LXX, 15 Vatican 3978
Helmet Sec PL LXX, t6
Knife Hog
Lituus Comucopiae Vatican 3979
Palm-branch with two wreaths Trident
Prow Rudder
Shoe Two spears
Stag's head See Pl. LXX, 17
Spear Shield BMCRR Rome 2399-2400
Winged spear Comb
Thyrsus Hare
Thyrsus tied with fillet Star Vatican 3981
Trident Palm-branch tied with fillet
Wheel and two stars Palm-branch
Wreath Syrinx
Sec Pl. LXX, 18 ? Glasgow
II e
v B San Giuliano hoard
XI B
358
TABLE XXVII (cont.)
Above Below
A III Bologna
F XXXXII Turin
K III
K• II
N: I
V1 I
V1 XXXII Vatican 4001
p I Glasgow
Q v Vatican 3992
p XXXI
T VIIII
T· I· Pontecorvo hoard
E II
E II·
y I
XII Caduceus
CII Lizard Glasgow
ex Snake on staff
Antelope's head II
Arrow v
Arrow XI Pontecorvo hoard
Arrow CXI
Two arrows XXXI Turin, Simboli, 620
Ass v
Bucranium cxx v BM
Winged caduceus CXXI
Qub XV
Column c
Comucopiae · XX San Giuliano hoard
Crescent enclosing star v
Ear XII
Fly I
Palm-branch XV Vatican 3999
Palm-branch with wreath III
Two poppy-heads I Athens
Snake on staff XXI BM
Strigil and oil-jar on ring III
Thunderbolt ex
Torch II Turin, Simboli, 672
Trident tied with fillet III BMCRR Rome 2407
Wing v Turin, Simboli, 381
Wing XI
Wing XV
Wreath II Copenhagen
Wreath IIII BMCRR Rome 2408
See Pl. LXX, 19 II
See Pl. LXX, 20 VIII
B Strigil
359
TABLE XXVII (cont.)
Above Belew
Leaf R
Winged spear p
Strigil A
ROMA.
Specimens in Paris: 20.
The following obverse legends occur: NVMA roMrl Ll ANCVS AA--CI (BMCRR
Rome 2419), ]ANCV AA--CI (Turin, F3326), )rMILI ANCVS /\�CI (Paris,
A 12396), ]rOMrlll [ANJCVS MARCI (Berlin), NVMAE roMriLI ANCI MARCI
(Paris, AF), NVM k rOM r I LI[ (Bf. i, t8o, no. 1c).
ROMA
or, C.CENSO
ROM.
The following obverse legends occur: NVMA roMriLI ANCVS M-_ Cl (BMCRR
Rome 2415), NVMAE rOM riLl ANCI MARCI (Paris, A 12415).
36o
5 Semis Rome, Capitol 2139; Depoletti 2930
Laureate head of Saturn r.; behind, S. Prow r.; above, C.CENSORI or
C·CENSORIN.
Specimens in Pars
i : 3·
For the control-marks on 1a-i seeM. H. Crawford, NC 1971, 143; for the control
marks attested on 2a-b see Table XXVII on pp. 358-6o; no combination of reverse
control-marks on 2a-b has more than one die and no obverse control-mark on
2a-b has more than one die.
The moneyer is the Marian C. Marcius Censorinus, who died as Leg. 82, in the
course of the final struggle against Sulla.
The obverse type of 1 and of 3-4 records the descent of the gens Marcia from
Ancus Marcius (Plutarch, Cor. 1; Suetonius, Caes. 6; Ovid, Fasti vi, 801-3) and
hence also from his grandfather Numa Pompilius, a piece of genealogical fiction
presumably invented later than the coinages of earlier members of the gens Marcia
(nos. 259 and 293). The reverse type of 1 and both types of 2 (the latter copied
from no. 340/1) allude to the Ludi Apollinares, founded with the encouragement
of the seer Marcius (Livy xxv, 12, 15; Macr., Sat. i, 17, 25-7; Festus 438L; contra
T. J. Luce, AJA 1968, 29-30, who ignores the bridle on the horse). The reverse
types of 3-4 portray different aspects of the harbour of Ostia, reputedly founded
by Ancus Marcius (R. Meiggs, Ostia, 16-20; A. Alfoldi, Early Rome, 290 n.4;
Livy i, 33, 9 with commentary of R. M. Ogilvie). The arches which appear on 3,
within one of which is a ship, are clearly ship-sheds (E. Assmann, JDAI 1889, 100,
not refuted by A. Alfoldi, Numismatica 1964, 101), the column bearing a statue of
Victory, which appears also on 4, is a monument standing nearby; it perhaps
commemorates the victory near Ostia of C. Mardus Rutilus, Diet. 356; the date of
its erection and the precise nature of its decoration (appearing as a series of dots
on the coins) are of course uncertain (compare on no. 363). The view that the reverse
types of 3-4 commemorate the (unattested) participation of C. Censorinus in the
Marian sack of Ostia in 87 is excluded by the date of the issue and is in any case
wholly implausible (contra R. Bartoccini, Rass. Num. 1913, 97; A. Alfoldi, Numis
matica 1964, 99).
The Pr. ?75 and client of Cicero, M. Fonteius, seems to have been moneyer at some
stage before his quaestorship in 84 (Cicero, Font. 5; the argument to the contrary
in D-G v, 351 does not bear examination). If he is the brother of no. 353, he is
hardly to be assigned to the same year; there is no room for him in 86 or 87. None
of his coins, if he struck any, survive.
348 L.RVBRI DOSSENI Mint-Rome 87 B.C.
B. Rubria 1� and 8;Bf. i, 229; ii, 72; iii, 91; W. 5�1; S. 705-710 and 711a; RE Rubrius 17.
See above, pp. 78f., below, no. 217*.
dots.
Obverse dies: [187]. Reverse dies: [208].
362
26o-2; C. Cavedoni, Annali 1849, 205; Th. Mommsen, RMw, 6o4 n.405. Babelon
and H. A. Grueber, BMCRR i, 311 n.2 are hopdessly confused). There is no trace
of the patrimi et matrimi, who hdd the reins of the tensae and formed a distinctive
feature of the processions in which the tensae were involved, and it is in any case
unclear why L. Rubrius Dossenus should wish to portray the Ludi Circenses. The
Lex Rubria (Sherk 16, line 12 with G. Tibiletti, Athenaeum 1953, 5); cited by
Cavedoni and given a religious content, is of no relevance.
The substitution of an eagle on a thunderbolt for a simple thunderbolt as the
decoration of the vehicles on 2-3, where Jupiter does not figure on the obverses,
surely serves to link the vehicles firmly with Jupiter; the presence in each case of
a figure of Victory seems to make it clear that the vehicles are triumphal quadrigas.
As on later aurei of Octavian (BMCRR Rome 4321-2 = BMCRE Augustus 590-1;
RIC Augustus 30; M. Bahrfddt, Goldmiinzenpriigung, pl. 10, 16-18), the quadrigas
are empty because the types are intended to allude to a hoped-for, not to an actual
triumph; the association of such types with the representations of the Capito
line triad, the supreme deities of the Roman state and sometimes known as
summi imperatores (ILLRP 192 with commentary), is highly appropriate to 87
with its desperate fight against Marius and his followers. The association on 4
of Victory and Neptune perhaps alludes to hoped-for success by sea as well as
by land.
There is also present on 4-6 an allusion to Aesculapius (identified by C. Cavedoni,
Bullettino 1858, 174; the denial that the allusion is present on 6, G. Fuchs, Architek
turdarstellungen, 15-17, is ·based on a false description of the coin, see Pl. XLVI and
H. Willers, Kupferpriigung, pl. 7, 3); the allusion is righdy explained by H. Zeh
nacker (Hommages Bayet, 739) by reference to the plague which broke out during
87 and devastated the armies opposed to Marius (T. P. Wiseman, JRS 1969, 74
n. 129). Hercules and Mercury, gods of the palaestra, are present on 6 as an artistic
variation on the normal Janus head (see Cicero, ad Att. i, 10, 3).
Laureate head of Saturn 1.; behind, harpa; Venus in biga r., holding sceptre and reins
below, EX·S·C; before, control-mark. Bor in 1. hand and reins in r. hand; above,
der of dots. flying Cupid with wreath; in exergue,
L·C· MEM I ES ·L·F. Border of dots.
GAL
Obverse dies: [132]. Reverse dies: (147].
The harpa is missing on the obverse die with the control-mark ·9 (Rome, Capitol 2190).
The legend on one reverse die is L · C · M I M IES· L · F (Hersh 27).
GAL
363
The control-marks are the letters of the Latin alphabet, almost invariably reversed
(for an exception see BMCRR Rome 2424), alone or accompanied by up to seven
dots; no control-mark has more than one die.
The moneyers are presumably the sons of L. Memmius Gal. (no. 313), but are
not otherwise known; for the types see on no. 313. For the letters EX· S· C
seeP· 6o6.
B. Gargilia 1-5 and 7-12; Ogulnia 1-3 and 5-12; Vergilia 1 and 3-1.2; B. i, p. 77, no. 226;
Bf. i, 1.26; ii, 45; W. 73-78; S. 721-721d and 722-723; RE Gargonius 4; Ogulnius 1; Vergilius
1 and 4· See above, pp. 78f.
ta Denarius BMCRR Rome 26o6
Head of Apollo r., wearing oak-wreath;1 Jupiter in quadriga r., holding reins in I. hand
below, thunderbolt. Border of dots. and hurling thunderbolt with r. hand; above,
control-mark; below, GAR; in exergue,
0 G V. \[ R. Border of dots.
·
On 1a:
A M Illinois
B N
c 0
D P Paris, A 9970
E BM Q
F R
G s
H BMCRR Rome 26o6 T BMCRR Rome 26o7
I Brindisi v
K X
L
1 The head of Apollo is basically the same as that on nos. 361 and 363, with an oak-wreath instead of a
laurel-wreath (for. which compare no. 304) and with the addition of a thunderbolt, for which compare
nos. 353 and 354 and see on no. 298; I have no doubt that the oak-wreath was intended throughout
on this issue and that nondescript wreaths which resemble laurel-wreaths resulted from careless
engraving.
TABLE XXVIII (cont.)
On tb:
A BMCRR Rome 2608 M
B Hannover 2623 N BMCRR Rome 2610
c 0
D p
E Q
F R
G s
H T
I BMCRR Rome 26o9 v
K X
L /)... Paris, AF
On 1c:
A M Paris, A 13313
B N
c Schwing 302 0 Turin, F 3972 bis
D p
E Q BMCRR Rome 2613
F R
G Turin, F 3972 s
H T
I Hess-Leu 41, 30 v BMCRR Rome 2614
K X Paris, A 13314
L BMCRR Rome 2611
On 1d:
A M
B N
c 0 Paris, A 13331
D p
E Q
F R
G s
H T
I v
K X
L
On 1e:
A M
B BMCRR Rome 2415 N BMCRR Rome 2618
c BMCRR Rome 2616 0 BMCRR Rome 2619
D p
E BMCRR Rome 2617 Q
F R BMCRR Rome 26201
G Paris, A t6o7o s BMCRR Rome 2621
H BM T
I Paris, A 16o71 v Berlin
K X
L Ars Classica viii 358
1 There is a denarius of te in Copenhagen from a different reverse die, with the letter R present as a
result of alteration in modem times.
te Denarius (Pl. XLVI) BMCRR Rome 2615
Similar. Similar, but below, \ER; in exergue,
GAR·OGV..
Obverse dies (all varieties): (30). Reverse dies (all varieties): 33·
The control-marks on 1a-e are the letters of the Latin alphabet, except that on 1 b
the Greek A appears as well as the Latin A; within each variety no control-letter
has more than one die; for the control-letters attested see Table XXVIII on pp. 364-5.
The control-marks on 3a-f are the letters of the Latin alphabet (always present in
theory, sometimes off the flan); within each variety each control-letter may have
several dies, as Paris, A9974 and 9977, both with D before. On both 1a-e and 3a-f
the forms of the letters A and G vary widely. __..--
Gar is surely the orator C. Gargonius of Cicero, Brutus 180, Ver is probably M.
Vergilius (or M. Verginius), Tr. Pl. 87 (the order of his holding the offices of
Tribune and moneyer is no obstacle); Ogul(nius) is not otherwise known, although
his association with Vergilius is perhaps reflected in a later inscription (ILLRP
807 with T. P. Wiseman, NC 1964, 157). On Gargonius see R. Syme, Historia
1964, 117. For the types see p. 715 n. 2.
3SOB ANONYMOUS Mint-Rome 86B.C.
M. Bahrfeldt, BliitUT fiir Miinzfreunde 1924-26, 65; S. 6798-679C- See above, p. 78.
•
Similar to 3a. Similar, but o� before.
3d Quadrans Paris, A 10010
Similar to 3a. Similar to 3a, but R0 M above.
Obverse dies (all varieties): [15). Reverse dies (all varieties): [15].
B. Critonia t; Fannia4; Bf. i, 115; iii, 43; S. 717-717a; RE Critonius 2; Fannius 15. See above,
p. 78, below, no. 218*.
The control-marks on the obverse of 1a-c are a series of symbols ;1 each control
symbol may have several dies, but such dies succeed each other and are not in use
simultaneously; the third die with an ear as symbol bears also the numeral III
(Paris, A 1o6o3). The mint therefore presumably worked through such symbols as
came to mind, then took to replacing a die with a particular symbof with another •
die with the same symbol, when it became clear that the issue was likely to need
more dies than there were symbols available.
All the obverse dies used for 1b were also used for 1a; 1b is thus effectively part of
u, the earliest part of the issue; for the significance of the letters EX· A· r in these
circumstances, see p. 6o5.
After an initial period without control-marks on the re�rse, they were adopted
here too; they (and hence also the issue as a whole) form a single sequence:
No control-numeral has more than one die; during its life this die may be combined
with any obverse die in use.
For control-symbols attested and for details of the system see M. H. Crawford
and P. de Ruyter, The control-marks of L. Julius Bursio, forthcoming.
The moneyer.is a L. Iulius Bursio, not otherwise known.
1 A numeral is occasionally substituted and one die, by an engraver's error, bears no control-mark.
The obverse type has no connection with the supposed Thracian king, Bursaeus
(contra C. Cavedoni, Mem. Ace. Torni o xxxix, 1836, 149; see Roscher i, 2859; iii,
1030); it may, however, be explained by the connection attested between Neptune,
Apollo and Mercury on the one hand and the Penates on the other (Servius on
Vergil,Aen. i,378; ii, 325; iii, 119; Arnobius iii,4o; Macrobius,Sat. iii,4,6; Servius on
Vergil, Aen. ii, 296). In connection with the reverse type of 2, note that the blazon
of Alcibiades was an �Epws KEpavvOqx>pos (Plutarch, Ale. 16; Athenaeus xii, 534e).
B. Fonteia !r12 and 14; Bf. i, 118; ii, 44; iii, so; W. 72; S. 724-725 and 726; RE Fonteius 9·
See above, pp. 78f., below, no. 219*.
The moneyer is perhaps the brother of the moneyer M. Fonteius (no. 347) and not
inconceivably the Tr. Mil. portrayed on no. 429/1 (RE Fonteius to); for the family
in the previous generation, see on no. 290.
The head of Apollo is basically the same as that on nos. 361 and 363, with the
addition of a thunderbolt, for which compare nos. 350A and 354 and see on no. 298;
the monogram !>.. should be regarded as standing for Ap(ollo) - it can hardly stand
for A(rgento) P(ublico) and bears no resemblance to the monogram RA, which
does stand for R(om)a on the nearly contemporary issue of L. Piso L.f.L.n. Frugi
(no. 340/1). The reverse type of the denarius is Dionysiac (A. B. Cook, Zeus i, 713
369
nn.2-3; A. Alfc>ldi, Chiron 1972, 226 n.so; §.
.. L. Canina, Descrizione di Tuscolo, pl.
xxxvili, 11-12); the caps of the Dioscuri recall the Tusculan origin of the Fonteii
(see on no. 290). For the letters EX·A·P seep. 6o5.
B. Licinia 16-17; A. ii, 535 = B. Cornelia 45; Bf. i, 95 and 168; ii, 39 and 58; iii, 42 and 68;
W. 7�81; S. 732""'734; RE Licinius 112. See above, pp. 78f.
turned to 1. and with thunderbolt in r. hand. reins in 1. hand and spear in r. hand; in
Border of dots. exergue, C ·LIC IN I VS· L·F. Border of dots.
MACER
Obverse dies: [250]. Reverse dies: [278].
The control-marks on 3b are the letters of the Latin alphabet; no control-letter has
more than one die.
The moneyer is to be identified with the historian, C. Licinius Macer, Pr. ?68
(on whom seeR. M. Ogilvie, Commentary, 7-12; the numismatic arguments adduced
there should not be credited, seep. 731).
The obverse type of 1 is derived from that of no. 298/1 (seecommentary thereon).
For the letters EX· S · C seep. 6o6.
B. Cassia 5; Julia 8; Bf. i, 78; ii, 33; iii, 36; W. 82-91; S. 731""'731d; RE Cassius 58; Julius 453·
See above, pp. 78f.
370
lC As Paris, AF; A 13421
Similar. Similar, but C·CASSI or C·CASSI.
L·SALIN L·SAL I
lg As Paris, A 7152
Similar. Similar, but l·SALI.
C·CASSI
Neither P. Furius Crassipes nor his curule aedileship, to which the obverse and
reverse types both refer (the head of Cybele recalling the Ludi Megalenses, Th.
Mommsen, RMw, 6o8 n.417), are otherwise attested. The foot on the obverse is an
allusion to the cognomen Crassipes.
371
357 C.NORBANVS Mint-Rome 83 B.C.
The control-marks on 1a are the Roman numerals from I to XXVI, on 1 b the Roman
numerals from I to CCXXVIIII; within each variety no control-numeral has more
than one die.
The moneyer is to be regarded as the son of C. Norbanus, Cos. 83, and as himself
the Praetor of 43 (no. 491) and the Consul of 38 (T. P. Wiseman, NC 1964, 158).
The symbols forming the reverse typ�e symbols of imperium (in the case of 1a
on sea as well as on land) and felicitas, appropriate enough on a Marian issue of
this date. For the head of Venus forming the obverse type, compare nos. 359
and 382; the type is perhaps best viewed as a personal choice of the moneyer, but
see p. 732.
F. Gnecchi, RIN 1903, 383; Bf. iii, 64; not in RE. See above, p. 79·
The coin provides no evidence for the moneyer's praenomen; he may be identified
with the father of M. Iuventius Laterensis, Pr. 51, who like his son achieved curule
office (Cicero, Plane. 51); note also the Praetor Mn. Iuventius L.£ Laterensis
discussed by R. Syme, Historia 1955, 63- he and the moneyer are perhaps
identical.
The symbolism of the issue is similar to that on no. 357 (see also p. 732). For the
letters S · C see p. 6o6.
Not ]ft. RENS, as G. Perl, Klw 1971, 371-3.
1
372
359 L.SVLLA IMPER. ITERVM Mint-moving with Sulla 84-83 B.C.
B. Cornelia 28-30; Bf. i, 93; ii, 38; Bf., Go/dmiJnzenpriigung, 11; S. 76o-76ta; RE Cornelius 392.
See above, p. So, below, no. 220*.
The head of Venus presumably owes its presence here to the position of Venus as
Sulla's patron deity,1 responsible for his success (S. Weinstock, JRS 1955, 187
reviewing H. Erkell, Augustus, Felicitas, Fortuna; RE villA, 2488-9); note his
dedications to her at Aphrodisias (Appian, BC i, 453-5) and after Chaeronea
(Plutarch, Sull. 19) and the association, attested by the Fasti Amiternini and the
Fasti Arvalium (GIL, i1, pp. 245 and 214), of Fausta Felicitas and Venus Victrix
(in this connection note the palm-branch in the hand of Cupid). The coins provide
considerable evidence for attention to Venus on the part of Sulla and his family and
associates (see nos. 205/2-6, 382 (struck in 79) and 426, as well as this issue; nos.
375 and 376 cannot be used in evidence, since they are anonymous and are attributed
to Sulla on the basis of their types). In these circumstances, it is hard to avoid
relating the name 'Etracpp6StTOS to the link between Sulla and Venus, even if it is
true that it was originally attached to Sulla merely because, as a Roman, he was
held to be descended from Aeneas (so J. P. V. D. Balsdon, JRS 1951, 8-9). The
name in any case means more than just venustus (contra H. Erkell, 81-4).
The two trophies with lituus and jug between them form, I believe, a type personal
to Sulla (so righdy B. Frier, Arethusa 1969, 187-8). The two trophies (with which
the iterated tide of Imperator need have no connection) are presumably those
erected after Chaeronea; they made a deep impression on antiquity (Plutarch, Sull.
19; defort. Rom. 318c-d; Pausanias ix, 40, 7) and probably figured on Sulla's signet
ring (Dio xlii, 18, 3 is doubdess careless in asserting that this bore three trophies,
rather than that it bore trophies); two trophies had appeared earlier on the third
issue of Sullan tetradrachms in Greece (M. Thompson, New style coinage, nos.
1341-5); note also the palm-branch with two wreaths in the beak of the eagle on
the (?Sullan) triumphal relief from the Via del Mare (M. E. Bertoldi, Quaderni
lnst. Top. Ant. v, 1968, 39-53 with fig. 3).
The jug and lituus, normally symbols of the augurate, are more puzzling. The
most probable view on the basis of the literary and epigraphical evidence is that
1 Who is not in any case Fortuna, see H. Erkell, Augustus, 79; S. Weinstock,JRS t9(St, 187, reviewing
K. Lane, RRg; Fortuna is not the same as felicitas.
373
Sulla was not Augur in 84-83 (B. Frier, ANSMusN 1967, 111; E. Badian, Arethusa
1968, 26; B. Frier, Arethusa 1969, 187; E. Badian, Arethusa 1969, 199); but he was
certainly one at some stage (see the denarius of Q. Pompeius Rufus, no. 434/2, and
Suetonius, Gramm. 12; the de�arii of Faustus Sulla are equivocal, see on no. 426)
and the coin evidence half-suggests that he was one in 88 (the denarius of Q.
Pompeius Rufus links the augurate with the consulship of that year). On balance,
I incline to the view that Sulla became Augur only in 82, dispossessing L. Scipio
Asiaticus. As for the jug and lituus on this issue, although they could theoretically
allude to the augurate of an ancestor of Sulla, it seems to me more satisfactory to
hold that they were regarded by Sulla as symbolising a claim to imperium; it was
apparendy_necessary (Cicero, ad Att. iv, 17, 2; cf. ii, 7, 2; 12, 2) for Augurs to be
present to attest the passing of the Lex Curiata conferring a magistrate's powers on
him (on which see A. Magdelain, Imperium, 17-18; Livy xli, 18, 8 is not relevant);
Sulla's Lex Curiata presumably lapsed when he was declared a hostis (Appian, BC
i, 340) and he could reasonably attach some importance to the claim that his de
claration as a hostis was invalid and his Lex Curiata consequendy still valid.
For Sulla's titulature compare ILLRP 224; a victory in Cilicia and the victory at
Chaeronea in 86 seem to me the most likely occasions for the two salutations.
B. Crepusia 2-3; Mamilia 7-9; Marcia 25-27; Bf. i, 181; S. 736-736a. See above, p. 79, below,
no. 278*.
The control-marks on 1a are II (BMCRR Rome 2634) and 1111 (Paris, A8685), on
1b they are III (Paris, A8687) and VIII onwards. No control-mark has more than
one die.
There is one obverse die with the legend L· CENSOR, combined with each
of the two reverse dies of 1a (Paris, A8682-3 and Paris, AF) and with one reverse
die of 1b (Paris, A8691, control-mark XIIII); there are two obverse dies with the
legend L· CENSOR I, the first combined with one reverse die of 1b (Paris, AF;
A8686, control-mark III), the second combined with two reverse dies of 1b (Paris,
374
A869o, control-mark XIII, and BMCRR Rome 2638; Paris, AF; A8693, control
mark XXIII).
For the moneyers concerned in this issue see on nos. 361-3; I do not believe that
the Venus portrayed by them has anything to do with Sulla.
B. Crepusia t; Bf. i, 99; S. 738-738a; C. A. Hersh, NC 1952, 52; RE Crepusius 1. See above,
p. 79·
Border of dots.
1 One die, by an engraver's error, bears only a symbol and no letter (BMCRR Rome 2666-7).
1 For four insignificant, abnormal combinations see C. A. Henh, NC 1952, 63.
375
Provisional
range of
o 25 so 75 1oo us 150 175 2oo 225 250 275 300 325 350 375 400 425 450 475 500 525 symbols
No symbol 1 37
Thunderbolt 77
Feather 6 67
Com-ear 33 to6
Grushoper 42 117
Grapes 82 135
Ivy-leaf 91 162
o ·25 so 75 1 00 125 150 175 200 225 250 2 75 300 325 350 375 400 425 450 475 500 525
REVERSE DIE NUMBERS
B. Marcia 24; Bf. ii, 6o; S. 737-737f; RE Marcius 47· See above, p. 79·
For the control-marks attested on 1a-c see Table XXIX on p. 378; no control-mark
has more than one die. I no longer wish to maintain that the survival-rate for this
issue is abnormally low (contra PBSR 1966, 21-2).
The moneyer is presumably the father of L. Marcius Censorinus, Cos. 39; if the
moneyer was not proscribed, he may be identified with the Censorinus attested as
Legate in 70.
l Not wearing a pikw (contra, for instance, A. Reinach,K/io 1915, 337; G. Tibiletti, Festschrift Betti iv,
353-4).
377
TABLE XXIX. Control-marks on denarii of L. Censorinus
The reverse type probably portrays Marsyas merely in allusion to the moneyer's
nomen (compare no. 410, etc.). It seems to me impossibly far-fetched to suppose that
the type shows either sympathy with the claims of the Marsi to libertas (G. Tibiletti,
Festschrift Betti iv, 352, esp. 358 n. 37; B. Kapossy, SM 1965, 78) or even general
acceptance of popularis ideology (my own earlier view, NC 1964, 148 n.2). The later
use of Marsyas to symbolise a general claim to libertas (Servius on Vergil, Aen. iii,
20; iv, 58 with P. Veyne, Rev. Phil. 1961, 87) is irrelevant. For the statue of Victory
compare no. 346/3-4·
364 Q.ANTO BALB PR Mint-Rome 83-S.z B.C.
B. Antonia 1; S. 742-742b; RE Antonius 41. See above, p. 79, below, no. 91*.
PR
The control-marks on tb are the letters of the Latin alphabet, on tc the letters of
the Latin alphabet, alone or accompanied by a dot, on td the letters of the Latin
alphabet; within tb no control-mark has more than one die, within te-d each
control-mark may have several dies, as may be documented from any large collec
tion. The only attested control-marks on te on pure silver pieces are T on the ·
obverse, with one die, paired with Don the reverse, likewise with one die, and Q·
on the obverse, with one die, paired with A on the reverse, likewise with one die.
The issue presumably forms part of the preparations made to resist the return of
Sulla; the symbolism of victory and triumph clearly reflects the expectations of Q.
Antonius Balbus, as Praetor deputed to strike the issue, and of his associates. For
the letters S· C see p. 6o6.
379
TABLE xxx. Control-marks on denarii of C. Valerius Flaccus
Onta:1
Caduceus Glasgow
Comucopiae BMCRRGaul 7
Com-ear Vienna4144
Crescent BMCRRGaul 14
Palm-branch Niggeler (RN1 969 , pl. xii, 8)
Prow-stem BMCRRGaulS
Rudder BMCRRGaul9
Star BMCRRGaul to
Trident Bologna, Cat. 267
Tripod BMCRRGaul t t
Wreath BMCRR Ga ul 12•
Ontb:
A Padova
B BMCRR Gaul 13
c Turin, F5002
D BMCRR Gaul t6
E BMCRRGault7'
F
G BMCRR 1�ult8
H
I
K BMCRR Gaul 19
L Naples, S 5435
M Paris, A15977
N Glasgow4
0 BMCRRGaul21
p BMCRR Gaul23
Q Turin (Royal Coli.)
R
s BMCRR Gaul24
T BMCRR Gaul25
v
X BMCRR Gaul26
Ontc:
Caduceus BMCRR Gault
Com-ear BMCRR Gaul3
Crescent BMCRRGaul2
Palm branch curving I. Turin
Palm-branch curving r. BMCRRGaul4
Spear BMCRRGaul5
Star Paris, A 15967
• Thunderbolt Florence
Tripod BMCRR Gaul6
• There are plated specimens with E, struck from different dies, as Bologna
(RN 1969, pl. vii, 4), Glasgow, Turin, BM.
' There are plated specimens with N, struck from different dies, with blundered
reverse legend C· \A.·F A, as BMCRR Gaul zo (spec. gravity o.86- not noted
in second edition), Parma (RN 1969, pl. viii, 5).
tc Denarius (Pl. XLVII) BMCRR Gault
Similar, but control-symbol before. Similar.
Obverse dies (all varieties): 36. Reverse dies (all varieties): (39).
Within each variety, no control-mark has more than one die; for the control-marks
attested in each variety, see Table xxx.
This issue, struck by C. Valerius Flaccus while Proconsul in Gaul, and no. 366
are to be associated with the first moves made by Sulla against Q. Sertorius in Spain;
for the letters EX S· C see p. 6o6. The symbolism of the issue is simply that of
military victory (but see also nos. 228 and 3o6).
366 C.ANNIVS T.F T.N PRO.COS Mints-N.Italy and Spain 8z-8t B.C.
B. Annia 1-5; Fabiat7; Tarquitia t; Bf. i, 17; iii,to; S. 748-749; RE Annius 9; Fabius 84;
Tarquitius t. See above, p. So.
GROUP 1
Within each variety, no control-mark has more than one die; for the control-marks
attested in each variety, see Table XXXI on PP· 382-5.
38 1
TABLE XXXI. Control-marks on denarii of C. Annius
Onta:1
Arrow (see Pl. LXX, 21) Paris, A 4019
Caps of the Dioscuri Paris, A 4016
Carnyx BMCRR Spain 1
Comb Listed by Babelon
Crab Turin, F 795
Crescent enclosing star Vatican 581
Fish r. Vatican 577
Helmet BMCRR Spain 3
Knife (see Pl. LXX, 22) Moscow
Lizard Paris, AF
Pelta BMCRR Spain 4
Plough BMCRR Spain 5
Quiver Copenhagen
Scorpion BMCRR Spain 6
Sickle �
B CRR Spain 2
Snake Pans, A 4014
Spear (see Pl. LXX, 23) Vatican 575
Staff with double hook BMCRR Spain 7
Standard Paris, A 4020
Sword r. BMCRR Spain 8
Sword in scabbard l. Vienna 564
Syrinx Paris, A 4015
Thunderbolt BMCRR Spain 9
Thyrsus Vatican 579
Trident Paris, A 4018
Trophy BMCRR Spain 11
Wing BMCRR Spain 12
On 1b:
A Vienna 567
B Copenhagen
c Maccarese hoard
D Copenhagen
E BMCRR Spain 14
F BMCRR Spain 15
G
H
I
K Copenhagen
L Glasgow
M BMCRR Spain 16
N BMCRR Spain 17
0 Vatican 585
p BMCRR Spain 13
Q Vatican 586
R Paris, A 4033
s Macc arese hoard
T Vatican 587
v Paris, A 4035
X BMCRR Spain 18
On 1c:
A Vienna 571
B ANS, HSA 12598
On2a:
A BMCRR Spain 19
B Vatican 589
c BMCRR Spain 20
D
E Vatican 590
F Paris, AF
G
H Turin
I Vatican 592
K Vienna 576
L
M Vatican 593
N BMCRR Spain 22
0 BMCRR Spain 24
p BMCRR Spain 25
Q BMCRR Spain 26
R BMCRR Spain 27
s Vatican596
T Vienna 579
v Bologna
X BMCRR Spain 28
On 2b:
A BMCRR Spain 29
B
c Vienna 572
D Vienna 581
E BMCRR Spain 30
F Vatican 599
0n3a:
A Oslo
B
c Vatican 6o3
D
E
F
G BMCRR Spain 32
H
I Vatican 6oo
K Paris, A 4070
L Vatican 6o1
M Glasgow
N BMCRR Spain33
0 Vatican 6o2
p Madrid
Q Barcelona
R
s Signorelli 132
383
TABLE XXXI (cont.)
T Madrid
v ANS, HSA 1056o
X BMCRR Spain 34
0n3b:
A Vatican 6o4
B Vatican 6o5
c Vatican 6o6
D
E Paris, AF
F
G Vatican 6o7
H Turin (Royal Coll.)
I Glasgow
K Bologna
L BM
M Vatican 6o8
N BM
On3c:
0 Paris, A 4o61
p
Q
R Fallani
s ANS, HSA 10561
T BMCRR Spain 31
On4:1
I Madrid
II
III BMCRR Spain 35
III I Bologna
v BMCRR Spain36
VI Paris, AF
VII
VIII
VIlli Vienna 585
X BMCRR Spain 37
XI Barcelona
XII
XIII Vienna 586
XIIII Turin, F 4850 bis
XV Vatican 611
XVI Vatican 612
XVII Oslo
XVIII
XVIII I BMCRR Spain38
XX BMCRR Spain 39
XXI Paris, AF
XXII
XXIII Paris, A 15408
XXIIII Vienna 588
XXV Vienna 589
1 There ia a piece of the typeS of 4, with XVIII; it is plated (Turin). The piece
illustrated by Morell, Annia C, loob as if it has XXXXVI, not XXXX V.
384
TABLE XXXI (cont.)
GROUP 2
3a Denarius (Pl. XLVII) BMCRR Spain 32
Female head r., wearing diadem; before, Victory in quadriga r., holding reins in l.
scales; around n, C ·AN N IVS · T · F · T · N · hand and palm-branch in r. hand; in exergue,
r RO ·COS· EX·S·C; behind, control-letter. L·FABI·L·F; above, HISr·Q. Border of
Border of dots. dots.
Obverse dies: 15. Reverse dies: (t6).
3b Denarius BM
Similar, but no control-letter. Similar, but control-letter below horses.
Obverse dies: (to). Reverse dies: 11.
The control-letters on 3a are the letters of the Latin alphabet, on 3b the letters of
the Latin alphabet from A to N, on 3c the letters from 0 to T; within each variety
no control-letter has more than one die; for the control-letters attested in each
variety, see Table XXXI on pp. 382-5.
4 Denarius (Pl. XLVII) BMCRR Spain 35
Similar. Victory in biga r., holding reins in 1 hand
and palm-branch in r. hand; in exergue,
C ·TA R QVITI· r · F; below horses, Q; above
horses, control-number. Border of dots.
Obverse dies: (31). Reverse dies: 34·
No control-number has more than one die; for the numbers attested, see Table XXXI
on pp. 382-5. The control-number I is below the horses (and Q above).
C. Annius was sent against Q. Sertorius in Spain some time after the middle of
82 B.C. (Plutarch, Sert. 7); the early part of the issue, struck in Italy (see p. So),
bears the name of one Quaestor, L. Fabius L.f. Hispaniensis, the later part, struck
in Spain, bears also that of C. Tarquitius P.£; the presence of two Quaestors at this
stage is entirely intelligible if C. Annius was in charge of both Spanish provinces.
C. Tarquitius is not heard of again (C. Cichorius, RS, 167-8), L. Fabius deserted to
Sertorius (for which he was proscribed, Sallust, Hist. iii, 83M, cf. E. Gabba,
Athenaeum 1954, 307) and shared in his murder.
The choice of Victory as a reverse type for a military issue is unsurprising; the
identity of the deity who forms the obverse type is entirely uncertain. For the letters
EX· S· C see p. 6o6.
B. Cornelia 38-43; Mantia 3-8; Bf. i, 176; Bf., Goldmiinzenpriigung, 13-14; S. 756-759; RE
Cornelius 392; Manlius 79; cf. 29. See above, p. So.
As the issue progresses, the caduceus degenerates into an indeterminate branch and eventually
disappears altogether.
Two reverse dies used for 3 bear control-numerals- VI (Philippe 311) and IX
(Berlin); two reverse dies used for 5 bear control-numerals- XV (Hersh 31C)
and XX (Vatican 2346); the control-numerals are in all cases very small and very
faint and are clearly not cut into the dies in the same way as the rest of the type;
386
they appear as ifscratched on as a sort of last-minute extra. The probable explanation
seems to be that they were intended to be obliterated as soon as striking began;
the whole issue was thus perhaps provided with a system of control-marks, the
traces of which were not intended to survive on the coins.
The obverse legend is to be resolved as L. Manli T(orquati) Proq(uaestor); for
the sideways -I compare no. 282/2 and 4· The man in question is later Cos. 65;
he is also perhaps the Proquaestor of Sherk 18, line 90, since this man must have
held the office before Sulla became Dictator.
Although the reverse type and legend do not hesitate to advertise Sulla's tide
(for which compare no. 368 and ILLRP 351) and his expected victory (for Sulla
and Victory seep. 732), the head of Roma on the obverse is perhaps intended to
proclaim an identification of Sulla's cause with that of the res publica (note his
negotiations in 83 'de auctoritate senatus, de suffragiis populi, de iure civitatis',
Cicero, Phil. xii, 27; see also Valerius Maximus vii, 6, 4, 'quo tempore ... praemium
victoriae erat res publica') and his intention of restoring it. Since this issue forms by
far the largest part of the Sullan coinage, the choice of its types in preference to
those of no. 359 is presumably significant. The caduceus on the reverse may be
taken to indicate that victory is hoped for rather than achieved; note Sulla's assump
tion of the tide Felix only at the very end of 82 (seecommentary on no. 381).
For the titulature compare no. 367; for the spelling of the cognomen compare ILLRP
346.
This and the following two issues copy the reverse types of nos. 263/1, 264/1 and
265/1, but associate them with the head of Apollo as the obverse type. The evidence
of the hoards (see p. 81) and the fact that two of the most prominent Sullani
387
belonged to the same families as the original moneyers make it clear that these three
issues are Sullan; P. Servilius Isauricus was probably the son of no. 264 and the
nephew of no. 263, Q. Caecilius Metellus Pius was the son of a cousin of no. 263.
(It is not clear whether we should argue that Q. Fabius Maximus, RE Fabius 107,
nephew of no. 265, was also a Sullanus or whether it is possible to suppose that the
reverse type of no. 265 was copied merely because it was the third issue of the
original triumvirate.) The purpose of the three 'restored' issues was perhaps to
enable Sulla to issue a civil coinage without appointing a new triumvirate of moneyers
for 82, perhaps to celebrate the restoration of the Republic in So, after the abdication of
the dictatorship (see E. Badian, Athenaeum 1970,13-14),in any case to honour his most
noble and senior supporters. The presence of a head of Apollo on a Sullan issue should
cause no surprise; personal reasons (Plutarch, Sull. 29; ,Pontious, Strat. i, 11, 11;
Valerius Maximus i, 2, 3; Statius, Silvae v, 3, 293; Servius on Vergil, Aen. vii, 637)
might have suggested the type or the role of Apollo as a symbol of libertas (see p.
732; for Sulla and libertas see Appian, BC i, 352 and 253 with commentary of
E. Gabba).
. .
Line border.
The moneyer is presumably a grandson of Sp. Postumius Albinus, Cos. uo, and
a son of no. 335/9-10; he may also be the adoptive father of no. 450 (T. P. Wiseman,
CQ 1968, 299). The man in charge of Sicily in 48 (Appian, BC ii, 197), with whom he
is identified by Mommsen and Babelon, is an A. Allienus (no. 457).
The types of 1 allude to the sacrifice to Diana as a result of which Rome became
caput rerum (see on no. 335/9; for the placing of the horns of the bull in the temple
of Diana after the sacrifice, see Livy i, 45, 4). The reverse type of 2, combining a
togate figure on the one hand with an eagle and the fasces on the other hand, per
haps simply alludes to civilian and military imperium; taken with the obverse type,
the reference is doubdess to the Spanish command ofL. Postumius Albinus, Pr. 180.
B. i, p. 77, no. 227; Claudia 4; Bf. i, 84; M. Bahrfeldt, Blatterfiir Miinzfreunde 192e>-23, 364;
S. �to. See above, p. St.
The control-marks on 1b may be the letters of the Latin alphabet, alone or accom
panied by a dot, or the Roman numerals from I to XII (including lUI) or a variety
of fractional signs; for the control-marks attested see M. Bahrfeldt, Bliitter fiir
Miinzfreunde 192o-3, 364. Each control-mark may have several dies, as may be
documented from any large collection. The numeral I is sometimes spelt out in
389
the form VN I; reverses with this control-mark occur with obverses of two very
different styles, the normal style of the issue (Pl. XLVIII, 6) and a style derived from
the denarii, quinarii and sestertii ofL. PisoL.f.L.n. Frugi (no. 340; seeM. Bahrfeldt,
pl. 259, 27 and 28). The I on one obverse die, interpreted by Bahrfeldt as a control
letter, is probably the result of a die-break or an engraver's error. The mark on
BMCRR Italy 768 is not a mallet, but the letter T.
For the date and occasion of the issue see p. 81.
The issue was produced by Q. Caecilius Metellus Pius, serving as a Sullan commander
in the fight against Carrinas, Norbanus and Carbo. The obverse type of 1-2 alludes
to his cognomen, acquired for his part in securing the restoration from exile of his
father Q. Caecilius Metellus Numidicus, the reverse type of 1 recalls the capture of
Hasdrubal's elephants by L. Caecilius Metellus in 251 (see on no. 262); the reverse
type of 2 is explained by L. R. Taylor (AJA 1944, 352) as referring to an otherwise
unattested augurate of Q. Caecilius Metellus Numidicus (compare no. 46o/3). But
this type seems clearly derived from the reverse type of no. 359/1-2; if the inter
pretation advanced for that type is correct (see commentary on no. 359), this type
may perhaps have a Sullan as well as a family significance.
For the occasion of this issue see p. 81. For the head of Venus see on no. 359;
the double comucopiae is presumably a symbol of Fortuna.
390
376 EX S.C Mint-uncertain 81 B.C.
The control-marks are the letters A (Berlin 465/1882), D (BMCRR Rome 2892),
E (Lawrence 170), F (BMCRR Rome 2893), G (BMCRR Rome 2891-wrongly
described) and I (Maccarese hoard 947); no control-letter has more than one die.
For the occasion of this issue see pp. 81 and 6o6. For the head of Venus see on
no. 359; the comucopiae is presumably a symbol of Fortuna.
The control-marks are the letters of the Latin alphabet from A to L; the control
letters A and F each have three dies, the other control-letters have only one die each;
for the control-letters attested see Table XXXI I below .
The moneyer is probably L. Volumnius L.f. Ani., on the consilium of Cn. Pompeius
Strabo at Asculum (C. Cichorius, RS, 150; T. P. Wiseman, NC 1964, 158); he is
just possibly the father of the Strabo of Cicero, ad Att. xii, 17.
Europa clearly appears on the reverse to complement the head of Jupiter on the
obverse; the thunderbolt is, of course, the symbol of Jupiter; only the ivy-leaf
remains obscure, though it should be remembered that Europa sometimes appears
as a vegetation power (A. B. Cook, Zeus i, 524).
1 All three dies with A and all three with Fare illustrated on Pl. XLVDI.
391
378 C.MARI C.F CAPIT Mint-Rome 8t B.C.
B. Maria 7-9; Bf. ii, 61; S. 744-744b; RE Marius 33 · See above, p. 82.
ta Denarius serratus BMCRR Rome 2844
Bust of Ceres r., draped; around 0, Ploughman with yoke of oxen I.; above,
C· MAR I·C·F·CAP IT and control-numeral. control-numeral. Border of dots.
Border of dots.
Obverse dies: 19. Reverse dies: 19.
The control-numerals run continuously through the issue, associated from XXVI
onwards with a control-symbol; 1a bears the numerals from I to XXIIII, 1b the
numerals from XXVI to XXXII, 1 c the numerals from XXXI II to CLII. The
control-numeral on the obverse is invariably the same as on the reverse, except that
by an engrayer's error the obverse which should bear LXXX VIII in fact bears
LXXXVIlli. No pair of control-numerals or combination of control-numeral+
control-symbol and control-numeral has more than one pair of dies. For the control
marks attested see Table XXXIII below. The disposition of control-marks on 1c bears
a superficial resemblance to that on no. 361j1c and perhaps results from unintelligent
copying.
The moneyer is a C. Marius C.f. Capito, not otherwise known; his cognomen
emphasises the absence of connection with C. Marius of Arpinum. The revers e
type now seems to me merely to complement the bust of Ceres on the obverse
(compare no. 321), though the reason for the devotion of C. Marius Capito to
Ceres is obscure; I do not believe that there is any reference to Sulla's colonies or to
his enlargement of the pomerium. For the letters S· C see p. 6o6.
I Paris, A 12468
II Paris, A 12469
III Carbonara hoard
IIII
v
VI Paris, A 12470
VII Paris, A 12471
VIII
392
TABLE XXXIII (cont.)
393
TABLE XXXIII (cont.)
394
TABLE XXXIII (cont.)
395
379 L.PROCILI F Mint-Rome So B.C.
B. Procilia 1-2; S. 771-772; RB Procilius 1. See above, p. 82, below, no. 92*, no. 279*.
F
Border of dots.
Obverse dies: [104]. Reverse dies: [116].
of dots.
Obverse dies: [124]. Reverse dies: [138].
The control-marks are the letters of the Latin alphabet; the control-letter on the
reverse is invariably the same as on the obverse; each pair of control-letters may
have several pairs of dies, as may be documented from any large collection.
The moneyer is not otherwise known, but is perhaps the brother of Q. Publicius,
Pr. 68 or 67; for a possible son see T. P. Wiseman, CQ 1965, 158.
For the moneyer's choice of Hercules as reverse type, compare ILLRP 126,
'Publicia L.f., . .. , Hercole aedem valvasque fecit eademque expolivit aramque
sacram Hercole restituit. ' The Phrygian helmet of Roma is no more than an artistic
variant, see p. 722.
396
381 A.MANLI A.F Q Mint-Rome So B.C.
B. Cornelia 46-47; Manlia 9-10; Bf. i, 177; Bf., Goldmiinzenpragung, 12; S. 762-762a; RE
Cornelius 392; Manlius 13 and 70; see above, p. 82.
A. Manlius A.f. is presumably not a Torquatus, but the eldest son of no. 309
(H. B. Mattingly, Rev. Arch. Narbonne 1972, 13, against J. F. Mitchell, Historia
1966, 26; Mattingly's speculation on the father's career is to be discounted).
For the statue of Sulla portrayed here see Appian, BC i, 451 with commentary
of E. Gabba, also Polyaenus viii, 23, 31; for the titulature compare ILLRP 352--6.
The legend on the reverse of this coin, which surely goes with the type, is perhaps
evidence that the dedication of the statue included the title Dictator (contra J. P. V. D.
Balsdon, JRS 1951, 4 n. so; E. Gabba, I.e.; B. Wosnik, Sulla, 32-7); although the
statue was voted before Sulla became Dictator, it was doubtless erected afterwards.
For the title Felix, taken at the very end of 82, see Balsdon, JRS 1951, 1; it is best
translated 'favourite of the gods' (see also H. Erkell, Augustus, Felicitas, Fortuna,
88-93 and 128) and has no connection with Sulla's other title Trra�p6StTOS (A.
Passerini, Philologus 1935, 90-7; S. Weinstock,JRS 1961, 208).
The control-marks on 1a are the letters of the Latin alphabet, on 1b the letters of
the Latin alphabet and the numerals from I to CCXXVI; within 1 a each control-
1 Its square end excludes the possibility that the cloak is a trabea (contra A. Alfoldi, Reittradel, 45-6).
397
mark may have several dies, as may be documented from any large collection,
within tb no control-mark has more than one die (V and X occur as letters and as
numerals).
The moneyer is a C. Naevius Balbus, not otherwise known (unless he is the Balbus
of Plutarch, SuJI. 29; cf. F. Miinzer, RE xvii, 1827). If the obverse type is indeed a
head of Venus (compare nos. 357 and 359), the obverse and reverse types together
perhaps refer to Sulla's Venus and to the Victoria Sullana. Note that the only
other occurrence of a triga as a Republican coin type is on the issue of Ap. daudius,
Cos. 79 (no. 299). For the letters S· C seep. 6o6.
B. Claudia 5; Bf. ii, 34; S. 770J77oa; RE Claudius 253. See above, p. 82, below, no. 280*.
1 Denariua serratus (Pl. XLIX) BMCRR Rome 3097; Rome 3100; Rome 3114
Bust of Diana r., draped, with bow and quiver Victory in biga r., holding pahn-branch and
over shoulder; before, S ·C upwards. Border reins in I. hand and wreath in r. hand; below,
of dots. control-mark; in exergue, TI·CLN ·T I·F or
�·N
TI·CLA'v?·T I·F. Border of dots.
kN
Obverse dies: [164). Reverse dies: [182).
32B). R ·N R·N
The control-marks on the reverse are the numerals from I to CLXVIIII, and then
the letter A (perhaps standing for AOter), see B. Borghesi, CEuvres i, 184) with the
numerals from I to CXXVIIII; each control-mark has only one die. The first
main type of legend occurs with the control-marks from I to XXV, the second type
of legend thereafter.
The moneyer is Ti. daudius Nero, Pr. before 63, perhaps before 67. I am very
doubtful whether the bust of Diana has anything to do with the Sabine origin of
the Claudii; Varro's belief in a Sabine origin for Diana is almost certainly erroneous
(G. Wissowa, RuK, 249-50); seep. 733 n.t. For the letters S· C seep. 6o6.
B. Papia 1; S. 773; E. Leuthold, RIN 1958, 21; RE Papius 6. See above, p. 82.
The control-marks are normally a symbol on the obverse and another, related to
it, on the reverse; each pair of control-symbols has only one pair of dies; one obverse
398
die and one reverse die bear the numeral CCXLVI instead of a symbol. For the
control-marks attested see Pls. LXVI-LXVII; the occuren
r ce among the control-symbols
of the symbols of the Roman priesthoods rules out the suggestion of E. A. Sydenham
(NC 1931, 1) that there is some allusion intended in the symbols chosen by L. Papius
to the rise of the collegia as instruments of popularis agitation; the control-symbols
are no more than a random selection of pairs of everyday objects.
The moneyer is a L. Papius, not otherwise known, but perhaps the father of
no. 472. His obverse type reveals his Lanuvine origin; the gryphon is perhaps
regarded as connected with Juno Sospita, though the evidence is not good (C.
Cavedoni, Saggio, 57 n. 86, cf. So; Annali 1839, 308).
B. Volteia 1-5; S. 774-778; T. Hackens, RBN 1962, 29; RE Volteius 2. See above, p. 82,
below, no. 93*.
399
TABLE XXXIV. Control-marks on denarii ofM. Volteius
Control-marks listed are attested in Paris unless otherwise stated. I list first, under (a), those control
marks which also occur on no. 385/4, then, under (b), those which r emain Of the symbols listed by
.
Babelon and unlikely to be simply misdescribed, I have not found amphora or simpulum.
A
Winged caduceus 8 Paris, A 16894
Crescent r Paris, A 16895
b.
E
Butterfly [ Paris, A 16890
z
Wreath H Paris, A 16893
Thyrsus e Paris, A 16891
Strigil I Paris, A 16896
Tongs lA Paris, A 16897
Axe (see Pl. LXX, 48) 18 Paris, A 16898
Tortoise If Vienna
lb.
IE
I[
Frog IZ Maccarese hoard
Heron walking IH Barcelona
19
? K Paris, A 16900
Owl KA Paris, A 16901
Peacock r. K8 Paris, A 16902
Amphora Kr Paris, A 16903
Anchor K6 Paris, A 16904
Oub KE Paris, A 16905
Ltcythus (see Pl. LXX, 49) KC Paris, A 16909
KZ
Candelabrum KH Paris, A 16906
Cock Ke Paris, A 16907
Palm-branch A Paris, A 16910
Piercer (see Pl. LXX , 50) AA Paris, A 16911
Simpulum A8 Paris, A 16912
? Ar Bologna
M
Stilus AE Paris, A 16916
Pentagram AC Paris, A 16919
Pileus AZ Paris, A 16913
Boot r. (see Pl. LXX , 51) AH Paris, A 16928
Wheel .i\9 Paris, A t69t8
Perfume-jar (see Pl. LXX, 52) M Paris, A 16920
Staff with double hook MA Paris, A 16921
Pelta M8 Paris, A 16922
Macedonian shield Mr Paris, A 16930
Pear-shaped shield Mb. Paris, A 16923
Oval shield ME Paris, A 16925
Oblong shield with rounded comers MC Turin
Oblong shield with square comers MZ Paris, A 16926
Small round shield MH Paris, AF
Large round shield Me Paris, A 16929
Ear N Naples, F 2961
Lyre-key NA Paris, A 16931
Leaf N8 Madrid
401
TABLE XXXV (cont.)
Of the symbols listed by Babelon and unlikely to be simply misdescribed, I have not found bow or star.
The combination, Cock/OB, occurs on two plated pieces in Berlin, one in BM.
and Bellona (A. Alfoldi, Urahnen, 6; D. Fishwick,JRS 1967, 152; contra, S. Wein
stock, JRS 1959, 170) are suggested, in every case without decisive evidence. For
the reverse type of 4 see Lucretius ii, 6cxr1, with Fr. Prechac, RN 1932, 119. Taken
together, the five coins refer, via the deities portrayed, to the Ludi Romani, Plebeii,
Cereales, Megalenses and Apollinares (Th. Mommsen, I.e.); the intention is pre
sumably to convey a promise of largitiones in the future (see p. 729); the letters
S· C· D· Ton the reverse of 5 seem to recall the financing of the Ludi Apollinares
at their foundation by popular contribution (Livy xxv, 12, 14; Festus, s.v. Apo/linares
ludos) and make best sense if understood as· standing for s(tips) c(o/lata) d(ei)
t(hesauro) or something like that.
402
386 L.CASSI Q.F Mint-Rome ,SB.C.
The moneyer is presumably the man attested as Senator in 72 (Cicero, Cluent. 182).
B. Satriena t; Bf. i, 234; S. 781-781a; RE Satrienus 1. See above, p. 82, below, no. 221*,
no. 28t*.
403
W. Helbig, Fuhrer ii4, 277; E. Gjerstad, Early Rome iv, 492; this type of ferocious
wolf has no original connection with the wolf that nursed Romulus and Remus
(for which see p. 714), but was perhaps adopted as a symbol of Rome after the
defeat of those rebel Italians who likened Rome to a predatory wolf (so E. J.
Bickerman, RFIC 1969, 395--6); if this is right, the type is perhaps anti-Italian in
intention.
The moneyer is-a L. Rustius, not otherwise known, perhaps from Antium (T. P.
Wiseman, New men, 257). The constellation Aries was the astrological 'house o
Minerva' and a ram was doubtless chosen as reverse type to complement the head
of Minerva on the obverse (Th. Mommsen, ChronologieZ, 305-8). The mark of value
is merely an archaism. For the letters S· C see p. 6o6.
404
see Roscher ill, 1262; J. G. Hawthorne, TAPA 1958, 92) and alludes by way of
his mother Leu�thea to the moneyer's nomen. The deities on the two obverses
seem to be chosen to complement the two reverse types.
B. Egnatia 1-3; S. 786-788; RE Egnatius 27. See above, p. 82, below, no. 282*.
The legend on one reverse die with the control-mark Dis C·EGNAVS CN·F CN·N
(BMCRR Rome 3287). The legend on one obverse die is MASXVMVS (G. N. Olcott,
AJN, 1902-3, 107). One serrate specimen with the control-mark D is recorded, from the
same reverse die as a non-serrate specimen (both Copenhagen, see also p. 581). Haeberlin
2075 = Mabbott 4113 combines the obverse of 2 and the reverse of 3.
405
For the temple of Jupiter Libertas, portrayed on 2, see S. B. Platner and T.
Ashby, TDAR, 296 and commentary on no. 265. Of the figures on 3, one is clearly
identified as Venus by the presence of Cupid; the other should be identified as
Roma (contra J. W. Crous, Corolla L. Curtius, 219 n.5; P. Lederer, SNR 1942, 7;
for the wolf as the symbol ofRoma, compare the Social War denarius, HNJ, nos. 15
and 22; see also commentary on no. 388). Taken as a whole, the types look like an
attempt to assert, against the Sullan view (for which see on no. 359), the association
of Venus not merely withRome, but with a popularis view of the res publica, concen
trating on libertas (compare no. 392).
Cn. Lentulus is later Cos. 56; for his intervening career seeR. Syme,JRS 1963, 55;
T. P. Wiseman, CQ 1964, 122-3.
The types associate the Genius populi Romani with domination terra marique
(for which see A. D. Momigliano, JRS 1942, 53-64, esp. 62-4; J. H. Oliver, AJP
1969, 1-2); for the significance of the types see on no. 397· For the office of Curator
denariorum flandorum, cf. no. 282; for the use of the verb flare compare Cicero,
Sest. 66. For the letters EX· S· C see p. 6o6.
B. Plaetoria 2; Bf. iii, 83; S. 792-792a; RE Plaetorius 14. See above, pp. 82f.
Bust of Juno Moneta r., draped and wearing Victorious boxer running r., holding caestus
diadem; behind, MONETA downwards; in I. hand and palm-branch over r. shoulder;
below chin, S ·C. Border of dots. behind, L · P LA ET0 R I downwards; before,
L · F · Q · S C upwards. Border of dots.
·
Reverse dies : 2.
B. Cornelia 58; S. 791; RE Cornelius 204 and 238. See above, pp. 82f., below, no. 284*.
1 There are plated specirne.ns with III, struck from different dies, as BMCRR Rome 3302; ANS,
HSA 10507; Hague 1497·
B. Pomponia 23; Bf. i, 224; S. 793; RE Pomponius 26. See above, pp. 82f.
The control-marks are the numerals from I to VIII, each associated with a different
symbol; no pair of control-marks has more than one die; for the control-marks
attested see Table XXXVII above.
The moneyer is not otherwise known, but is perhaps a son of Cn. Pomponius,
Tr. Pl. 90 (for a Cn. Pomponius Collina Rufus see T. P. Wiseman, CQ 1964, 125).
For the way in which the eagle is represented, compare the Berlin-Charlottenburg
cameo (A. Furtwangler, Beschreibung, 11056), where two eagles with wreaths support
the Emperor and Roma (W. B. Kaiser, SM 1968, 35). The eagle is here present merely
as an attribute of Jupiter, who forms the obverse type, compare no. 487/1-2 (contra
A. Alfoldi, Museum Helveticum 1950, 9-10); for Numa, from whom the Pomponii
claimed descent (see on no. 334), as the creator of the religion of the Republic,
see R. M. Ogilvie, Commentary, 88-105. For the letters S· C see p. 6o6.
B. Crepereia 1-2; Bf. ii, 40; S. 796-796a; RE Crepereius 8. See above, pp. 82f.
410
TABLE X X X VIII. Control-marks on denarii ofQ. Crepereius Rocus
18 1b
B. Axia 1-2; Bf. iii, 25; S. 794-795; RB Axius 7· See above, pp. 82f., below, no. 285*.
411
The control-marks on 1a are the numerals from I to X; the control-numeral on the
reverse is invariably the same as on the obverse. The control-marks on 1b are the
numerals from XI to XX; the control-numeral on the reverse is invariably the same
ason the obverse. Throughout, each pair of control-numerals may have several
pairs of dies,
as may be documented from any large collection.
S· C seep. 6o6.
B. Aquillia 2; Bf. i, 41; iii, 21; S. 798; RE Aquillius 9· See above, p. 83.
The moneyer isperhaps attested as already a Senator in 74 (Cicero, Cluent. 127), but
is not otherwise known. His reverse type alludes to the beneficia conferred on Sicily
by his grandfather, Mn. Aquillius, Cos. 101, responsible for ending the slave war.
B. Pompeia 6; Bf. i, 210; ii, 67; Bf., Goldmimzenpri:igung, tS; S. 1028; RE Pompeius 31. See
above, p. 83.
412
The issue was doubtless struck for Pompey's triumph (see p. 83, also for the name
Magnus) and the choice of reverse type was thus obvious; the reference to Africa
is somewhat surprising, but is intelligible if one remembers that the swift and
decisive victory in Africa was a more striking achievement than the victory in Spain,
long delayed and only achieved after the murder of Sertorius by Perperna; it is
also perhaps relevant that the victory in Africa was less recent and less charged with
bitterness than the victory in Spain. The rider on the horse on the reverse is doubt
less Pompey's elder son born between 8o and 76 (compare no. 326); the lituus and
jug presumably refer to Pompey's augurate,I for which they provide the earliest
evidence.
B. Fufia 1; Mucia t; S. 797; RE Fufius to; Mucius 18. See above, pp. 83ff.
Border of dots.
Obverse dies: [26]. Reverse dies: [29].
The first moneyer is doubtless Q. Fufius Calenus, Cos. 47; I have no doubt that
his colleague is a Mucius Scaevola, arrogating to himself the cognomen Cordus
(for the reasons see below; for the practice compare no. 322); he may be identified
of 70, the year in which this issue was probably struck (compare no. 392).3
1 The link with Sulla proposed by B. Frier (Arethusa 1969, 189 with nn. 24-5) is impossibly tenuous
and contrary to all reason.
• The doubtless humble architect of Marius' temple to Honos and Virtus, C. Mucius, does not seem
relevant.
1 The type is misdated and misinterpreted as Pompeian by J.-Cl. Richard, MEFR 1963, 313-15.
404 T.VETTIVS SABINVS Mint-Rome 70B.C.
B. Vettia 2; S. 905; REVettius !)a= 14 and 11 (pramomm wrong in RE). See above, pp. 83ff.
T. Venius Sabinus had probably already been Quaestor (Cicero, in Verr.z iii, 168;
v, 114; T. R. S. Broughton, MRRP, Supp. 69; the argument of d. Nicolet, Ordre
equestre, 259, to the contrary is without weight) when he became moneyer and went
on to be Pr. 59 (Cicero, Flac. 85; there is no reason to suppose that he presided
over the trial).
The head of King Tatius on the obverse is identified by the monogram A ; the
moneyer's cognomen is clearly responsible for its appearance. The nature and
significance of the reverse type are, however, obscure; the figure has been identified
as Sp. Vettius, the interrex who appointed Numa (Babdon, following hints in J.
Eckhd, DNV v, 337; Th. Mommsen, RMw, 646 n.543), Numa (C. Cavedoni,
Annali 1839, 321; 'Nuovi studi ', 26-7; Th. Mommsen, Monnaie romaine ii, 520 n. 4;
J.-P. Morel, MEFR 1962,37-8 esp. 38 nn. 3-4) or Hercules (H. Mattingly,Proc. Camh.
Phil. Soc. 195o-1, 27; 'Some new studies ', 258). The first and last suggestions are with
out merit; and the method of referring to Numa, if it is he who is represented, is
remarkably obscure. It is simplest to identify the type as portraying a magistrate
engaged in judicial activity,! perhaps over corn-distribution; it is doubtless intended
to convey a family or political allusion now lost. For the letters S· C see p. 6o6.
The pramomm and nomen of the moneyer occur in the following forms: M · e k T 0 RI VS
(BMCRR Rome 3519), M· e k TORIV (BMCRR Rome JS20), M rLk TORI (BMCRR ·
On3b:
Bee* BMCRR Rome 3545
Bird with short legs* Bologna
Bird with long legs* Oxford
Butterfly* San Giuliano hoard
Cricket BMCRR Rome 3547
Cup* (see Pl. LXX, 64) Oxford
Dagger* (see Pl. LXX, 65) �MCRR Rome 3546
Dolphin Paris, A 13925
Jug BMCRR Rome 3544
Laurel-branch* B randosa hoard
Lizard BMCRR Rome 3549
Peacock Turin, Simboli, 430
Quiver* Oxford
Rod* BMCRR Rome 3553
Shield* BMCRR Rome 3550
Simpulum* BMCRR Rome 3551
Staff PIUiS, A 13945
Vase with strap* (see Pl. LXX, 66) BMCRR Rome 3552
Tall vase (see Pl. LXX , 67) BMCRR Rome 3548
On4b:
Bee* Simboli, 417
Turin,
Bird with short legs* BMCRR Rome 3534
Bird with long legs* BMCRR Rome 3536
Butterfly* Turin, Simboli, 412
Cup* (see Pl. LXX, 64) BMCRR Rome 3533
Cup with two handles BMCRR Rome 3537
Dagger* (see Pl. LXX, 65) BMCRR Rome 3538
Laurel-branch* BMCRR Rome 3535
Quiver* BMCRR Rome 3540
Rod* Bement 278
Shield* BMCRR Rome 3542
Simpulum* Oxford
Vase with strap* (see Pl. LXX, 66) BMCRR Rome 3541
On48:
Cup* (see Pl. LXX , 64) Bologna
Cup with two handles Paris, A 13956
Strigil Rous 375
On5:
Acorn Turin, Simboli, 513
Acrostolium Oxford
Anchor Paris, A 13853
Apex Turin, Simboli, 258
Arrow (see Pl. LXX, 68) BMCRR Rome 3554
Arrow (see Pl. LXX, 70) Bonazzi 980
Bipennis Paris, A 13851
Bow Paris, A 13903
TABLE XLI (cont.)
Those dies which are oommon to 3 and 4 are ma.dted with "'. or the symbols
listed by Babelon and unlikely to be simply mis-described, I have not found
flower on 3, rod and torch on 5·
417
5 Dauuius (Pl. L) BMCRR Rome 3554
Male head r., with flowing hair; behind, Similar to 3b.
control-mark. Border of dots.
Obverse dies: S4· Reverse dies: (6o).
/
The control-marks on 1b, 2 and 3b-4b are symbols, on 5 symbols or letters of the
Latin alphabet; within each of the four groups no control-mark has more than one
die; for the control-marks attested seeTables XXXIX-XLI on pp. 415-17.
The moneyer is M. Plaetorius M.f. Cestianus, Pr. ?64; there is no room in his
career after the moneyership for the quaestorship, which must antedate 69, but
for which the defective text of Cicero, Font. 1 is not evidence. For the latter part
of his life see Cic ero,ad Att. v, 20,8 with commentary of D. R. Shackleton Bailey.
The reverse type of 1 probably portrays a temple outside Rome (F. Castagnoli,
Arch. Class. 1953, 104, is refuted by H. Jucker, JBM 1959-6<>, 295 n.1). The
reverse type of 2 seems to represent an oracle at work (so H. Dressd, ZJN 1922,24;
compare the representation discussed by 0. Brendel, AJA 1960,45-6); it may recall
the fact that the moneyer came from the Praenestine family of the Cestii by adoption
into the Tusculan family of the Plaetorii (T. P. Wiseman, New men, 251; for the
oracle of Praeneste, the most celebrated Italian oracle to function by casting lots,
seeILLRP 101-10; GIL xiv, 2862; Cicero, de div. ii, 85,cf. i, 34; Tibullus i, 3, 11;
Valerius Maximus i, 3, 1; cf. K. Lane, RRg, pl. 6 with 177 n. 6). The bust on the
obverse of 3-4 is clearly that of Proserpina (for the jug and torch seeRoscher ii,
1370,fig. 16); if the primary association of the caduceus on the reverse of 3 and 5
is with the obverse of 5, this may be taken to represent Mercury1 (for the links
between Hermes and Kore see Roscher ii, 1364-79, figs. 17-20); the complex of
types on 3-5 doubdess alludes to a particular cult with which the moneyer was
connected. Note the sanctuary of Demeter and Kore at Aricia (NSc 1930, 370).
For the letters [EX·] S· C see p. 6o6.
dots.
Obverse dies: [48]. Reverse dies: (53].
For the head of Vesta compare no. 428/1; it and the revers e type show that P.
Sulpicius Galba was a Pontifex by 69 (for the Pontifices and Vesta see G. Wissowa,
RuK, 161). For the letters S· C seep. 6o6.
1 There is no reason to suppose that it represents Romulus (contra A. Alfbldi, REL 1950, SS; Museum
Hdveticum 1951, 194). 1 G. Wissowa, RuK, 516 n. 1.
418
407 C.HOSIDI C.F GETA III VIR Mint-Rome 68 B.C.
The spear on the reverse is sometimes missing (BMCRR Rome 3393). One serrate specimen
is recorded (Leu z, 334).
B. Calpurnia 24-29; Bf. i, 73; iii, 32; S. 84o-878; RE Calpurnius 93· See above, pp. 83ff.
There are almost as many varieties as there are die-combinations; for the latter see
Tables nn-xun with Index I (b) ii, the basic variable dements may be tabulated thus:
ta (Pl. L)
Laureate head r. behind, Horseman r. with whip above,
control-mark. Horseman r. with torch control-mark.
Horseman r. above and below,
Horseman r. with palm. control-marks.
Horseman r. with palm
and conical cap.
Horseman r. with palm
and Phrygian cap.
Horseman r. with wing.
Obverse dies: 53· Reverse dies: 59·
[Continued on p. 435)
419
TABLE XLII. Control-marks on denarii of C. Piso Frugi
.
0' �0° 00'
0 � 8� � �
�a . � :l�
t:l n <
p.�
n
w-
1 n
.. as :a
w_
n
1 p. n
ii' sn
9 Olive-branch BMCRR Rome 3796 Horseman r., whip, F R VG, lizard above 21
21 e BMCRR Rome 3803 Horseman r., whip, FRVG, lizard above 21
22 Anchor BMCRR Rome 3795 Horseman r., whip, FRVG, lizard above 21
10 Scorpion with butterfly BMCRR Rome 3791 Horseman r., conical cap, palm, F RV, Pl. LXX, 105 above 22
1t Com-ear Paris, A 6431 Horseman r., whip, FRVGI, 'T above 23
t
... 23 B· Copenhagen Horseman r., whip, FRVGI, 'T above 23
14 M Paris, A 6412 Horseman r., whip, FRVGI, 'T above 23
12 Head-dress of Isis Paris, A 6393 Horseman r., palm, FR VG, spear with knobs above 24
13 Pedum Haeberlin 2268 Horseman r., whip, F R VG, � above 25
24 Foot BMCRR Rome 3810 Horseman r., whip, FRVG, �above 25
14 M Paris, A 6459 Horseman r., conical cap, palm, FRVG, arrow-head above 26
25 Snake on staff Paris, A 6456 Horseman r., conical cap, palm, FR VG, arrow-head above 26
t6 Pl. LXX , 102 BM Horseman r., palm, FRVGI,::: above 27
26 r BM Horseman r., palm, FRVGI,::: above 27
27 Lizard BMCRR Rome 3780 Horseman r., palm, FRVGI,::: above 27
t6 Pl. LXX, 102 BMCRR Rome 3799 Horseman r., whip, F RV, strigil above 28
28 Comucopiae Paris, A 6408 Horseman r., whip, FR V, strigil above 28
29 c;:) Moscow Horseman r., whip, FRV, strigil above 28
17 Wheel BMCRR Rome 3801 Horseman r., whip, FRVG, torque above 29
30 Caduceus Paris, A 6426 Horseman r., whip, F RV G, torque above 29
31 Jug Paris, A 6410 Horseman r., whip, FRVG, torque above 29
17 Wheel Paris, AF 765 Horseman r., palm, FRVG, S above 30
TABLE XLII (cont.)
� 8� �
0 l;lj
�8�
n
a·
Q. < I' () < e:;;
;·a �[9 Q. a
C1l '1
n o n �[s
o n
"'
n
51 Sceptre Paris, A 6452 Horseman r., Phrygian cap, palm, FRVG I, arrow above 57
I here list those combinations of control-marks on the tint part of the issue of C. Piso Frugi which are known to me; my purpose is to make possible a
description of the issue and to form an estimate of its size I make no claim to absolute completeness; there are no doubt ·more combinations to be
..
discovered, though I do not think there are many more dies to be discovered; and although I have taken account of die-breaks when known to me,
the order of the Table is to a large extent arbitrary, with those coins grouped together which share the same reverse die.
The obverse type throughout is Laureate head r.
The following combinations of control-marks are known to me only from plated coins- N{horseman r., pahn, FRVG, G above (BM), M/horseman
r., pahn, FRVG, arrow-head above (Copenhagen); there is also a plated coin which combines an obverse as no. 123 of Table XLIII and a reverse aa
no. 29 of this Table, another which combines an obverse as no. 27 of Table XLIII and a reverse as no. 22 of this Table.
TAB L B x L I I I. Control-marks on denarii of C. Piso Frugi
0 �
Q.O' � 8� � � 8� � e:�
t't �"'
�. <
t't t'ta �as a
.. e-n
�a�a
'ls:�.rt 0
1 .LXXI, head r. BMCRR Rome 3671 Horseman r., FRV, �XVI below 1
2 ll3, head r. BMCRR Rome 3672 Horseman r., FRV, �XVI below 1
3 13, head r. BMCRR Rome 3674 Horseman r., FRV, �XVI below 1
4 :, head r. Turin, Simboli, 51 Horseman r., FRV, �XVI below 1
1 1 XXI, head r. Paris, AF 794 Horseman r., palm, F RV, A below 2
2 ll3, bead r. BMCRR Rome 3718 Horseman r., palm, FRV, A below 2
3 i3, head r. Paris, A 6633 Horseman r., palm, F RV, A below 2
5 CVI, head r. Paris, A 6632 Horseman r., palm, FRV, A below 2
1 1XXI, head r. BMCRR Rome 3723 Horseman r., palm, FR, ? above 3
1 1 XXI, head r. Paris, A 6670 Horseman r., conical cap, palm, FRV, arrow-head below 4
6 XXI, head r. BM Horseman r., conical cap, palm, F RV, arrow-head below
t 4
""" 7 13, head r. Paris, A 6539 Horseman r., conical cap, palm, F RV, arrow-head below 4
2 ll3, head r. BMCRR Rome 3696 Horseman r., palm,FRV, whip above s
2 ll3, head r. Paris, A 6555 Horseman r., palm,FRV, Pl. LXX , 82 above 6
8 CCl, head r. Paris, A 6646 Horseman r., palm, FRV, Pl. LXX, 82 above
}f
6
9 CCX, head r. Paris, AF Boo Horseman r., palm, FRV, Pl. LXX, 82 above 6
10 CXLV, head r. BMCRR Rome 3697 Horseman r., palm, FRV, Pl. LXX, 82 above 6
2 ua, head r. Paris, A 6556 Horseman r., palm, F RV, dot above, dot below 7
11 <DCC, head r. Copenhagen Horseman r., palm, FRV, dot above, dot below 7
3 13, head r. BM Horseman r., palm, FRV, dolphin below 8
4 : , head r. Paris, A 6540 Horseman r., palm, FRV, dolphin below 8
12 lX, head r. BMCRR Rome 3699 Horseman r., palm, F RV, dolphin below 8
3 13, head r. BMCRR Rome 3702 Horseman r., palm, F RV, leaf below 9
8 CC.l, head r. Paris, A 6628 Horseman r., palm, F RV, leaf below 9
13 Pennant, head r. Paris, A 6567 Horseman r., palm, F RV, leaf below 9
14 l.l, head r. Paris, AF 8o1 Horseman r., palm, F RV, leaf below 9
15 Key, head r. Turin, Simboli, 41 Horseman r., palm, FRV, leaf below 9
3 i3, head r. Cambridge Horseman r., palm, FR, Pl. LXX , 83 above 10
3 13, head r. BMCRR Rome 3726 Horseman r., palm, FRV, 1/\ above 11
4 =·head r. Paris,A 6535 Horseman r., palm,FRY, 1/\ above 11
4 =·head r. Haeberlin 2236 Horseman r., palm with fillet,FRY, hook above 12
8 CC..L, head r. BMCRR Rome 3740 Horseman r., palm with fillet, FRY, hook above 12
16 DXX, head r. BMCRR Rome 3741 Horseman r.,palm with fillet, FRY, hook above 12
17 Pl. LXX, 84,head r. Paris,A 6484 Horseman r.,palm with fillet,FRY, hook above 1Z
5 CY I,head r. Haeberlin 2255 Horseman r.,palm, FRY, dagge r below 13
9 CCX, head r. Paris, A 6627 Horseman r., palm, FRY, dagger below 13
7 13, head r. Glasgow Horseman r., palm, FRY, n below 14
18 Xlll::,head r. Paris,A 6636 Horseman r.,palm, FRY, n below 14
19 I, head r. Paris, A 6537 Horseman r.,palm, FRY, n below 14
20 Whip,head r. Paris, A 6509 Horseman r., palm,FRY, n below 14
7 13, head r. Paris, A 6637 Horseman r., conical cap, palm, FRYG, 0 below 15
21 Head I., 2 Paris, A 66o6 Horseman r.,conical cap, palm, FRY G, 0 below 15
22 Head 1., lizard Paris, A 66o7 Horseman r., conical cap, palm, FRYG, 0 below 15
7 13, head r. BMCRR Rome 3720 Horseman r., palm, FRYG, 0 below 16
20 Whip, head r. BMCRR Rome 3714 Horseman r., palm, FRYG, 0 below 16
7 13, head r. BMCRR Rome 3739 Horseman r.,Phrygian cap,FRY, \:.1 below 17
23 Strigil,head r. Paris, A 6584 Horseman r., Phrygian cap, FRY, \:.1 below 17
t
V\ 24 Dolphin, head r. Haeberlin 2222 Horseman r.,Phrygian cap,FRY, \:.1 below 17
25 PI. LXX, 85,head r. Paris,A,6522 Horseman r.,Phrygian cap, FRY, \:.1 below 17
9 CCX, head r. Miinzen und Horseman r., causea, FRY, strigil below 18
Medaillen 43,149
26 CXXI, head r. BMCRR Rome 3677 Horseman r.,causea, FRY, strigil below 18
27 CXI, head r. Paris,AF 788 Horseman r.,causea, FRY, sttigil below 18
9 CCX, head r. Copenhagen Horseman r., palm, FRY, voting-tablet with L above 19
10 CXl Y, head r. BMCRR Rome 3715 Horseman r., palm, FRY, /\ above 20
10 CX.l Y, head r. BMCRR Rome 3693 Horseman r., palm, FRY, mallet above (PI. LXX, 86) 21
10 CXl Y, head r. Brandosa hoard Horseman r.,palm,FRY, pedum above 22
28 Not used
29 CXX, head r. Paris, A 6655 Horseman r., palm, FRY, pedum above 22
10 CXl Y, head r. Paris, A 6650 Horseman r.,palm,FRY, V. above 23
10 CXl Y, head r. Paris, A 6644 Horseman r.,palm,FRY, -1 above 24
10 CXl Y, head r. Paris,A 6663 Horseman r., palm, FRY, 7'i. above 25
30 ftk., head r. BMCRR Rome 3716 Horseman r.,palm, FRY, 7'i. above 25
11 Q)CC, head r. Paris,A 6648 Horseman r.,palm,FRY, figure-of-eight above 26
TABLE XLIII (cont.)
w[sa
n
n
a "'"[s�
I Q. I Q. 0
�a n
n
0 8� CT 8�
(t
0
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, a(t m=
as�
:o;-_ "'
m g sa�
��
n
�a(t
I p. (t I p. (t
43 A, head r. Signorelli 278 Horseman r., conical cap, FRVG, .....J above 6o
53 Bow, head r. Paris,A6470 Horseman r., conical cap, FRVG, .....J above 6o
43 A,head r. Paris,A 6543 Horseman r., palm with fillet, F RVGI, bird above 61
54 Head 1., arrow-head Paris,A6488 Horseman r.,palm with fillet, FRVGI, bird above 6t
55 Head 1., laureate, I Berlin Horseman r.,palm with fillet, F RVGI, bird above 61
44 I :L,
head r. Martini 412 Horseman r.,palm, F RV, ? below 62
45 Knucklebone, head r. BMCRR Rome 3713 Horseman r., palm, FRV, H below 63
56 Head 1., S: BMCRR Rome 3766 Horseman r., palm, FRV, H below 63
57 ·I, head r. Brussels Horseman r.,palm,F RV, H below 63
58 ··3, head r. Copenhagen Horseman r., palm, F RV, H below 63
49 Snake, head r. Turin,Simboli, 489 Horseman r., palm, FRV, I below 64
t 49 Snake, head r. BMCRR Rome 3688 Horseman r., palm, F RVG, pedum below --65
00
50 I:, head r. Paris,A6538 Horseman r., palm, F RVG, pedum below 65
49 Snake, head r. BM Horseman r.,FRV, X below 66
49 Snake, head r. Bologna, Cat. 354 Horseman r.,F RV, XII below 67
59 r, head r. Paris,A 6616 Horseman r., FRV, XII below 67
6o :. [. Paris,A 6617 Horseman r., FRV, XII below 67
61 Head 1., I· f.. Paris,A6684 Horseman r., FRV, XII below 67
49 Snake, head r. BMCRR Rome 3670 Horseman r., FRV, XV below 68
61 Head 1., l·f.. BMCRR Rome 3763 Horseman r., FRV, XV below 68
62 �·,head r. Paris, AF 784 Horseman r., F RV, XV below 68
49 Snake, head r. Pa.ris,A6495 Horseman r., FRVG, V1 below 69
62 �·,head r. BMCRR Rome 3665 Horseman r., F RV G, .Vl below 69
50 I:, head r. Paris,A 6612 Horseman r., F RVG, V1 below 69
50 I:, head r. Paris, A6618 Horseman r., FRV, XVII below 70
63 I:·, head r. Paris,A6619 Horseman r.,FRV, XVII below 70
52 Tortoise, head r. Cahn So, 532 Horseman r., palm, F RV, ..u above 71
53 Bow, head r. Paris,A 6581 Horseman r.,conical cap,palm with fillet, FRVGI, I below 72
64 Simpulum, head r. Martinetti-Nervegna 965 Horseman r., conical cap,palm with fillet, F RVGI, I below 72
53 Bow,head r. Paris,A 6463 Horseman r., FRV, 1 above 73
53 Bow,head r. Berlin Horseman r.,conical cap, FRVG, Pl. LXX, 89 above 74
53 Bow,head r. Paris,A 6575 Horseman r., palm with fillet, F R VG, S below 75
65 PI. LXX, 90,head r. BMCRR Rome 3745 Horseman r., palm with fillet, F RVG, S below 75
54 Head I., arrow-head BMCRR Rome 3772 Horseman r.,conical cap,palm with fillet,FRVG, Pl. LXX, 91 above 76
54 Head 1., arrow-head Paris,A 6490 Horseman l.,whip,wing, F RVG I, flying bird above 77
66 0, head r.,laureate BMCRR Rome 3755 Horseman r.,whip,wing,FRVG I, flying bird above 77
55 Head 1., laureate, I Turin, Simboli, 480 Horseman 1.,torch, FRVG I, lizard above 78
56 Head 1.,S: Glasgow Horseman r., palm, FRV, five dots below 79
58 · 3, head r. BMCRR Rome 3722 Horseman r., palm, FRV, X below 8o
67 Head l.,S:· I BMCRR Rome 3765 Horseman r., palm, FRV, X below 8o
61 Head 1., I· L Paris,A 6690 Horseman r.,palm, FRV, X below 8o
59 r, head r. Paris,A 6639 Horseman r.,palm, F RV, X below 8o
59 r, head r. Paris,A 6631 Horseman r., palm, F RV, A below 81
59 r, head r. BMCRR Rome 3661 Horseman r.,FRVG, 0 below 82
59 r, head r. Paris,A 6615 Horseman r., FRV,V below 83
68 ·::,head r. Paris,AF 782 Horseman r., F RV,
V below 83
69 Head 1., S · L BMCRR Rome 3761 Horseman r., FRV,V below 83
t
\0 70 ...,headr. Paris,A 6614 Horseman r., FRV,V below 83
62 �·,head r. BMCRR Rome 3664 Horseman r., FRV, J below 84
63 I:·, head r. BMCRR Rome 3668 Horseman r., FRV, 0 below 85
71 Head 1.,· [. Paris,A 6686 Horseman r., FRV, 0 below 85
72 Ivy-leaf, headr. Paris,A 6498 Horseman r., FRV, 0 below 85
63 I:·, head r. Paris,A 6677 Horseman r.,conical cap, FRV, three dots below 86
64 Simpulum, head r. Paris,A 6683 Horseman r.,conical cap, palm with fi!let, FRV, V below 87
64 Simpulum, head r. Paris,A 6579 Horseman r., palm with fillet, FRVG I, A below 88
73 Head l.,:) Paris,A 6691 Horseman r., palm with fillet, FRVG I, A below 88
74 Club, head r. Paris,A 6577 Horseman r., palm with fillet, FRVG I, A below 88
64 Simpulum, head r. Paris,A 6635 Horseman r., palm, FRV,:) below 89
75 Star,head r. BMCRR Rome 3710 Horseman r., palm, FRV, :) below 89
64 Simpulum, head r. Cambridge Horseman r., palm with fillet, FRV, 2 below 90
70 ..., head r. Paris,A 666o Horseman r., palm with fillet, FRV, 2 below 90
67 Head 1.,S:· Paris,AF Horseman r., FRV, N below 91
70 .. .,head r. San Giuliano hoard Horseman r., F RV, N below 91
68 ·::,headr. Paris,A 6625 Horseman r., palm, FRVG, . . above 92
TABLE XLII I (cont.)
0
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t) 6
t)
� �� �
""�[�
� �� �
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, Q. n
��n
e:�
0 �8� �
1:' I) � � 8I? � (i� �
"' e..I s� e:(i
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I)
I)
I) I)s I Q. I) Q. I)
' �
I)
102 Head I., 3 BMCRR Rome 3773 Horseman I., causea, torch, wing, F R V GI 122
99 Head I., I BMCRR Rome 3769 Horseman r., palm, FRY, two dots above, dot below 123
103 d\\, head r. Paris, A 6553 Horseman r., palm, F RV, two dots above, dot below 123
99 Head I., I Paris, A 66o5 Horseman r., palm, F RV, Pl. LXX, 95 above 124
99 Head I., I BMCRR Rome 3768 Horseman r., palm, FRY,- above 125
99 Head I., I Paris, AF 817 Horseman r., palm, FR V, dot above and below 126
99 Head I., I (die broken) Haeberlin 2309 Horseman I., torch, wing 127
104 Pileus, head r. Paris, A 6472 Horseman r., palm, FR, ? below 128
104 Pileus, head r. Moscow Horseman r., palm, FRY, r. above 129
� 105 Head 1., mallet BMCRR Rome 3771 Horseman r., palm with fillet, FR V G, r below 130
\1.1
N 105 Head l., mallet Paris, A 66o3 Horseman r., conical cap, FRV, 1.../"\ above 131
106 Wing, head r. Miinzen und Horseman r., conical cap, FRV, 1.../"\ above --
131
Medaillen 43, 150
105 Head I., mallet Paris, AF 818 Horseman r., palm with fillet, FR V, C below 132
107 XVI, head r. BMCRR Rome 3728 Horseman r., palm, FRY,+ below 133
107 XVI, head r, Glasgow Horseman r., palm, FRV, star above 134
108 Laurel-leaf, head r. BMCRR Rome 3711 Horseman r., palm, FRY,=! below 135
108 Laurel-leaf, head r. Paris, AF 8o8 Horseman r., palm, FR V, ·)I below 136
109 Palm-branch tied with fillet, Paris, A 6515 Horseman r., palm, F RV, ·)I below 136
head r.
110 Wing, head r. Haeberlin 2230 Horseman r., palm with fillet, FRV G, S below 137
110 Wing, head r. BMCRR Rome 3748 Horseman r., palm with fillet, FR V GI, PI. LXX, 96 above 138
110 Wing, head r. Paris, AF 813 Horseman r., palm with fillet, F RV G, R below 139
111 Bust 1., laureate with bow Haeberlin 2311 Horseman 1., torch, FRV, rudder below 140
and quiver
112 XI·.C, head r. BMCRR Rome 3754 Horseman 1., torch, FRY, rudder below 140
113 Wreath with fillet, head r. BMCRR Rome 3751 Horseman 1., torch, FRY, rudder below 140
116 d, head r. BMCRR Rome 3698 Horseman r., FRY, Pl. LXX, 97 above
palm, 143
117 Arrow, head r. Paris, A 6479 Horseman r., FRY, Pl. LXX, 97 above
palm, 143
116 d, head r. Oxford Horseman r., FRY, arrow-head above
palm, 144
117 Arrow, head r. BMCRR Rome 3678 Horseman r., FRY, arrow-head above
palm, 144
118 2, head r. Oxford Horseman r., palm, FRY, arrow-head above 144
119 Lyre, head r. BMCRR Rome 3683 Horseman r., palm, FRY,� above, . • below 145
119 Lyre, head r. Paris, A 6476 Horseman r., palm, FRY, II above 146
120 '8, head r. BMCRR Rome 3717 Horseman r., palm, FRYG, J above 147
121 "J.., head r. Paris, A 6661 Horseman r., palm, FRYG, J above 147
121 "J.., head r. BMCRR Rome 3738 Horseman r., conical cap, palm, FRY, -above 148.
�
w 122 Hammer, head r. Paris, A 6478 Horseman r., palm, FRY, no mark 149
w 122 Hammer, head r. BMCRR Rome 3706 Horseman r., palm, FRY, Q above 150
122 Hammer, head r. Paris, AF 811 Horseman r., palm, FRY, ·2 above 151
123 Caduceus with club as BMCRR Rome 3727 Horseman r., palm, FRY, 2 above
· 151
handle, head r.
124 Meta, head r. Copenhagen Horseman r., palm, FRY, 2 above
· 151
125 Apex, head r. Paris, A 6563 Horseman r., palm, FRY, 2 above
· 151
125 Apex, head r. Paris, A 6565 Horseman r., palm, FRY,\.../"\ above 152
126 Ladder, head r. BMCRR Rome 3708 Horseman r., palm, FRY,\.../"\ above 152
127 '1-, head r. Paris, A 6545 Horseman r., palm, FRY, flail above 153
128 2;, head r. BMCRR Rome 3694 Horseman r., palm, FRY, flail above 153
129 Pl. LXX, 98, head r. Padova Horseman r., palm, FRY, flail above 153
127 '1-, head r. BMCRR Rome 3681 Horseman r., palm, FRY, strigil above 154
127 '1-, head r. Paris, A 6544 Horseman r., palm, FRY, :and arrow above 155
127 '1-, head r. Paris, A 6547 Horseman r., palm, FRY, w above 156
127 '1-, head r. (die broken) BMCRR Rome 3682 Horseman r., palm, FRY, mace above 157
129 Pl. LXX, 98, head r. Turin, Simboli, 44 Horseman r., conical cap, palm, FRY, dolphin above 158
129 Pl. LXX, 98, head r. BMCRR Rome 3733 Horseman r., conical cap, palm, FRY, wing above 159
TABLE XLIII (cont.) �
o.
0
O' � 8�
=:! n �
8� ::a
n
...
n <
S �e..
<
n
!:; m� 1:1!:;e.. s;;�
nn<
ne:;;
;;I
n 1 so.;;�
n 1 o. n n
130 A,head r. Paris,A 6667 Horseman r., palm, FRV, dot above and below t6o
130 A, head r. Paris,A 6668 Horseman r., palm, FRV, :above t6t
131 Pl. LXX , 99,head r. BMCRR Rome 3705 Horseman r., palm, F R V, H above t62
132 Mallet, head r. BMCRR Rome 3744 Horseman r., palm with fillet, FRV G, r below 163
133 -,head r. Paris, A 668o Horseman r., palm with fillet, FRV G, C below 164
134 't', head r. Paris, A 6542 Horseman r.,petasus, FRV, ·2 above 165
135 Pl. LXX , too, head r. Berlin Horseman r.,palm, FRV, -" below 166
136 1\, head r. BMCRR Rome 3752 Horseman 1., torch,F R V G, arrow above 167
137 Wing,head r. BMCRR Rome 3679 Horseman r.,palm, FRV, arrow-head above t68
�
w
� 138 Aspergillum, head r. BMCRR Rome 3686 Horseman r.,palm, FRV, three-pronged fork 1. above t69
140 S, head r. Oslo Horseman r.,causea, palm with fillet,F RV G I, dot below 171
141 CCXV, head r. BM Horseman r.,palm,F R V, Pl. LXX, 101 above 172
142 Head l.,hand Paris,A 6487 Horseman r., palm, FRV,? above 173
143 Head 1., bucraniwn BMCRR Rome 376o Horseman r., FRV, � below 174
144 Bust r., with bow and quiver Paris, A 6588 Horseman r., FRV, 5I above 175
I here list those combinations of control-marks on the second part of the issue of C. Piso Frugi which are known to me; my purpose is to make possible
a description of the issue and to form an estimate of its size. I make no claim to absolute completeness; there are no doubt more combinations to be
discovered,though I do not think there are many more dies to be discovered; and although I have taken account of die-breaks when known to me,
the order of the Table is to a large extent arbitrary, with those coins grouped together which share the same reverse die. For errata seep. 753·
The head on the obverse has the hair tied with a band unless otherwise stated.
The following combinations of control-marks are known to me only from plated coins-obverse as no. 71, reverse as no. 4 (Copenhage.n), obverse
as no. 35, reverse as no. 11 (BMCRR Rome 3724), obverse as no. 9, reverse as no. 17 (Copenhagen-legend C.PISIO L.F.FRV), obverse as no. 74
or no. 90, reverse as no. 20 or no. 45 (BM), obverse as no. 15, reverse as no. 78 (BMCRR Rome 3750), obverse as no. 16,reverse as no. 114 (BM),
Von obverse behind head r. bound with fillet, reverse as no. 174 (BM).
l b (Pl. L)
Head r. or l., behind, Horseman r. with palm above,
hair tied with band control-mark control mark.
Laureate head r. or I. below,
Laureate bust 1. over shoulder, control-mark.
Bust r. or 1., bow and quiver above and below,
hair tied with band over shoulder, control-marks.
caduceus
Horseman r.
Horseman r. with causia.
Horseman r. with
Phrygian cap.
Horseman r. with conical
cap. above,
Horseman r. with whip control-mark
Horseman r. with palm below,
tied with fillet. control-mark.
Horseman r. with palm
and conical cap.
Horseman r. with palm
tied with fill et and
conical cap.
no control-mark
above,
Horseman 1. with torch control-mark
below,
control-mark.
The moneyer is to be identified with Cicero's son-in-law, Q. 58; for his types see
on the issue of his father, no. 340; for the association of Apollo with the attributes
of Mercury (no. 34 in Table XLIII on p. 426), compare no. 352.
435
TABLE XLIV. Control-marks on denarii of M. Plaetorius Cestianus
B. Plaetoria 3-4; Bf. i, 203; iii, 83; S. 808-809; RE Plaetorius 16. See above, pp. 83ff.
B. Pomponia 8-22; Bf. i, 224; S. 8to-823; RE Pomponius 23. See above, pp. 83ff., below, no.
286*.
437
s Denarius BMCRR Rome 3613
Sin>ilar, but behind, two flutes crossed. Euterpe r., resting l. elbow on column and
holding two flutes in r. hand; on I., Q·
I
roMrON I downwards; on r., MVSA
downwards. Border of dots.
Obverse dies: [ < 10]. Revers\ dies: [ <11].
B. Mantia 11-u; Bf. i, 177; iii, 72; S. 835-837a; RE Manlius So. See above, pp. 83ff.
The control-marks are a symbol on the obverse and another, related to it, on the
reverse; each pair of control-symbols has only one pair of dies.2 For the control
symbols attested see Pis. LXVIII-LXIX; like the control-symbols on no. 384 and for the
same reason they are no more than a random selection of pairs of everyday objects.
1 Perhaps a substitute for the cauldron often present in thls position. 1 Normally-see Key to Plates.
439
The moneyer is L. Roscius Fabatus, Pr. 49; his types reveal his Lanuvine origin
(compare L. R. Taylor, VDRR, 251; R. Syme, Historia 1964, 112; for the role
of the snake in the worship of Juno Sospita see Propertius iv, 8, 3; Aelian, NA
xi, 16).
\
413 L.CASSI LONGIN Mint-Rome 63 B.C.
B. Cassia to; Bf. i, 79; iii, 37; S. 935; RE Cassius 65. See above, pp. 831f., below, no. 287*.
The only control-letters known on this issue (contra Bahrfeldt iii, 37) spell the
moneyer's praenomen and nomen, L CAS 2 I; naturally each control-letter has several
dies.
The moneyer is L. Cassius Longinus, Procos. 48.
The tablet marked V[TI ROGAS] was used in Rome to cast a favourable vote
on legislation (Cicero, ad Att. i, 14, s; de kg. ii, 24); taken with the head of Vesta
on the obverse the reverse type clearly alludes to the law of 113 which set up the
special commission, presided over by L. Cassius Longinus Ravilla, for the trial of
the three delinquent Vestal Virgins (contra d. Nicolet, MEFR 1959, 2o6-7; righdy
L. R. Taylor, RVA, 126 n.11).
B. Furia 23; Bf. i, us; S. 902-902a; RE Furius 39· See above, pp. 8311'., below, no. 94*.
CN·F
Obverse dies: [tto]. Reverse dies: [122.].
The moneyer is a L. Furius Cn.f. Brocchus, not otherwise known; his obverse type
recalls the cura annonae of an aedilician ancestor or indicates his own ambitions
(compare p. 729). The explanation of C. Cavedoni (Bullettino 1852, 59) is absurdly
fanciful, that of H. Mattingly (PBA 1963, 331) is excluded by the date of the
issue.
415 PAVLLVS LEPIDVS Mint-Rome 62 B.C.
B. Aemilia 10; Bf. i, 13; ii, 6; S. 926-926b; RE Aemilius 81. See above, pp. 83ff.
The moneyer s L. Aemilius Lepidus Paullus, Cos. 50; his spurious claim to descent
i
from L. Aemilius Paullus is highlighted on his coinage by the use of the agnomen
as the praenomen (D. R. Shackleton Bailey, Cicero's letters to Atticus i, 399; for the
arrogation of high-sounding names see Cicero, Brutus 62;jam. xv, 20, 1; Pliny, NH
xxxv, 8; cf. nos. 322 and 420). The reverse type recalls the three occasions on
which L. Aemilius Paullus was hailed imperator (M. Gwyn Morgan, K/io 1973,
228-9; the tradition that L. Aemilius Paullus triumphed three times is late
and fictitious, see commentary on ILLRP 392, with earlier bibliography); the
presence of King Perseus and his two sons draws attention to the last and greatest
victory of the three, that of Pydna in 168. The head of Concordia on the obverse
presumably reflects the concordia ordinum which was central to Cicero's policy in
63 (Cicero, in Cat. iv, 15; C/uent. 152 for an earlier adumbration; de off. ii, 78-84
for some later reminiscences; H. Strasburger, Concordia ordinum, 39-43); the moneyer
was Cicero's convinced supporter (Sallust, Cat. 31, 4; Cicero, in Vat. 25; Schol. Bob.
149St; Cicero, jam. xv, 13, 2; on the origins of the idea of concordia see A. D.
Momigliano, CQ 1942, 118-12.0 Secondo contributo, 101-4).
=
B. Scribonia 8; Bf. iii, 92; S. 928; RE Scribonius 19. See above, pp. 83ft".
441
The moneyer is just conceivably the Cos. 34, L. Scribonius Libo, by then advanced
i n age, but perhaps rather the father of the Cos. 34, attested in ILLRP 411 and
perhaps also in ILLRP 567-8.
The Puteal Scribonianum (E. Nash, PDAR ii, 259; W. Helbig, Fiihrer4, 1126)
forms the reverse type because it was associated with the moneyer's family, whatever
the precise reason for this (G. Fuchs, Architekturdarste//ungen, 23-6, is obtuse); the
three varieties of this issue show three of its four sides, the two varieties of no. 417
only two (compare C. Cavedoni, Annali 1839, 292); the hammer, tongs and anvil,
symbols of Vulcan, recall the fact that the Puteal occupied the spot which it did
because this had been struck by a thunderbolt; the lyres, like the garland, may be
purdy decorative. Given the date of this issue, it is perhaps not unreasonable to
see in the obverse type a reflection of the successful prosecution of the war against
Catiline.
B. Aemilia u; Scribonia 9; S. 927; RE Aemilius 81; Scribonius 19. See above, pp. 83ft'.
For the of the moneyers see on nos. 415-16; the types are a combination of
careers
the obverse of Paullus Lepidus' issue (no. 415) and the reverse of Libo's issue
(no. 416), with minor variations.
The moneyer is doubtless M. Pupius Piso, Pr. 44, son of the Cos. 61 (on the two
men see E. Badian, v Congr. Epigraphy, 209, with earlier bibliography).
I find it impossible to believe that the two obverse types represent two differ ent
deities and the second is identified as Mercury by the winged diadem; the choice
of deity is presumably a personal one of the moneyer.1 The wreath, dish, knife
and patera (clearly such, contra A. Alfoldi, Museum He/veticum 1951, 198-200;
compare Pl. LXVIII, 53, also D. E. Strong, Roman Imperial sculpture, pl. 63 =
K. Lane, RRg, pl. 30) allude to the office of Pontifex, presumably held by an
ancestor.
B. Aemilia 2o-25; Bf. i, 14; S. 827-834; RE Aemilius 73· See above, pp. 83ff.
td Denarius
Similar, but behind, wreath; before, simpu Similar.
lum.
1 The star should be regarded as a symbol of divinity, see S. Weinstock, Divus lulius, 376. The deity
is not in any case Terminus, who is aniconic, J.-P. Morel, MEFR 1962, 52-3.
443
3a Denarius BMCRR Rome 3650
Female head r., laureate and wearing veil. Basilica Aemilia; above, AIMILIA; on l.,
Border of dots. REF downwards; on r., S C downwards;
·
The moneyer is doubdess M. Aemilius Lepidus, III vir r.p.c., from a collateral
line to that of the Cos. 66.
The types are mainly devoted to the career of M. Aernilius Lepidus, Cos. 187;
the reverse type of 1 seems to portray the statue1 erected to him for an act of bravery
during the Second Punic War (Valerius Maxirnus ill, 1, 1- 'Aernilius Lepidus,
puer etiarn turn progressus in aciem, hostem interernit, civem servavit; cuius tarn
memorabilis operis index est in Capitolio statua bullata et incincta praetexta S.C.
posita'; the legend on the coin may be read as an[norum] XV pr[ogressus] h[ostem]
o{ccidit] c[ivem] s[ervavit]); the obverse type resembles some contemporary heads
of Venus (compare nos. 424 and 426) and the palm-branch perhaps suggests Venus
Victrix. The head of Alexandria and the tableau on 2 recall the alleged despatch of
M. Aemilius Lepidus by the Senate in 201 to act as guardian to Ptolemy V Epiphanes
(sources in T. R. S. Broughton, MRRP i, 321; on the nature of the mission see the
opposing views of C. Cichorius, RS, 22-4; W. Otto, Zur Gesch. der Zeit des 6. Ptol.,
27-9). The reverse type of 3 shows the Basilica Aernilia, built by M. Aernilius
Lepidus and his colleague as Censors in 179, restored in 78 (see E. Nash, PDAR i,
174; G. Fuchs, Architekturdarstellungen, 49-51; for the clipei see Pliny, NH xxxv,
13; R. Winkes, Clipeata imago, 13, 31 and 36); the obverse type is conventionally
interpreted as representing the Vestal Aemilia (T. R. S. Broughton, MRRP ii,
486). The tenure by M. Lepidus, Cos. 187, of the office of Pontifex Maxirnus
is recorded on2, alluded to by the wreath and simpulum or dish on 1 and 3;
there is perhaps also a reference to the moneyer's own pontificate (see Addenda).
B. Plautia 11-12; Bf. i, 205; ii, 66; S. 91e>-911c; RE Plautius 23. See above, pp. 83ff.
1 The view of Cl. Nicolet, MEFR 1962, 507-10, that the statue has Campanian associations seems to
be without foundation.
444
tb Denarius BMCRR Rome 3843
Similar. Similar, but below horses, scorpion.
Obverse dies (both, varieties): [34]. Reverse dies (both varieties): (38].
of dots.
The reverse legend on one die in 2a is C. YrSAE· SO[S or C) (Bf. i, pl. ix, 216). V some
times occurs for Y.
B. Nonia t; Bf. i, 190; iii, 77; S. 885; RE Nonius 52. See above, pp. 83ff.
445
of the Ludi Victoriae of Sulla (on which see Appian, BC i, 464 with commentary
of E. Gabba; E. Habel, RE Supp. v, 628; p. 732 below; there is no evidence that
they were held at Praeneste, contra H. B. Mattingly, NC 1956, 189). The reason
for the moneyer's choice of the head of Saturn is obscure. For the letters S· C
see p. 6o6.
B. Aemilia 8-9; Plautia 8-1o; Bf. i, 12; S. 912-914; RB Aemilius 141; Plautius 23. See above,
pp. 83ff., below, no. 288*.
The following variant occurs in the obverse legend - M SC AVRV .. (Hersh 35).
· .
The words AED· CVR are missing on one obverse die (Bf. i, pl. i, 10).
The following variant occurs in the obverse legend- M· SCAV. . (Grazzanis e hoard).
.
1 The oscillation between the letter-forms V andY is without special significance; I also occurs for E.
1 The variation in the form of the saddle on the camel seems casual (contra B. Borghesi, CEuvres ii,
185-6).
446
r. HVrSAEV- AED·CVR- C· HVrSAE·COS- rREIVER- CArTV(Paris, A 3915)
r. HVrSAEVS- AED· CVR- C·HVrSAE·COS-rREIVE- CArTV(Brandosa hoard)
r. HVrSAEVS - AED·CVR - C. HVrSAE·COS - rREIVE - CArT (Paris, Roths
child)
r·HVrSAEVS- AID·CVR- C·HVrSAE·COS- rREIVE- CArT (Corpus Christi
College, Cambridge)
r. HVrSAEVS- AED·CVR- C. HVrSAE·COS- rREIVER-CArTV (Paris, A 3914)
r. HVrSAES-AED·C�-CHVrSAE·COS- [ . . . ]- CArTV(Haeberlin 2334=Berlin)
r. HVrSAEVS- AED· CV- [ .. . ]- CArTV (Grazzanise hoard)
r·HVrAEVS - AED·CVR - C·HVrSAE·COS - rREIVER- CArTV (BMCRR
·
Rome 3879)
r. HVrSAEVS- AED·CVR- C HVrSAE· COS- rREIVER- CArT (Bari 2238)
The scorpion is missing on several reverse dies (Bari 2238; Berlin; Fallani).
For the career and types of P. Hypsaeus see on no. 420. M. Aem.ilius Scaurus be
comes Praetor in 56; his type records the surrender to him of King Aretas of
Nabataea (Josephus, Ant. xiv, 8o-1; BJ i, 159). For the letters EX· S· C see p. 6o6,
for the occasion of the issue see p. 705.
B. Servilia 15; Bf. i, 240; iii, 96; S. 89(>-8!)08; RE Servilius t6. See above, pp. 83ff.
The moneyer is a C. Servilius C.f., not otherwise known, but perhaps a grandson
of C. Servilius, Pr. 102 (for whom see stemma under no. 239), and a brother of M.
Servilius C.f., Tr. Pl. 43 (for the filiation see Sherk 27, line 8; the man is there
wrongly identified, see Cicero, Brutus 269, with commentary of A. E. Douglas).
FLORAL PRIMVS has since Th. Mommsen (RMw, 645 n. 538) been understood
as Flaralia primus fecit. Since the first Floralia in 241 were celebrated by L. and M.
Publicius Malleolus, Flaralia primus fecit has been taken as referring to the first
regular celebration in 173 and an Aedile C. Servilius C.f. postulated for the purpose.
But this is unreasonable; FLORAL PRIMVS is a very bizarre abbreviation for
Floralia annua primusfecit and it seems preferable to understand FLORAL PRIMVS
as Flora/is primus (compare QVIRIN as the abbreviation for (Flamen) Quirinalis
on no. 268).1 The Flamen Floralis is attested by Varro, LL vii, 45 = Ennius, Ann.
122-4V and GIL ix, 705; although the priesthood is clearly of great antiquity,
Ennius' view that it dates from the reign of Numa Pompilius need not be followed.
1 RE Servilius 9 thus disappears.
447
Which Servilius first held the office is of course uncertain.1 The reverse type is a
variant of that on no. 239; the lituus doubtless fulfils the same function here as there.
B. Considia 1; Bf. i, 87; S. 886-888; RE Considius 12. See above, pp. 83ff., below, no. 289*.
B. Marcia 28-29; S. 919-9198 and 919C; RE Marcius 74 and 77· See above, pp. 83ff.
The legend on one obverse die is A Ill CVS (BMCRR Rome 3895).
The moneyer is perhaps L. Marcius Philippus, Cos. 38, rather than Q. Marcius
Philippus, Pr. ?48.
For the head of Ancus Marcius see on no. 346. For the Aqua Marcia, built,
according to legend, by Ancus Marcius (Pliny, NH xxxi, 41), s� T. Ashby, Aque-
1 For the religious history of the Servilii, compare their magic triens, Pliny, NH xxxiv, 137.
1 The variation between the letter-forms A and A is without special significance.
448
ducts, 1o-11 and 88-9 (G. Panimolle, Gli acquedotti, 63-97, is recent, but superficial);
the aqueduct was in any case restored by Q. Marcius Rex, Pr. 144 (Pliny, NH
xxxvi, 121 ). The statue is problematical; a statue of Rex was placed on the aqueduct
(Frontinus, Aq. i, 7) and a statue of Rex is attested on the Capitol (GIL xvi, 5),
whither the aqueduct eventually arrived. But in neither case is it stated that the
statue is equestrian; on the other hand it is difficult to see what the reverse type of
this issue portrays if not the statue of Rex standing on the Aqua Marcia; the statue
should in my view be regarded as equestrian. The lituus perhaps refers to the
augurate of L. Marcius Philippus, Cos. 91, rather than to an otherwise unattested
augurate of the moneyer; for the flower see on no. 293.
The crescent is missing on one obverse die (Bornemann, cited by Bf. iii, 43).
1 The stan apparently represent the heavens through which Diana rides.
I The view that this head is that of Romulus (A. Al.fOldi, REL 1.950, 55; MusaJm Hdvaicum 1951, 198;
SM 1951, 5-6) is fantastic; the supposed wolf-skin head-dress is in fact a lion-skin head-dress
( contrast the pointed ears and nose on the wolf-Uin head-dress on coins of Amisus, Pl. u, A)
and the picture of Romulus in Vergil, Aen. i, 275-6 does not mention head-dress; wolf-skin head
dress is in any case without any particular significance, Polybius vi, 22, 3; Propertius iv, 10, 20;
Vergil, Aen. vii, 688; xi, 681.
449
4b Denarius (Pl. LI) BMCRR Rome 3914
Similar, but n o monogram. Similar.
Obverse dies (both varieties): [33]. Reverse dies (both varieties): [37] .
calls Pompey's three triumphs (Cicero, Balb. 9 and 16; Sest. 129; Valerius Maxi
mus v, 1, to; Plutarch, Pomp. 45), the large wreath is the corona aurea granted to
i
Pompey in 63 (Velleius' ii, 40, 4; Dio xxxvii, 21, 4 s wrong, see on no. 480; cf.
Cicero, ad Att. i, 18, 6); for the globe compare the trophy over the oikoumene carried
at Pompey's triumph (Dio xxxvi,i 21, 2); the aplustre and com-ear may be linked
1 The reverse of 2 has in any case nothing to do with the dream of Sulla, in which Ma hands Sulla a
thunderbolt (contra A. A.lfOldi, RBL 1950, ss; SM 1951, 3-4).
• L. H. Lenaghan, ANSMusN 1964, 131; see 134 for arguments against identifyin g the head as that
of Bocchus, 134-6 for arguments against Jugurtha (the decisive argument, the absence of the beard
which characterises Jugurtha on the reverse oft, is not mentioned, though it is employed by H. A.
Grueber, BMCRR i, 472n.), 141 for parallel representations of Hercules on Roman coins.
a Dio is surely wrong to imply that Sulla's signet ring had three trophies; he should only be taken as
evidence that Sulla's ring displayed trophies (so rightly Th. Mommsen, RMw, 629 n. 473). Sulla
doubtless used for a time after the battle of Chaeronea a ring bearing two trophies (see on no. 359).
450
with Pompey's cura annonae of 57. The lituus and jug on 3 should be regarded as
alluding to Pompey's augurate.
For Pompey and Hercules see S. B. Plamer and T. Ashby, TDAR, 255 (Hercules
Pompeianus); P�y, NH vii, 95; Petronius 124, line 270;Plutarch, Pomp. 1; Appian,
Mith. 478; cf. Lucan viii, 8cxr2;1 for Pompey and Venus see TDAR, 555 (Venus
Victrix). The link in Pompey's eyes between Hercules and Venus emerges clearly
from the fact that the twoPompeian temples were dedicated on the same day of the
year, 12 August (note also thePompeian watchword 'Hercules Invictus' at Pharsalus,
Appian, BC ii, 319, and Pompey's anxieties over the favour of Venus for Caesar,
Plutarch, Pomp. 68, compare Appian, BC ii, 284). For the letters S·C see p. 6o6.
B. Memmia 9-10; Bf. i, 185; S. 92�21; RE Memmius 9· See above, pp. 83ff.
The legend on one obverse die is Q VI REIN VS instead of Q VIRIN VS; the lege.nd on one
reverse die is r RI M VS instead of r REI M VS (Hersh 36 = Birmingham; Cracow).
The moneyer is presumably Tr. Pl. 54 (T. P. Wiseman, NC 1964, 157; CR 1967,
167 n. 2).
The obverse of 1 and the reverse of 2 allude to the first celebration of the Ludi
Cereales in or before 211; the reverse of 1 can only allude to victories in Bithynia
and Pontus of C. Memmius L.f., Pr. 58, the moneyer's uncle2 (on whose command
seeP. A. Brunt, Manpower, 46o, with earlier bibliography). The head on the obverse
of 2 is explicidy identified as that of Quirinus3 and it therefore seems self-evident
to me that the type is irrelevant to the assimilation of Quirinus and Romulus (contra
W. Burkert, Historia 1962, 364-5; righdy C. J. dassen, Philologus 1962, 185-6;
the most balanced account of the assimilation of Romulus and Quirinus is to be
found in the commentary of R. M. Ogilvie on Livy i, 16); Quirinus was regarded
1 B. Rawson, Anlichtlwn 1970, 3<>-7, is no more than a string of hypotheses.
• The type can hardly allude to the dedication of spolia opima, amtra A. Alfbldi, SM 1951, 2.
• For a comparable bronze head see A. Furtwlngler,KS ii, 448; H. Thiersch, Nachr. Ges. Glittingen
1928, 93; there is no connection between the coin type and the statue of Romulus as Icing (so rightly
0. Vessberg, Studien, 119).
451
by the Romans as a Sabine deity (wrongly, of course, G. Wissowa, RuK, 154 n. 6,
cf. Varro, LL vi, 68; Ennius, Ann. 117V; Dio, fr. 5, 5-6; the fact that the Sabines
were mostly in the tribe Quirina may have helped the error along) and the choice
of type perhaps reflected the moneyer's claim to possess a Sabine origo (so. J.-P.
Morel, MEFR 1962, 29-31).
452
429 P.FONTEIVS P.F CAPITO Mint-Rome SS B.C.
B. Fonteia 17-18; Oidia 1; Bf. ii, 40; S. 9Q0-90ta; RE Fonteius 25. See above, pp. 83ff.
The moneyer is a P. Fonteius P.f. Capito, usually identified with the adoptive
father of P. dodius (F. Miinzer, RE vi, 2845-6), but without good reason; the
Fonteius recorded as Cicero's friend, ad Att. iv, 15, 6 (not necessarily a Praetor),
is equally a possibility.
The reverse of 1, to which the obverse forms an appropriate companion, records
an exploit of a member of the moneyer's family, perhaps the moneyer no. 353,
presumably during the governorship of Gaul of M. Fonteius; the horseman seems
to be rescuing the captive, whose arms (identical to those of his assailant) lie on the
right of the type. The Villa Publica (for an architectUral study of the type see G.
Fuchs, Architekturdarstellungen, 83-91) doubtless appears on 2 because restored by
T. Didius, Cos. 98, who must be presumed to have connections with the moneyer's
family (M. Gwyn Morgan, Klio 1973, 215-22). The head of Concordia remains
puzzling , but on the analogy of 1 it is perhaps to be related to the reverse; if the
moneyer is indeed a friend of Cicero,2 the allusion could then be to the importance
of good relationships between nevi homines (such as T. Didius) and nobiles, in fact
to the Ciceronian theme of consensus omnium bonorum (H. Strasburger, Concordia
Ordinum, 59); for an alternative conjectUre see Morgan, 221-2.
1 The belief of A. AlfOldi (Reiteradel, 46 n. 89) that this is a portrait head is erroneous, compare the
head on no. 450/1; it is also untrue (contra Reiuradel, 52) that the horseman on the reverse is wearing
a trabea (for which see on no. 259).
1 It is worth remembering that the man whose exploit is celebrated by the reverse type oft is perhaps
a dependant of a man defended by Cicero.
453
430 P.CRASSVS M.F Mint-Rome SS B.C.
B. Licinia 18; Bf. i, 168; S. 929; RE Licinius 63. See above, pp. 83ff.
The moneyer is the younger son of the Triumvir M. Licinius Crassus. The correct
description of the issue (which I owe to Mr H.-D. Schultz, who is shortly to publish
a die-study) renders impossible traditional interpretations of the reverse type as a
recognitio equitum, as symbolising the cavalry brought from Gaul by P. Crassus or
as alluding to the battle of the Colline Gate near the temple of Venus Erycina. The
female figure has long hair and wears a curious head-dress with two projections at
the front, a cloak gathering on the left shoulder and a skirt. For the letters S· C
seep. 6o6.
A. Plautius, Tr. Pl. 56, Aed. Cur. 55, Pr. 51, is perhaps the son of the Plautius who
was Tr. Pl. 70, then Legate of Pompey, perhaps also Legate in Asia (R. Syme,
JRS 1963, 57-8 with n. 32).
The obverse type doubtless refers to the Ludi Megalenses, celebrated by the
Curule Aediles. The reverse type presumably refers to the surrender of an Eastern
ruler, doubtless in the course of Pompey's campaigns; it matters little whether the
legend refers to Dionysius of Tripoli Gosephus, Ant. xiv, 3, 2; so Th. Reinach, Les
Monnaies juives, 29; A. Kindler, SCMB 1951, 53) or Aristobulus the High Priest
(so Due de Luynes, RN 1858, 382-4; E. Babelon, RBN 1891, 5; K. Kraft, JNG ,
1968, 16-19, citing Josephus, Ant. xiv, 34-6 as evidence for the Roman assimilation
1 The object to the left of the horseman's feet is certainly a cuirass (so already B. Borghesi, <Buwes i,
419), compare the cuirass on no. 449{4. K. Kraft's view (JNG 1968, 13-14) that the object represents
a quiver and bow-case cannot stand; on all examples on which the object is shown in full and care
ful detail it is divided horizontally and not vertically and in no way whatever resembles a quiver and
bow-case. In any case the mind boggles at a horseman armed with shield, spear and bow and arrow (cf.
W. W. Tarn, CAH ix, 6oc>-z). There is, in short, no reason whatever to regard the horseman as Ar
menian or the reverse type as portraying the surrender of Tigranes to Pompey.
454
of Jehovah and Bacchus); neither explanation is altogether free from difficulties.
For A. Plautius as a supporter of Pompey in 56 see Dio xxxix, 16, 2. For the letters
S· C see p. 6o6.
The head on the obverse seems to symbolise Macedonia (compare no. 484; for the
causia see RE, xi, 91; D. B. Thompson, Troy, Supp. 3, 52), the reverse to allude
to hunting agrimi in Crete; both were places in which Cn. Plancius had spent
some time in the course of his career. The allusion suggested by K. Kraft
(JNG 1968, 23-4), to Pompey's claim to have conquered the Cretan pirates, is
intolerably obscure. There is no real reason to suppose Diana Planciana (ILS 4999,
G. Wissowa, RuK, 252 n. 2) relevant to the obverse type. For the letters S· C
see p. 6o6.
B. Iunia 3cr32; Bf. i, 163; iii, 63; S. 906-9o7; RE Iunius 53· See above, pp. 83ff., below,
no. 95*·
455
as 59 Brutus was linked with his ancestors L. Iunius Brutus1 and C. Servilius Ahala
(Cicero, ad Att. ii, 24, 2-3); rumours of a dictatorship for Pompey began to circulate
in 54 (Cicero, ad Q. Fr. ii, 14 (13), 5; ad Att. iv, 18, 3; ad Q. Fr. iii, 4, 1; 6 (8), 4
and 6; 7 (9), 3; M. Gelzer, Pompeius, 169-80) and were apparendy still not dead in
52 (Dio xi, 45,4-5; Asconius 33C; ORF3 158, no. 16). For Libertas,note in particular
the raising of the cry of V.ev6epla against Pompey � his associates in connection
with the elections for 55 (Plutarch, Pomp. 52). For Brutus' admiration for L. lunius
Brutus and Ahala see in general Cicero, Brutus 331; ad Att. xiii, 40, 1; Phil. ii, 26;
Cornelius Nepos, Att. 18, 3; Plutarch, Brut. 1.
The moneyer is presumably Q. Pompeius Rufus, Tr. Pl. 52 (on his family's tribe
see L. R. Taylor, VDRR, 247; E. Badian, Historia 1963, 138).
The types of both varieties celebrate the moneyer's paternal grandfather, Q.
Pompeius Rufus, Cos 88, and his maternal grandfather, Sulla (Asconius 28C), also
.
Cos 88 (for this celebration of a maternal grandfather compare no. 480/1, and the
.
inscription of C. Memmius C.£ Sullae Felicis n., T. P. Wiseman, CQ 1967, 167 n. 4).
The arrow and laurel-branch on 2, attributes of Apollo, suggest that Q. Pompeius
Rufus was Xvir s.£ (C. Cavedoni, Saggio, 165 n. 69); the lituus and wreath are
decisive evidence that Sulla was Augur (see also Suetonius,Gramm. 12; the evidence
of the coinage of Faustus Sulla, no. 426, is equivocal), though not before 82 (E.
Badian, Arethusa 1969, 199; commentary on no. 359); for the wreath as a priesdy
symbol, wrongly doubted by A. Alfoldi, SM 1951,6-7, compare nos. 418 and 419.
For the two portraits see H. Zehnacker, RN 1961, 42, emphasising their similarity
to each other; also Table LXII.
1 The head may be compared with the celebrated bronze head in the Capitoline Museum, Helbig,
Fahrer ii4, no. 1449. With the reverse type of 1 compare G. M.A. Richter, Gems of clu Romans, no.
471.
43S MESSAL.F Mint-Rome S3 B.C.
B. Valeria 13; Bf. i, 257; S. 934; RE Valerius 254 and 255 (wrong). See above, pp. 83ff.
The moneyer is perhaps M. Valerius Messalla, Cos. Suff. 32, perhaps first-born son
of the Cos. 53 (R. Syme,JRS 1955, 157).
The reverse type portrays the subjection of the attributes of royalty to that of
Republican legality (compare no. 507/2); it reflects the (temporary) exclusion of
Pompey from the possibility of achieving sole rule (for the existence of this possi
bility see on no. 433) as a result of the election of Consuls for 53, one of them the
father of the moneyer (J. W. Salomonson, JMP 1954, 1). For the letters S· C see
P· 6o6.
B. Coelia4- 5 and 7-12;S. 891-899 (except 893); RECoelius 14. See above,pp. 83ff., below,no.
223*·
457
tb Denarlu BMCRR Rome 3835
Similar. Similar,but behind, S.1
Obverse dies (both varieties): (33]. Reverse dies (both varieties): (37].
3b Denariu Copenhagen
Similar. Similar; the table is inscribed L ·CAL DV S;
VII� ·Er
on I. trophy with carnyx and oval shield
decorated with thunderbolt; on r., trophy with
Macedonian shield; on far 1., I; on far r., C;
M
r c
A
A L
D
X V
s
below, CA. VS ·Ill VI R. Border of dots.
4b Denariu Copenhagen
Similar. Similar to 2b.
Obverse dies: [33]. Reverse dies (2a, 3a, 4&): (c. 37).
(2b, 3b, 4b): 1.
The word C0 S was engraved on one obverse die only after it had already been used (Copen
hagen, Coelia 19 and 19&).
1 Standing for S(ol).
458
The moneyer is presumably C. Coelius Caldus, Q. so.
The central theme of the issue is constituted by the achievements of C. Coelius
Caldus, Cos. 94; the tablet on the obverse of 1 recalls the Lex Coelia Tabellaria,
passed while he was Tr. Pl. 107; the vexil/um inscribed HIS alludes to his victories
as governor of Nearer Spain; the standard in the form of a boar (for the Gallic
nature of this see L. de la Saussaye, RN 1840, 249; Gaule Narbonnaise, 173 ;1 compare
no. 281/t) refers to his defeat of the Salluvii in Gaul (E. Badian, Studies, 90; Melanges
Piganiol, 907) as do the carnyx and spear on the obverse of 4, the trophy with
carnyx and oval shield on the reverse of 2-4 and the oval shield on the reverse of 1.
It is noticeable that the alternation of the positions of the trophies and the vertical
legends is carried out in such a way as always to associate the Gallic trophy with
the legend IMr· A· X; presumably the victory over the Salluvii was the only one
for which Caldus was hailed Imperator.2 The vertical legends apparendy claim that
Caldus was A(ugur) and X(vir sacris faciundis); the head of Sol, the Macedonian
shield on the reverse of 1 and the trophy with Macedonian shield on the reverse
of 2-4 should allude to an otherwise unattested military success in the East. The
epuluMJ presents us with an otherwise unknown L. Coelius Caldus, Vllvir epulo.
For the portrait of C. Coelius Caldus see B. Schweitzer, Bildniskunst, pls. 77-8
with p. 70.
B. Sulpicia 8; Bf. i, 245; S. 931; RE Sulpicius 20, 21 and 96. See above, pp. 83ff.
The moneyer is probably the son of the Cos. 51, attested as Senator in 49 (Caesar,
BC ii, 44) and 43 (Cicero, Phil. ix, 12).
The head on the obverse closely resembles that of Triumphus on no. 472/2 and
the presence of the trophy on the reverse perhaps permits the identification to be
made here. The exact significance of the reverse type is obscure- although it could
reflect Pompey's defeat of the pirates, there is no evidence whatever to suggest that
it does (contra K. KJ:aft,JNG 1968, 9-10); not can it well recall the illusory leniency
of P. Sulpicius Galba, Cos. 211, vis-a-vis the Aeginetans; C. Cavedoni argued
(Saggio, t8o; Appendice, 167) that the type portrayed the procedure whereby Galba
1 Note the boar decorating the pavement of the house of L. Coelius Caldus at Pompeii (M. della Corte,
Casted abiranti •, 190).
1 For the remarkable association of the titles Consul and lmperator (not otherwise attested before
Caesar) see D. Kienast, ZSS 1961, 416 n. 63 with 414 n. so.
• There is no connection between the tpulum and the trophies (contra G. Ch. Picard, L•s Trophies
romains, 135).
459
allowed the Aeginetans to be ransomed; but the concession came to nothing
(Polybius ix, 42, 5-8, with commentary of F. W. Walbank). One should perhaps
regard the type as referring to the naval victory and triumph of C. Sulpicius
Paterculus, Cos. 258.
The moneyer is a Q. Sicinius, not otherwise known; for his later issues see no. 444·
The association of the symbols of felicitas and victory with the head of Fortuna
populi Romani alludes to the hopes of the Republican side at the beginning of the
Civil War; compare Cicero, de imp. Pomp. 45·
B. Claudia 7; Cornelia 68; Neria 1; Bf. i, 190; S. 937; RENerius 3; Claudius 217; Cornelius
:uS. See above, pp. 83ff., below, no. 224*.
B. Acilia 8; Bf. i, 5; ii, 3; S. 922; RE Acilius 14 (wrong praenomen). See above, p. 89.
The moneyer is perhaps Mo. Acilius Glabrio, sister's son to M. Aemilius Scaurus,
Pr. 56 (Asconius 28C, emending M. to Mo., contra D. R. Shackleton Bailey, CQ
196o, 257 n.1; RE Acilius 39).
The types perhaps allude to the fact that the first Greek doctor to come to Rome
practised in compito Acilio (Pliny, NH xxix, 12); it is also possible that expectations
of a Caesarian victory influenced the choice of types For Valetudo see K. Lane,
.
RRg, 227 n. 5·
B. Coponia 1-3; Sicinia 1-2 and 4; Bf. i, 240; iii, 96; S. 939 and 939b-94o; RE Coponius 3
and 9; Sicinius 12. See above, p. 89, below, no. 225*.
Large and small heads 1a-b, but not as far as I know in 1c (see Pis. LII
occur in
LIII). For the letters S C and the status of the issue seep. 6o6; for the types seep.
·
737·
3a Denarius Munich
Head of Jupiter r. Border of dots. Artemis of
Ephesus facing; on r.,
L ·LEN TV LVS downwards; on I., C.
M/1. R C · C0 S upwards. Border of dots.
Obverse dies: 3· Reverse dies: 3 (SM 1958,pl. i, 2 and 4-6; 3;
Turin, Cat. 65).
The issue should be regarded as military and irregular (seep. 6o4 andp. 737 n. 2).
For the types seep. 737·
446 MAGN.PROCOS with Mint-moving with Pompey 49B.C.
CN.PISO PROQ
B. Calpumia 30; Pompeia 8;S. 1032;RB Calpurnius 95;Pompeius 31. See above, pp. 89f.
. VARRO PROQ
B. Terentia 15;Pompeia 7;Bf. ii, 111;iii, 97;S. 1033-1034;RB Terentius 78;Pompeius 31.
See above, pp. 89f.
The moneyer is one of three brothers, all Caesarians, but is not known to have held
further office; see T. P. Wiseman, New men, 235, for his origo.
The types refer without exception to Caesar's victories during his command in
Gaul. The head on 1 is the same as that on the Caesarian issue, no. 452, the trophy
recalls the trophies on that and other Caesarian issues. The heads on 2 and 3 are
those of typical male and female Gallic captives (so first W. Froehner, Philologus,
Supp. v, 84; later bibliography in M. Bahrfeldt, Nachtriige i, 137; the article of A.
Blanchet also in Bull. Soc. Nat. Ant. France 1891, 210; for the heads compare above
all nos. 452 and 468);1 the chariot on 2 is perhaps British (S. Piggott, Antiquity
1952, 87; compare no. 482); the figure of Artemis on 3 is present in her capacity
as the chief goddess of Massalia (H. A. Grueber, BMCRR i, 512 n. 3; C. T. Seltman,
NC 1952,35 goes too far in attributing the issue ofL. Hostilius Sasema to the mint
of Massalia), captured by Caesar during 49·
tc Denarius BM
Similar, to tb, but behind, Pan-pipe. Similar.
Obverse dies (all varieties): [279]. Reverse dies (all varieties): [310].
1 The view of E. Babelon, RN 1902, t = Melanges numismatUp,us iv, 1, that the male head is that of
Vercingetorix (accepted by M. Gelzer, Caesar, 163 n. z) is adequately refuted by the arguments of
M. Bahrfeldt., Nachtrlige iii, sz; for the portrait ofVercingetorix see now J. B. Colbert de Beaulieu,
Gallia 1963, u; 1966, 21. See also C. Cichorius, RS, 18 n. 1.
2 Denarius (Pl. Lm) BMCRR Rome 3976
Head ofLiber r., wearing ivy-wreath; behind, Ceres walking r. with torch in each hand;
rAN SA downwafds. Border of dots. before, plough; on 1., C·VIBIVS·C.f.C.N
downwards. Border of dots.
Obverse dies: [54]. Reverse dies: [6o].
C·F·C·N upwards.
The moneyer is C. Vibius C.£C.n. Pansa Caetronianus, Cos. 43, adoptive son of no.
342; the coins provide no evidence .that he was Aedile (contra G. V. Sumner,
Phoenix 1971, 255); for his tribe see T. P. Wiseman, CQ 1964, 131.
The mask of Pan alludes to the moneyer's cognomen (compare no. 342/1-2), the
figure of Jupiter A(n)xurus presumably to an association of the moneyer with
Terracina; the figure of Ceres (with whom Liber is associated) is taken over from
the coinage of the moneyer's father (no. 342/3a-b) and may refer either to a particu
lar cult with which the family was connected or to the more general 'popularis'
associations of the cult of Ceres, Liber (Bacchus) and Libera (see on no. 494).
For the association of Roma and Libertas note Caesar, BC i, 22, 5 (Caesar
claimed) se ex prwincia egressum .. . ut se et populum Romanum factione paucorum
. • .
The moneyer is D. Iunius Brutus Albinus, Cos. Desig. 42; for his early career see
T. P. Wiseman, CQ 1968, 299; he was perhaps the adopted son of no. 372.
The types of 1 recall the military activities of Caesar in Gaul, in which the
moneyer participated; the associati on on 2 of Pietas with the symbols of felicitas
and concordia (rather than fides, as P. Boyance, Hommages Bayet, 109) presumably
reflects the Caesarian propaganda of moderation and reconciliation during the
Civil War (so J. Liegle, ZJN 1935, 78; for the propaganda seeM. Gelzer, Caesar,
201).1 There is no convincing candidate to whom to assign the portrait on 3; G.
Hafner (Das Bildnis des Q. Ennius, 22, with earlier bibliography; add F. Poulsen,
Acta Archaeologica 1942, 178; W. Deonna, Aetas y memorias de Ia sociedad espaiWia
de antropo/ogia 1947, 5) argues unconvincingly for the Consul of 151 (the discussion
of sculptural parallels does not seem particularly compelling either); the wreath of
com-ears in any case is perhaps intended to allude to action over the com supply
by whoever it is who is portrayed, hardly to his position as Frater Arvalis, as
B. Borghesi, OJuwes i, 376 argues.
1 Where the quotation from Cicero, ad Att. viii, 9, 4 is misprinted.
451 ALBINVS BRVTI.F, C.PANSA MJnt-Rome 48B.C.
B. Junia 27; Postumia 12; Vibia 22; S. 944; RE Iunius 55a; Vibius 16. See above, p. 92.
For the careers of the moneyers see on nos. 449-50; the types are a combina
tion of the obverse of no. 449/1 and the reverse of no. 450j2, with minor
variations.
B. Plautia 14-15; Bf. i,205; ii, 66; iii, 84;S. 959-959b;RE Munatius 26; Plotius 10. See above,
p. 92.
t Denarius (Pl. UII) BM; BM; BMCRR Rome 3999; Paris, A 11832
Laureate head of Fides r.; before, FIDES Horseman galloping r., with r. hand dragging
downwards; behind, N E RVA downwards. naked warrior, who holds shield in 1. hand
Border of dots. and sword in r. hand; below, A·LIC IN IVS,
A·LICINIV, A·LICINI or A·LICIN; on
1., Ill; on r., VIR. Border of dots.
Obverse dies: [66). Reverse dies: [73].
The I. arm of the horseman is missing (so Bahrfeldt); the shield carried by the warrior is
sometimes barely present.
B. Antia 1-6; Bf. i, 22; ii, 7;iii, u; S. 97o-<J75; RE AQ.tius 13. See above, p. 92, below, no.
226*. \
ta Denarius (Pl. uv) BMCRR Rome 4029
Head of C. Antius Restio, Tr. Pl. 68, r.; Hercules walking r., with cloak over 1. arm,
behind, RESTIO downwards. holding trophy1 in 1. hand and club in r. hand;
on r., C·ANTIVS·C.F downwards. Border
of dots.
tb Denarius Illinois
Similar. Similar, but no cloak.
Obverse dies (both varieties): [331· Reverse dies (both varieties): [371·
The moneyer perhaps appears as one of the proscribed in 43 (Appian, BC iv, 167
and 181 with R. Syme,JRS 1963, 59 n. 42).
The Tribune of 68 (for whose sumptuary law see Gellius ii, 2.4, 13; Macrobius,
Sat. iii, 17, 13) is presumably portrayed as being the father of the moneyer, the
heads of the Dei Penates perhaps suggest that the family came from Lavinium;
the common reverse type of 1-2 recalls the claim of the family to descent from
1 I can see no trace of Gallic symbolism in the trophy, conlra H. A. Grueber, BMCRR i, szt n. 1.
470
Antiades the son of Hercules (Apollodorus, Bib!. ii, 7, 8). For the allusions on
3-6 to Diana, Mercury and Minerva seep. 737·
B. Julia 15; Bf. i, 139; iii, ss; M. Bahrfeldt, FrankfUrter Mimzzeitung 1917, 241; Bf., GoldmiJn
zenprt'.igung, 18; S. 1027; RE Iulius 131. See above, p. 93·
For the types seep. 735· S. L. Cesano, RIN 1945, 46,produces no valid arguments
against the authenticity of this issue.
B. Alliena 1; Julia 14; Bf. i, 17; S. 1022; RE Allienus 1; Iulius 131. See above, p. 92.
Head of Africa r., laureate and wearing ele Hercules standing facing, with r. hand on hip
phant's skin; on r., com-ear; below, plough; and resting 1. arm on club draped with lion's
on far r., Q·METELL downwards; on l., skin (club rests on rock); onr., Err I VS down
SCI r I 0· IMr upwards. Border of dots. wards; on 1., LEG·F·C upwards. Border of
dots.
Obverse dies: [ <30). Reverse dies: [ <33].
The head on the obverse may be large or small (see Pl. uv, 15-16).
dots.
Obverse dies: [51]. Reverse dies: [57].
473
4& Qulnarius Paris, A 8o61
Head of Sol r. (rays of crown diverge); Eagle standing r.; in exergue, RVFVS. Bor-
around 1.., NV·CORDIVS. Borderofdots. derofdots.
/
4b Qulnariua (Pl. uv) BMCRR Rome 4044
Similar. Similar, but eagle 1.
4d Quinarius Paris, AF
Similar, but NV·CORDI. Similar.
Obverse dies (all varieties): [<to]. Reverse dies (all varieties): [< 11].
The moneyer, for whom a Tusculan origin is revealed by the obverse type of 1
(see on no. 290), is otherwise known only from a Tusculan inscription (ILLRP 414),
on which the tenW'e of the office of Praetor is recorded.
The obverse type of 1 refers to the moneyer's Tusculan origin (see on no. 290);
the reference of the types is otherwise mosdy Caesarian, to Venus (the reverse of
1 and the obverse and reverse of 3) or more specifically to Venus Victrix (the obverse
and reverse of 5 and the reverse of 6; note the palm-branch and wreath); the
balance on the reverse of 1 perhaps suggests that the coinage of Mn. Cordius
Rufus is in the tutela of Venus and is hence a further compliment to Caesar (G.
Wissowa, Gesammelte Abhandlungen, 44; there is no reason to regard Venus here as
Verticordia, contra S. Reinach, RA 1913, 1, 29-30; F. Quilling, Iuppiters4qle, 101-2); f1 S�<
the type as a whole, with Cupid perched on the shoulder of Venus, may derive
474
from the statu e placed in the temple of Venus Genetrix in 46, the year of issue of
this coinage (C. Weickert, Festschrift Arndt, 48; S. Weinstock, Divus Iulius, 85). For
the references to Minerva, Sol and Jupiter seep. 737; for the letters S· Cseep. 6o6.
B. Carisia 1-13; Bf. i, 74; ii, 32; iii, 34; S. 982-989&; RE Carisius 2. See above, p. 92, below,
no. 228*.
The legend on one reverse die is T·CARISIV (Paris, A 7094); the precise position of the
legend varies.
475
6 Qulnarlu (Pl. LV) Paris, A 7108; BMCRR Rome 4075; Tolstoi
453 = Berlin 131/1912; Binningham
Bust of Victory r., draped, with palm-branch, Roma seated 1. on pile..--of arms, holding
sometimes tied with fillet, over shoulder. sceptre in 1. hand and sword in r. hand, and
Border of dots. placing r. foot on helmet; on r., T ·CARIS I
downwards. Border of dots.
Obverse dies: [ < 10]. Reverse dies: [ < 11].
The moneyer is perhaps identical with the Carisius of Appian, BC v, 463; for a
possible Gallic origin seeT. P. Wiseman, New men, 221.
The types of 1, recalling those of Gergis in the Troad (BMC Troas, pp. xxx and
55), perhaps allude to Caesar'sTrojan origin, perhaps refer to the moneyer's tenure
of the office of XVvir s.£; the types of 2 certainly refer toT. Carisius' position at
the mint. The association of Roma with the symbols of Fortuna and domination
terra marique (see on no. 393; compare also the altar of the Gens Augusta (CAH
Plates iv, 134a) and with Victory (on 3 and 6) and the portrayal of Victory by
herself on obverse and reverse (on 4-5) clearly reflect the feeling afterThapsus that
Caesar's victory was now total and look forward to the triumph which took place
later in the year. For the allusions on 7-8 to Diana and Liber seep. 737· For the
letters S · C see p. 6o6.
6b Quinarlus
Similar, but head is also laureate; bclUnd, Similar.
rAETI downwards.
Obverse dies (all varieties): [ < 10]. Reverse dies (all varieties): [ < 11].
477
8a Scstertius (Pl. LV) BMCRR Rome 4097; Rome 4098; Rome,
Museo Nazionale (Gnecchi); Berlin 28741
Winged bust of Cupid r�; below, Double comucopiae on globe. Border of dots.
C·CONSIDIVS, C·CONSIDI, C·
CONSID or C·COSNVS. Border of dots.
B. Hirtia 1-2; Julia 22-23; Bf. i, 128 and 140; ii, 48; iii, 55; Bf., Goldmilnzenpriigung, 19; S.
1017-1018a; RE Hirtius 2; lulius 131. See above, p. 93, below, no. 98*.
The quality of execution, both of the head and of the legend, varies considerably; the latter
on at least one die reads AIllRTIVSr R (BMCRR Rome 4054).
For the male captive see on no. 452; the female captive is presumably, like him, a
typical Gaul, compare no. 448/3; for the types in general seep. 735·
B. Poblicia to; Pompeia 9; Bf. i, 211; S. 1035-1035a; RE Publicius 12; Pompeius 32. See
above, p. 93·
SABIN
on 1., r R Q upwards. Border of dots.
·
td Denarius
Similar. Similar, but no branch or spear; city and
soldier shake hands.
Obverse dies (all varieties): 5 (z re-cut). Reverse dies· (all varieties): 8.
For the varying forms of the obverse legend and their combinations with the reverse types see
the study of T. V. Buttrey (Paris, A 12933 provides a variety not listed by him S. 1038c -
-
combining his obverse die 4 with his reverse die g); the following obverse legends occur
CN·MAGN IMr, CN·MAGNVS IMr, CN·MAGN IMr·F, CN·MAGNVS
I Mr · F; the legend CN · MAGNVS I Mr · B should be regarded as a blundered version
of CN ·MAGNVS IMr· F (seep. 93).
For M. Minatius Sabinus see T. P. Wiseman, New men, 241. For the types see
P·737·
471 CN.MAG.IMP Mint-Spain 46-45 B.C.
B. Pompeia 15; W. 92; M. Bahrfeldt, NZ 1909, 67; S. 1040; RE Pompeius 32. See above,
p. 93·
IMr.
Specimens in Paris: 6.
B. Papia :z.-·n Bf. i, 194; ii, 64; iii, 79; S. 964-969; RE Papius to. See above, p. 93·
The legend above the wolf on one reverse die is CEE SVS Ill VIR (Bari 3082).
· ·
The word CELSVS is missing on one reverse die (BMCRR Rome 4027).
The moneyer is a L. Papius Celsus, not otherwise known, but perhaps the son of
no. 384; he is conceivably, by reason of his association with Caesar and their
association with Octavian, the father of the Papii brothers of ILLRP 417.
481
The types refer for the most part to the victory and triumph of Caesar in the year
before the issue of this coinage (the obverse of 2 and of 3) or to the �neyer's
Lanuvine origin (the obverse and the reverse of 1, the reverse of 2 and of 3; for
the head of Juno Sospita see on no. 316, for the girl and the snake see on no. 412;
the reverse of 1 and of 2 seems to portray a prodigy associated with the founda
tion of Lanuvium, D. Hal. i, 59, 4-5 (associated in error with the foundation of
Lavinium); Horace, Od. iii, 27, 2-3; for the presence of Mercury and his lyre
· 737·
seeP
B. Lollia 1-4; Bf. i, 171; ii, 58; iii, 68; S. 96<>--963 (except 962a); RE Lollius 20. See above,
p. 93, below, no. 230*.
The legend on one reverse die is rALl KAN I (Berlin), on another rAll KAN' S (Gotha).
The letter A is often carelessly executed.
Laureate head of Honos r.; behind, Curule chair; on either side, com-ear; above,
H 0 N 0 RIS downwards. Border of dots. rAll KANVS. Border of dots.
1 The coins provide no evidence for the view that the Rostra were sometimes fitted with a temporary
wooden attachment at the front (comra L. R. Taylor, RVA, 44-5 with nn. 35-(j; the literary evidence
for the view is admittedly inadequate, compare also the passages cited by D. R. Shackleton Bailey,
Cicero's letters to Atticus i, 401). The double line appearing on L. R. Taylor's pl. vi, 1 is a freak and
most specimens show a degree of sculptured ornament which is incompatible with the nature of a
temporary struCture; the curved front of the Rostra shown on the coins is a faithful reproduction of
reality (E. Nash, PDAR ii, pl. 1030)- presumably the Rostra functioned as a templum because they
were surrounded by a rectangular area.
The argument of F. Coarelli,Quaderni Inst. Top. Ant. v, 1968, 27, that the coins do not show the
Rostra at all, but the Navalia, should not be believed; on some specimens (e.g. Pl. LVI, 1-2) the rostra
are clearly attached to the columns, not protruding berween them; and the representations which
Coarelli cites as parallels display ships, not rostra.
3 Quhuuiua (PL LV) BMCRR Rome 4016
Head of Felicitas r., wearing diadem; behind, Victory in biga r., holding reins in I. hand and
FELl CITATIS downwards. Border of dots. wreath in r. hand; in exergue, rALI KAN I.
Border of dots.
Obverse dies: 2. Reverse dies : 2.
The moneyer is presumably the son of M. Lollius Palicanus, Pr. ?69; identifications
are uncertain (for the two possibilities see T. R. S. Broughton, MRRP, Supp. 36;
L. R. Taylor, VDRR, zz6; E. Badian, Gnomon 1961, 496; Histma 1963, 137;
Sherk .27, line 11).
The types of 1 presumably refer primarily to the tribunate of the moneyer's
father, conspicuous for its agitation for the restoration of the ancient rights of the
office (though seeS. Weinstock, Divus Iulius, 133 and 14.2-3 for Caesar as Liberator
after the battle of Munda in 45), the types of z to the praetorship of the dder
Palicanus (though see no. 465/1-2 for the association with Caesar of a curule chair
with wreath and garlands). The types of 3 can hardly refer to anything but the
success of Caesar in the Civil War; the types of 4 may represent a voting-urn and
ballot or a container for money and tessera nummularia. Against the first view
(prop<)unded by L. R. Taylor,RVA, 37;compare d. Nicolet,MEFR 1959, zo8-1o)
is the fact that the representations here are totally unlike any certain representations of
voting-urns or ballots (seenos. 266,335,413 and 4.28) ;1 for the elucidation of the types
note the tesseranummulariaprobablyof themoneyer'sfather, ILLRP10.25, and p. 6o3;
for the use of an olla as a container for money see Cicero,Jam. ix, 18, 4 (compare also
M. Bahrfddt, Num. Litteraturblatt 1920, 1770; M. H. Crawford, NC 1967, 303).
B. Valeria 14-23; Bf. i, 258; ii, So; S. 998-1005; RE Valerius 94· See above, p. 93, below, no.
231*.
1 There is little to be said for the view of A. Blanchet (RN 1904, 171 Atti ""''"· int. sc. stor. 1904,
=
101) that the aestertius of Palicanus alludes to the distributions of oil and oom of 46.
2a Denarius (Pl. LVI) BMCRR Rome 4105
Similar to 1b. Helmeted (Corinthian helmet), human
headed owl r., carrying shield and spear; in
exergue, L ·VALERIVS. Laurel-wreath a s
border.
For the identification of the bird on the reverse see A. B. Cook, Zeus iii, 801-3 (fig. 6o8 is
decisive).
3b Denarius Paris, AF
Similar. Similar, but no legend.
Obverse dies (both varieties): [ <30]. Reverse dies (both varieties): [ <33].
B. Munatia 1-3; Julia 18-20; Bf. ii, 63; Bf., Goldmiinzenpriigung, 2o-22; S. 1019-1020; RE
Munatius 30; Iulius 131. See above, p. 93·
Obverse dies (both varieties): [50]. Reverse dies (both varieties): [5o].
B. Qovia 11; Julia 17; Bf. i, 86; iii, 40; W. 95-96; M. Bahrfeldt, NZ 1909, 78; S. 1025-1026;
RE Oovius 4; lulius 131. See above, pp. 93f.
Bust ofVictory r., draped; before, CAESAR· Minerva standing 1., holding trophy over
DIC·TER upwards. shoulder with r. hand and with 1. hand holding
Border of dots. spear and shield, decorated with gorgomion,
and from which hang streamers; before, snake;
on 1., C.CLOVI downwards; on r., rRAEF
upwards. Border of dots.
B. Pompeia 16-18; Bf. i, 214; ii, 69; iii, 85; S. 1041-1042a and 1043; T.V. Buttrey, NC 196<>,
83; RE Pompeius 33· See above, p. 94, below, no. 232*, no. 293*.
The letter B appeared on the first die of this variety because the die itself had earlier been
used for no. 470 (see commentary thereon); given the carelessness of execution of this issue,
the letter was then doubtless carried on without question to later dies.
3 b Dauuius BM
Similar, but no SAL. Similar.
Obverse dies (all varieties): 6 (1 re-cut). Reverse dies (all varieties): 9·
For the letters SAL or SA. sec p. 94, for the types p. 739· For the portraits sec
Table LXD.
478 MAGNVS PIVS IMP.F, EPPIVS LEG Mint-8pain 45-44 B.C.
B. Eppia 2 and 4; Pompeia 19; Bf. i, 108 and 216; ii, 69; iii, 47; W. 93; M. Bahrfeldt,
NZ 1909, 72; S. 1045-1045a; RE Eppius 2; Pompeiu.s 33· See above, p. 94, below,
no. 99*·
The significance of the altar is obscure; it is not, as on no. 348/5, identified as that
of Aesculapius.
B. Pompeia zo; Bf. i, 216; ii, 69; W. 94; M. Babrfeldt, NZ 1909, 68; S. 1044-1044b; RE
Pompeius 33. See above, p. 94, below, no. too*, no. 309*.
Since the stylistically superior part of the issue is Spanish in origin (p. 94), the
reflections of H. Zehnacker, Congresso 1¢1,283, on the style of the issue are without
foundation.
RE Aemilius 37; Mettius 2; Sepulli u s 1; Cossutius 4; Julius 131. See above, p. 94-
2c Denarius Paris, AF
Similar to 2a. Similar, but legend below horses.
Obverse dies (all varieties): 8. Reverse dies (all varieties): 7·
Alfoldi's obverse dies 10 and 11 are the same. The variable letters on the reverse are G, H, I,
K and L.
Wreathed head of Caesar r.; behind, crescent; Venus 1., holding Victory in r. hand and
before, CAESAR·IM downwards; behind, sceptre in I. hand; behind, L·AEMILIVS
r M upwards. Border of dots. downwards; before, BVCA upwards. Border
of dots.
Obverse dies : 36. Reverse dies : 36.
1 There is no doubt that the wreath worn by Caesar di1fers markedly from laurel-wreaths on contem
porary and earlier Republican issues (so righdy K. Kraft, Dtr goldene Kranz, passim; the laurel-wreath
of Augustus and his successors is hardly relevant) and it is tempting to identify it with the golden
wreath worn by Caesar at the Lupercalia in 44 (Dio xliv, u, 2; cf. Cicero, Phil. ii, 85); but I can see
no close resemblance to the Etruscan wreaths cited by Kraft th� latter consist of a simple band at
-
the back of the head with ornament only at the front, Caesar's wreath is ornamented at back and front.
This wreath is presumably the triumphal corona aurea also voted to Pompey (Velleius ii, 40, 4) and
portrayed on no. 426/4 (the jewelled decoration is often visible); just as ordinary laurel-wreaths of the
type portrayed there have no bands when worn (see, for instance, no 44/1), so the corona aurta has
.
no bands when worn by Caesar. Although the corona aurea of the triumphator of course derived from
Etruria and from the regal period of Roman history and although to wear it when not a triumphator
was to depart dramatically from normal Republican practice, to argue with Kraft that Caesar was
deliberately modelling himself on a Roman king is to succumb to the temptation of believing that
there is a key to the understanding of the last period of Caesar's life; there is nothing to suggest that
the triumphal associations of the corona aurea were not uppermost in Caesar's mind when he wore it;
apart from one gem of uncertain identification all the evidence (cited by Kraft, 38� and wrongly
dismissed) suggests that the Romans did not think of their kings as wearing the corona aurea of the
triumphator. For the unacceptable view (A. AlfOldi, SM 1953, 1; ANS Cenrennial Volume, 39, etc.)
that the lituus on 2 was on one die altered to a diadem, see C. M. Kraay, NC 1954, 2o-1; careful
inspection of the one coin known from the die in question shows that the supposed left-hand streamer
of the diadem is in fact a die-break which extends towards the head of Caesar as well as towards the
edge of the coin (see N.-W. Weissmtlller, Caesars Vorstellrmg, pls. ii-iii with pp. 41-7; the rest of
the dissertation is superficial); the chronological implications of AlfOldi's view are in any case enough
to damn it, see M. Gelzer, Caesar, 320 n. 3·
sa Denarius Cambridge; BMCRR Rome 4167
B. Julia 46; Sepullia t; Bf. i, 143; ii, 51; S. 1071-1071a; Alf'Oldi 5·
Wreathed head of Caesar r.; behind, star; Venus 1., holding Victory in r. hand and
before, CAE SA R·IM or CAESA R·IMr sceptre in L hand; behind, r-SErVLLIVS
downwards. Border of dots. downwards; before, MACE R upwards. Bor-
der of dots.
7a Denarius Cappelli
AlfOldi 15 (SNR 1968, 59, Type 15, Obverse die 1); B. Aemilia 16; Julia 36 var.
Similar to 6. Venus seated r., holding Victory in r. hand
and sceptre in 1. hand; behind, L BVCA·
12 Denarius Hague
Alfoldi 11.
Wreathed head of Caesar r., wearing veil; Similar to 9·
before, CAESAR downwards; behind,
DICT·rERrETVO upwards. Border of
dots.
Obverse dies: see below. Reverse dies: 1 (used for 9).
490
18 Denarius (P l LVII)
. BMCRR Rome 4164
B. Julia 4n Sepullia 2; S. 1070; Alfoldi 12.
Similar to 17. Similar to 11 and 14.
Obverse dies: 6. Reverse dies: 8.
491
25 Quinarius (Pl. LVII) Berlin
B. Metria 2; S. 1059.
Head of Venus r., wearing diadem. Border Girl and snake facing each other; on l.,
of dots. M ME TT I downwards. Border of dots.
·
The chronology of the issues of the four moneyers is complex. The denarius with
Sulla's dream is placed first, since it is the only denarius which need bear no re
ference to Caesar (see below), although there is a certain arbitrary element in this
placing. The denarius with DICT QVART obviously precedes those with
·
DICT·(IN) PERPETVO; between these two groups may be placed the three
denarii with IM(P). For denarii with DICT·QVART are uniformly of excellent
style, denarii with DICT ·(IN) PERPETVO almost without exception very care
lessly executed; denarii with IM(P) are of both kinds.
The denarii with DICT·(IN) PERPETVO (beginning before 15 February 44,
Cicero, Pln1. ii, 87) fall into two groups, 6-14 and 15-16. 6 and 7a share an obverse
die, 7a and 7b share two reverse dies, 7b-11 share a number of obverse dies, 12-14
share a number of obverse dies; between 7b-11 and 12-14 there are a number of
shared reverse dies, which establish beyond doubt the contemporaneity of portraits
without and with veil (see A. Alfoldi, Beizri:ige 1o-11 SM 1966, 148). 15-16 share
=
a number of reverse dies, but there are no shared obverse dies with 7b-14; style
and titulature suggest contemporaneity with the first group (there is no substance
to the arguments of A. Alfoldi, Beitri:ige 17-22 = SNR 1968, 85-6 and 9o-1, that
the second group is to be dated later and placed after the death of Caesar).
The denarii with IMPER also fall into two groups, 17 and 18, of cognate style and
492
tirulature, but with no shared obverse dies; here a batch of reverse dies of M.
Mettius was combined with newly designed, hastily executed obverses ;1 at the same
time P. Sepullius Macer produced a further issue combining the new obverse type of
M. Mettius and his own earlier reverse type (the distinct style of the newly executed
obverses of M. Mettius was first pointed out by C. M. Kraay, NC 1954, 23; for
the distinct nature of the further issue of P. Sepullius see A. Alfoldi, Beitriige 1<>-
11 = SM 1966, 148; Beitriige 12 and 16
SM 1968, 61-2). There now follow
=
two denarii with PARENS PATRIAE; the reverse type of the second is finally
used with two more obverse types, the temple of dementia and the head of Antonius.
The latter is certainly later than Caesar's death, the former almost certainly so; the
two denarii with PARENS PATRIAE are best regarded as of the same period. As for
the emergency issues with IMPER, the best explanation of their distinctive features
may be found in the view that they immediately follow the disaster of 15 March 44·
The chronology of the quinarii and the sestertii, in relation to each other and in
relation to the denarii, is uncertain. Among the quinarii and among the sestertii,
the issues are placed first which need bear no reference to Caesar (see below).
L. Aemilius Buca is otherwise attested as a supporter of M. Scaurus at his trial
in 54 (Asconius 28c) and is presumably, like him, a relative of Sulla (see below);
M. Mettius is perhaps the same man who appears as Leg. 58; P. Sepullius Macer
is otherwise unknown, but is perhaps a member of a family from Patavium (T. P.
Wiseman, CQ 1964, 130); C. Cossutius Maridianus is perhaps a relative of no. 395.
The reverse type of 1 is to be regarded as recording a version of the dream which
Sulla had before his march on Rome in 88 (Plutarch, Su/1. 9; M.-L. Vollenweider,
SNR 1958-9, 22 with earlier bibliography; here, Victory with a staff replaces the
thunderbolt with which Sulla was to smite his enemies; the vague remarks of A.
Alfoldi, Beitrag 1 JBM 1961-2, 275-84, are beside the point); the presence of
=
493
From this point onwards, the coinage of the four moneyers refers uniformly to
Caesar or, eventually, Antonius; Caesar's portrait dominates the issue, with Venus as
the commonest reverse type. On 3 the portrait is accompanied by a lituus as an emblem
of Caesar's augurate and by a culullus as an emblem of his pontificate, on 4 the
emblems disappear and the titulature expressly describes Caesar asPontifex Maximus;
for the association of the tides IMPERATOR andPONTIFEX MAXIMVS compare
the inscriptions discussed by A. E. Raubitschek,JRS 1954, 73 (add AE 1967, 107).1
Another group of denarii, 12-14, indicates the possession of the office of Pontifex
Maximus by the addition of a veil to the portrait; the denarii with the tide PARENS
PATRIAE show a lituus and an apex as well as a veil. On 5 the portrait is accompanied
by a star, on 4 by a crescent, just conceivably to indicate a belief in the imminence
of a new age (see commentary on no. 494).
Venus as a reverse type is invariably accompanied by Victory, usually by a shield,
hence is clearly Venus Victrix ( see p . 727); she is sometimes accompanied by a star
as an mdication of her divinity or by a globe as a symbol of dominion.
The reverse type of 6 is exceptional in not portraying Venus; it bears an axe as
an emblem of Caesar's pontificate and a globe as a symbol of dominion (compare
the quinarius of P. Sepullius Macer, with its association of Victory and Fortuna,
on which see S. Weinstock, Dfous Iulius, 121-6); but the type also associates a
caduceus, symbol offelicita,s with the fasces without axe, symbol of lihertas (Cicero,
de rep. ii, 55; for Caesar as Liberator see on no. 473), and adds a pair of clasped
hands as a symbol of pax and concordia.• The theme of felidtas is picked up by the
sestertius ofP. Sepullius Macer, with Mercury on the obverse and caduceus on the
reverse, the themes of pax and concordia are picked up by the quinarius of L.
Aemilius Buca, with Pax on the obverse and clasped hands on the reverse. The
propaganda of Caesar's moneyers was prepared to portray his achievements as
well as his position of power; in the same vein, Dio xliv, 4, 5 records a decision of
the Senate to build a temple of Concordia 'on the grounds that it was because of
Caesar that they were at peace' (cf. S. Weinstock,JRS 196<>, 45).
The new types which appear after Caesar's death present him asParensPatriae;
for the tide see Dio xliv, 4, 4; Livy, Epit. cxvi; Appian, BC ii, 442; Nic. Dam., Caes.
So; Suet., Caes. 76; Inscr. It. :xiii, 1, p. 183; ILLRP 407and 4o8; Sec. Misc. Gr. Rom.,
381; for its role in Caesarian propaganda see Cicero, jam. xii, 3, 1; Phil. ii, 31; :xiii,
22 and 25; Dio xliv, 48, 1 and 3; Florus ii, 17 (iv, 7), 1; Valerius Maximus vi, 4, 5;
1 The signific:ance of the titulature CAESAR IM(PERATOR) is disputed; it seems to me to indicate
neither the acquisition of an extra cqgnqmm (so D. Kienast, ZSS 1961, 416-17) nor the possession of
a permanent power of command (so M. Gelzer, Cauar, 307 n. 2, following �ldi), but rather
Caesar's position as a permanent triumphator (see Cicero, lig. 7; Dio xliv, 4, 2); compare p. 459 on
no. 437· In any case, the coins show clearly that Caesar did not accept the praenmnm imperatorium
offered by the Senate (Dio xliii, 44, 2; contra, Suetonius, Cau. 76).
1 The type cannot unfortunatdy be regarded as relevant to the problem of whether or not Caesar
possessed trilnmicia potestas, on whih
c see Z. Yavetz, Pkbs and Prinups, 54-5.
494
Suetonius, Caes. 85 and 88; Appian, BC ii, 6o2. The projected temple of dementia
Caesaris also appears; for the temple see Dio xliv, 6, 4; Appian, BC ii, 443;
Plutarch, Caes. 57; for the association between Caesar's dementia and his position
as Parens Patriae see Appian, BC ii, 6o2; cf. Cicero, ad Au. xiv, 22, 1; Phil. ii, 116;
also p. 735· The desultor with palm-branch and wreath is perhaps an allusion to the
games held on the occasion of the Parilia (21 April 44) in celebration of the victory
at Munda, games which turned out to be a demonstration of loyalty to the memory
of Caesar (Dio xlv, 6, 4; Cicero, ad Att. xiv, 14, 1; 1 7, 3; 19, 3; there is no evidence
that Octavian was involved, contra A. Alfoldi, Studien, 47-9). The issues of the year
44 close with the denarius with the desultor on the reverse and the portrait of
Antonius on the obverse, with the veil and the emblems of the augurate, bearded
as a sign of mourning.
B. Iulia 30; Bf. i, 141; Bf., Goldmiinzenprt'igung, 23; S. 1021; RE Julius 131. See above, p. 94·
B. Julia 13; Bf. iii, 54; S. 1016; RE Julius 131. See above, p. 94·
B. Nasidia t-2 and 4; Pompeia 28-30; Bf. i, 189; ii, 63; iii, 77; S. t35o-135t; RE Nasidius 4.
See above, p. 94, below, no. tot*, no. 294*.
495
% Denarius (PL LVII) BMCRR Sicily 21; Paris, A 13249
Head of Cn. Pompeius Magnus r.; before, Ship sailing r.; above, star; below,
trident; below, dolphin; behind, N E r TVNI Q·NASIDIVS or Q·NASIDIV. Border
downwards. Border of dots. of dots.
Obverse dies: [331· Reverse dies: [371·
B. Antonia 148; Bf. ii, 15; iii, 20; S. 1286; RE Antonius 20. See above, p. 94, below, no. 102*.
B. Flaminia 2-3; Julia 44-45; Bf. i, 116; ii, 44; S. 1088-1089; RE Flaminius 7· See above, pp.
94f., below, no. 233*.
496
486 P.ACCOLEIVS LARISCOLVS Mint-Rome 43B.C.
B. Accoleia 1; Bf. i, 4; ii, 2; ill, 4.; S. 1148-1148a; RE Accoleius 1. See above, pp. 94f.
B. Petillia 1-4; Bf. i,194; S. 114�1152; T. Hackens,RBN 19()2, 29; REPetillius 7· See above,
pp. 94f.
:Ia Denarius (Pl. LVIII) BMCRR Rome 4220; Vienna (Bf. i, pl. viii,
198)
Eagle on thunderbolt r.; above, rET I L L IVS; Similar, but no legend; horseman is replaced by
below, CAr ITOL I NVS. Border of dots. quadriga, horses by biga; on either side of
apex, armed figure.
The exact position of the eagle varies.
497
2c Denarius BMCRR Rome 4224
Similar. Similar, but on 1., F; on r., S.
Obverse dies (all varieties): 85. Reverse dies (all varieties): 74·
The moneyer is a Petillius Capitolinus, not otherwise known, unless he is the Petillius
Capitolinus of Horace, Sat. i, 4, 93-4; 10, 25-6 (the Scholia provide no useful
additional information); there is no particular reason to suppose him connected
with the college of Capitolini (on which see A. Lintott, Violence, 79). The types are
doubtless intended to illustrate the cognomen Capitolinus; the letters S F perhaps
stand for sacris faciundis and refer to some particular feature of the cult associated
with the Capitoline temple. Information on dies is from T. Hackens.
The issue belongs to the period between the declaration of Antonius as a lwstis in
April 43 and the days immediately after the formation of the Triumvirate in the
autumn of 43 (see R. Syme, RR, 188-9); the titulature on 2 is presumably merely
an abbreviated form of IMP.IIIVIR R.P.C. For the types seep. 739·
The issue bdongs to the period between the union of M. Antonius and Lepidus
on 30 May 43 (seeR. Syme, RR, 178-9) and early 42; M. Antonius was Proconsul
of Gallia Cisalpina and of Gallia Transalpina (except Narbonensis), Lepidus was
Proconsul of Gallia Narbonensis and Spain - the titularure on 1 presumably reflects
the legal position, the absence of COS on 2-4 its increasing unimportance. 5 seems
to have been struck at Lugudunum. A X L and A X L I on 5-6 apparendy refer to
the age of M. Antonius (so J. Eckhd, DNV vi, 40; B. Borghesi, 01uvres i, 458);
hom in 83, M. Antonius became 41 on 14 January 42 (contra 0. Hirschfeld, GIL
xiii, p. 251; seep. 740n.1; for the day see F. Opp.; F. Praen.; F. Verul.; Dio li,
19,3; Suetonius, Claud.11; cf. Plutarch, Ant. 73-4). 5 and 6 were presumably struck
on behalf of M. Antonius in his absence. For the prominence of the quinarius see
p. 629; for the types see p. 739·
The legend on one obverse die ends rONT · N G (Bf. no 8. = Hall 636), on another rONT ·
AV G (BMCRR Gaul 75).
499
3 Denarius (Pl. LVW) BMCRR Gaul 63
Head of Octavian r., bearded; around v, Equestrian statue r., with r. hand raised; in
C. CAESAR· I I I ·VIR· R·r·C. Border of exergue, S·C. Border of dots.
dots.
Obverse dies: [ <30]. Reverse dies: [ <33].
The issue belongs to the period between the decision of Octavian to march on Rome
in July 43 and the days immediately after the formation of the Triumvirate in the
autumn of 43 (see on no. 488); the period includes Octavian's short time as Consul.
For the types see p. 739·
Obverse dies (both varieties): [30]. Reverse dies (both varieties): [30).
The circumstances and significance of this issue, struck at any rate officially senatus
consulto by two Praetors of43, are very obscure; A. Alfoldi argues that it is to be
connected with the legions, two from Africa, one raised in Italy, deployed abortively
for the defence of Rome against Octavian in summer 43 (Hermes 1958, 480; see also
R. Syme, RR, 181-6); but although the date is probably approximately right (see
p. 95), the precise nature of the issue remains uncertain. The curule chair is in
sufficient to identify the issue as one aimed at Caesarian soldiers (contra Alfoldi,
482-3) and there are really two types, one with a very rare variant, not three; and
the legend (EX) S· C hardly proves that the issue is to be ascribed to the Senate
to the exclusion of Octavian, while other evidence makes it most unlikely that the
500
Senate had enough money in summer 43 to strike a gold issue as large as this one
(see p. 639). It is perhaps best to regard the issue as struck in the interest of Octavian
- the bust of Africa may compliment the African legions, the Sibyl's bust (if that
is what it is) the Italian legion (see however on no. 464/1), the curule chair may simply
symbolise imperium, the Corinthian helmet and the snakes are both symbols of
Minerva (contra Alfoldi, 489-90 and 490-93; see Escher, RE vi, 442-3), Cybele
perhaps alludes to hope of Victory (see on no. 322). For the issue of C. Norbanus
as moneyer see no. 357· For the letters (EX) S·C seep. 6o6.
B. Aemilia 33; Antonia 36 and 39; Julia 75; Bf. i, 27; ii, 9; iii, 16; Bf., Goldmiinzmpriigung,
53-54; S. 1161-1162; RE Aemilius 73; Antonius 30; Iulius 132. See above, p. 95·
The issue is struck by M. Antonius to mark the formation of the Triumvirate. For
the types see p. 739·
B. Julia 77; Antonia 41; Bf. i, 27; ii, 9; ill, 16; Bf., Goldmiinzenprligung, 74; S. 1167; RE lulius
132; Antonius 30. See above, p. 95·
tc Aureus Vienna
Similar, but rOI\T· N G insteadofPOI\T · N. Similar.
Obverse dies (all varieties): [<to]. Reverse dies (all varieties): [<to).
The issue is struck by Octavian to mark the formation of the Triumvirate. For the
types see p. 739·
501
494 L.LIVINEIVS REGVLVS IIIIVIR A.P.F Mint-Rome .p B.C.
P.CLODIVS M.F IIIIVIR A.P.F
L.MVSSIDIVS T.F LONGVS IIIIVIR A.P.F
C.V(E)IBIVS V(A)ARVS
RE Livineius 3; Clodius 10; Mussidius 3; Vibius 20. See above, p. 95, below, no. 105*, nos.
235-236*, no. 297*, p. 688 n. 10.
The Triumviral portrait gold is listed first, followed by the gold and silver
of each moneyer in turn; for each moneyer, the issues bearing allusions to
one or more of the Triumvirs are listed before the issues bearing purely private
types.
Head ofLepidus r.; around() ,M·L ErID VS · Vestal, Aemilia, standing l., holding simpulum
Ill·VIR· R r·C. Border of dots.
· in r. hand and sceptre in 1. hand; behind,
L· REGVLVS downwards; before, II II
V IR ·A·r ·F upwards. Border of dots.
Obverse dies: 1. Reverse dies: 1.
Head of M. Antonius r.; around () , Hercules seated facing on rock, holding spear
M·ANTON IVS·III·VI R· R·r'·C. Border in r. hand and sword in I. hand, with lion
of dots. skin draped over lap; on r., shield decorated
with gorgoneion; on 1., L · REGVLVS up
wards; on r., 1111·VIR ·A· r·F downwards.
Border of dots.
Reverse dies: 1.
B. Livineia 5-6; Julia 83; Bf. i, 147; Bf., Goldmiinzenpriigung, 49; Buttrey, p. 67; S. 1104-
11048.
Head of Octavian r.; before, C·CAESAR Aeneas r. carrying Anchises on 1. shoulder;
downwards; behind, Ill· VIR R · r· C up
• on 1., L ·RE GVLVS downwards; on r.,
wards. Border of dots. IIII·VIR·A·r·F. upwards. Border of dots.
Reverse dies: 1.
502
4 Aureus (Pl. LVIII) Caiazzo hoard = Berlin
Bf. i, 15; Bf., Goldmiinzenpriigung, 44; Buttrey, p. 65; S. 1120.
Head of Lepidus 1.; around 0, Female figure (?Fortuna) standing facing,
M·LE rIDV S·Ill ·VI R·R r ·C. · Border of holding sceptre in r. hand and cornucopiae in 1.
dots. hand; on r.,cuirass; on 1., r.c LOD I VS·M· F
upwards; on r., IIII·VI R·A·r·F downwards.
Border of dots.
Obverse dies: 2. Reverse dies: t.
7a Aureus Vienna
B. Mussidia to; Aemilia 3S; Bf., Goldmibu:enpriigung, so; Buttrey, p. 6S; S. 1099.
Head of Lepidus 1.; around \l, Mars standing r., wearing Corinthian helmet,
M·LEriDVS·III·VIR·R·r·C. Border of holding sword in 1. hand and spear in r.
dots. hand and resting I. foot on shield; around
(), L· /WSSIDIVS·T.f.LONGV$·1111·
VIR·A·r·F. Border of dots.
Reverse dies: 1 (used for Sa and 9a).
Obverse dies: 2 (one used for 6 and one used Reverse dies: 3 (one used for 13 and 14, one
for 9 and 12). used for 13, one used for 14).
sos
22 Aureus Vienna
B. Clodia 14; Bf. i, 85; Bf., Goldmiinzenpriigung, 30; S. 1116.
Laureate head of Apollo r.; behind, lyre. Diana standing facing, with bow and quiver
Border of dots. over shoulder, holding lighted torch in each
hand; on r., r·CLODIYS downwards; on l.,
M · F downwards. Border of dots.
Obverse dies: 1. Reverse dies: 1.
So6
29 Denarius (Pl. LIX) BMCRR Rome 4269
13; S. 1111.
B. Livineia
Similar. Mod.ius; on either side, com-ear; above,
L L IV I N E IVS; in
· exergue, R E G VLVS.
Border of dots.
Obverse dies: [<30). Reverse dies: [<33).
32, 46, since exchanged by the BM, does not portray Octavian either.
39a Denarius (Pl. LX) BMCRR Rome 4237 and 4240 (wrongly des
cribed in first edition); Rome 4238-4239
B. Mussidia 8; Julia 58; Bf. ii, 5z; iii, 57; S. 1096-1096a and 1o9()c.
Laureate head of Caesar r. Border of dots. Comucopiae on globe; on 1., rudder; on r.,
caduceus and apex; around -, or A,
L·MVSSlDlVS·LONGVS. Border of
dots.
Border of dots.
Obverse dies: [ <30]. Reverse dies: [ <33].
sos
.pa Denarius BMCRR Rome 424Z
LONGVS
Border of dots.
For reverse dies shared between 16, 17 and 18 see M. Bahrfddt, Chronologie, 190.
The four moneyers are otherwise unknown, L. Mussidius Longus perhaps the
father of an Augustan Senator (T. P. Wiseman, CQ 1964, 127; New men, 243),
L. Livineius Regulus perhaps the son of Cicero's friend L. Livineius Regulus
509
(ad Att. iii, 17,1;jam. xili, 6o, 1); the latter was perhaps the Praetor referred to on
26-31, or perhaps the Praefecrus Urbi referre d to on 31; neither the history of
the times nor constitutional practice permits the view that the moneyer was himself
Praefecrus Urbi in or about 42 B.C. (contra T. R. S. Broughton,MRRP, Supp. 35;
for a coin,like 31,without explicit and exclusive reference to the moneyer responsible
for it, compare no. 433/1-2; I do not equate the moneyer and the Praef. 46).
The Triumviral portrait gold bears both types commemorating the establishment
of the Triumvirate and types appropriate to the individual Triumvirs; L. Livineius
Regulus portrays the Vestal, Aemilia (Plutarch, Rom. 2 with B. Borghesi, CEU'tJTes
i, 329-32; see also on no. 419), Hercules, the ancestor of the Antonii (Appian, BC
iii, 6o and 72; Plutarch, Ant. 4, 36 and 6o; perhaps [Cicero], ad Caes. iun. i, 7),
and Aeneas carrying Anchises; P. Clodius portrays a figure who is probably Fortuna
(note the connection of M. Lepidus with the temple of E\mJxlcx in the Forum,
Dio xliv, 5, 2; Cicero, ad Att. xili, .p, 3), a Genius (compare nos. 329 and 397)
combining the attributes of Sol, Apollo, Victory and felicitas and placing his right
foot on a globe between an eagle and a shield (see T.V. Buttrey, Portrait gold, 9
n.40 for bibliography; the figure is presumably personal to M. Antonius in some
way not now apparent; contra A. Alfoldi, Hermes 1930,377 the figure is not Aion,
for whom see J. Charbonneaux, MEFR 196o, 253; E. Thevenot, Rev. Arch. Est et
Centre-Est 1959,94 produces no evidence for his view that the figure is the Genius
of Lugdunum) and Venus Genetrix. L. Mussidius Longus uses Mars to allude to
the plans of the Triumvirs to prosecute the Parthian War (S. Weinstock, Divus
Iulius, 128-32; compare no. 497 with p. 740) and a comucopiae as a symbol of
Fortuna (there is no special connection between this type and that of Aeneas struck
by L. Livineius Regulus, H. Erkell, Augustus, 115-16 contra A. Alfoldi, Hermes
1930, 375 n.1); C. Vibius Varus uses clasped hands as a symbol of the concordia
existing between the Triumvirs.
Mars reappears on the denarii of P. Clodius, associated with portraits of Caesar,
M. Antonius and Octavian; with the last is also associated Pietas as reverse type,
clearly an allusion to the Caesarian inheritance and duty of revenge of
Octavian. L. Livineius Regulus places on his denarii a portrait of Caesar between
laurel-branch and caduceus with a bull as reverse type, perhaps recalling a favour
able omen of 471 (Dio xli, 39, 2, c£ Suetonius, Caes. 59, with S. Weinstock, Divus
Iulius, 118-21), and a portrait of Octavian withVictory as reverse type
(see ILS 108
for Octavian's first victory, at Mutina on 14 April 43). C. Vibius Varus associates
Fortuna holding Victory with portraits of M. Antonius and Octavian on his denarii
and also strikes aurei with Apollo and Venus, tutelary deities of the Iulii (see on
no. 320). L. Mussidius Longus associates the portrait of Caesar with the emblems
1 But note also the association of the zodiacal sign Taurus with Venus, Th. Mommsen, Chronologie',
30$�.
510
of domination terra marique, cornucopiae on globe with rudder (see on no. 393),
ofjelicitas (compare the altar of the Gens Augusta, CAH,Plates iv, 134) and of the
pontificate; he also devotes both sides of another issue of denarii to Victory and
alludes to the concordia existing between the Triumvirs on a group of denarii which
associate two hands clasped round a caduceus and the shrine of Venus doacina
with Concordia (for the shrine of Venus doacina see E. Nash, PDAR i, 262;Pliny,
NH xv, 119 suggests that it too may have been a symbol of civil peace, E. Pais,
RAL 1924, 15; for the notion of purification connected with it see C. C. van Essen,
Mnemosyne 1956, 137); the association of star, crescent and Sol on the same group
of denarii perhaps suggests a belief in the imminence of a new age (Cicero, ND ii,
51; Censorinus 18, u; E. Norden, Geburt des Kindes, 143; A. Alfoldi, Hermes 1930,
373; Sol and Luna, and the cognate deities Apollo and Diana, on the aurei and
denarii ofP. dodius are doubtless inspired by the same idea).1
We are left with the aurei and denarii of L. Livineius Regulus celebrating the
curule office of two ancestors and alluding to two spheres of aedilician activity
(compare the issues discussed on p. 729) and with the aurei and denarii of C. Vibius
Varus portraying Roma and Nemesis (for Roma compare no. 292/1, for Nemesis
see Roscher iii, 143-66), Liber and attributes, Hercules and Minerva; given the
connection between Nemesis, Victory and Roma (S. Weinstock, RE viiiA, 2536-7),
the aurei portraying Roma and Nemesis perhaps look forward to the victory of the
Triumvirs; compare the association of Roma with the victory of Sulla (no. 421
with p. 732). Hercules is perhaps a Caesarian type; his diadem at any rate is similar
to thePergamene 'Alexander' crown (K. Kraft, Der Goldene Kranz, 12) . Liber and
Minerva are perhaps family types of the Vibii; C. Vibius C.f. Pansa (no. 342)
portrays Apollo, Ceres and Minerva, C. Vibius C.f. C.n.Pansa (no. 449) Liber, Ceres
and Mercury, C. Vibius Varus Liber and Minerva.
B. Aemilia 34-35; Julia 7o-71; Bf. i, 14; Bf., Goldmiinzenpriigung, 76; S. 13:z3-1323a; RE
Aemilius 73; Julius 132. See above, p. 95·
der of dots.
Obverse dies: 1. Reverse dies: 1.
512
za Denarius (Pl. LX) BMCRR Gaul 76
Similar. Curule chair, of which front and back legs are
decorated with sculptured eaj les and on
which lies wreath, inscribed C k SA DIC · ·
rE R. Border of dots.
zb Denarius Vienna
Similar. Similar, but CkSAR·DIC·rER.
zc Denarius Copenhagen
Similar. Similar, but CkSA·DIC·rR.
B. Cassia12; ii, p. 593; Bf. i, So; Bf., Goldmiinzenpriigung, 56; S. 1302; RECassius 59; Aquinus
s and 2 (T. R. S. Broughton, MRRP, Supp. 7). See above, p. 100.
B. Cassia 13; ii, p. 593; Bf., Goldmiinzenpriigung, 56; S. 1303; RE Cassius 59; Aquinus Sand 2
(T. R. S. Broughton, MRRP, Supp. 7 ). See above, p. 100.
For the nomenclature of Brutus on 6-7 compare his issues as moneyer, no. 433/1-2;
for the types see p. 739·
514
On the nomenclature of Brutus on this issue and on nos. 502-4 seeILS 946o with
n.2; T. R. S. Broughton, MRRP, Supp. 32; cf. F. Miinzer, RE iiA, 1779. For the
types seeP· 739·
B. Junia 3�39; Sestia 1-4; Bf. i, 163; ii� 56; Bf., Goldmiinzmpriigung, 62; S. 1289-1292; RE
Junius 53; Sestius 2. See above, p. 100, below, no. 299*.
On L. Sestius seeT. R. S. Broughton, MRRP, Supp. 59; for the types seep. 739·
B. Junia 49; Flavia 1; Bf. i, 117; S. 1294; RE Iunius 53; Flavius 11. See above, p. 100, below,
no. 300*.
505 C.CASSI.IMP and Mint-moving with Brutus and Cassius 43-.P B.C.
Q.CAEPIO BRVTVS IMP with
M.SERVILIVS LEG
B. Cassia 19-21; Junia 47-48; Servilia 38-.p; Bf. i, So and 165; Bf., Goldmimzenprtigung, 6o
and 66; S. 1311-1314; RE Cassius 59; Iunius 53; Servilius 21. See above, p. 100.
516
S Denarius (Pl. LXI) Madrid; Sandes = Berlin; BM
Similar. Similar.
Obverse dies: 2. Reverse dies: 3·
On M. Servilius seeR. Syme, Hermes 1964, 410 with Sherk 27; for the types see
P· 739·
So6 M.BRVTVS IMP in part with Mint-moving with Brutus 43-.P B.C.
COSTA LEG
B. Junia 42, 43 and 33; Pedania 1-2; Bf. iii, 63; Bf., Goldmiinzenpriigung, 64; S. 1295-1296
and 1288; RE Junius 53; Pedanius 2. See above, p. 100.
Formal details and stylistic similarities link 3 with 2; for the types see
P· 739·
B. Junia 44-46; Servilia 35-37; Bf. i, 164; Bf., Goldmiinzenpragung, 65; S. 1297-1298; RE
Junius 53; Servilius 53· See above, p. 100.
1a Aureus Paris, AF
Head of
Brutus r., bearded; behind, Trophy with curved sword and two spears on
BRVTVS upwards; before, IMr upwards. l. and figure-of-eight shield on r.; at base, on
Laurel-wreath as border. either side, prow and, on r., sword with
square handle; on 1., CASCA upwards; on
r., LON GVS upwards. Border of dots.
For the letter L on 1b (its absence on ta is perh!lps casual) seeM. Bahrfeldt, Gold
miinzenpriigung, p. 68; the letter may conceivably serve to point to a particular
victory. On P. Servilius Casca Longus see T. R. S. Broughton, MRRP, Supp. 58.
For the types see p. 739·
For the types seep. 739· For Artemis wearing a polos see V. K. Miiller, PoZos, 89;
A. Laumonier, Carie, Index, s.v.
B. Comuficia 1-4; Bf. i, 98; ii, 39 and 110; iii, 43; Bf., Goldmiinzenpriigung, 67; M. Bahrfeldt,
Bliitter fiir Miinzfreunde 193o-33, 245; S. 1352-1355; RE Comuficius 8. See above, p. 100,
below, no. 108*, no. 302*.
t Aureua Paris, AF
Head of Jupiter Ammon 1. Border of dots. Q. Comuficius standing 1., wearing veil and
holding liruus in r. hand; on r., Juno Sospita,
with crow perching on shoulder, holding
spear and shield in 1. hand and with r. hand
crowning Q. Comuficius; around v,
Q·CORNVFICI·AVGVR·IMr. Border of
dots.
Obverse dies: 1. Reverse dies: 2.
2 Denarius (Pl. LXI) BMCRR Africa 26
Similar. Similar.
Obverse dies: [ <301. Reverse dies: [ <331·
B. St.atia 1; Bf. i, 243; S. 1315; RE St.aius 2. See above, p.too, below, no. 238*.
519
511 MAG.PIVS IMP.ITER. PRAEF.CLAS. Mint-Sicily .p-.fO B.C.
ET ORAE MARIT
B. Pompeia 21-27; Bf. i, 217; ii, 70; iii, 85; Bf., Goldmiinzenpriigung, 87; S. 1344-1346 and
1347-1349; RE Pompeius 33· See above, p. too, below, no. 109*, no. 239*.
u. Denarius Rashlegh
i 1449; West Sicily (b) hoard
Head of Neptune r., hair tied with band, with Trophy with trident above and anchor below,
trident over shoulder; around () , MAG· prow-stem on 1. and aplustre on r., two heads
r IVS· I Mr·ITER. Border of dots. of Scyll a a t base; around(), PRA:.F·CLAS:
ET·ORA:. ·MIT·EX·S·C or rRA::. F·
CLAS· ET·ORA:.· M-..1· "EX ·S·C. Border of
dots.
zb Denarius (Pl. LXU) BMCRR Sicily 15; Sicily 16
Similar, but MG·PIVS·IMr·ITER. Similar.
520
Illinois
Similar, but legend ends M..l· t X·S·C.
This issue belongs to the period, 43-40, when by a decree of the Senate Sex.
Pompcius hdd the office of Praefectus classis et orae maritimae, more precisely
perhaps to the period after his defeat of Q. Salvidienus Rufus in 42, when he was
apparendy acclaimed imperator for the second time (cf. Dio xlviii, 19, 1); the
iteration of the tide is dropped in ILS 8891. The r is often closed, P, on this issue.
For the types see p. 739·
B. Clodia t2-t3; Bf. i, 85; Bf., GoldmUnzmpri,igung 73; S. 1134-1135; RE Clodius 62. See
above, p. too.
The moneyer is later attested as Proconsul of Crete and Cyrene (CIL xi, 331oa = ILS
904;3311;AE1933,99 =I. Cret. iv, 327;1934,258 = SEGix, 152;1939,119= Annuario
Atene 1961-2, pp. 317-18, no. 170 (cf. no. 171)=Bull. Epig. 1964, 573; 1968, 536-8).
The Floralia were first celebrated in 238 (G. Wissowa, RuK, 197-8) and the head
of Flora can thus not be connected with C. Claudius Cento, Cos. 240 (so J. Eckhel,
DNV v, 172-3; B. Borghesi, CEuvres ii, 182-3; Babdon and H. A. Grueber, BMCRR
i, 564 n. 3); the reasons for the choice of type are unknown. The reverse type portrays
the Vestal Claudia, the daughter of Ap. Claudius Pulcher, Cos. 143 (Cicero, Gael.
3.4 with commentary of R. G. Austin), not the Claudia Quinta who received the
Magna Mater to Rome (see F. BOmer, MDAI(R) 1964, 146; cf. Th. Koves, Hsi toria
1963. 335).
521
513 M.ARRIVS SECVNDVS Mint-Rome 41 B.C.
B. Arria 1-3; Bf., Goldmiinzenpr(igung, 71; S. 1083-1085; RE Arrius 34· See above, p. IOO,
below, no. uo*.
The moneyer is a M. Arrius Secundus, not otherwise known, perhaps a son of one
or other of the two Q. Arrii who became Praetors in the first half of the first century
(unless they were the same person, T. R. S. Broughton, MRRP, Supp. 7).
The obverse of 2-3 perhaps portrays an ancestor of the moneyer who achieved
curue
l office (see commentary of F. W. Walbank on Polybius vi, 53, 7-8), the
reverse of 3 an act of heroism perhaps by the same ancestor and the reverse of 1-2
the rewards for this act;s as for the obverse of 1, Fortuna populi Romani might well
be invoked in 41.
The moneyer is a C. Numonius Vaala, not otherwise certainly attested (for his gens
see T. P. Wiseman, New men, 246).
The reverse of 1-2 presumably portrays an act of heroism by an ancestor, whence
the cognomen Vaala (from va//um); the obverse of 2 perhaps portrays an ancestor
who achieved curule office (compare on no. 513),1 conceivably the same man;
the obverse of 1 may reflect the defeat of Brutus and Cassius in the year before
this issue.
B. Sulpicia 9-10; Bf., Goldmiinzenpriig""lf, 72; S. 1081-1082; RE Servius 6. See above, p. 100.
The moneyer is a L. Servius Rufus, not otherwise known. The reverse types of 1
and 2 (for the first see G. Fuchs, Architekturdarstellungen, 59; for the second see
L. Cesano, BCAR 1928, 121 n.2) and the obverse type of 1 reveal the moneyer's
Tusculan origo (L. R. Taylor, VDRR, 254; see on no. 290). The obverse type of 2
has traditionally been regarded as portraying Ser. Sulpicius Rufus, Tr. Mil. cos.
pot. 377, in part responsible for raising the siege of Tusculum in that year. But
since the moneyer is a Servius and not a Sulpicius, there is no good ground for this
identification; it must also be admitted (with E. A. Sydenham, CRR; 179n. and
against A. Mamroth, Berl. NZ 1955, 165) that the portrait is remarkably like that
of Brutus (see no. 508). Certainly there is no a priori reason against a moneyer
placing a portrait of someone other than a relative on a coin without explicit identi
fication (see no. 494/24 and 39); the use of such a portrait is furthermore well
attested for the expression of political sympathy (Cicero, Rab. perd. 24; Dio liii,
1 The likeness to Caesar, put forward e.g. by Sydenham, is n otconvincing (compare Pl. LXII,9 with
Pl. LVI,18); possessed of the ius imaginum, the moneyer is hardly a nows homo, contra T. P. Wiseman,
I.e.
523
32, 4; Tacitus, Ann. xvi, 7, 3; Suetonius, Nero, 37; Pliny, Ep. i, 17; for an Imperial
portrait of Cato see R. Thouvenot, Mon. Piot. 1949, 71; C. Picard, Festschrift B.
Schweitzer, 334; 0. Vessberg, Kunsthistorisk TidslmJt 1952, 1); I am consequendy
quite prepared to believe that attachment to the cause of Brutus could in 41
be shown by a moneyer through the use of Brutus' portrait; compare
R. Syme, Sal/ust, 121-3, for the anti-Triumviral sentiments of Sallust in the bellum
Catilinae, perhaps written in 42·
B. Antonia 434�; Bf. i, 28; Bf., Goldmiinzenprtigung, 82-83; S. 1171-1174; RE Antonius 30.
See above, p. 100.
Head of M. Antonius r.; around t_), N" Fortuna standing 1., holding rudder in r. hand
N G ·IMr · Ill· V R r ·C. Border of dots.
· · and comucopiae in l. hand; at feet, stork;
below, r I ET AS·COS. Border of dots.
Obverse dies: [10]. Reverse dies: [10}.
RE Antonius 30; Barbatius t; Cocceius 13; Gellius 18. See above,p. too, below, no. 111*, no.
241*, no. 303*.
(Oman 38b), M · RARBAT· Q·P (Berlin) or M·BARBT·Q·P (Fenerly Bey, 913), reverse
legend III·VIR·R·R·P·C (NCirc. 1971, 201).
1 I list 4b (unknown before 1963) with some misgivings; a specimen of sb, with the same variant legend,
was in the Lawrence sale and since then no less than four specimens of 4b, all from the same pair of
dies, have appeared on the market (Hess-Leu 4{4{1963, 140; Hess-Leu 16{4{1964, 271 .,. Drouot
30/tt/1967, 28; Hess-Leu %4/4/1969, 62;Momen und Medaillen 12{11/1970, 248).
sb Denarius Rome, Capitol 1472
Similar to 4b. Similar.
7 Aureua Paris,AF
The issue is struck by the officers of M. Antonius (for M. Barbatius Pollio see
Appian, BC v, 120 with commentary of E. Gabba) and honours Octavian and L.
Antonius, Cos. 41. For the types see p. 742·
B. Julia 91 and 97; Cornelia 78; Bf. i, 148; ill, 58 (cf. Bf., Goldmiinzenpr�, 55a); S. 1325a
and 1317; RE Iulius 132; Cornelius 69. See above, p. 100, below, no. 112*.
Style, titulature and a sharea obverse die (Ars Classica ii, 158 = Hirsch xxxiii, 85)
link these two types very closdy and they should be regarded as struck together for
526
Octavian; they cannot possibly be attributed to Spain (contra T. R. S. Broughton,
MRRP ii, 381). It is most reasonable to suppose the elder L. Cornelius Balbus to
have been Propraetor the year before becoming Consul suffectus. For the types see
P· 742·
B. Domitia 2o-2t; Bf. i, tos; ii, 40; Bf., Goldmiinzenpriigung, 68; S. 117�1177; REDomitius
23. See above, p. too.
B. Antonia 35; Bf. i, 27; S. 1189; RE Antonius 30. See above, pp. toof.
1 Deuariua (Pl. LXII) BMCRR East 114; East us; Vatican 759
Head of M. Antonius r.; behind, lituus. Caduceus between two comuacopiae on globe;
Border of dots. above, M·ANT·IM or M·Af\r·l M or
M·N"·1M; below, III·YIR· R·r·C. Border
of dots.
Obverse dies: [<30]. Reverse dies: [<33].
The r is often closed, P, on this issue. For the types seep. 742·
531 ANT.IMP.IIIVIR R.P.C with MiDt-movlq with M. Antoolus 40 B.C.
CN.DOMIT.AHENOBARBVS IMP
B. Antonia 55-56; Domitia u-23; Bf. i, 30; iii, 16; Bf., Goldmiinzmpriigung, 86; S. 1178-
11798; RE Antonius 30; Domitius 23. See above, pp. 1oof., below, no. 113*.
On both aureus and denarius the number of points of the star varies.
The r is often closed, P, on this issue. For the types see p. 742·
528
tb Denarius BMCRR Gaul 86; Gaul 87
Similar. Similar, but Q·SALVIVS·IMr·COS·
G
DESG or DES.
Obverse dies (both varieties): [ <301. Reverse dies (both varieties): [ <331·
On Q. Salvidienus Rufus see R. Syme, RR, 129 n.2 (for the form of his name)
and T. P. Wiseman, New men, 167 (for his career). For the types see p. 742·
Q. Labienus Parthicus strikes for the Republican forces found with him after his
initial successes with Parthian hdp (for a convenient English narrative see R. K.
Sherk, Documents, 159-6<>); his cognomen (for which see Dio xlviii, 26, 5) is mis
understood by Strabo (xiv, 2, 26; also by W. W. Tarn, CAH x, 47; M. Grant,
FITA, 411) as qualifying imperator.
1 SoL. White, Medev i al technology, 139 n. 4; A. AlfOldi, Festschrift Schefold, 17 n. 141, arguing for a
stirrup, clearly does not know what one looks like. Note the straps by which the saddle is attached
to the horse.
3 Denarius BMCRR Rome 4316
Laureate head of Caesar r. Border of dots. Similar; above, TI·SEMrRONIVS; below,
GRACCVS; on l., Q·DESIG downwards;
in field, S C.
Obverse dies: [<30]. Reverse dies: [<33).
Obverse dies (all varieties): [< 30]. Reverse dies (all varieties): [<33].
dots.
Obverse dies : [<30]. Reverse dies: [<33].
530
The moneyer is a Q. Voconius Vitulus, not otherwise known; hepresumably strikes
first as moneyer, without tide, then S· Cas Quaestor designatus (seep. 6o6).
The portraits of Octavian and Caesar show the issue to have been struck in the
interest of Octavian (note the lituus alternately with the head of Caesar and the head
of Octavian); for the titulature of Octavian see p. 744 with n. 4· The reverse type
alludes to the moneyer's cognomen.
B. Antonia 33; Bf. i, 26; ii, 9; iii, 15; M. Bahrfeldt,J/AN 1909-10, 94; Bf., Goldmiinzenpriigung,
88; S. 1196; RE Antonius 30. See above, p. 101, below, no. 114*.
Border of dots.
Obverse dies: t. Reverse dies: 1.
The head on the reverse is clearly that of Octavia (compare no. 533/3 and the cisto
phori of M. Antonius, S. 1197-1198; see Bf., Goldmiinzenpriigung, 88 for earlier
bibliography); the issue should be regarded as commemorating the marriage
of M. Antonius and Octavia and, with no. 528, as marking the reconciliation
between M. Antonius and Octavian which took place at Brundisium late in 40
(seep. 743).
B. Antonia 37-38 and 40; Julia 72-74 and 76; Bf. i, 27, nos. 12 and 14; iii, 16; Bf., Goldmiin
zenpriigung, 75; S. 1192-1194; RE Antonius 30. See above, p. 101.
2b Denarius Paris, AF
Similar to 1b. Similar.
Obverse dies (both varieties): [ <30]. Reverse dies (both varieties): [ <33].
531
3 Denarius (Pl. LXIII) BMCRR East 123
Head of M. Antonius r.; around (), Head of Octavian r., sometimes bearded;
M·ANTON ·IMP·III·VIR· R·P·C·AVG. around O, CAESAR·IMP·PONT·III·
Border of dots. VIR· R · r ·C. Border of dots.
Obverse dies: [ <30]. Reverse dies: [ < 33].
A number of variants occur in the reverse legend- POl\!" fo.r PONT (BMCRR East 126),
VR for VIR (Berlin 58o/t876), R·C for R·P·C (BMCRR East 127), R!( (a case of a
corrected die, Paris, A 4257), one variant in the obverse legend- VI· R for VIR (Paris,
A4257).
The issue, with no. 527, should be regarded as marking the reconciliation between
M. Antonius and Octavian which took place at Brundisium late in 40 (see
P· 743).
Obverse dies (all varieties): [ <30]. Reverse dies (all varieties): [ <33).
4a Quinarius Copenhagen
Head of Concordia r., wearing diadem and Two hands clasped round caduceus; around
veil; around v, III·VIR· R·P·C. Border of 0, M·ANTON·C·CAESAR·IMP. Border
dots. of dots.
532
The issue should be regarded as marking the reconciliation between Octavian and
M. Antonius which took place at Brundisium late in 40 (seep. 743); the unusual
titulature in part reflects the special nature of the issue (seep. 101), in part looks
forward to the titulature of Octavian on no. 534·
B. Antonia 65; Sempronia 14; M. Bahrfeldt, NZ 1909, 84; W. 108; Bf. iii, 17; S. 12.54; RE
Antonius 30; Sempronius 2.6. See above, p. 101.
L. Sempronius Atratinus becomes Cos. suff. 34; for the date and occasion of this
issue see p. 101; for his name seeR. Syme, RR, 269 with n.4.
B. Antonia 63; Ventidia 1; Bf. i, 31; S. 1175; T.V.Buttrey, MwN 196<>, 95; RE Antonius 30;
Ventidius s. See above, p. 101.
1b Denarius Berlin
Similar, but IM instead of�. Similar.
Obverse dies (both varieties): 2.. Reverse dies (both varieties): 2..
The figure on the reverse is perhaps Jupiter Victor (so H. A. Grueber, BMCRR
ii, 404n.; cf. T.V. Buttrey, MusN 196<>, ¢n.); the branch may as well be laurel
as olive (as traditionally described). On P.Ventidius see R. Syme, Latomus 1958,
73;]RS 1963, 141; for the types see p. 743·
S. 1358; RE Domitius 43 (cf. 11 and Supp. iii, p. 394). See above, p. 101.
533
The issue presumably follows the victory of Cn. Domitius Calvinus in Spain in 39
(see T. R. S. Broughton, MRRP ii, 388); although appointed by Octavian, Calvinus
makes no reference to him on his coinage; the obverse type is borrowed from the
Iberian coinage of Osca (Vives, pl. xliii, z); the reverse type records the tenure of
Calvinus of the office of Pontifex (ILLRP 429; Valerius Maximus viii, 11, z; cf.
Suetonius, Caes. 81).
B. 68-7o (cf. ii, pp. 592-593) and 8o; Bf. i, 31,32 and 34; ii, 12; iii,15; Bf.,Goldmilnzenpriigun.g,
89-91; S. 1199-1201; RE Antonius 30. See above, p. 101, below, no. 115*.
534
534 IMP.DIVI IVLI F.TER. Mint-moving with Oc:tavian 38 B.C.
IIIVIR R.P.C or DIVI For
IMP.CAJ$SAR DIVI IVLI F with
M.AGRIPPA COS.DESIG
B. Julia 12!r-131; Vipsania 1-3; Bf. i, 151; Bf., Goldmilnzenprtigung, 99; S. 1329-1331; RE
Iulius 132; Vipsanius 2. See above, p. 101.
On M. Vipsanius Agrippa see T. P. Wiseman, New men, 167; for the types see
P·743·
B. Julia 98-99; tot; Bf. i, 148; iii, 59; W. 103-104; S. 1335-1336; RE Iulius 132. See above,
p. 102, below, no. 310*.
For the date and occasion of this issue seep. 102; for the types seep. 743·
535
536 M.ANT.AVGVR IIIVIR Mlnt-movlns with M. ADtODiua 37 B.C.
R.P.C.IMP.TER
B. Antonia 76-78; Bf. i, 34; S. 1202-u04; RE Antonius 30. See above, p. 102.
2 Deoariua Vienna
Similar. Similar, but at base of trophy, prow and
round shield.
Obverse dies: [ <301. Reverse dies: [ <331·
B. Julia 140 and 137; Bf. i, 153; S. 1333a-1334; RE lulius 132. See above, p. 102.
There are a disproportionate number of plated copies of this issue, as Paris, A 11179.
B. Antonia 94; Bf. i, 39; iii, 18; S. 1205; RE Antonius 30. See above, p. 102.
·B . Julia 138-139; Bf. iii, 6o; Bf., Goldmiinzenpriigung, 103; S. 1337-1338; RE lulius 132. See
above, p. 102.
537
�Denarius BMCRR Africa 33
Similar. Similar.
Obverse dies: [ <30). Reverse dies: [ <33).
The legend on one reverse die ends 0 ESIG (Copenhagen).
For the types seep. 743·
B. Antonia 91-92.; Bf. i, 38; ii, 12.; iii, 15; Bf., Go/dmiblzenpriigung, 92-93; S. 12.o6-12.07;
RE Antonius 30. See above, p. 102., below, no. 116*.
B. Antonia 96-97; Junia 172.; S. 12.08-12.09; RE Antonius 30; Junius 172. See above, p. 102..
B. Antonia 95; Bf. i, 40; ii, 14; S. 121cr121ob; RE Antonius 30. See above, p. 102.
B. Antonia 101-130 and 132-138; Bf. i, 40; ii, 14; iii, 18; Bf., Goldmiinzenpriigung, 94-98;
S. 1212-1246; RE Antonius 30. See above, p. 102, below, no. 117*.
4 Aureus Oxford
Similar. Similar, but LEG XII.
Reverse dies: 1.
5 Aureus Hersh
Similar. Similar, but LEG XIII.
Reverse dies: 1.
6 Aureus Berlin
Similar. Similar, but LEG XIV.
Reverse dies: 1.
539
9 Dauarius BMCRR East 2U
Similar. Similar, but LEG·XII·ANTIQVAE.
For the retention of the office of IIIvir r. p. c. by M. Antonius see Dio 1, 7, 1; for
the numbering ofhis legions seeP. A. Brunt, Manpower, 504-6 and p. 117; for the
types see p. 743·
541
545 M.ANTONIVS AVG.IMP. Mint-moving with M. Antonius 31 B.C.
IIII.COS.TERT.IIIVIR
R.P.C in part with D.TVR
B. Antonia 146-147; Turullia 5; Bf. ii, 15; iii, 19; S. 1211-1211a; RE Antonius 30; Turullius 1.
See above, p. 102.
2b Denarius ANS
Similar. Similar, but legend ends SCARPVS·IM.
Bf. ii, 27> iii, 33; M. Bahrfeldt, NZ 1909, 77; S. 1359; T.V. Buttrey, Studia Oliveriana 1963,
7; RE Calpumius 95· See above, p. 102.
The coin, which I have seen, is as described (paceR. Syme,JRS 196o, 13); I believe
it to belong to the Triumviral period and to have been struck by the Cn. Calpurnius
Piso later Cos. suff. 23 (seep. 102); more cannot be said.
543
WI T.QVINCTI MiDt-Greec:e t96 B.C.
B. Quinctia 1; Bf., i, zz8; ill, 88; Bf., Goldmiinzenpriigulv, 9; R. A. G. Canon, BMQ 1955, tt;
RE Quinctius 45·
The issue appears to have been struck in Greece, since three of the five known
specimens, listed by Carson, come from there (the BM specimen, the specimen in
private hands and presumably the Athens specimen; I do not believe in the reported
Sicilian provenance of the Berlin specimen) and since the reverse type is that of
the gold staters of Alexander, still in circulation in Greece in the second century;
if the T. Quinctius of the reverse is the conqueror of Philip V (and there is no other
serious candidate), the obverse type will be his portrait. The arguments of W.
Kubitschek, Studien, although ingenious, do not seem to me to shake any of this;
they do no more than tell us what we know anyway, that the issue is exceptional
(there is no contemporary Macedonian gold, the legend does not include an ethnic,
the portrait of a living Roman is otherwise unknown before Caesar, cf. commentary
on no. 296). Given the extravagant honours paid to Flamininus by the Greeks
(H. Gundd, RE xxiv, 1075�; G. Daux, BCH 1964, 569; J. Bousquet, BCH 1964,
6o7(withlistofinscriptions previously discovered); IGxii, 9,233; G. Daux,BCH 1965,
302; E. Mastrokostas, REA 1964, 309; G. Klaffenbach, Chiron 1971, 167),it seems to
me most likdy that the issue was struck in honour of Flamininus, not by Flamininus;
A. A. Boyce, Hommages Grenier i, 342, advances no arguments for the opposing view.
I am not convinced by any of the attempts to identify portrait busts of Flamininus
on the basis of the portrait on this issue G. Six, MDAI(R) 1894, 112; 0. Vessberg,
Kunstgeschichte, "125 (see, contra, H. Mobius, Ephem. Arch. 1953-54, 3, 207); F.
Chamoux, BCH 1965, 214; J. Babelon, RBN 1970, 59).
B. Cornelia 57; Bf. i, 96; ii, 39; ill, .p; Bf., Goldmilnzenpriigulv, 27; S. 753; RE Cornelius
2.28 (?).
544
The weight standard of this issue (the average weight of the two specimens known
is 7.84 gr.) is close to that of the gold struck by Octavian from the series with
IMP. CAESAR and CAESAR DIVI F. onwards, but it can hardly be of the same
period - a non-Triumviral gold issue so late as this would take a lot of explaining.
Otherwise the issue has no point of contact, in style, fabric or weight standard,
with any other Roman gold issue, a fact which excludes all attributions so far
suggested. My tentative attribution is based on the following considerations:
(1) The form of the titulature most closely resembles that on no. 548, which perhaps
suggests an issue struck in similar circumstances.
(2) The weight standard is about half that of the Roman tetradrachms struck at
Antioch from 53 onwards (A. R. Bellinger, Dura, 120, with earlier bibliography).
(3) The bead and reel border is throughout a distinctive feature of coins struck at
Antioch.
(4) I find it hard to believe that the Cn. Lentulus of an issue as striking as this is
otherwise unknown; the only available person is Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Marcel
linus, governor of Syria in 59-58; the issue will have been struck in his honour and
will fall between the fine tetradrachms of Tigranes, ending in 69, and the inferior
Roman tetradrachms, beginning in 53· For the types see on no. 296.
B. Oppia 1-2; M. Bahrfeldt, NZ 1909, So; W. 97-102; Bf. iii, 78; S. 1277-1278; RE Oppius 21
and(?) 20.
545
ae Bronze Cambridge
2f Bronze Berlin
Similar, but before, crescent; behind, capri- Similar, but below, thunderbolt.
corn.
3a Bronze Copenhagen
Head of Venus I., wearing diadem; before, Similar, but no symbol.
star.
3b Bronze Paris, AF
I place this issue here because I am quite uncertain when and where it was struck
or whether it is strictly a Roman issue at all; it is erroneous to argue with A. Alfoldi,
Melanges Carcopino, 26 and 3o-3, that titulature and metal content link this issue
with that of C. Clovius, no. 476 (for the metal content of the two issues see Table
XLVII, 39-41 and 46-7; the abbreviation PR for Praefectus would be rather mis
leading) and equally erroneous to argue with M. Grant, PITA, 62, that the capricorn
is so dominant a symbol that the issue must be attributed to a follower of Octavian.
I opt tentatively for an attribution to Cilicia (a modified version of the attribution
to Pontus proposed by L. Laffranchi, Historia 1935, 39) and the only known Q.
Oppius of the Republic, who governed Cilicia in 88; of the two known provenances
for this issue, one is Cilician (Waddington Collection, RN 1898, 629; the other
provenance is Roman and hardly significant); the head on the obverse is also the
same as that on the obverse of the first-century coinage of Laodiceia-ad-Lycum,
where Q. Oppius was eventually based; the bowl of fruit which forms part of the
reverse type perhaps recalls the double comucopiae which forms the reverse type
of the coinage of Laodiceia (BMC Phrygia, Laodiceia, nos. 31-43).
APPENDIX
I list first a number of men who have for a variety of reasons been wrongly thought to be
moneyers:
A 12682, 5.20 gr.; A 12683, 3.20 gr.; A 13003, 2.86 gr.; A 13004, 2.64 gr.; A 13005, 2.6o gr.;
A 13oo6, 2.28 gr.
3· A hybrid of A. Licinius Nerva and Albinus Bruti f. is used by Drumann, iv, 197 n. 85 to
prove the existence of a Nerva as Quaestor of D. Brutus (he is followed by Babelon, ii, 136);
the coin is an ancient forgery.
4· The as with SA- cited by Bf. i, 257 is now BMGRR Rome 6o9 and is an as with BA-.
Another as apparently with S!v in Oxford is in fact an as with N overstruck on an uncertain
semis (Table xvm, 102).
5. For the supposed semis of Q. Plaetorius see Bf. i, 202.
6. For the supposed triens of Q. Molo see Bf. i, 222.
1· For the supposed triens with t see Bf. i, 247.
8. The supposed quadrans of P. Varro, B. Terentia 7, Bf. i, 246 (which I cannot find in
Paris), is surely a quadrans with M ·'A-. (no. 257/4), with most of the M off the fian.
9· For the antiquarian Varro s.s Illvir capitalis, not IIIvir monetalis, see C. Cichorius, RS, 200.
10. Coins of L. Titurius L.f. Sabinus have been read in error as coins of a L. Turillius (see
Bf. i, 256-7) or a L. Turius (see commentary on no. 344/5b-7); neither exists.
11. The Vettienus of Cicero, ad Att. x,11, 5,although described as a momtalis, is not a moneyer;
see commentary of D. R. Shackleton Bailey ad loc.
12. The coin of an otherwise unknown Vibius and Norbanus discussed by Th. Mommsen,
RMw, 649 has disappeared, but is surely a modern forgery.
I list next a number of coins which are not Roman, but which have at one time or another
crept into the corpus of Roman Republican coins:
13. Cast as with Lion's head/Horse's head, Haeberlin, Aes grave, 151, non-Roman, pace R .
Thomsen, ERG i , 64.
14. Cast semis with Bull's head/Prow, Haeberlin,Aesgrave,157,non-Roman,pace R. Thomsen,
ERG i, 64.
15. Sescuncia of Venusia (BMG Italy, Venusia, no. 28), wrongly treated as Roman by Ailly ,
pl. lxvii, 14.
16. Ailly , pl. lxv, 8 = Babelon i, p. 31, no. 46 is a coin of Uxentum.
17. Ailly, pl. lxv, 17 = Babelon i, p. 31, no. 47 is a Romano-Sicilian coin.
18. B. Fabia 3 (Paris, A 9412, 1.03 gr.) is a Romano-Sicilian coin.
19. For B. Atilia 7 see Bf. i, 47·
547
Appendix
20. For B. Aufidia 4 see M. Grant, FITA, 52.
21. A number of semisses of Caneia have been thought to be Roman, B. Curiatia 10 (Paris,
A 9023b11, 5.20 gr.), for which see Bf. iii, 44; a semis of a L. Marcius, for which see Bf. ii,
61; B. Papiria S (Paris, AF, 5.76 gr.), for which see Bf. iii, So; B. Sepullia 13.
Modem forgeries
There are twelve forgeries of Republican pieces by Becker, two of them invented (see G. F.
Hill, Becker the counterfeiter, nos. 135-46).
L. Brunetti, Opus monetale Cg i o i, lists So pieces of the Republican period which he ascribes
to Cigoi (nos. 1, 3-50, 52-71 and 73-S3). Of these,nos. 7,11-13,41 and 43 (provincial bronze)
and 24, 2S, 35, 49 and 7S (Imperial restorations) do not concern us here. No. 10 appears to be
on Brunetti's own admission a genuine coin altered in modem times and not a coin struck
from modem dies; the same is true of nos. 23, 26-7, 31 and 42· Nos. 47 and so are perfectly
orthodox,perhaps slightly tooled (on no. 47 the left-band part of the head of Janus, together
with both beards,bas been removed by wear and corrosion). Nos. 25,32, 46 and 59 are invented
pieces (no. 25 is a COCLES denarius,on which see below). The remaining pieces, as far as
one can tell from Brunetti's inadequate plates, appear to be more or less close copies, albeit
"of inferior execution, of Republican coins. They may or may not have been made by Cigoi.
For Cigoi see also F. Trau, NZ 1S71, 105; BMCRR ii, 57Sn. (not cited by Brunetti).
For the forgeries of M. Piccione see nos. 42*, 96*, 102*, 105*, 114* and 116* below.
For three other groups of forgeries see P. Bonazzi, RIN 1920, 71; G. Cornaggia, RIN 1924,
36; F. Aubert, SM 1971, 90·
For the COCLES denarii see E. J. Haeberlin in Bf. i, uS; also ii, 46.
Forgeries of aes grave are illustrated by Haeberlin on pis. 98-103; I list here some of the
most important and some that have appeared since his time (see Addenda).
22. The cast bar with the types Jug/Prow (Miscellanea Salinas,113) is false, see E. J. Haeberlin,
Z/N 190S, 145.
23. The cast bar with the types Amphora/Spearhead in Copenhagen (R. Thomsen, ERG i, 55)
is, I think, false; style and technique dissociate it sharply from genuine bars.
24. The decussis and quadrussis discussed by Th. Mommsen, RMw, 347 are palpable
forgeries.
25. There is something wrong with the first 'Janus'/Mercury as (no. 14/1) listed by Haeberlin,
93·
26. The Prow as in Pesaro weighing a full pound is false,see E. J. Haeberlin, Z/N 190S, 159.
27. Semilibral asses with Prow r. are forgeries, see Haeberlin, 36 n.1.
2S. For a modem cast of a post-semilibral Prow decussis (no. 41/1) see E. J. Haeberlin, Z/N
190S, 15S.
29. Not used.
30. The cast semis, Laureate head of Saturn I.; behind, S/Prow r.; above, S; before, 1.-,
published by G. Riccio, Repertorio, p. 30, second coin, weight about 134 gr., is presumably
a libra! Prow semis, altered in modem times.
I now list forgeries of struck coins of the Republic, in chronological order of the issues to
which they are intended to belong.
31. Turin, F 150 (2.73 gr.)- as no. 26/2, but legend below - false.
32. Oath-taking scene gold piece with mark of value XXX- of the four specimens known
(see Bf., Goldmimzenpriigung, 3), the only plausible one is the Vatican piece; I am now con
vinced that it is false. The whole thing is too neat, especially the style of the obverse, yet the
details of the reverse are wrong; the pig is mis-shapen and the figure on the right has a super
fluous scabbard. The coin was rejected by Ailly, Recherches i, 194,whose authority must weigh
Modern forgeries
very heavily; and it is hard not to feel that Haeberlin defended the issue at least in part because
he owned a specimen. Certainly his argument that the style is copied from that of a quadrigatus
and not from that of another gold piece is irrelevant (ZfN 1908, 252-8; followed by R. Thomsen,
ERG ii, 261-3); for further arguments against authenticity see H. Willers,Corolla Numismatica,
323-4; for examples of the convolutions necessary to fit the piece into the Roman monetary
system see Th. Mommsen, RMw, 214-15; M. H. Crawford,JRS 1964,31 (see Addenda).
33· Schwing 121 (now in BM)-denarius with incuse mark of value- altered in modern
times.
34· A. pl. lv, 2 (Paris, A 881, 39.07 gr.)- anonymous as with L I X above- altered by addi
tion of L and X; note also pl. lxvi, 2 (Paris,A 1074, 24.22 gr.).
35· Hannover 970 (7.97 gr.)- anonymous triens with ooooo on obverse and reverse- altered
in modern times.
36. Copenhagen (5.07 gr.) -as no. 69/6a, but K A instead of �- altered in modem times.
37· A. pl. lxviii, 16 (Paris, A 1536, 8.40 gr.)- triens with anchor and Q- triens with anchor,
altered in modem times.
38. I do not believe in the genuineness of the gold victoriatus published by E. Gabrici,Boll.
Circ. Num. Nap. 1937, 32, with the types of no. 94/t.
39· A. pl. cv, 8 (Paris, A 3211, 28.77 gr.)- as with 1.-- altered anonymous as.
40. BMCRR Rome 490- as with dog r. with r. foreleg raised- altered piece of different and
much later issue.
A. pl. lxxv, 2 (Recupero)-as with dog 1.- doubtless false.
A. pl. lxxv, 7 (Paris, A t8oo, 9.06 gr.)-quadrans with dog 'en course'- altered in cleaning.
4 1. A. pl. lxxxxv, 6 (Paris, A 2835, 48.13 gr.)- as with' deux trapezes'- altered piece perhaps
originally with club.
42. Hannover 1114 (3.59 gr.)- denarius with M, as no. 133/2b- Piccione forgery (marked
in trays).
43· A. pl. lxxvi, 3 (Borghesi ?= Sibilio, 3·75 gr., not now traceable)- denarius with owl,
cf. no. 135/1 -altered from denarius with caduceus or knife (no. 108/1 or no. 109/1).
Turin, F 535- uncia with owl-altered in modern times.
44· As with AA- all examples false (a) NZ 1883, pl. 4, 18 (Hannover, 28.85 gr.)-altered
from as with staff (no. to6/4); (b) B. Autronia 2 (Riccio); (c) Borghesi 1881, 174 Borghesi =
1893, 175 (cf. Bf. ii, 22) ?= Sydenham 459 = Martini 350.
45· There are two sextantes in Paris as no. 147/4, but with C N · DOM instead of C N ·DO,
altered in modan times.
46. Prowe 1444-sextans of M. Titinius, cf. no. 150/5 -altered from semilibral semuncia.
47· For false bronze of L. Furius and S. Furius see Bf. i, 123; ii, 51.
48. S. 405 (Haeberlin 353-4, etc.)- denarius with �- struck from modem dies.
49· A. pl. cvi, 18 (Paris, A 3445, 17.73 gr.)- as with MA, cf. no. 172/2- altered in modem
times.
so. The triens of C. Saxula (cf. no. 173/3) described by Bf. i, 86 is perhaps altered.
51. For a false uncia of A. Caecilius (cf. no. 174) see Bf. i, 56; ii, 17.
·
52. The as with 1.-· � (Bf. i, 10; ii, 4; C. Serafini,BCAR 1898, 7) is a piece crudely altered
in modem times; not only is the style of the coin quite different from that of the issue to which
it is supposed to belong (no. 176), but it is even possible to see that the part of the coin where
the name stands has been hollowed out in order to leave the letters of the name standing up.
53· For false bronze of Murena (cf. no. 186) see Bf.iii, 66.
54· The supposed as of C. Blasio is an altered as of P. Blasio (Bf. ii, 37).
55. The supposed quadrans with A I (Paris, A 3012, 6.66 gr.) is an altered quadrans with
A; it is 'from the same reverse die as A 3008 and A 3011.
549
Appendix
56. There are an as and a semis of L. Saufeius in Paris (A 15039, 15049) with altered legends.
51· The denarius of Flaus (cf. no. ZO']) described by Bf. i, 103 is perhaps altered or misread
- it has Victory instead of Luna in biga.
58. Fallani- denarius of L. Itius with Jupiter in quadriga instead of Dioscuri- altered in
modem times.
59· As with Ll BO- both examples false (a) Rome, Capitol 2103 (Bf. i, 178)- altered in
modem times; (b) Paris, A uzz7, 16.57 gr.- altered in modem times.
Paris, A uz13- quadrans as no. z15/5, but with Q � C instead
· of Q· M RC- altered
from quadrans of M. Vargunteius.
6o. The uncia of L. Sempronius Pitio described by Bf. iii, 93 is an altered sextans (Hannover
1666).
61. Martini 566 - semis with C · CV P- altered in modern times.
Sydenham 498- quadrans with C · CV>- altered from quadrans of C. Aburius Geminus.
6z. B. Aufidia z (Paris, A 4952, cf. Bf. iii, 23)- semis of M. Auf(idius)- false.
63. The as with T R I 0 (Bf. i, 173) now in the Capitol is clearly an altered piece; the part of the
coin where the name stands bas been hollowed out in order to leave the letters of the name
standing up.
64. Copenhagen- denarius as no. Z38/1, but with L ·'lt S instead of L · AE S - altered in
modem times.
65. Paris, A 9030- denarius of C. Curiatius f. Trigeminus without mark of value- false.
66. The supposed as of C. Augurinus (cf. no. 242) is false (Bf. ii, 110).
67. There is a triens of Ti. Minucius C.f. Augurinus, Rome, Capitol zz14, with the lituus
removed in modem times.
68. The.re is a quadrans of M. Marcius Mn.f. in Paris with M·M RC instead of regular
legend- altered in modem times.
69. Quadrantes of C. Numitorius as no. 246/4b, but wit}�. altered legends, exist, for instance
Vatican 6841 and Hannover 2795; there are also altered trientes with the same legend, for
instance in Berlin (not a quadrans, C()Titra Bf. i, 191), 6.53 gr., and in Oxford, 5·90 gr.
70. The two semisses of M. Aburius Ni( . . . ) described by Bf. i, z (cf. ill, 3) are both
altered from semisses of Ti. Minucius C.f. Augurinus (Paris, A 3791, 4·53 gr.; Berlin, 66ooJF).
Quadrans with GEM- all pieces altered (a) Copenhagen (Bf. i, 4); (b) Rome, Museo
Nazionale (Gnecchi) (Bf. i, 3; cf. M. Bahrfeldt, 'Rt>mische Inedita ', 154); (c) Paris, A 3784,
3.72 gr.; (d) Milan 576.
71. The quadrans with M. described by Bf. i, 57 with pl. ii, 50 is false.
Uncia of Q. Metellus- (a) Berlin, 4.03 gr.- false (Bf. i, 58); (b) Ravenna, 2.50 gr.- no
longer Gune 1971) to be found, to judge from Bahrfeldt's illustration (Bf. i, 58; ii, 16 and
23 with pl. i, 23) altered in modem times.
72. The as of Sex. lulius published by P. Lederer, SNR 1942, 9 is patently a piece altered
in modem times, now in Bern.
73· The triens with elephant's head published by M. Bahrfeldt, NZ 1881, pl. iii, 3 is false
(a similar specimen in BM).
14· Hannover 2181, 1.70 gr.- quadrans of C. Serveilius, as no. z64/4b, but mark of value
below prow and ethnic before prow- altered in modem times (cf. Bf. iii, 96, no. 3).
75· For false bronze of C. Metellus see Bf. iii, 27, (a).
76. For a quadrans of Q. Minucius Rufus with mark of value on obverse removed see Bf. ii, 6z.
77· For a false semis of M. Cipius (B. Cipia z) see Bf. iii, 39·
78. There is a denarius of P. Nerva (no. Z9Z/t) in Copenhagen with mark of value and legend
on obverse removed.
sso
Modern forgeries
79· For the supposed quadrans of Q. Lutatius Cerco see Bf. iii, 69.
So. The denarius ofM. Herennius described by Bf. ii, 46 is doubtless an altered piece.
St. Paris, A 11873, 4.58 gr.- bronze of L. Hostilius Tubulus, as no. 315/t, but with non
descript female head on obverse- altered in modern times.
82. The serrate denarius of L. Satuminus described by E. A. Sydenharn, NC 1935, 229 is
doubtless a piece serrated in modern times.
83. There is no genuine bronze of L. Satuminus, see Bf. iii, 20; cf. ii, 16.
84. The as of L. Iulius (cf. no. 323) belonging to Riccio is perhaps now Paris, A 10296,
24.37 gr.; the latter is altered from an as of C. Sulpicius, the former if not identical should also
be regarded as false (cf. H. A. Grueber, BMCRR i, 23o-tn.).
85. B. Sentia 2- false.
86. The sextanS of L. Pomponius in Paris with � on the reverse (Bf. i, 223) is an altered piece.
87. The semuncial semis published by A. Barilli, RIN 1944-47, 35 with g on the reverse is
palpably a piece altered in modem times.
88. The serrate denarius of L. Piso Frugi described byM. Bahrfeldt, Miinztechnik, p. to of
offprint (cf. H. Mattingly, NC 1924, 33; E. A. Sydenham, NC 1935, 229) is doubtless a piece
serrated in modem times.
Paris, A 7041- semis of L. Piso Frugi, as no. 340/5a, but with mark of value on reverse -
false.
89. Paris, A 8354- semis of Cn. Lentulus with moneyer's name on obverse (cf. no. 345/48)
altered in modem times.
90. A. pl. lxxvii, 4 (Paris, A 1863, 6.70 gr.)- as with comucopiae as reverse type- false;
pl. lxxvii, 9 - semuncia - equally suspicious, probably altered as to obverse type and reverse
legend.
91. The denarius of Q. Antonius Balbus without serration published by Hersh in Mi111s, dies
and currencies, no. 30 has patently lost its serration in modem times.
92. I have been sent a photograph by C. E. Rowe of Brandenburg, Kentucky of a denarius
of L. Pr�ilius f. (no. 379/t) with the letter F removed.
93· There is a denarius ofM. VolteiusM.f. in Paris (no. 385/3), with symbol star, serrated in
modern times.
94· For a false as of L. Furius Cn.f. Brocchus and another of aM. Furius L.f. see Bf. i, 125.
95· For a false aureus with the types of no. 433/2, Brutus/Ahala, see Bf. i, 163.
96. For a false sestenius of L. Hostilius Sasema (cf. no. 448) see Bf. iii, 53 (Piccione forgery).
97· The serrate denarius of Mn. Cordius Rufus described byM. Bahrfeldt, Bull. Mensuel de
Num. 1883-84, 133 (cf. id., Miinzttchnik, p. to of offprint; H.Mattingly, NC 1924, 33; E. A.
Sydenham, NC 1935, 229; the piece is Hannover 3202) is a piece serrated in modern times.
98. For altered pieces of the gold issue of A. Hirtius see M. Bahrfeldt, Goldmiinzenpriigung ,
p. 37·
99· For a false as of Eppius, struck for Caesar, see Bf. i, to8; H. Willers, Kupferpriigung, p.
91;M. Bahrfeldt, NZ 1909, 73·
too. Copenhagen- as of Sex. Pompeius, as no. 479/t, but with MAG on obverse- altered
in modem times.
101. There are denarii of Q. Nasidius struck from modem dies, for instance Haeberlin 2896.
102. For a false sestertius of C. Antonius see Bf. iii, 20 (Piccione forgery).
103. For false aurei ofM. Antonius with the types of no. 488/t see Bf. iii, 14;M. Bahrfeldt,
Goldmiinzmpriigung, p. 46.
104. Copenhagen, Thorvaldsen Museum - aureus of Octavian, as no. 490/2, but with prae
nomen on obverse missing- false (M. Bahrfeldt, Goldmiinzmpriigung, p. 46).
551
Appendix
105. There is a false aureus of P. Oodius M.f. struck forM. Lepidus (Bf. iii, 9; id., Goldmiin
zenpri:igrmg, p. 57; Piccione forgery).
For a false aureus of L. Livineius Regulus with the types of no. 494/25 see Bf. i, 144; there
is also a false aureus with the same types, but with cognomen on reverse missing.
For the supposed uncia of L. Mussidius (an altered or misread piece of L. Hostilius Tubulus)
see Bf. ii, 17, with earlier bibliography.
to6. B. Antonia 30- aureus with the types of no. 496/2-false (Bf. i, 25).
107. The aureus of Brutus with E ID·MAR is in my view false, pace H. A. Cahn, Congres
1953, 213; the formal reasons advanced by Cabn for accepting the piece are without weight
and the piece itself invites suspicion; there is a cast of the example published by Cahn in the
ANS, labelled 'Forgery, Athens'; another example is listed in D. Christianus, Catalogus
Numismatum Amiquorum (Copenhagen, n.d.) p. 4, no. to, in the company of seven other
Republican gold coins, all false (information from T. V. Buttrey), yet another is rightly in the
BM forgery trays.
to8. For forgeries of coins of Q. Comuficius see H. A. Grueber, BMCRR ii, 578n. (wrongly
citing RIN 1900, 154, for which see no. 302* below).
109. For an invented gold piece of Sex. Pompeius see M. Babrfeldt, Goldmiinzenpriigung, p.
82; for a simple forgery of no. 511/1 see p. St.
110. J.-B. Giard, BSFN 1<)62, 121- quinarius of M. Arrius Secundus with Head of Octavian
r.fPhalerae; around, M ·ARR IVS ·SEC, Paris, AF, 1.32 gr.- hideous modern forgery.
111. See commentary on no. 517/4b.
112. For a false aureus with the types of no. 518/t, struck by Balbus for Octavian, see M.
Babrfeldt, Goldmiinzmpriigung, p. 63.
113. G. Cornaggia, RIN 1924, 36- aureus of Cn. Domitius Abenobarbus, struck for M.
Antonius, as no. 521/1, but with obverse legend M ·ANT· IMP ·Ill· VIR· R· PC- false.
114. For a false aureus of M. Antonius, modelled on no. 527/1 see M. Bahrfeldt, Goldmiin
zenpriigung, p. 85 (Piccione forgery).
115. For a false aureus of M. Antonius of the types of no. 533/3a see M. Bahrfeldt, Goldmiin
zenpriigung, p. 90·
116. For a false aureus of M. Antonius of the types of no. 541/2 see M. Bahrfeldt, Goldmiin
zenpriigung, p. 96, (c) (Piccione forgery).
117. Forgeries of Legionary denarii of M. Antonius fall into two groups, aberrant pieces with
low legendary numbers and invented pieces with legionary numbers over XXIII :
(a) There is a denarius of LEG I in Naples, altered in modem times (M. Bahrfeldt,
Consularmiinzm in ltalienischen Sammlungm, t8), another in BM, also altered.
(b) The silver denarius plated on iron of LEG VI in Oxford (NC 1843-44, 67-8; Tb.
Mommsen, RMw, 386 n. 63) is, I now think, a modem forgery, not an ancient one (contra
NC 1968, 56 n. s).
(c) The denarius of LEGIO XII ANTIQVA, Rome, Capitol 1071 (Bf. i, 41) seems very
suspicious to me.
(d) The denarius in Venice, Musco Correr, as no. 544/29, but with the letters X and Z
below the ship on the obverse and the letter X in the field on the reverse, is surely an altered piece.
(e) The denarius of LEG XliX, in Morell, is doubtful; the Madrid specimen is altered.
(f) Denarii of LEG XXIV -Prowe 379; Turin, Cat. 31-struckfrom the same pair of modem
dies.
(g) Denarii of LEG XXV - Berlin 311/1934; Morcom and Hands 1684; Seaby-Glendining
15/7/1929, 6o2- struck from the same pair of modern dies.
BMCRR East zzo; Haeberlin 3122; Hamburger xcvi, 547; Hess-Leu vii, 335; Prowe 380-
altered in modern times.
(h) Denarii of LEG XXX - Vatican 882; Tolstoi 303; Merzbacher 2/11/1909, 319 = Prowe
382 (all overstruck, see Bf. iii, 19, not realising that these unparalleled oventrikings do not
authenticate the coins, but condemn them) -struck from the same pair of modem dies.
Mis-read coins
Platt 130 = Hamburger xcvi, 548; BMCRR East 221; Berlin 233/1883; Haeberlin 3123;
Prowe 381 - altered in modem times.
(i) The Riccio �ureus with LEG XVIIII is false (M. Bahrfeldt, Goldmiinzenpragung, too).
118. There is a curious invented coin with the types, Wreathed head of Caesar r.; behind,
apex; before, lituus; behind, D IV0 S upwards; before, IV L IVS downwards/Head of
Octavian r.; behind, DIVI upwards; before, FILIVS downwards, known in the following
specimens - Copenhagen (bronze, concave on both sides); Oxford (silver); Bologna (silver,
concave on both sides, A. Alftildi, AJA 1959, 5 n. 46); Basel (gold, E. Boehringer, Caesar von
Acireale, pl. 9, 34).
Mis-read coins
A great deal of work in eliminating mis-read coins was done by Borghesi and Mommsen;
since this work was on the whole successful and since the coins disposed of by them have not
usually reappeared, I have not normally repeated what they had to say. Mis-read coins from
sale catalogues between 1879 and 1891 are discussed by M. Bahrfeldt in 'Romische Inedita',
from later catalogues in Nachtrage i-iii; of all these I list the more m
i portant below, together
with some more recent examples; but the ignorance of the compilers of sale catalogues is
likely to provide a fertile continuing source of error.
The work of R. Garrucci on Roman coins is erratic in what it includes and careless in des
cription and drawing (see the review of M. Bahrfeldt, Num. Literaturblatt 1887, 385); I have
made no attempt to list his numerous errors. The two articles of J. Neudek in NZ iv, 1872,
15 and ix, 1878, 120 are equally full of mistakes and impossibilities; no. 11 in the first article
is a sextans with branch, no. 3 in the second is a triens with Cf>.., no. 4 the same overstruck;
I should not like to hazard a guess at what nos. 7 and 12 in the first article and nos. 1-2 in the
second article are.
119. Certain reported variants of no. 17 do not exist; Sambon 1145 is taken over by Bahrfeldt
as Monete con leggent!a corretta, C, c, but is misread and is in fact a specimen of no. 17/tg;
the supposed legend ROMAMO reported for no. 17/ta does not so far as I know occur
- the legend on the specimen in Glasgow cited by Bahrfeldt is quite regular; and SNG (Cop.)
i, no. 197 reads ROMAA[NO].
120. The mark of value XII on a 'Janus'/Mercury as in the Cahn sale 30/5/1932, no. 462 is
the result of corrosion followed by modem touching-up.
121. The triens and uncia of the Apollo/Apollo series reported by Haeberlin as being without
mark of value in fact have the marks of value vestigially present (see his pis. 36, 1 and 21).
122. The supposed K on the London specimen of no. 23/1 is the result of corrosion.
123. The supposed exergue on certain specimens of no. 24/4 is the result of a damaged mould
being repaired (Haeberlin, pl. 25, 1-3), cf. p. 693.
124. The supposed radiate crown on one specimen of no. 26/5 is the result of an unimportant
casting mistake (Haeberlin, pl. 33, t).
125. Supposed half-quadrigati with quadriga r. are in fact much reduced and debased
quadrigati (as A. pl. xlvi, 3; BMCRR Romano-Campanian 150, wrongly described in first
edition).
126. BMCRR Rome (Aes grave) 31, of anomalous types for a libra! Prow semis, is a semilibral
semis.
E. A. Sydenham, Aes grave, p. 92, no. 13 cites a libral Prow triens from his own collection
with a head of Mars on the obverse ( = CRR, no. Sob); no such coin appears in the 1928 sale
catalogue, where, however, there is a triens with a slightly odd, masculine looking Minerva,
who is nonetheless still Minerva (no. 16).
There i s no way of verifying the supposed libral Prow quadrans in Kiev with a head of
Hercules r. on the obverse, since (I was told in Moscow) the collection was destroyed in the
war.
553
Appendix
11.7. BMCRR Rome (Appendix) 3, wrongly described in the first edition and taken over by
Haeberlin, p. 125, no. 183, is correctly described in the second edition as a perfectly normal
semis with Head of Saturn 1./Prow 1.
The supposed semilibral quadrans with Prow r. illustrated by Ailly (pl. xxx, 6 = Haeberlin,
pl. 45, 4) is in fact a very worn libral quadrans trimmed round the edge.
u.S. Ailly reports in Paris a heavy specimen of the first issue of collateral quadrantes with
com-ear (no. 4Z/2), weighing 25.18 gr., Bonazzi another in the Capitol, weighing 23.95 gr.;
in both cases the weights are mistakes, for 15.80 gr. in the first case, for 13.92 gr. in the
second case. The only certain example known to me of a heavy specimen of the issue in
question is the piece in Turin which was overstruck to form the unique example of no. 82/1
(see Table xvm, 71).
11.9. The account of nos. 43 and 97 in Corolla Numismatica, 119, by H. A. Grueber, is very
inaccurate.
130. For the supposed existence of early, anonymous half-victoriati seeM. Bahrfeldt, Blatter
filr Miinzfreunde 192o-23, 365-6.
131. G. Riccio, Repertorio, p. 18, second coin, reports a specimen of no. 97/5c, on which the
mint-mark was presumably off the fian, as if it was an anonymous quadrans.
A semis is reported from theMuseo del Palacio de Perelada, Gerona, no. 216, with the mark
of value before the head on the obverse; it is presumably a semis of L. Pomponius or C.Malleo
lus, where this feature occurs frequently.
A. pl. cxii, 1 (Paris, A 923, 34.34 gr.) shows an anonymous as with the mark of value below
the head on the obverse; this feature is the relic of an overstrike (Table XVIII, 27). A. pl. lxvi,
cf. ii, p. 11.7 seems to me, pace Ailly, frankly incredible.
B. i, pp. 31-2, no. 49 is a tessera and not a coin at all.
132. For symbols which have been wrongly supposed to exist on early denarii, victoriati, etc.,
see A. ii, 6o1, also 295 n. 1, 4ZO (where the flower reported fromMorell is clearly a gryphon)
and 466; the victoriatus with medius mentioned by B. Borghesi, CEuvres ii, 290 must be
misread. Of the symbols which Ailly describes himself, the supposed 'palmier' is a star, the
supposed 'panache' is a feather; the sextans with 'mille-pieds' is an unofficial copy of a sextans
with corn-ear and 10 (see no. 310* below), the as with rhinoceros is an as with bull (a rhinoceros
was first seen in Rome in 29, Dio li, 22, 5 - testimony not weakened by Pliny, NH viii, 64 and 96).
The victoriati with scorpion, reaping-hook and hammer reported from the Caltrano Vicentino
hoard are pieces with helmet, Q and [t..]IT respectively.
Supposed asses with horse (as BMCRR Rome 531; K. Samwer and M. Bahrfeldt, NZ
1883, pl. 4, 17) are pieces with ass.
The supposed quadrans with two goats (ibid., pl. 4, 14 = Hannover 2792, 2.32 gr.) is a
(somewhat altered) piece of P. Nerva.
The supposed triens with two trapezes in Turin, F 598, 9.08 gr., is an anonymous triens
(seeM. Bahrfeldt, Consularmiinzen, 12).
I should not like to speculate about the true identity of the as with elephant reported from
Aufidena (Monumenti antichi x, 623).
Letters have been misread also on early denarii, etc. - k on quinarii , A. pl. lxxxixv ii from
Morell (in fact no. 101j2) and on trientes, A. pl. lxxxixvi i = Paris, A 2986, 11.36 gr. (in fact
anonymous; the monogram is the relic of an overstrike), AC on quadrantes and� on unciae
(for both seeM. Bahrfeldt, 'Romische Inedita ', 154 and 159), M on denarii (A. pl. cvi, 13 is
a denarius with M ; Turin, F 632a is a denarius with "M above the Dioscuri, cf.M. Bahrfeldt,
Consularmiinzen, 13), quinarii (A. pl. cvi, 14 is a quinarius with M ) and quadrantes (see no.
310* below), S on denarii and quinarii (A. pl. ex, 1-2 from Morell), finally \E on victoriati,
Caltrano Vicentino hoard (in fact with Vl).
133. Ailly reports a sextans with apex (pl. lxx, 2 ) - not now traceable, but presumably misread.
134. Pieces with crescent before the Prow (cf. no. 57) are misread (as Turin, F 499, triens,
7·44 gr., where the symbol is the relic of an overstrike; BMCRR Rome 343, sextans, 4·54 gr.,
where the symbol is the letter C, see Corrigenda to second edition).
554
Mis-read coins
135. The semis with C above the Prow reponed from the Citta Sant'Angelo hoard is in
fact a semis with mark of value and staff above the Prow.
136. I know of no quadrans, uncia or semuncia with com-ear and 10 (Paris, A 2211 is an
uncenain, late second-century quadrans, 1.96 gr.; GRR, no. 31oe,Haines (notinBinningham),
and GRR, no. 310f, Paris, A 2212 (1.13 gr.) and A 9929 (B. Furia 12, 2.12 gr.), are not
Roman).
The supposed sextans of this issue with a vertical com-ear, Paris, A 2193, is misread; the
vertical com-ear is the relic of an overstrike, traces of the horizontal com-ear are visible.
137. Victoriati with C/M, reponed from the Caltrano Vicentino hoard and accepted by R.
Thomsen, ERG ii, 335 and 340, are misread pieces with C/M.
138. I do not believe in the existence of the as of C.Var(o) recorded by B. Borghesi, OJuvres
i, 200.
139. The supposed victoriatus with � (A. pl. cxiii, 12 = Paris, A 36o8, 2.03 gr.) is a
victoriatus with M.
The semis with � above the Prow reported from the Cina Sant'Angelo hoard is in fact
a semis with shield and M above the Prow.
140. I do not believe in the existence of the semis with simple Q recorded by Riccio (cf. no.
86B/2), or in that of the quadrans and sextans with anchor and Q recorded by Babelon (cf.
no. 37* above).
141. The quadrans with the club before the Prow and the uncia with a club above the Prow
cited by Ailly, pl. lxxxix, 13 and 16 are misread; the former is a piece with spearhead, the
second a piece with com-ear.
142. The denarius and as with M recorded by Ailly ii, 719 and 721, the former from Borghesi,
are certainly misread, paceR. Thomsen, ERG ii, 351; the asses published by Ailly are poorly
preserved pieces of L. Sempronius Pitio.
143. Numerous pieces with t.. have been misreported; A. pl. civ, 15 = Paris, A 3387 has a
perfectly normal mark of value above the Prow, the bottom has simply been removed by
damage to the coin; I know of no specimen of an as similar to that illustrated by Ailly,
pl. ciii, 15 (see his text for earlier bibliography) and suspect his weight to be wrong- if the coin
did exist, it would belong to my Group 3; there is no t.. behind the head of Saturn on no.
97/10- one is wrongly reported by Riccio, Monete di Luceria, Tav. iii, cl. iv, no. 2; semisses
of the weight of no. 97/1o and the types of no. 97/17, A. ii, p. 671 from Mommsen, are not
described by Mommsen and doubtless have the types as well as the weight of no. 97/10;
Riccio, Monete di Luceria, cl. vi, no. 2 mistakes a piece of hair for a mark of value on his speci
men of no. 97/24; cl. v, no. 2 imagines a mint-mark on the reverse of his specimen of no. 97/17.
144. Hersh, in Mints, dies and cu"encies, no. 4, is wrong to assert that the letters T and S
are sometimes missing from the half-victoriatus no. 98/2; the Lawrence piece in the BM and
the piece in the Brunacci collection, no. A.1o, are die-duplicates of Hague 270, where the S
is clearly visible- on the two pieces in question it is simply off the flan; the piece in the Sig
norelli collection, no. A.to, without Tor S, is a piece altered in modem times.
The uncia illustrated by Ailly, pl. cvi, to. from Riccio is clearly misread.
145. There does not seem to be an as with r, with vertical mark of value on the obverse, as
illustrated by Ailly, pl. cix, 1; and there is a discrepancy between ii, p. 790 and pl. cxiii, 9
over the description of the semis with r, a discrepancy resolved by the fact that on the piece
in question the mark of value on the obverse is not missing, but worn away.
M. Bahrfeldt, Blatter fur Mimzfreunde 193o-33, 679 is in error in saying that the mark of
value on the semuncia is S- it is �.
146. Ailly's treatment of the issue with C f>... contains some mistakes; his pl. ci, 3 ( = Vatican
6258) has a normal horizontal mark of value on the obverse, not a vertical one; and his pl. ci, 4,
intended to illustrate his '3me variete', in fact simply illustrates his 'ue variete' once more
-the piece listed under the 'ue variete' weighing 19.51 gr. in fact belongs to the '3me
variete'.
sss
147. The victoriatus supposedly with M between Victory and trophy (K. Samwer and M.
NZ 1883, pl. 4, 11) is a victoriatus with a blundered version of M.
Bahrfeldt,
148. The sextans described by Ailly, ii, p. 445 as having a symbol, a staff, on the obverse
only is the same as the sextans illustrated on pl. bcccv, 6 with a symbol, a staff, on the reverse ·
and obverse.
149. The sextans supposedly with a star before the Prow, BMCRR Rome 469, is a piece with
M overstruck on a Sardo-Punic coin (see Corrigenda to second edition and my Table xvm,
49, i; cf. M. Bahrfeldt, 'Romische Inedita', 153); the sextans supposedly with a star below the
Prow, A. pl. lxxi, 15 = Paxis, A 1646, is a similar piece, though with AR or M (see my Table
xvm, 53, b).
150. I do not believe in the existence of a victoriatus with trident (A. pl. lxxx,xv 9 from
Morell).
151. The denarius with recumbent bull (A. pl. lxxxxiv, 17 from Morell) is clearly mis-read.
The as with standing bull r. (A. pl. lxxx:xiv , 11 = Paris, A 2816) is an as with ass (for an as
with bull charging l. see no. 116/2).
152. The supposed uncia with rudder (CRR, no. 262, now in BM) is an uncia with com-
ear.
153. The supposed semis with a helmet before the Prow (A. pl. hxiv, to = Paris, A 1767b11)
is an anonymous semis displaying traces of an uncertain undertype.
154. The supposed semis with a thunderbolt above the Prow (A. pl. lx:xxiv, 1 = Paris,
A 2275) is in fact an uncertain, late second-century semis.
155. The denarius with dog 1. (A. pl. hxiv, 16 from Morell) is a denarius with bull I.
The as with dog leaping r. (A. pl. bcxv, 12 from Recupero) is doubtless misread .
156. The semis with male head r. (A. pl. llccaviib1•, 9 = Paris, A 2823) is in fact an un
certain, late second-century semis.
157· The quinarius with M cited by Babelon is a quinarius with M.
For the supposed light-weight quadrans with M see Bf. iii, 26.
158. The caduceus over the shoulder of Mercury on Babelon's drawing of the sextans with
N is invented.
159. Asses and semisses reported as with TO and bird are in fact pieces with T and bird
holding wreath (no. 141/2a and 3a); Riccio's semis with TOO, Monett delle famiglie, 224-5,
is presumably misread.
t6o. For an alleged semis with N< see Bf. i, 53.
161. For correction of various errors in the description of no. 149/t in older writers see Bf.
i, 175; ii, 6o and iii, 71.
162. I do not know of a triens with �; B. Furia to, cited from Cohen, presumably results
from confusion with the triens with r\R; the piece reportedly seen in Paris by K. Samwer
(see Bahrfeldt on this issue) is a quadrans (the semis seen by him is a semis with P\R).
For B.. Furia 12 = Paris, A 9929 see on no. 136* above.
163. Ailly's semis with prawn is in fact a semis with knife.
164. Babelon's triens and quadrans with p:._, above the Prow are pieces with A above the
Prow.
165. For Ailly's 2 me variete' of as with fly see no. 114/2 var.
'
Ailly's quadrans with M above the Prow, pl. cvii, 5 = Paris, AF, 4.80 gr., is an uncertain,
late second-century quadrans.
t68. I can find no piece in Pari.s to correspond with Babelon's illustration of the semis with B.
169. For correction of Babelon's errors in the description of no. 178/1 and 4 see Bf. i, 90·
ss6
Mis-read coins
170. The only sextans of Bal(bus) in Paris shows the caduceus over the shoulder of Mercury;
Babelon's drawing must therefore result from simple error.
171. For correction of Babelon's errors in the description of no. 186/1-4 see Bf. i, 166; iii, 66.
An uncia of Murena appeared without explanation in the French version of Mommsen,
RMw - it should not be credited.
172. An as now in the Capitol (Bf. ii, 78) displays apparently a retrograde version of the
legend on no. 185/1; I suspect it to be the relic of an overstrike.
173. For correction of Babelon's errors in the description of pieces of nos. 188 and 190 see
Bf. iii, 78 and i, 192.
174. A quadrans with A before the Prow reported from the Ctta
i Sant'Angelo hoard is in fact
a quadrans with Jrv.
175. There is no evidence for the existence of an uncia with NAT, see Bf. iii, 82.
176. The illustration of the sextans of L. Saufeius in Bf. i, 234 is inaccurate- there is no
caduceus over the shoulder of Mercury.
177. For supposed bronze pieces of Safra without dolphin see Bf. iii, 9·
178. For a mis-read as of Q. Marcius Libo see Bf. iii, 75·
179. For a mis-read semis of L. Sempronius Pitio see Bf. i, 236; supposed bronze pieces
without legend on the obverse are likewise mis-read.
180. A substantial number of supposed semisses of a C. Cup(iennius) have been published
at one time or another; they are without exception semisses of C. Curiatius f. Trigeminus -
Turin, F 2225; Borghesi 487 Rome, Capitol 1147; G. Riccio, Catalogo, Tav. vi, 14;
=
Copenhagen, Ramus no. 8; Morell, publishing Paris, AF, 7.23 gr., whence J. Eckhel, DNV
v, 199·
For a supposed quadrans of a P. Cupiennius in Copenhagen see Bf. i, 101.
181. Babelon's descriptions of the triens and quadrans of C. Antestius are based on mis-read
pieces with parts of the types off the flan.
For a supposed variant of the quadrans in Copenhagen see Bf. i, 19.
182. The denarius of C. Curiatius Trigeminus, no. 223/t, in the Ricina hoard with TRIG
on the obverse is presumably mis-read.
Supposed semisses, etc. of C. Curiatius Trigeminus, as BMCRR Rome 894, are without
exception semisses of C. Curiatius f. Trigeminus.
183. For supposed trientes and quadrantes of C. Titinius see Bf. iii, 99.
184. The as and semisses supposed.ly of M. Aufidius Rusticus in Paris are in fact of L.
Saufeius (A 4949-51), the quadrans in fact of P. Maenius Antiaticus (A 4953).
For a supposed triens of M. Aufidius Rusticus see Bf. i, 50 (c) and iii, 23, for a supposed
quadrans, in fact of Paestum, see i, 50 (b) and ii, 20; for some pieces doubtless invented by
Riccio see i, 51 (d). See also no. 62* above.
185. For various errors in descriptions of the issue of M. Aurelius Cota, no. 229/t, see Bf. i,
52 and iii, 25. The supposed quadrans of M. Aurelius Cota, Martini 342, is too badly pre
served for the legend to be read.
186. I should not like to speculate on how Riccio managed to dream up the description of a
quadrans of C. Renius which he gives in Catalogo, Sec. Supp. 9·
187. I know of no specimen of the triens of Cn. Gelius, no. 232/3, with CN · GELLI, cf.
Bf. i, 127.
188. There is no evidence for any legend on quadrantes of Ti. Veturius other than those
described. The six known specimens of no. 234/2a are struck from two reverse dies; the speci
men in Copenhagen reads T I · Yt V with traces of another letter and since it is struck from
the same reverse die as Hannover 2207 the letter in question must be R; Vatican 7070 and
Paris, A 16183-5 are struck from a second reverse die and all specimens read Tl· Yl:V
with traces of another letter which is surely R. Five specimens of no. 234/2b (not including
557
Appendix
Hannover 2208) are described by Bahrfeldt as reading T I · 'IE · B. But of these Rome, Capitol
2923 (perhaps the Borghesi specimen cited by Capranesi - somewhat altered by cleaning in
modem times),Paris,A 16182 and Berlin, von Rauch all read T I· 'IE with traces of another
letter which could be B or R; since all are struck from the same reverse die as Hannover 2208
the letter must be R. There remain the piece in Gotha, the piece published by F. Capranesi,
Annali 1839, 280 from his own collection and two other pieces published by G. Minervini,
Bullettirw 1841,27 and G. de Minicis, Numismatica ascolana, 11-16 and So; since Bahrfeldt's
description of the pieces in Rome, Paris and Berlin is wrong, his description of the piece in
Gotha should be rejected; since all pieces of Capranesi which can be identified are now in
Paris, his quadrans of Ti. Veturius should be regarded as identical with Paris, A 16182 and
his reading of it as mistaken. No reliance can be placed on the descriptions of Minervini and
de Minicis. Rome, Capitol 2924 is a further piece, struck from a fourth reverse die, but with
indistinguishable legend.
The discussion of F. Mtinzer, RA, 132 stands in need of modification in view of the elimi
nation of the legend Ti. Vetu(rius) B( . .. ).
189. No. 238/3f, a quadrans of L. Antestius Gragulus, is mis-drawn by Babelon and mis
described by Grueber and Bahrfeldt. Sextans and uncia do not exist (Bf. i,20).
197. The bronze of C. Metellus (no. 269/2-4) is as described; for the semis see the last thoughts
of Bahrfeldt, iii, 27 (with a minor error in his description of the Capitol piece); as for the
quadrans, I know of no example with the legend C · M. "E L described by Barhfeldt, iii,
27.
For bronze with C M."E
· above the Prow see no. 256/2b and 4b.
198. Despite Bf. iii, 4, I know of no quadrantes of Mn. Acilius with tvV ·A C I L I.
199. For an allegerl denarius of Q. Fabius Labeo without rostrum see Bf. i, 109, also for mis
descriptions of his bronze.
200. For a mis-read denarius of Q. Minucius Rufus see Bf. i,187.
201. The supposed quadrans of C. Rufus is disposed of in B. ii,p. 227 n.3.
202. There is no denarius of Q. Metellus, M. Calidius, Cn. Foulvius (cf. no. 284), Bf. i, 61,
65 and 119.
203. For a mis-read denarius of Q. Curtius,M. Silanus see Bf. iii, 44, for a mis-read semis,
M. Bahrfeldt,'Romische Inedita •, 156.
204. For an alleged variant of the quadrans of P. Nerva see Bf. i, 167.
205. For a non-existent uncia of L. Philippus see Bf. i, 179·
206. B. Lutatia 3 is the same as B. Lutatia 2 with the moneyer's cognomen off the flan.
558
Mis-read coins
209. The supposed denarius of Piso and Caepio without Q (S. 6o3b) is simply a piece with
the letter off the flan.
2to. For correction of errors in Babelon's description of the issue of L. Pomponius Molo
see Bf. ii, 70; Barhfeldt is, however, wrong to deny the occurer nce of a retrograde mark of
value on the semis.
211. The supposed shield on a denarius of C. Malleolus (Bf. iii, 85) is no more than a care
559
229. The legend RV F reported for no. 463{sa by Babelon, Cor<m 7, is not present on any
piece in Paris; the London and Turin pieces reported as belonging to this issue and as having
the legend RVFVS by Bf. ii, 36 in fact belong to no. 463/sb and no. 463/6a respectively.
230. I doubt Bahrfeldt's report (i, 171) of the legend on a denarius of no. 473{1 in the Haeberlin
collection; compare the sale catalogue, nos. 2736-9. For the legend of the quinarius see Bf.,
ibid.
231. The aberrant pieces of L. Valerius Acisculus reported by C. Cavedoni, Bul/ettino 1845,
191 from the Borghesi collection are presumably simply lacking the star by the head of Apollo
because of poor preservation.
232. For non-existent issues mistakenly attributed to no. 477 see T. V. Buttrey, NC 196o,
too (for his own Type 6- plated- see no. 293* below).
233. The legend on no. 485{2 is wrongly given by Babelon as L ·FLAMIN I CHI L 0.
234. The supposed denarius with the types of no. 490{2 does not exist (H. A. Grueber,
BMCRR ii, 405n.).
235. For a non-existent denarius of P. Oodius (B. Claudia 22 = Iulia 79 = S. 1125) see
Bf. i, 145·
236. The description of no. 494{39&, first variety, given at BMCRR Rome 4240 is wrong
(for 1. read r.), but is taken over for S. 1Q96b.
M. Bahrfeldt, Goldmiinzenprligung, pl. v, 18 combines the obverse and reverse of two
different coins; in fact the Hague contains one specimen of his no. 34 and one of his no. 35a;
his no. 35b does not exist.
237. No. 496/2, but without the lituus (B. Antonia 28) or with a carnyx instead of a lituus
(Bf. ii, 9) are equally fictionaL
238. A supposed quadrans of Murcus (Bf. i, 243) is in fact a quadrans of M. Vargunteius.
239· S. 1346a does not exist, see already Bahrfeldt, GoldmilnzenprQglmg, p. 81.
240. H. Rolland, Courrier numismatique 1933, 33 describes a denarius of C. Numonius Vaala
with the types of the aureus; I do not believe in the existence of the type •
tainly to some extent mis-reported and may be completely so (cf. Bf. i, 30).
242· B. lulia 69 = Antonia 42 var. (cf. no. 529{4b) does not exist.
Plated coins1
I have argued in NC 1968, SS-9 that all Roman Republican plated coins are unofficial for
geries ;1 my reasons for doing so still seem to me to be valid and may indeed be further re
inforced; I therefore re-state them here with certain modifications.1
1 For the technique of plated coins see A. Barb, NZ 1930, 3; B. Darmstaed ter, Mitt. Bayer. Num. Ges.
1929, 27 .. NCirc 1931, S4; 0. Dahl, Mttall-WirtscM/t 1931, 6S9 = Berli'lltr MOnzb/4tter 1931,
329 (all arguing that plated coim were made by covering a base metal core with silver sheet); W.
Campbell, Gruk andRoman plated coins (accepting this for some pieces, but arguing that other pieces
were made by dipping a base metal core in molten silver); B. Bemareggi, RIN 196s, s; B. Kalsch and
U. Zwicker, Microchimica acta (Wien) Supp. iii, 1968, 210 (all finding evidence only for the fint
method); M. Picon and J. Guey, BSFN 1968, 318 (arguing for the second method). The remarks of
A. Barilli, RIN 1942, 44-6 are DOt based on experimental evidence.
The base metal core seema always to be a copper compound (for a supposed ancient piece with
iron core see DO. 117* above).
M. Bahrfddt observes that the weight of the silver coating of a plated piece is normally about 1(9
i
of the total weight, also that some plated p eces are brockqes ('Antike Monztechnilt•, pp. 14 and 9
of offprint).
1 I am prepared to countenance the possibility that the authon of military issues, themselves illegal
(see p. 6o4), may have included plated pieces in these iuuea; but I do not think it likely.
1 I wish what I say here to be taken u superseding my remarb in NC 1968, SS-9; for the edict of
M. M.arius Gratidianus, which bu nothing to do with plated coins, see p. 620.
Plated coins
(t) A large number of plated coins are self-evidently unofficial forgeries; the list which
follows these notes provides ample proof.
(2) Forgery of coins was illegal at Rome,1 so was the mere possession of a forged coin;1
rejection of forged coins was specifically permitted;' th.ere was a profession one of whose
major functions was the testing of coins to see if they were genuine or plated.' The effectiveness
of these nummu/arii may be seen from the fact that while excavated sites are littered with plated
pieces, presumably thrown away as too hot to handle, hoards almost never contain plated
pieces.•
(3) No serious historian of the Republic will countenance the degree of idiocy, not to say
schizophrenia, which it is necessary to attribute to the Roman state if one is to believe that it
manufactured plated coins and yet allowed, even encouraged, their weeding out and their
rejection.•
The only thing which may be held to commend the belief that some plated coins are official
mint products is the occurrence of plated and silver coins apparently from the same dies.'
I say apparently from the same dies, because it seems to me certain that in many cases the
die-link is not really there. But even if cases could be proved, the considerations advanced
above would suffice to make it certain that when the die in question was being used for the
plated piece it was being used unofficially.
To substantiate my belief that some die-links between plated and silver pieces were only
apparent, I drew attention to two coins in Hannover, one silver and one plated, which at first
sight come from the same dies, but which display evidence of different and incompatible die
breaks.• The only likely explanation of the phenomenon is that the dies used for the plated
piece were mechanically copied from a pure silver piece, which had been struck from the same
dies as the pure silver piece illustrated here before the appearance of some die-breaks. These
derivative dies then acquired in use die-breaks of their own.
In order to make the derivative dies, each side of a coin was presumably pressed directly
1 Paul., Smt. v, 25, t (FIRA ii, p. 410); D. xlvili, to, 8 and 9 (Ulpian); Cicero, in Verr.• i, to8 (note
particularly the strong disapproval of forgery expressed by Cicero, an ex-Quaestor).
1 D. xlviii, to, 9 (Ulpian); CTh ill:, 22.
1 Paul., Smt. v, 25, t; CJ xi, 11, t; NMJ. Valmt. 16. The law in question is invoked in, for instance,
CIL iv, 3340, cliv (A.D. 6t) and P. Oxy. 1411 (A.D. 26o). Rejection of forged coins is mentioned by
Cicero, de off. iii, 91; Persius, Sat. v, 105.
• R. Herzog, RB xvii, 1415; see also Plautus, Persa 437; Cicero, in Verr.• iii, t8t; especially Petronius,
Satyricon 56, for a nummulariw, qui per argmtum tUs tJidet, who sees the base metal core through the
silver.
• Compare, for instance, the Cosa hoard of 2,00 4 denarii of pure silver (M. H. Crawford, Coin hoards,
no. 164) and the site-finds from Cosa with to plated coins against 11 pure silver coins. The regular
oocurrence of plated coins in large quantities on sites within the Roman Empire and their relative
infrequence outsid e the Empire make it clear that whoever produced them intended them to be used
within Roman territory.
There are, of course, hoards consisting largely or entirely of plated pieces; they are to be regarded
as forgers' stocks (for some examples ace Coin hoards, nos. 65, t64, 27t and 482; NC t940, 185;
MusN t966 , 71).
• Note the nummularius employed by the Roman community of Cereatae, CIL x, 5689.
' Note, for instance, in addition to the pieces discussed below, BMCRR Rome 3754 and 38t5 (C. Piso
Frugi); Paris, A 9766 and AF (Mn. Fonteius, with P P on obverse, M on reverse); cf. T. Hackens,
RBN t962, 3t for the issues of M. Volteius and Petilliu s Capitolinus.
1 Hannover2431 (silver-s.g. is t0.57) and 2432 (plated); the dies which struck the plated piece produced
a somewhat less sharp outline 8nd were also somewhat smaller; with this latter feature compare the
difference in size between the two Imperial dies, one mechanically derived from the other, mentioned
in BSFN 196o, 44t.
A. for the incompatible die-breaks, the silver piece shows on the obverse one break at the back of
the head opposite the V, another between th e falling hair and the upper loop of the laurel-wreath,
another towards the front of the neck truncation; none of these breaks i s seen on the plated piece,
which has, however, on the obverse a break between the falling hair and the upper loop of the laurel
wreath which is different from the break on the silver piece. The p.lated piece also has a break between
the back of the neck and the lower loop of the laurel-wreath, which is not present on the silver piece
(ace Pl. LXV, 1-silver; 2-plated. The die-breaks are misrepresented by M. R. Curry, NCirc t973,
233. n. 56.
Appendix
into the heat-softened face of a die-to-be. That some such procedure is possible and that good
quality results are possible is now proved by the discovery of a group of dies for striking
Republican coins at Tilisca in Romania.1 One of these dies seems at first sight the die which
struck a denarius in the Maccarese hoard;' but it cannot have done so because the relief on
the latter piece is higher than would have been produced by the die. The only plausible
explanation is that the Tilisca die was mechanically copied from a coin struck from the same
die as the Maccarese hoard coin, but considerably more worn. If this was possible in Dacia,
it was surely possible for a forger in Italy.'
I conclude that there is no numismatic evidence weighing against the inference to be drawn
from the factors mentioned at the beginning of these notes and that the view that the Roman
Republic struck plated coins is unsupported by any ancient evidence.'
The following list of plated coins is not intended to be in any way an exhaustive catalogue
of the aberrant legends and types which occur on plated pieces; but it should suffice to prove
that many of these are characterised by aberrant features which exclude the possibii
l ty o f
their being official mint products.6
243. Plated didrachm, as no. 13/1, but head of Mars r. and horse's head 1., Sambon 1088.
244· Plated denarius, as no. 8o/tb, but further horse's tail does not appear before nearer horse's
hind legs, Paris, A (number missing), 2.95 gr.; Munich.
245. Plated denarius with H (for quinarius see no. 85/t), BMCRR Italy 196, Vatican 386,
Paris, A 3118 (all from same pair of dies).
246. Plated denarius with AR (cf. no. 146/t), Haeberlin 409, Hannover 1198, Hannover 1199
= B. Aurelia 8 (all from same pair of dies).
1 N. Lupu,JNG 1967, 101; also mentioned in Dacia 1966, 405; SCIV 1966, 419; see Pl. LXV, 3.
1 Maccarese hoard 1082; see Pl. LXV, 4.
8 Ancient dies are listed by C. C. Vermeule, Ancimt dies and coining methods; add for the Republican
period the die discussed on p. 23, also a reverse die with xvnn for a denarius of C. Capito (Civilta ram.
in Rom. (Rome, 1970) 120) and a reverse die for a legionary denarius of M. Antonius (E. Pegan,
Congresso 1961, 435). The first I regard as an official die, the last two as forgers' dies. The reverse die
for a denarius of L. Scipio Asiagenus acquired by the BM in 1870 (accession number, 1870/2/41) is
not now to be found, but seems to be a modem forgery (E. A. Sydenham, NC 1935, 230).
It is clear on statistical grounds that the majority of dies surviving from antiquity must be forgers'
dies, whatever one may think of individual examples; the opposite view would commit one to the
belief that the mint was a good deal more careless over dies for precious metal coins than over dies
for base metal coins, since relatively very few examples of the latter are known.
6 The article of P. P. Serafin, AliN 1968, 9 is not a serious contribution to the subject; her acceptance
of Grueber's impossible chronology for the coinage of the early first century means that her calcula
tions of the relative frequency of plated coins of the issues of different periods is without evidential
value.
• Apart from the blundered coins listed here, see also the notes to Tables XJX, xx, XXI, XXIX, xxx, XXXI,
XXXIn, xxxv, XXXVI, I XXXVIII and XLII to xun where coins which are plated and which get the system of
control-marks of the issue in question wrong are listed.
I do not here list plated hybrids, the existence of which provides further support for the view that
plated coins are not official mint products; it is worth remarking, however, that hybrids are often
wrongly reported as being of pure silver, when they are in fact plated (for the only examples known
to me of hybrids of pure silver see pp. 272 and 279 and no. 391, cf. also Table xvm, t14).
For the sake of completeness I list those ancient forgeries which are known to me which are not
plated pieces, but pieces composed of a base alloy intended to resemble silver: A denarius of L.
Sempronius Pitio in the Cordova hoard and another in Paris. A denarius of M. Tullius 'di piombo'
in the Ossolaro hoard. A denarius of Sufenas in the BM, 3-97% silver; 1.30%gold; rest tin, antimony
and zinc. A denarius of A. Plautius, 70% tin; 28% antimony; 1 %zinc; 0.7% lead; traces of sulphur,
iron, nickel and copper (G. F. Carter, Chemistry November 1966, u = SCMB 1965, 58).
See also F. Gnecchi, RIN 1892, 165 for lead forgeries from Rome of Republican silver and Imperial
silver and bronze.
Needless to say, the commonness of different issues of plated coins by and large reflects the
commonness of the issues which they copy.
Plated coins
248. Plated denaqus, as no. 215/1, but Q· MRC, Hannover 1638,3.21 gr.
249. Plated denarius, as no. 224/1, but mark of value X, Paris,Rothschild.
250. Plated denarius, as no. 225/1,but ROMA instead of NOM, Hannover 1870, Hannover
1871.
251. Plated denarius,as no. 230/1,but Victory in biga and mark of value XVI, Capitol 2725;
plated denarius, as no. 230/t,but Victory in biga,Capitol 2724 (see Bf. i, 241).
252. Plated denarius, as no. 231/1, but Juno has bow, Hannover 1855, 3·94 gr.
Plated denarius,as no. 231/1, but C · RE N IV, Haeberlin 489 (cf. M. Bahrfeldt, 'Romische
Inedita', 158; Bf. i, 229).
253. Plated denarius, as no. 232/1, but C N · G E, Budapest, Copenhagen.
254. Plated denarius of Sex. Pompeius with aberrant types, Vienna 3344 (Bf. i, pl. ix,222).
Plated denarius, as no. 235/1,but SEX·r, Glasgow.
255. Plated denarius, as no. 236/1, but without Q F, Bf. i,54·
·
256. Presumably plated denarius, as no. 243/1, but without C· F, Bf. ii, 62.
258. For plated denarii of N. Fabius Pictor with aberrant combinations of control-marks see
M. H. Crawford, NC 1965, 153.
259. Plated denarius, as no. 282/3,but C MALLE· L · F, Glasgow.
·
Plated denarius, as no. 282/4, but without carnyx and with L · Ll C· C N · 0 M, Cast in
Berlin,Fallani (wrongly cited as a variant to the issue by myself in M. Thompson,The Agrinion
"Mard, 124 n. 27).
26o. There is a plated hybrid in Gotha of the obverse of M. Vargunteius and the reverse of
M. Sergius Silus (M. Bahrfeldt,ZJN 1877, 32); the coin is serrated and is wrongly cited as an
example of official serration in the mint by M. Bahrfeldt, 'MUn.ztechnik ', p. 10 of offprint;
CAL
267. Plated denarius of L. Cota with retrograde legend,Bf. ii, 22.
268. Plated denarius of L. Thorius Balbus without control-letter, B. Chaurand, BSFN
1965,467.
269. Plated denarius of C. Coilius Caldus with Victory in biga r. instead of I., Paris, AF
(control-mark, R above).
·
270. Plated denarius,as no. 320/1, but L ·IV L I· C F Ck SAR, Rio Marina hoard.
· ·
287. For plated denarii of Longinus with aberrant types see H. A. Grueber, BMCRR i,
494-sn., Bf. iii, 39·
288. For a plated denarius of M. Scaurus and P. Hypsaeus combining the obverse of 1a and
the reverse of 1b see Bf. i, 13 (the Haeberlin piece is no. 2336 of the sale catalogue
= Mabbott
4107; a further specimen is Paris, AF).
289. Plated denarius, as no. 424/1, but retrograde 111 and 2 throughout, Greau 210.
290. For the plated denarius, B. Hostilia 3, see Bf. i, 138; iii, 53·
Another plated denarius of L. Hostilius Saserna, as no. 448/3, but SASENA, Paris, AF .
296. Plated denarius combining obverse of no. 489/2 and reverse of no. 489/1, Haeberl.in
3oo6 (whence illustrations in Babelon and BMCRR).
564
Unofficial issues of bronze coins
297. For plated denarii of L. Mussidius Longus with aberrant legends see M. Bahrfeldt,
ZfN 1877, 49; Bf. i, 78; add Paris, AF, combining obverse of 398-b with reverse of 42-3,
L· MVSSIDIVC· LONGVC.
298. Presumably 'plated denarius, as no. 500/3, but LEI BE RATAS, Kunst und MUnzen
29/5/1969, 420.
299. Plated denarius, as no. 5o2/2, but Q·CAEriO·BRIVS·IRO·COS, M. Bahrfeldt,
Z/N 1877, 49·
300. Plated denarius, as no. 504/1, but C · FLAV · HEMC, Paris, AF.
301. Plated denarius, as no. 508/2, but I· riAET CEST, Paris, AF.
·
302. For plated denarii of Q. Comuficius with aberrant style see F. Gnecchi, RJN 1900, 154;
Bf. ii, uo; A. Alfoldi, Melanges Carccpino, pl. 7, 7-8 (wrongly disposed to treat the pieces as
official mint products).
303. Plated denarius, as no. 517/5a, but I� instead of IM, Paris, AF.
304. Plated denarius, as no. 522/2, but Ill · VR instead of Ill · VI R, Berlin.
305. For plated quinarii of Caesar with invented types see SM 1956, 7 (Vidy hoard).
phenomenon n the history of coinage in Europe and there is no need to discuss them here in
i
an Appendix devoted to coins which have at one time or another been wrongly thought to be
official issues of the Republic;1 little attention bas been paid, however, to unofficial copies of
bron2e issues. These seem for the most part to have been produced in Italy; most of them are
also fractions of the as, semisses and quadrantes, which suggests that they are not purely and
simply forgeries, but pieces designed to satisfy a need for small change not satisfied by official
issues. I hope in due course to prepare a comprehensive study of this important and neglected
episode of monetary history, since to treat it here would be impossible without going far
beyond the limits imposed by the pattern of the book as a whole; I propose simply to list some
of the more obvious examples, in order to draw attention to this class of coinage.
3o6. G. Pansa, RJN 1908, 377 =NCirc 1910, 12057 publishes a bron2e coin, as no. 17/t,
but with an obverse legend apparently attributing the coin to Tarquinia and a reverse legend
attributing it to Rome; the affinities of this coin (if genuine, which I doubt) are with a Celtic
(not Oscan, pace Grueber) silver piece in the British Museum (BMCRR ii, p. 123 n.2 pl.=
lxxiv, 6).
There are also a number of bronze coins deriving from no. 17/1 which are perhaps bar
barous:
Garrucci, pl. 77, 21 (Kirche r - misdrawn) and Sambon 1139 (Hannover, 4.85 gr.), as no. 17/ta,
but retrograde legend on reverse and additional retrograde legend on obverse.
Munich, as no. 17/ta, but retrograde legend on reverse.
Cambridge, MacClean, as no. 17/tb, but additional retrograde legend on obverse.
Sambon 1148 (Berlin 96), as no. 17/td, but retrograde legend on reverse.
BMCRR Romano-Campanian 18, as no. 17/tf, but retrograde legend on obverse.
Garrucci, pl. 77, 20, as no. 17/tg, but � instead of R.
307· For further barbarous copies of bronze issues associated with the didracbm coinage see
M. Bahrfeldt, 'Monete romano-campane', nos. 9 and 9 var.; E. Gabrici, Corolla Numismatica,
too-t.
308. The heavy series of unciae with the types of no. 21/6 are surely an unofficial, or at any
rate non-Roman issue (note 300 specimens of these unciae found in a hoard in Apulia without
other coins, G. Fiorelli, Osseroazioni sopra talune monete rare, 12, unfortunately not specifying
whether heavy or light pieces were involved).
1 Note, however, the following barbarous copies of very early pieces- Haeberlin 35, now in Paris (not
plated), with which compare BMCRR ii, p. 123 n. 2 = pL lxxiv, 6; Bastianelli 214 (see Pl. IX);
h. pL li, u and pl. liii, 1 (a denarius and a sestertius); Ball 9/2/1932, 838 (a satertius).
s6s
309· There is an as of Sex. Pompeius in Copenhagen with retrograde legend on the obverse,
surely a barbarous piece.
310. For barbarous copies of bronzes of Octavian see B. Julia 102; Willers, Kupftrpriigung,
p. 1o8; BMCRR Gaul 111-12.
Between the early and the late pieces listed above falls a mass of imitations of RepubliCan
prow bronzes, sometimes anonymous, more often with symbols, occasionally with garbled
versions of moneyers' names; for examples of asses see Bf. ii, 19 and i, 252; a large number of
semisses are collected by M. Bahrfeldt, Bliilttrfiir Miinzfreunde 1934-36, 108, cf. also BMCRR
Rome 2217-19 = S. 68�2, S. 764-5, Bf. ii, 74; the very common quadrantes with M: and
N: (as Milan 351) are clearly unofficial, cf. Bf. i, 235 and 257; cf. also nos. :z* and 132* above.