Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Submitted by
Husnia Underabi
BA (Hons), Dip Educ, Macquarie University
February 2018
To my mother and father for the endless sacrifices and difficulties they have endured
to pull me out of a war-zone and introducing me to possibilities that I could have
never conceived or achieved without their efforts.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to first acknowledge my supervisor, Professor Kevin Dunn, who has
Professor Mehmet Ozalp, whose contributions added significant value to this project.
Thanks is also due to the imams, mosque leaders and audiences who generously
donated their time to assist me with this research. Thank you to the countless number
assistants Shabnam Yari, Jafar Noor and Ernest Kilavuzovic for their assistance with
this research.
I would also like to extend my heartfelt thanks to my friends and colleagues at ISRA
who provided a much needed environment of peace, warmth and friendship. I would
particularly like to acknowledge Nasrin Ansari, Tamana Daqiq and Mahsheed Ansari
To my friend and editor, Vicki Snowdon; I do not know what I have done to deserve
your friendship! Life in general and this PhD would have been much more difficult
Last but not least, I owe a huge debt of gratitude to my family members for their
brother Sulaiman Underabi for their unconditional love and support, and the
The work presented in this thesis is, to the best of my knowledge and belief, original
except as acknowledged in the text. I hereby declare that I have not submitted this
material, either in full or in part, for a degree at this or any other institution.
Husnia Underabi
February 2018
TABLE OF CONTENTS
i
3.1 1st set – Understanding the acts taking place during Friday’s
congregational prayers ............................................................................. 8685
3.1.1 Goffman’s dramaturgy ........................................................................ 8685
3.1.2 Schechner – Between Ritual and Theatre ........................................... 8786
3.1.3 Performance process ........................................................................... 8988
3.1.4 Important concepts and theories .......................................................... 9291
3.2 2nd set – Structural functional and interactionist approaches to
understanding human behaviour and how people are socialised ............. 9594
3.2.1 Structural functional perspective of socialisation ............................... 9695
3.2.2 Symbolic interactionist perspective .................................................... 9998
3.3 3rd set of theories - audience receptivity and response......................... 102100
3.3.1 Hypodermic Syringe Theory (HDST) ............................................. 103101
3.3.2 Uses and Gratifications Theory ....................................................... 105104
3.3.3 Encoding and Decoding Model of Communication ........................ 108106
3.3.4 Style of presentation ........................................................................ 110109
3.4 Conclusion ........................................................................................... 114112
4 METHODOLOGY ................................................................................... 115114
4.1 Methodological approach..................................................................... 115114
4.1.1 Ethnography – writing about people ............................................... 115114
4.1.2 Mixed methodological approach ..................................................... 117116
4.2 Selecting and approaching mosques .................................................... 118117
4.3 Fieldwork methodologies..................................................................... 123122
4.3.1 Recording of the mosque sermon .................................................... 123122
4.3.2 Mosque sermons – coding and analysis .......................................... 124123
4.3.3 Audience surveys ............................................................................ 126125
4.3.4 Survey questions ............................................................................. 127126
4.3.5 Observations, photographs, videos and a reflective journal............ 129128
4.4 Reflections on the method ................................................................... 129128
4.4.1 Human resources ............................................................................. 129128
4.4.2 Ethical considerations – avoiding causing conflict between
members of the mosque committee....................................................... 131
4.4.3 Online surveys ................................................................................. 132131
4.5 Conclusion ................................................................................................. 133
5 FRIDAY’S CONGREGATIONAL’S PRAYERS – A
THEORETICAL ANALYSIS .................................................................. 134133
5.1 The script ............................................................................................. 136135
5.1.1 The roles .......................................................................................... 136135
5.1.2 The stage ......................................................................................... 137136
5.1.3 The setting ....................................................................................... 138137
5.1.4 The costumes ................................................................................... 138137
5.2 The performance .................................................................................. 139138
5.2.1 Warming up for Friday’s congregational prayers ........................... 139138
5.2.2 The roles to be performed .............................................................. 140139
5.2.3 Sydney’s mosques observed............................................................ 146145
5.3 Conclusion ........................................................................................... 162161
6 THE MOSQUE SERMON OF SYDNEY – GENERAL
CHARACTERISTICS .............................................................................. 164163
6.1 Themes, topics and orientation ............................................................ 164163
ii
6.2 Duration of Sydney mosque sermons, 2014 ........................................ 167166
6.3 Target audience .................................................................................... 168167
6.4 Language of delivery in the mosques of Sydney ................................. 169168
6.5 Characteristics of the sermon ............................................................... 170169
6.5.1 Ahl Bayt Centre ............................................................................... 172171
6.5.2 Darul Imaan Masjid......................................................................... 172171
6.5.3 Auburn Gallipoli Mosque................................................................ 173172
6.5.4 Blacktown Mosque.......................................................................... 173172
6.5.5 Masjid Noor..................................................................................... 174173
6.5.6 Guildford Mosque ........................................................................... 175174
6.5.7 Ali ibn Abu Talib Mosque – Lakemba............................................ 175174
6.5.8 Parramatta Mosque .......................................................................... 176175
6.5.9 Penshurst Mosque ........................................................................... 176175
6.5.10 Quakers Hill Mosque ...................................................................... 176175
6.5.11 Revesby Community Centre ........................................................... 177176
6.5.12 University of New South Wales ...................................................... 177176
6.6 Conclusion ........................................................................................... 177176
7 METHODS OF SOCIALISATION AND INFLUENCE USED ............. 179178
7.1 Structural functional methods of socialisation ..................................... 179178
7.2 Sources of knowledge used .................................................................. 181180
7.3 Thematic analysis ................................................................................ 183182
7.3.1 The role of Muslim parents ............................................................. 183182
7.3.2 The role of the husband ................................................................... 186185
7.3.3 Gambling ......................................................................................... 187186
7.3.4 Music ............................................................................................... 188187
7.3.5 Attending the mosque...................................................................... 189188
7.3.6 Etiquette of participation in Friday’s congregational prayers ......... 190189
7.3.7 Moderation ............................................................................................ 192
7.3.8 Basic religious duties ............................................................................ 194
7.3.9 The state of the ummah ......................................................................... 197
7.3.10 Conflict .................................................................................................. 199
7.3.11 Extremism ............................................................................................. 200
7.3.12 Christmas......................................................................................... 204203
7.3.13 Islamophobia ................................................................................... 207206
7.3.14 Martin Place siege ........................................................................... 212211
7.4 Conclusion ........................................................................................... 215214
8 AUDIENCE RECEPTION ....................................................................... 216215
8.1 A description of the audiences ............................................................. 216215
8.1.1 Gender ............................................................................................. 216215
8.1.2 Age of survey participants............................................................... 217216
8.1.3 Marital status ................................................................................... 219218
8.1.4 Levels of education ......................................................................... 220219
8.1.5 Place of birth ................................................................................... 221220
8.1.6 Language ......................................................................................... 226225
8.2 Participation in Friday’s congregational prayers ................................. 230229
8.3 Audience reception and impact ............................................................ 234233
8.3.1 Reception of the message delivered ................................................ 234233
8.3.2 Impact .............................................................................................. 235234
iii
8.3.3 Factors that make a difference to the reception and effect of the
sermon ............................................................................................. 238237
8.3.4 Characteristics of the sermon .......................................................... 252251
8.3.5 Mosque variations ........................................................................... 269268
8.4 Conclusion ........................................................................................... 275274
9 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION ...................................................... 276275
9.1 Are imams agents of socialisation?...................................................... 281280
9.2 Limitations of the study ............................................................................. 283
BIBLIOGRAPHY .............................................................................................. 286284
GLOSSARY....................................................................................................... 300298
APPENDIX A: LIST OF MOSQUES AND MUSALLAHS IN nsw................ 302300
APPENDIX B: MOSQUES OF SYDNEY ........................................................ 305303
APPENDIX C: INFORMATION LETTER ...................................................... 306304
APPENDIX D: COPY OF THE SURVEY IN ENGLISH ................................ 307305
APPENDIX E: LETTER OF SUPPORT ........................................................... 312311
APPENDIX E: ETHNICITY OF IMAM AND MOSQUE VISITORS ............ 313312
APPENDIX F: NSW IMAMS ........................................................................... 315314
iv
LIST OF TABLES
v
Table 8-Table 8 .................................................................................................. 220219
vi
Table 8-Table 8 .................................................................................................. 266265
Table G–1: Mosques of NSW: Ethnicity of the imam and mosque visitors ...... 313312
vii
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 2–1: Increase in the population of Muslim Australians by state ................ 4241
Figure 2–5: Mosques of NSW: Ethnicity of the regular mosque participants ....... 5251
Figure 2–7: Mosques of NSW: Figure 2–7: Mosques of NSW: Tarawih ............. 5756
Figure 2–10: Mosques of NSW: Issues brought to the mosque ............................. 6160
Figure 2–12: Mosques of NSW: Management structure in the mosque ................ 6564
Figure 2–13: Mosques of NSW: Response to “Is the imam the leader of the
mosque?” ........................................................................................................ 6665
Figure 5–1: UNSW – the imam delivering his sermon while standing ............. 144143
Figure 5–2: Lakemba Mosque: flat roof and palm trees .................................... 148147
Figure 5–3: Ahl Bayt Mosque: simple rectangular structure with flat roof ....... 148147
Figure 5–4: Parramatta Mosque: carpet design, prayer mat and Figure 5–4:
Parramatta Mosque: carpet design, prayer mat and .................................. 150149
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Figure 5–5: Guildford Mosque: church building converted to mosque ............. 150149
Figure 5–7: Penshurst Mosque: niche and Figure 5–7: Penshurst Mosque:
niche and ................................................................................................... 152151
Figure 5–8: Blacktown Mosque: niche and Figure 5–8: Blacktown Mosque:
niche and ................................................................................................... 152151
Figure 5–9: Masjid Noor: imam and some audience members wearing
Figure 5–9: Masjid Noor: imam and some audience members wearing ... 154153
Figure 5–11: Arncliffe Mosque: removing shoes before entering the stage ...... 156155
Figure 5–12: Blacktown Mosque: removing shoes before entering the stage ... 156155
Figure 5–13: Quakers Hill Mosque: imam covering head with a cloth and
wearing a Figure 5–13: Quakers Hill Mosque: imam covering head
with a cloth and wearing a ........................................................................ 157156
Figure 5–15: University of New South Wales: attentive audience .................... 159158
Figure 5–16: University of New South Wales: supplicating at the end of the
sermon ........................................................................................................ 160159
Figure 5–17: Lakemba Mosque: prayers also happen outside the mosque........ 161160
Figure 5–19: Penshurst Mosque: the ‘aftermath’ – social interactions .............. 162161
Figure 8–2: Survey results: Mosque visitors’ countries of birth ........................ 226225
Figure 8–4: Survey results: Main languages in Sydney’s mosque .................... 227226
Figure B–1: Darul Imaan Masjid: Simple rectangular structure with flat roof .. 305303
ix
Figure B–2: Quakers Hill Mosque: Church building converted into a
mosque ....................................................................................................... 305303
x
ABBREVIATIONS
ED Encoding and Decoding theory
Proto-p Proto-performance
xi
ABSTRACT
With focus on the sermons delivered in the mosques of Sydney during Friday’s
congregational prayers, the prime objective of this thesis was to investigate whether
imams are agents of socialisation. The first step to achieving this overarching aim
involved an examination of the acts that form Friday’s congregational prayer from
mosques and the conclusion reached was that most of what can be observed during
Muhammad (pbuh 1) and the first community of Muslims. The ‘stage’ and the
‘setting’ as well as the costumes worn by the ‘actors’ are also to a limited degree
restorations are achieved through following the fiqh for Friday’s congregational
prayers, which I compare to a ‘script’ that actors follow. Within the script, however,
there is some scope for variation. In the role performed by the imam, with some
exceptions, the ‘script’ allows for delivery of a sermon on a topic of their preference.
This aspect of the sermon presents the prospect for imams to influence the
1
Pbuh is short for “peace be upon him,” which can also appear as “sws” (Sallallahu Alayhi
Wasallam). Out of respect and love for Prophet Muhammad, Muslims make this short prayer for him
each time they utter or hear his name. This acronym will not be repeated each team Prophet
Muhammad’s name is written in this thesis. However, it is implied.
xii
The second step involved an examination of the content of the sermons delivered in
the mosques of Sydney. The theories that formed the basis of this analysis were the
analysed. The findings revealed that while the topics covered are generally of social
and spiritual orientations, imams adopt a diverse range of methods to influence their
important role in influencing the behaviours of their audiences as they reiterate pre-
existing notions and present constructions of how the ‘role’ of a Muslim should be
knowledge used, that is the Qur’an and hadith, play a vital role in informing these
constructions and reiterations. Implicitly, by defining how they should ‘act’ Imams
are attempting to influence the behaviours of their audiences. Evidence was also
appropriate and inappropriate were defined and behaviours regulated through various
socialisation, which relies of seeing models for a ‘role’ should be performed, imams
presented Muhammad, the prophets mentioned in the Qur’an and his companions to
socialisation.
Another step to achieving the primary aim of this thesis involved an examination of
how audiences received, respond to and are affected by the sermon, as well as an
Adopting the Hypodermic Syringe, Stuart Hall’s Encoding and Decoding (ED) and
xiii
the Uses and Gratifications theories and using the survey as an instrument for
gathering data, 745 surveys from 13 mosques in Sydney were analysed. The
conclusion reached is that audiences are largely able to ‘decode’ (interpret the
message as conveyed), accept the message conveyed and the majority are impacted
by it. However, audiences attend the congregational prayer for the purpose of
performing their religious obligations and maintaining their faith. Another idea
presented by Stuart Hall’s ED theory posits that audience responses will vary
how they received and responded to the sermon found some relationships, but not
cultural background increases the likelihood the audiences will decode and accept the
message delivered.
(sermons audiences had listened to before completing the survey) as they relate to
content and style of presentation provided strong evidence to suggest the way a
that is, they are delivered clearly, in a logically sequenced manner, timed
received more favourably compared to those that exhibit weaknesses in these areas.
Overall, for Sydney’s Muslim community, imams are agents of socialisation, but the
xiv
xv
1 INTRODUCTION
There are 165 Islamic places of worship in the Australian state of NSW. Of these, 82
The term jum’ah is a derivative from the word jumm’ah, which means a gathering or
Friday; as such, the word jum’ah also refers to Fridays. On Fridays, about one hour
the congregational prayers that occur mostly inside mosques or otherwise organised
(Underabi, 2014).
During the congregational prayers, a person referred to as the ‘imam,’ which carries
the literal meaning of the ‘person standing in frnt,’ leads the congregational prayers
and delivers what in Islamic terminology is referred to as the khutbah. The term
khutbah is a derivative of the word khitab, which means a speech. The word may
have also come from the Arabic word khataba (khutbah, n.d.), which means to
religious context and theologically for offering advice (Zarabozo, 1994), a more
suitable translation of the word is sermon. As one of the main responsibilities of the
imam is the delivery of the khutbah he can also be referred to as the khatib (carrying
2
Friday’s congregational prayers occur at the same time as the daily zuhr or noon prayers, which is
generally, when the sun has crossed the celestial meridian or highest point in the sky (al-Marghinani,
2006). During the fieldwork, I found most mosques were offering the congregational prayers at
approximately 1pm. However, this time changes throughout the year.
1
the literal translation of an orator) (Alkhairo, 1998). In Sydney’s mosques, the
sermon for Friday’s congregational prayers is delivered mostly by an imam who is,
in the broader sense of the word and as it relates most specifically to the mosques of
Sydney, a person based at a mosque and primarily responsible for leading and
(Underabi, 2014). In Islam, the performance of the role of the imam is not restricted
to clergy or persons based at a mosque. Though there are some recommendations and
guidelines for who should be given the responsibility (discussed in Chapter 5),
anyone can take on the role provided they are male, adult, Muslim and possess the
cases, and most particularly in mosques or places of worship that do not have a full-
time or part-time imam, volunteers from the community take on the role of the imam
The role played by the imam during Friday’s congregational prayers is important, as
the responsibility for delivering the sermon may present the possibility for them to
internalising the norms and values of society, but also learning to perform their social
roles.” Socialisation is also defined as “the process by which someone learns the
ways of a given society or social group so that he can function within it” (Elkin &
behavioural patterns of a particular society are transmitted from one generation to the
next” (Okon, 2012). Individuals, social groups and institutions that create the context
2
and most specifically as it relates to discourses relating to violent extremism, the
topic of whether imams are agents of socialisation has indirectly been expressed and
debated in the media, among policy makers and scholars. However, the topic has yet
this study is to investigate whether the imams who deliver the sermon for Friday’s
The mosque sermon is delivered within the frame of a broader range of acts
jum’ah have been made by Muslim scholars and from an Islamic perspective
that they approach and use the theatre as a metaphor for understanding
4
Not to be confused with ‘performance’ theory.
3
Of central importance to this study is the concept of ‘restorations,’ as
presented by Schechner (2013) to denote that almost all objects and human
Another important concept that formed the frame for investigation and
analysis is the idea that religious rituals are similar to staged performances.
external source. This concept formed the basis of examining the extent to
which the acts followed by the participants, statements made by the imam,
way the mosque is arranged and clothes worn by the participants follow
prescribed guidelines.
better understanding of the objects and acts that form Friday’s congregational
prayers and also enabled me to distinguish the acts performed and statements
made by the imam that follow the ‘script’ from those that do not.
whether imams adopt methods of social influence and control during the
4
delivery of their sermons. Achieving this objective was of central importance
to this study. Of the theories available, the two most important and widely
behaviours are enactments of norms and values associated with the role
behaviours, so bringing individuals to act in line with the role they are
that the way people behave is essentially an act. The norms and values
associated with the roles people perform are considered ‘social constructions’
that provide blueprints and guidelines for how people should act in certain
contexts and with certain objects in society. The two theories stem from
thereby influence and control their audiences. From an interactionist lens, the
study will investigate how imams define and socially construct the role of a
Muslim; and from a structural perspective, the study will examine whether
and how the expectations associated with the role are structurally enforced or
5
culminating in a total of 48 sermons which were content analysed. The
sermon
In the event that imams were found to employ methods of socialisation, it was
audience reception theories were adopted to investigate this. From the field of
affected by a message. The theory is highly simplistic and based on the now
but nonetheless needs to be examined as it forms the basis of the position that
sees imams are responsible for the purported rise in violent extremism
(Bendle, 2008).
Another theory that was applied to examining how audiences receive and
respond to the sermon was Stuart Hall’s (1974) Encoding and Decoding (ED)
theory, that purports not only that audience members interpret messages
delivered to them differently, but also that factors such as age, gender and
educational status affect the way people respond to messages they receive.
sermon, which is, at a basic level, a public presentation. As such, what also
6
needs to be examined is the relationship between the sermon’s characteristics
To achieve the objectives outlined above, 745 mosque visitors were surveyed
immediately after they listened to a sermon that was being recorded for the
purpose of analysis. The audience surveys were analysed from the lens of
the sermon and its reception by audiences examined. The findings of this
theory presents it is not the sender of a message, but the receiver who holds
the power as they ‘use’ the messages sent to them to serve their own needs.
Friday’s congregational prayers to serve their own needs. For Muslim men,
Australians have a strong desire to maintain their faith, it was also conceived
7
social benefits to participating in the congregational prayers and audiences
specific questions were posed in the audience surveys that were administered
This thesis has nine chapters. The first five chapters provide the context, key
approach. Following this, the empirical findings are presented in three chapters. The
final chapter presents some overall conclusions, highlights the limitations of this
Chapter 1 is divided in two parts. While the first part of chapter presents the aims
and objectives of the study (as presented in the preceding section), the second
contextualises the study within the frame of discourses relating to mosques and
functions served by the mosque and imam, and the implications for the nature of the
content delivered through the mosque sermon. The section highlights that factors
important to consider for any study focused on examining the content of mosque
sermons include: the political context and function served by the mosque; the
institutional and/or political affiliations of the mosque and imam; and the identity of
Following on from the points made Chapter 1 about factors important to understand
the nature of the content delivered through the mosque sermon, Chapter 2 presents
migration histories of Muslim Australians and the associated increase in the number
8
of mosques. The section highlights the functions served by mosques and imams. This
and, for mosques that have a full-time or part-time imam, those of the imam, as well
as the programmes and activities offered. Based on this information, the chapter
concludes that NSW’s mosques are volunteer run community organisations and its
imams are mainly members of staff that facilitate the performance of religious rituals
and run educational programmes for Muslim Australians. Therefore, it is argued that
the dynamics that apply to some Muslim majority countries where the sermon is used
as a channel for political communication may not apply to the Australian context. As
the mosque is a social and spiritual institution with mostly no political and few
anticipated the content of the sermon delivered in NSW mosques will be of a social
or spiritual orientation. Another topic that is vital to understanding the content of the
sermon is the issues relevant to the lives of Muslim Australians. To this end, the
chapter presents a current profile and overview of the issues relevant to Muslim
Australians. The information presented in the chapter also provides data relevant to
analysing the characteristics of the mosque visitors who were surveyed for this study.
Chapter 3 presents an overview of the three categories of theories that have framed
that form Friday’s congregational prayers, these include Goffman’s ‘dramaturgy’ and
theories of socialisation. The third set of theories presented in the chapter are the
audience reception theories that have framed and been applied to examining how
9
audiences receive, respond to and are affected by the mosque sermon along with the
Chapter 4 explains the methodological approach taken to achieve the aims and
objectives of this study, justification for its adoption and methods of analysis. After
highlighting that the study relied on ethnography and a mixed methods approach, the
chapter presents detailed information about how the instruments for data collection,
such as the audience survey, were designed; how the mosques where the recordings
of the sermons took place were selected; and how the recordings were conducted and
content analysed. The chapter also highlights how the characteristics of the sermons
as they relate to the content and general style of presentation were evaluated, and
their relationship to how audiences receive and are affected by the sermon examined.
The final part of the chapter presents how photographs were taken and video
recordings helped the research process, as well as outlining the limitations of the
methodologies adopted.
chapter begins with an account of, from the frame of Schechner’s PS theory, the
‘proto-p’ for Friday’s congregational prayers – that is, the acts performed by
Muhammad and the first community of Muslims, and the instructions provided by
the proto-p to a ‘script’ that performers are required to follow. This is followed by a
highlight that most of what was observed is what Schechner (2013) calls
‘restorations’ or follows the ‘script’ for Friday’s congregational prayers. This applies
not just to the acts performed by the actors involved in the ‘play,’ but also the
10
‘stage’, setting and costumes worn by some performers. Where the script allows,
variations could be observed and this was evidently clear when the imam presented
Chapter 6 presents the findings of the content analysis specifically as it relates to the
basic characteristics, such as the topics covered and language of delivery. The
chapter also presents an evaluation of the characteristics of the sermons as they relate
Chapter 7 presents a content analysis of the sermons delivered in Sydney from the
better understanding of the nature of the content delivered as well the methods of
socialisation used. The chapter concludes that imams may be agents of socialisation
sermons define what it means to be a Muslim and how the role of a Muslim should
form of the prophets, to illustrate and exemplify how the ‘role’ of the Muslim as
Chapter 8 presents a theoretical analysis of the results of the audience surveys that
the characteristics of survey participants and how they receive, respond to and are
11
characteristics of audience members as well as the characteristics of the sermon to
the way that audiences receive, respond to and are affected by the sermon are
presented. The chapter concludes the mosque sermon is generally ‘decoded’ – i.e.
audience members understand the message communicated and largely accept it.
Moreover, the chapter presents that, while the audiences’ background characteristics
make some difference to how they receive and are affected by the sermon, the
sermon’s characteristics make a strong difference to the level of impact felt. Strong
supporting evidence was found for the UG theory as audiences attend to perform
their religious obligations and attain the social benefits associated with participating
in the service, such as the maintenance of faith and feeling a sense of belonging to a
community.
Chapter 9 presents a summation of the aims and objectives of this study, the
and overall findings. The chapter highlights the contributions this study has made to
congregational prayers are made largely of ‘restored’ acts and objects that follow
scripted guidelines. Within the script, there is some scope for variation and this
relates to the second contribution that this study has made to knowledge and relates
to the content of the sermon. The mosque sermon in Sydney, the study found, adopts
the understanding that audiences largely receive the message of the sermon and are
affected by it, but the level of affect varies depending on the quality and
characteristics of the sermon. Fourth, the study has found the primary purposes of
12
Overall, the study has established that imams are agents of socialisation, but for
desire to be affected by the content of the sermon. The chapter concludes with
recognising the limitations of this study, as well as identifying areas where there is
1.2 Context
One of the consequences of September 11 and subsequent terror attacks, such as the
Bali bombing, and more recent international events such as the emergence of the
political movement known as ISIS, has been that Muslims in the West have
While some sections of the media and government policy documents and associated
mosques have become the target of anti-Muslim and anti-mosque campaigns. This
pattern exists not just in Australia, but also in other parts of the Western world, such
as the USA, France, Switzerland, Spain and Germany (Cesari, 2005; Cheng, 2015;
Dunn, 2001; Foley, 2012; Göle, 2011; Goodstein, 2010). Anti-mosque campaigners
and far right groups typically premise their opposition on the notion that mosques are
breeding grounds for violent extremism, if not terrorism (Dunn, 2001). For example,
Pauline Hanson’s One Nation Party presents as part of its political campaign, not
only that Islam is a violent religion, but all mosques should have security cameras
installed inside them to prevent the rise of violent extremism (Pauline Hanson’s One
which is a social condition associated with the irrational and unsubstantiated fear and
dislike of Islam and Muslims (Dunn, 2001), but paralleling the emergence of ISIS, it
13
is one that has experienced a significant increase in recent years (Briskman, 2015).
Nonetheless, some academics, such as Bendle (2007; 2008), despite facing fierce
criticism from his own colleagues based at James Cook University where he was
employed as a senior lecturer and ‘terrorism expert’ prior to his retirement (Hare,
2012), have lent support to the view that mosques are incubators of violent
religious extremists who preach a version of Islam that is violent, punitive and
hand, sociologists like Humphrey (1987) and Bouma (1994) present that mosques
serve the functional role of unifying the Muslim community and giving them a sense
of belonging. However, these studies were conducted more than two decades ago,
and since then the topic of the functions served by mosques has largely been
neglected. Recently, in partnership with the Islamic Sciences and the Research
Academy (ISRA), I filled in some gaps in knowledge with a study of NSW mosques,
which found they are simply religious institutions geared to facilitate the
(Underabi, 2014). Moreover, the study found mosque leaders were generally
supportive of the view that Muslims should integrate and mosque administrators had
organised events to engage with members of the wider Australian society, such as
open days and interfaith dialogue. The information presented in this report
Just as there are diverging perspectives about mosques, there are also differing views
about imams. Among scholars, the nature of the perspectives and positions held
about imams are similar to those held about mosques, as it is argued they pose a
14
2007) and others present they can facilitate the integration of Muslims. These debates
follow a pattern similar to what Birt (2006) observes in the British context where
imams are generally placed in either ‘good’ or ‘bad’ categories. The ‘bad’ imams are
preaching violence, while the ‘good’ imams (with some training) are generally pro-
government, comply with their policies, and it is assumed, can help resolve the
problem of religious extremism (see for example Boender, 2008; Bowlby & van
Muslim Australians.
This notion has been challenged by Akbarzadeh (2013; 2015), who argues the
he argues, are usually foreign-born, older and culturally different from young
Muslim Australians. Therefore, he holds that imams, while respected and important
for the purpose of facilitating religious rituals, do not seen to have enough influence
to control the views and attitudes of Muslim Australians, particularly those feared by
While debates relating to mosques and imams continue, there are significant gaps in
knowledge about the mosques in Australia. Some of these gaps were filled by the
Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research report 2014 (Underabi, 2014),
but the precise nature of teachings taking place inside Australia’s mosques or their
impact on mosque visitors are yet to be a topic of investigation. One study that
on gathering information from only two mosques (Albayrak, 2012), which still
15
leaves a significant gap in knowledge. One of the major findings of the Mosques of
Sydney and New South Wales: Research report 2014 was that Friday’s
congregational prayers are a major weekly event in Sydney’s mosques. This study
extends the field of research and contributes knowledge by presenting not only a
detailed analysis of the content of the sermons delivered in Sydney’s mosques, but
also whether imams use mechanisms of socialisation to influence and control their
audiences along with an investigation of how audiences receive, respond to and are
affected by it.
The history of Friday’s congregational prayers is tied to the history of Islam and that
Muslims believe God has provided guidance since the beginning of human history
messengers and prophets were sent to various communities and at different points in
Muhammad to be the final messenger and Prophet of God, sent to guide all human
societies. His biographies have been written and presented by a diverse range of
sources and can be found in different formats, written and produced by Muslims and
non-Muslims. For the purpose of this study, I relied predominantly on Martin Ling’s
watched a documentary entitled Islam: Empire of Faith (Gardner & Grupper, 2000).
16
These sources of information offer similar narrations, with varying degrees of detail,
that are not much different to what my mother narrated to me when I was younger. 5
Muhammad, it is widely agreed, was born around 570 CE into the tribe of Quraysh in
Mecca. By the time he was around six years old both his parents had died and he was
raised by his grandfather Abdul-Mutaalib and uncle Abu Talib. The defining feature
of Meccan society was that people were divided into different tribes and clans
formed of people with common ancestors. The tribal and clan connections people
held served vital functions and were a particularly important source of support and
protection when disputes emerged between individuals and tribes. Muhammad was
born into the Hashim clan, which was headed by his uncle, Abu Talib, the man who
adopted him after his grandfather died. Nonetheless, being an orphan in tribal Arabia
where having a father was associated with honour and status, Muhammad was a
marginalised member of society and this experience instilled in him a strong sense of
Tribal life in Mecca was also characterised by the worship of many gods, spirits and
totems, the representative figures of which were kept inside the cubic structure
known as the Ka’baa, making it a shrine filled with many gods and goddesses that
was visited by pilgrims from long distances. Associated with these visits, trade
flourished in the area, making Mecca a vibrant centre in the Arabian Peninsula.
When Muhammad reached the age of 25, he became a merchant and his talents
attracted the attention of his employer, Khadijah, who proposed marriage to him.
Muhammad accepted the offer and remained married to her for 25 years. During his
5
I am a Muslim Australian. I have strategically placed this statement to contextualise my position as a
researcher in relation to the topic covered in this thesis.
17
believed to have had discussions with them about faith-related matters. Mecca was
backgrounds.
retreated to the mountains where he spent time in solitude and reflection. It was
during one of these retreats that he experienced what would be a defining moment in
Islamic history: an angel in the form of man appeared before him, revealing the first
verses of the Qur’an. Muhammad found this experience disturbing at first, but in the
astounding to the Arab tribes was, while the verses of the Qur’an were lyrical and
poetic, they knew Muhammad could not read or write. However, for most part, this
did not impress the Meccans or the elders who formed the tribal council as it not only
challenged their beliefs and practices, but also carried revolutionary ideas.
While Meccan society was structured so the lower class, mainly represented by
individuals of African descent, were owned by and served the interests of the middle
and upper class Arabs, Muhammad called for the abolishment of social hierarchies
based on ethnicity and race. For women, Muhammad was a feminist as he asked for
women to be given their due recognition and rights. 6 Not surprisingly, the first
groups of people who converted to Islam were slaves, women and children. Soon
members of his family joined the study circles that occurred in hidden places. Over
6
This refers to women who lived during Muhammad’s time and does not describe today’s conditions
for women living in Muslim societies.
18
The tribal council made of the representatives and elders of the various tribes at first
mocked and ridiculed Muhammad and his followers, but with the increase in the
number of conversions to Islam, they realised the new religion of Islam posed a
serious threat to the pagan beliefs and traditions. Along with the increasing number
discourage others from converting to Islam involved open displays of harassing and
torturing Muslims. This did not deter the number of Muslims from growing.
Some Muslims took on the role of scribe and wrote the verses of the Qur’an as they
later stage, Muhammad was informed that Muslims must pray five times a day at
various intervals. The narrative of how Muhammad learnt how to perform the
prayers follows that one day the angel Gabriel (the angel who came to Muhammad
with the first verses of the Qur’an) came to him again and told him to ‘pray as you
ablution and offer the daily prayers (salah). After this, Muhammad taught these
actions to the first group of Muslims; thus, performing prayers become an obligatory
As praying in public spaces posed the risk of being harassed, tortured and persecuted,
the first group of Muslims performed their prayers in hiding. However, as the
influential people such as Muhammad’s uncle, Hamza, who came from the powerful
tribe of Quraysh, their confidence increased and they performed their prayers in
public spaces. Outraged by this display of confidence, the tribal council came to a
decision that sanctions were to be imposed on Muhammad, his followers and clan
19
(the bani Hashim), which meant no one was to marry or trade with them. Further, it
was decided they would be exiled to the outskirts of Mecca until they denounced
their faith. These decisions brought upon the Muslims immense hardship as they
endured poverty and famine for three consecutive years. During this period,
Muhammad’s wife Khadijah and his uncle, Abu Talib (not a Muslim), died. The
Muslims would eventually be relieved from these dire circumstances by the tribes of
Yathrib (now known as Medina), who came to Muhammad asking him to help
resolve the tribal disputes that had created a state of anarchy in Medina. Muhammad
agreed if, in exchange, the Muslims could migrate to Medina. This condition was
accepted and soon the Muslims started migrating to Medina. This point in Islamic
The Muslims migrated from Mecca to Medina discreetly and gradually, one family
and individual at a time, so they would not be detained by the Meccans. Muhammad
was one of the last people to leave, but prior to his departure, he sent a message to
the Muslims who had migrated to Medina before him asking that they should arrange
companion, Mus’an bin Umair, he is narrated to have said: “seek nearness to Allah
by means of two rakah [units] of the prayer and when the sun declines after mid-day
on Friday.” The letter implied the congregational prayers were to be offered during
the time of the zuhr prayers. Meanwhile, on his own journey from Mecca to Medina,
When he reached Medina, Muhammad’s first goal was to establish peace among the
first development project embarked upon by the first community of believers was
20
that of the construction of the mosque. Muhammad helped lay the foundations of this
mosque. The mosque was extremely simple with palm trunks and mud bricks used to
form the walls of an enclosure approximately 30x35 metres in size. The mosque had
three doors; located on the central south, west and east walls. In this mosque, the
Muslims could finally pray together as a community. Muhammad would also use the
mosque as a platform to share new revelations with the community, instigate social
and legislative reforms, and give people guidance relating to all areas of life
Bilal, a former Ethiopian slave, was the first to recite the call to prayer in this
mosque. Muhammad is said to have strategically picked Bilal for this responsibility
to cement the concept of racial equality that Islam spoke of from the beginning.
Women would also visit the Prophet’s mosque. Muhammad stated visiting the
mosque was optional for women, but if they wish to attend, they can.
The interior of Prophet Muhammad’s mosque was plain and simple; an empty square
of land with no walls or objects to mark a division between men and women.
seated behind men (Omer, 2010). Facing the direction of Jerusalem at first, but later
Mecca, one of the main religious rituals performed at the mosque was that of
took on the role of the ‘imam.’ The congregational prayers began with the call to
prayer. Referring to this call, verses of the Qur’an command: “O ye who believe!
When the call is heard for the prayer of the day of congregation (Friday), hasten unto
remembrance of Allah and leave your trading. This is better for you if ye did but
know” (Quran 62:9). As the verses represent the words of God, closing ‘business and
21
trade’ for the purpose of participating in the congregational prayers became an
obligation. The part of the verse that states “hasten to the remembrance of Allah” is
taken by most Muslim scholars to refer to the sermon. Thus, participating in the
favourably by Muslim scholars, if not considered obligatory, for qualified men (Al-
As I detail the precise nature of the acts performed during the congregational prayers
in Chapter 5, I will not present them here. As for the content of Muhammad’s
sermons, they are said to have had few essential elements: they began with words of
praise for God, included the recitation of some verses from the Qur’an, enjoined
what is good and prohibited what is evil, exhorted people to be God-conscious and
(Zarabozo, 1994). Aside from these essential elements, his sermons are said to have
covered a diverse range of social, spiritual and political topics. The topics he covered
are said to have generally reflected his role as the spiritual and political leader of the
Muhammad reflected the function served by the mosque (a spiritual, social and
political institution) and nature of the role he performed in society, the content of the
sermons delivered by imams in the centuries after Muhammad’s death also reflected
the nature of their roles in society (Borthwick, 1967). Thus, what follows is an
Muhammad’s death until the advent of colonialism in the early part of the 20th
dynamics affected the functions served by the mosque, role performed by the imam
22
for Friday’s congregational prayers and nature of the content delivered through the
mosque sermon.
This section provides a brief historical overview of the spread of Islam from the
period immediately after Muhammad’s death until the onset of colonialism and the
dominant religion. The overview is based primarily on Esposito’s (1988) book Islam:
The straight path and Gardner and Grupper’s (2000) documentary Islam: Empire of
section 1.5.
In the seventh century, Arabia was dominated by two great empires: the Byzantine
(Christian), or Eastern Rome, empire and the Sasanian Persian (Zoroastrian) empire.
In the middle was the Arabian Peninsula composed of tribal societies. Within the
first one hundred years after Muhammad’s death, both empires fell under the rule of
the expanding Islamic empire. The first Caliph, Abu Bakr, sent out envoys to forge
alliances with the fiercely independent surrounding rulers and tribes. The second
Caliph, Umar bin Khattab, sent out armies to spread the message of Islam. Their
visions were for a new world order consisting of a community of believers (including
Christians and Jews) operating under Islamic rules and regulations. Within a decade,
the Muslim armies conquered modern day Jerusalem Syria, Persia and Egypt. Within
the conquered territories, the Muslim armies established garrison towns nearby, such
as Basa and Kufa in Iraq, Fustat in Egypt and Qairawan in North Africa. From these
towns, conquered people were governed and expeditions launched to stretch the
23
The territories that fell under Muslim rule were divided into provinces, each
managed by a governor who was usually a military commander. The internal civil
and religious administration remained in the hands of local officials. Scholars have
provided diverse explanations of the cause, but it is widely agreed that masses of
Muslim empire fell into the hands of Muawiya who founded the Umayyad dynasty,
which ruled from 661-750 CE. The Umayyads operated from their capital Damascus,
instead of Mecca and Medina. From this new centre, the Umayyads completed the
conquest of the entire Persian and half the Roman (Byzantine) empire. When
Muawiya seized power, Islam had already spread to Egypt, Libya, the Fertile
Crescent, Syria, Iraq, and Persia across Armenia to the borders of Afghanistan.
Under the Umayyads, the Muslims also captured the Maghreb (North Africa), Spain
and India.
Despite the rapid expansion of Islamic empire under Umayyad rule, discontentment
simmered among various groups. The rapid expansion of territory brought with it
wealth, the rise of new centres of power and an influx of beliefs and practices that
contradicted the values of Islam. For example, the Umayyad’s governance system
privileged the Arabs, creating hostile feelings among non-Arabs who eventually
denounced their second class status. Meanwhile, Arab Muslims living in Mecca,
Medina and Iraq resented the privileged position of the Syrian Arabs, while devout
Muslims would see the cosmopolitan lifestyle of luxury and privilege as a deviation
and distraction from a Muslim’s true purpose in life. The Shiite detested Umayyad
24
In 747, an opposition movement rallied behind Abu Muslim and, by 750, Abbasid
rule was established and the capital moved from Damascus to Baghdad. The
prosperity. They replaced the Arab-Syrian army with an army and bureaucracy in
which non-Arabs, especially Persians, played a major role. They aligned their
system. The religious scholars (referred to as the ulama) of this era became the
professional elites in society. The search for knowledge was not limited to the
confines of the Islamic empire. Scholars would travel to different corners of the
world to obtain manuscripts, including Greece where they accessed the works of
Aristotle and Plato, translated them into Arabic (the official language of the empire)
During this period, major contributions were made to philosophy, algebra and
geometry, science and medicine, art and architecture. The Abbasids were also
successful in extending Muslim rule, but their success was based on trade,
commerce, industry and agriculture, rather than conquest, which brought them in
This golden age of Islam gradually disintegrated when, in 945 CE, the Buyids
(Buwayhids), a Shii dynasty from Western Persia, invaded Baghdad (the capital) and
seized power. They symbolically kept an Abbasid leader on the throne to establish
legitimacy, but power transferred to the Persians (Buyid) and Turkic (Seljuq).
In the meantime, the crusaders struggled against the political, cultural and religious
domination of Islam. By the 11th century, large numbers of Christians living under
25
Muslim rule had converted to Islam and those who remained Christian were adopting
Arabic language and customs. The Muslim armies had taken parts of the eastern
Roman Empire, Spain and the Mediterranean from Sicily to Anatolia and a major
battle had been fought in which the French successfully stopped the Muslim
in two forms: the struggle to reconquer Spain (1000–1492), Italy and Sicily (1061),
In 1258, Baghdad was destroyed and the Abbasid caliphate was officially ended by
the Mongol invasion. The Mongols were a destructive force that had invaded much
of central Asia, China, Russia and the Near East. Muslim power would have also
stopped, except the Mongol invaders converted to Islam. The central caliphate was
central and South-east Asia, and Eastern Europe. Among the principal missionaries
Muslim power peaked in the 16th century and three Muslim empires emerged among
many thriving states: the Ottoman Turkish empire encompassing portions of North
Africa, the Arab world and Eastern Europe; the Persian Safavid empire, with its
capital in Isfahan, which effectively established Shii Islam as the state’s religion; and
the Mughal empire, centred in Delhi and embracing most of the Indian subcontinent
(modern day Pakistan, India and Bangladesh). As in Abbasid times, great sultans,
such as the Ottoman Suleyman the Magnificent (reigned 1520-1566), Shah Abbas in
Persia (reigned 1587-1629) and the Moghul emperor Akbar (reigned 1556-1605) in
India, were patrons of learning and the arts. Despite variations and the individual
26
policies of some rulers, the imperial Ottaman, Safavid and Mughul sultanates
organisation, support and use of Islam. Their rules were based on a blend of military
strength and religious legitimacy. Many ulama became part of the religious
establishment that assisted the sultans’ attempts to centralise and control the
educational, legal and social systems. They educated the military, bureaucratic elites
in their schools, supervised and guided interpretation and application of the Islamic
law in Sharia courts, and oversaw the disbursement of funds from religious
endowments (waqf) for educational and social services from the building of schools
and mosques to hospitals. International links were forged as ulama came from far
and wide to study at Mecca and Medina or at the renowned Al Azhar University in
Cairo. As the ulama developed and prospered, so too did Sufi traditions. Their
syncretistic tendencies enabled Islam to adapt to new environments and absorb local
religious beliefs and customs. This attracted droves of converts as Islam spread at an
During this period, the Islamic empire also extended further under Ottoman rule. In
1453, the Christian Byzantium capital Constantinople (Istanbul) fell to Turkish rule
and subsequently emerged as the capital of Ottoman Empire. While the Ottomans
extended their rule over Islamic territories in parts of the major cities in the Middle
East that were already dominated by Muslim populations, they also expanded their
empire to include Greece, Malta, Cyprus, Tripoli and the Balkans, and much more of
Eastern European territories. In 1683, the Ottoman army was stopped at the gates of
Vienna.
27
By the turn of the 18th century, the power and prosperity of the imperial sultanates
signalled the end of Muslim imperial ascendancy. The Safavid Empire fell in 1736;
dynastic rule would not be re-established until the end of the century under the
relatively weaker Qajar dynasty. The Moghul Empire lingered on in name only,
subservient to Britain until 1857, when India was formally declared a British colony.
The colonial period brought significant shifts in the balance of powers, not just in
India, but also many parts of the Middle East that fell under the control of colonial
powers such as Britain and France. Independence movements eventually lead to the
liberation of most colonised territories, but the Middle East did not revert to its old
forms of governance. The Ottoman Empire was partitioned into nation-states and
placed under the control of post-colonial regimes who in-turn propagated and
administered radical secular policies to ‘modernise’ the Middle East. For example,
Kemal Ataturk in Turkey and Gamal Adel Nasser in Egypt took drastic measures to
separate or if not close religious institutions. In Turkey, mosques were placed under
the strict control of the government and the grand Hagia Sophia (which was a
drastic measures were taken to reform the educational system so the role of providing
reforms continues to affect the way the Middle East and many other countries that
28
1.5 Evolution of the role of the imam
discuss how geo-political dynamics influenced the function served by the mosque,
role of the imam and content delivered during Friday’s congregational prayers. The
purpose of this is to highlight the factors important to consider for any study focused
on the content of the mosque sermon in any given context. These factors include the
political context, affiliations of the mosque and identity of the imam outside the
congregational prayers.
Muhammad was a prophet and political leader; thus, the content of his sermon was of
a social, spiritual and political orientation. Of the political content of the sermon, it is
widely accepted that he included messages aimed at furthering the newly established
Islamic state’s policies, such as those relating to the collection of tax and calling for
people to the join the army. The mosque at this point in Islamic history was
this is where Muhammad, the head of state, was based. Religion and state were
Muhammad did not place any strict restrictions on who could take the role of imam
for Friday’s congregational prayers. Scholars have come to the understanding that it
is preferable for a person to have certain characteristics, such as good morals, to take
century after Muhammad’s death, the task of delivering the sermon was considered a
‘sacred’ duty, reserved for the ‘caliph’ or political leader of the community (Fathi,
29
1979). The messages delivered by the caliph, similar to Muhammad, covered a
diverse range of topics and were at times used to deliver political messages. The
expanding Muslim empire needed members of the Muslim community who had
directly been in contact with and received their knowledge of Islam from
the expanding Islamic empire also increased the need for Muslims to join the army
prayers, the caliph communicated the empire’s need for people to migrate and join
As the Islamic empire continued to expand, it became necessary for the caliph to
appoint governors and generals, not just for the purpose of governing territories that
fell under Islamic rule, but also to deliver the khutbah for Friday’s congregational
prayers (Borthwick, 1979). Following the instructions of the caliph, governors built
mosques to perform the dual function of political and educational institutions, and
through them deliver a sermon on Fridays (Esposito, 1988). Information about the
from politics, the sermon would have carried political connotations (Borthwick,
1967; Fathi, 1981). As the empire continued to expand, governors appointed local
rulers or knowledgeable religious men to deliver the khutbah. Thus, this represents
the first point in Islamic history that the task of delivering the sermon shifted away
from political leaders, and with that, the political nature of the sermon was slowly
30
1.5.1.2 The Abbasids
It was during the Abbasid rule (750-1258) when the responsibility of delivering the
mosque sermon was officially transferred from political authorities to learned men
(ulama). Distinctly different from the first generation of Muslim leaders, the Abbasid
rulers were not directly based at a mosque, but sought advice from scholars based at
mosques for government-related issues (Borthwick, 1967). The imams who delivered
Friday’s congregational prayers were highly respected and had the influence and
on gaining the approval and legitimacy from popular preachers, such as al Jawzi7
(1117-1200), who is said to have had massive influence and impact on the political
and religious life of that time (Fathi, 1979). On occasions, the Abbasid rulers would
make an appearance at the mosque and directly deliver the sermon instead of having
In the centuries to follow, the ulama set their base in mosques, which operated the
mosque in Fez, Al Azhar mosque in Cairo and Umayyad mosque in Syria to learn
from the scholars based there. Dormitories emerged in the vicinity of the mosques to
accommodate domestic and international students (Esposito, 2004). While the ulama
delivered the sermons at these prestigious mosques and educational institutions, Fathi
(1981) notes there were different categories of preachers. While ulama based at the
mosque were highly respected and influential, there were also individuals who
delivered the sermons in village settings or smaller mosques. These preachers were
7
ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʿAlī b. Muḥammad Abu ’l-Faras̲ h̲ b. al-Jawzī was an Arab Muslim jurisconsult,
preacher, orator, heresiographer, traditionist, historian, hagiographer, and philologist who played an
instrumental role in propagating the Hanbali school of orthodox Sunni jurisprudence.
31
referred to as ‘story-tellers’ and were occasionally accused by scholars of fabricating
religious traditions and corrupting their audiences. Sometimes, by the order of the
caliph, the story-tellers were ejected from the mosques (Fathi, 1979).
1.5.1.3 Colonialism
yet another shift as 19th and 20th century colonialism brought about further changes
to the roles of the mosque and imam. The mosque and sermon are said to have
played important roles in resisting and, in some cases, gaining independence from
Azhar mosque in Egypt, were forced to offer education in a building separate from
the mosque and deliver subjects such as science and medicine along with other
most Muslim majority countries, they remained under the close control of
One of the ways in which governments control the mosque is through the creation of
employment barriers for those whose political and religious views are different from
the government. Imams in Jordon and Malaysia, for example, are employed after an
interview and training process (Sulaiman, Siraj & Ibrahim, 2008; Wiktorowicz,
propagate the government’s position and policies on certain issues only to be read by
the imam based at the mosque. Historically, the secularist governments of Nasser and
Sadat in Egypt, for example, wrote sermons to further their interests and policies
32
imams to ‘moderate’ the masses. Thus, when the mosque, imam and sermon
government, the content of the sermon can carry political connotations (Errihani,
2011).
In Muslim majority countries, the mosque and sermon have played important roles in
shaping the history and politics of the region. To date, even when there is clear
distinction between religious, educational and political institutions, the mosque still
raise their voices against perceived injustices. The limited number of studies that
provide insight into the nature of the topics discussed inside mosques in Western
contexts suggest they are generally of a social and spiritual orientation (Albayrak,
2012; Reeber, 1991; Wardak, 2002). When polemical topics are discussed by the
imam, they are generally disliked or rejected by audiences (Reeber, 1991). Thus,
context can make a difference to the content covered and the way audiences react.
The purpose of the information presented in section 1.4 is to highlight there are a
number of factors that can potentially influence sermon content and are important to
consider for any investigation into Friday’s congregational prayers. These include,
first, the political context, and related to it, the functions served by the mosque. In
settings where the mosque serves a political function and operates under the control
the sermon is likely to reflect these dynamics. As presented above, when mosques
33
employee of the mosque, the government may write the sermon for imams to convey
certain issues. If mosques are not owned, run or controlled by governments, the
delivered through the sermon, as this is likely to influence the way topics are
presented.
Another factor that may make a difference to the nature of the content delivered is
the identity of the imam outside Friday’s congregational prayers. As evident, mosque
sermons have been presented by people who fall in a diverse range of categories,
cases, the identity and role served by the imam outside the congregational prayers
affects the nature of the topics covered and message delivered to audiences. These
factors, combined with that fact the focus of this study is in a Western setting where
Muslims are a minority, will be considered in the analysis of content of the sermons
1.6 Conclusion
This chapter has presented the aims and objectives of the study, and contextualised
the study within the frame of discourses relating to mosques, imams and religious
congregational prayers began, the evolving functions of mosques and imams and the
34
understanding the content delivered through the mosque sermon are: the political
context and function served by the mosque; the institutional affiliations of the
mosques and those of the imam; and the identity of the imam outside Friday’s
congregational prayers. To this end, the next chapter presents information that
35
2 MOSQUES, IMAMS AND MUSLIM AUSTRALIANS
Chapter 1 highlighted the factors that play an important role in influencing the
delivered, the mosque’s institutional affiliations and the role of the imam outside
of the issues relevant to the audiences to whom the sermon is delivered. To facilitate
chapter is an overview of the history and associated with that the increase in the
characteristics and functions served by the mosques of NSW and imams who deliver
the sermon. After this, the chapter presents a profile of NSW’s Muslim Australians
and an overview of the issues relevant to them, particularly during the time that
The first group of Muslims to have arrived in Australia were the Macassan from
Sulawesi, who migrated seasonally to the north and north-western coasts of Australia
to catch a sea slug known as the trepang (also known as sea cucumber). It is widely
accepted the Macassan visits to Australia predate the colonial era; however, there are
differences of opinion about the exact period the visits occurred. Ganter (2008)
presents the visits occurred around 1640, whereas Macknight (1972) argues it
occurred somewhere between 1720 and the 1750s. During their visits, the Macassan
are said to have interacted with the indigenous Aboriginal communities, but whether
36
these interactions were of a cordial nature has been the focus of scholarly debates
argues the interactions appear to have had some influence over the Aboriginal
language, religion, art, cuisine and culture. Despite being Muslims, the Macassan did
not build any mosques in the sites where they stayed during their visits. This may
conceivably be due to the temporary nature of their visits. Thus, the sites where
fieldwork investigations for this study took place were neither of Maccassan origin
the Macassan, as with the arrival of colonial government in Australia and associated
measures put in place to deter their visits 8 during the middle of the 19th century, the
industry that formed the basis of Macassan visits dwindled (Ganter, 2008;
Schwerdtner Manez & Ferse, 2010). The introduction of the Immigration Restriction
Act 1901 eventually put a complete stop to their visits (Macknight, 1976).
The colonial period, beginning from 1788, while being instrumental to ceasing
Macassan visits, resulted in the arrival of a different group of Muslims. These were a
small number of Muslims (approximately 10) whom Cleland (2002) posits to have
made their way to Australia as convicts and sailors. At this point in Australian
history, it may have been practically impossible to openly practice Islam and build
such, the small number that lived in Australia, changed their names to avoid being
cannot be traced back to the small wave of Muslims that arrived with colonialism.
8
The imposition of trade taxations and the need to pay licence fees to the colonial government for the
purpose of fishing and collecting trepang made the trade less viable.
37
However, this was to change with the arrival of the ‘Afghans’ in the early 1900s,
whose migration to Australia was pivotal to much of the exploratory work carried out
by the colonial government and were the first group to have built mosques in
The history of the Afghan cameleers follows that, during the early stages of colonial
era when the British arrived in Australia not only to settle their prisoners, but also to
navigate and conquer new territories. At first, horses and, to a limited degree,
bullocks and donkeys were used to navigate the coastal areas of the country.
However, when attention turned to the interiors of Australia, which are largely arid
solution in this case was for camels, renowned for their ability to survive harsh
Australia. The camels needed to come with their managers or ‘cameleers,’ as they
cameleers joined the Burke and Wills expedition, which marked the first attempt at a
north to south crossing of Australia This expedition was largely not successful as
most of the explorers, including Burke and Wills after whom the expedition was
named, died during the journey. It was recognised the tragedy occurred due to bad
the decades to follow, the number of camels and cameleers imported to Australia
employed to manage the camels have been referred to as Afghan cameleers, but more
accurately, they were from Afghanistan and its surrounding countries such as
Pakistan and India (Deen, 1995). Most were predominantly Muslim, but a small
number are said to have been Sikhs and Hindus (Scriver, 2004). By the 1880s and
38
1890s, some Afghans were highly successful businessmen and dominated the camel
trade in NSW, Queensland, South Australia, Western Australia and central parts of
Australia. It is estimated, between 1870 and 1900, more than 2 000 cameleers and
Australia would extend beyond this, as they also played a pivotal role in the
Telegraph Line running through the heart of the country from Adelaide to Darwin
and the rail link between Port Augusta and Alice Springs were constructed with the
necessary for survival to the populations in the area (Australian Government, 2009).
population, boosted the country’s economy and laid the foundations for transforming
possible through their provision of food and supplies to mining sites. For example,
when gold was discovered in Coolgardie, Perth, in 1884, the Afghans supplied food
and water to the gold diggers working in the area (Cleland, 2002). There are also
accounts that Indian hawkers served agricultural and mining areas of Victoria, as
well as remote properties, police stations and Aboriginal settlements in the Northern
39
Most cameleers were on short-term contracts that did not allow for them to bring
their families. As such, many worked and lived communally in the fringes of the city,
known as ‘Ghan towns’ (Scriver, 2004). Most of the cameleers appear to have been
practicing Muslims and left traces of their practice of Islam in the form of mosques
built in the various locations where they stayed. For example, the cameleers are
known to have built Adelaide mosque in 1880, Maree mosque in South Australia in
1882 and Broken Hill mosque in 1887. Their practice of Islam was not limited to the
congregate in two church buildings and five other public buildings to perform Friday
prayers in Coolgardie during the Gold Rush period (Cleland, 2002). The functions
served by the mosques built by the cameleers have not been a topic of investigation,
but it appears they served the primary function of offering a place for worship.
The cameleers travelled predominantly for economic reasons; that is, the repatriation
of financial resources to their families whom they were not able to bring with them.
Some decided to form families in Australia by marrying local women. Most of the
women they married were Aboriginal, but a very small group of cameleers married
Australia, attempts were made to pass on their faith to their children. However, these
attempts were not successful as many of their descendants are not practicing
Muslims. Consequently, many of the mosques built by the Afghan cameleers were
neglected and abandoned (ABCTV, 2015). More recently, however, some of the
descendants of the Afghans have taken it upon themselves to rebuild the mosques
constructed by their ancestors. Others, such as the Broken Hill mosque, have been
preserved by the state and are open for viewing by the public.
40
Cleland (2002) highlights the reason for the eventual disappearance of the Afghan
their services were no longer required, combined with the introduction of the
Immigration Restriction Act 1901, which made clear that Afghans were no longer
welcome to stay in Australia. Cleland highlights that, despite their attempts, the
Afghans who had lived in Australia for a substantial number of years were unable to
particularly Asians, from immigrating to Australia. The dictation test would first be
delivered in English, and then, if the candidate passed the test, but was still
different European language until the candidate eventually failed. The cameleers did
not survive these unrealistic procedures. The dictation test remained in place until
1958 and, with that, the Afghan population in Australia virtually disappeared
(Cleland, 2002). The descendants of the cameleers that remained in Australia are
largely not based on NSW. As such, they were not expected to be present in the
the slowdown of arrivals from the preferred sources of migration, such as the United
Kingdom and Ireland, gradually forced the White Australia Policy to come under
review and was officially abolished in 1973. With this, the dictation test that served
as a barrier for the migration of individuals and groups of European ancestry was
discontinued (Cleland, 2002). In the lead-up to the official abolishment of the White
41
Cyprus, Bosnia and Russia succeeded in gaining entry to Australia. In 1967, the
from the Australian perspective was to fill jobs left vacant in the absence of the
desired flow of European migrants (Omar & Allen, 1997). Many of the Albanians
who arrived after WWII, for example, worked on projects such as the Snowy
Mountains Hydro Scheme and the Turkish migrants were employed as labourers and
The abolition of the White Australia Policy signalled a new era in Australian history
the new category of immigrants, Muslims arrived from diverse countries such as
Bouma (1994), in the early 1970s while an assimilationist policy was in force, all
Australian norms, values and ways of life while abandoning cultural customs and
42
religious practices that were considered to be foreign to Australia. The expectation
was that they should blend in without changing Australian society. As Bouma
highlights, some Muslims fulfilled assimilationist expectations, but for the majority,
religion continued to play an important part in their life. As part of their efforts to
maintain their religious identity, Muslim migrants, who had predominantly settled in
that continue to serve the needs of the Muslim community to date (Bouma, 1994).
One of the first religious institution to be established in Sydney was King Faisal
Mosque in Surry Hills, where two terrace houses were turned into a mosque. After
this, attention turned to the formation of wider associations and institutions (Bouma,
(2011), included the Islamic Society of NSW in 1957, followed by the Islamic
Society of Victoria. After this, similar societies formed in other states and territories.
representative body for all Muslim Australians. It was renamed the Australian
structured in three tiers: local societies that elect their own executive committee;
state councils made up of representatives of the local societies; and the national body
community built a mosque in the inner Sydney suburb Erskineville and in 1977, a
second mosque was constructed in the inner Sydney suburb of Redfern. These are
some of the oldest mosques in Sydney and reflect the occupational backgrounds of
the early Turkish Australian community (Bouma, 1994). At the time they were built,
43
Sydney was an industrial city that offered abundant opportunities for immigrants to
work as labourers in factories and manufacturing plants. As such, the early group of
Turkish migrants, who were mostly not able to speak English and whose
qualifications were not accepted in Australia, found jobs at these sites (Manderson &
global economic trends in most developed Western countries, shifted away from
based economy. This shift resulted in the closure of manufacturing sites in the inner
suburbs of Sydney (Waitt, 2000). The loss of job opportunities, coupled with the
rising cost of housing in the inner Sydney region, resulted in the movement of
immigrants to the more affordable western suburbs of Sydney, where the Australian
Figure 2–15).
The changes in Australia’s economy also had implications for the places where the
city’s growing Muslim community would build their mosques. In 1979, the Turkish
In the years to follow, the house was demolished to make way for the construction of
one of the most iconic and largest mosques in Sydney: Auburn Gallipoli Mosque
(Bouma, 1994). Reflecting the various ethnic and religious backgrounds of Muslim
Australians, the Shia community constructed the Fatima Al-Zahra in the south-west
in Sydney purchased land in Marsden Park and, in 1989, Baitul Huda mosque was
opened. In 1985, the Middle East Research Association (as cited by Bouma, 1994),
notes there were a total of 11 mosques recorded to have been present in NSW. By
1994, Bouma (1994) notes, there were approximately 20 mosques in NSW. Some of
44
these are said to have been a basic hall with carpeted floors, while others, such as
Auburn Gallipoli Mosque and Ali ibn Talib Mosque in Lakemba, are described as
mosques, irrespective of their size, were said to have been managed by an association
responsible for the affairs of the local Muslim community and the mosque in
Just as the number of mosques and Muslims living in Australia was increasing, it was
also becoming clear to the government that assimilation was not going to be achieved
diverse society where everyone was equal and had the right to maintain and practice
their culture without prejudice or discrimination. Ensuring all members of the society
were given equal access to resources and services, the government translated
documents and funded specialised radio services (Bouma, 1994). During this period,
the number of Muslims arriving in Australia continued to increase (Figure 2–1) and
the primary reasons for their migration to Australia included seeking a better life and
family reunion.
and social and political stability, but the newly settled Muslim migrants experienced
being able to speak English and not being able to obtain their preferred jobs. In this
study found the mosque enhanced the Muslim community’s sense of belonging in
45
Muslim community they are accepted in society. The study also found the mosque
played an essential role in providing space for the performance of religious rituals,
such as the five daily prayers, and a communal platform for meeting people with
likeminded values, beliefs and experiences in a familiar environment. The five daily
prayers offered at the mosque were particularly important for older retired men, who
Bouma (1994) noted some mosques were simple rooms financed by the community
and carpeted with an indication of the direction of the Ka’baa, but some were
associated with schools, religious classes focused on scripture, language (Arabic and
Turkish), as well as the provision of social and cultural events central to the religious
and ethnic community. With respect to mosques that offered these services, parents
expressed comfort in knowing there was a place where their children could be sent to
learn about Islamic beliefs and practices. Further to the functions served by the
mosque, Bouma found evidence to suggest the mosque played an important role in
the formation of social networks; as explained earlier, women are typically not
involved with the mosque. However, in the Australian context, women used the
The Middle East Research and Information Association (cited in Bouma, 1994)
provided some understanding of the duties performed by the imams based at the
mosques, which are said to have included: leading the mosque prayers, delivering
sermons, giving religious lessons in the mosques and other locations, teaching
marital problems, entertaining visitors to the local mosque and visiting the sick or
46
those in prison. Though the numbers of imams operating at the mosques is unclear,
Bouma notes the Islamic councils in each state made contributions to the imams’
salaries and they were usually brought out from the immigrants’ homeland. Some
imams are said to have been paid by overseas governments and others by the local
In the 1980s and 1990s, NSW’s mosques were found to be ethnically divided and
this appears to have had implications for the role played by the imam. Turkish-
Australians did not bring their personal problems to the mosque and mostly relied on
the imam for facilitating religious rituals at the mosques. The imam serving at
mosques built by the Turkish-Australian community was appointed and paid by the
represented a village centre with the imam as the symbolic head of the community.
As such, the imam’s role was of significant importance and interest to Lebanese-
Muslims. Thus, when Ali ibn Talib mosque was built in Lakemba, which was largely
funded by the Lebanese-Muslim community, the politics of who was to become the
imam played a vital role in uniting and organising a community that was, prior to the
construction of the mosque, split into diverse small-scale ethnic and political
organisations and interest groups. The unifying role of the elected imam of the
mosque proved advantageous not only to the community, who became more active
and efficient in the provision of services, but also for government institutions
providing services to the community, who found a single point of access to recent
47
2.4 NSW’s mosques and imams – Current state
The information presented above as it relates to the numbers and functions served by
the mosque has mostly been extracted from Bouma’s (1994) report entitled Mosques
and Muslim settlement in Australia, and generally depicts that mosques are
community built institutions that served a diverse range of social and spiritual
functions. Until recently, this report and information available on some websites
were perhaps the only sources of knowledge relating to the characteristics of NSW’s
mosques. Closing this gap in knowledge, in 2014 the Mosques of Sydney and New
South Wales: Research report 2014 was published (Underabi, 2014). The report
presents the most up-to date information about NSW’S mosques, including the
functions served by the mosque and role of the imam inside mosques that have a full-
and functions served by the mosques of NSW relying solely on this resource. The
delivered through the mosque sermons of Sydney as along with the functions, it will
outline the affiliations of the mosque and those of its imams, which as presented in
Chapter 1 has the potential to play in important role influencing the content of the
sermon.
According to the Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research report 2014,
there are 167 Islamic places of worship in NSW (see Appendix A). Of these,
approximately 50 per cent (82) offer jum’ah and the five daily prayers. The
remaining 50 per cent are places of worship that are open for the five daily prayers,
but do not offer jum’ah prayers; open for only some of the five daily prayers and
offer jum’ah prayers only; or under construction. Most of the mosques in NSW were
48
built in the past three decades, with the largest increase in the number of mosques
occurring between 1990 and 2010. Approximately 64 per cent of mosques were built
during this period. The report highlights the number of mosques in the state is
continuing to increase at a steady rate with growth of four per cent since 2010. Most
of the mosques were found to be located in the western suburbs of Sydney (see Table
2-1), which is where most Muslim Australians living in Sydney reside (see Figure 2–
15).
2000 to 2010
33% 1980 to 1989
12%
1990 to 1999
31%
NSW’s mosques are generally not connected to a central organisation. The report
notes, while the Australian Federal Islamic Council does not actively seek
membership, 14 per cent of mosques are affiliated with it. An additional 14 per cent
49
were found to be affiliated with the Islamic Council of NSW. Although 19 per cent
of mosques are affiliated with the growing membership of the Australian National
Imams Council (ANIC, established 2007), this is relatively low compared to the
significance of the organisation. One reason would be that imams usually become
members of the ANIC, rather than the mosque. The study reports approximately
three mosques are affiliated with the Turkish Diyanet 9 and another three with Ahlus
Sunnah wal Jammah Association. 10 Overall, these figures indicate that mosques are
Australian Federal
Islamic Council
14%
None
21%
Australian
National Imam
Council
19%
Other
23% Islamic
Council of
Shia NSW
Council 14%
9%
Eighty-four per cent of mosque leaders indicated that mosque attendance has
increased in the past five years. Conceivably, the increase can be attributed to the
9
Diyanet refers to the Turkish Government’s Religious Affairs Directorate. The department takes an
active role in catering to the religious needs of Turkish Muslims living in Western countries.
10
An Australia-based organisation whose members follow Salafi Islam.
50
Figure 2–4: Mosques of NSW: Attendance patterns at jum’ah prayers
Stayed the
same
12%
Decreased
4%
Increased
84%
According to the Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research report 2014,
the dominant ethnic groups attending Sydney’s mosques include the Lebanese,
Turkish and those of South Asian (Pakistan, India and Bangladesh) ethnic
backgrounds. This finding is not surprising as the birthplaces of most Muslims living
in NSW after Australia (39%) are Lebanon, Turkey and the countries of the Asian
members of the management committee and regular participants (see Appendix F);
however, in some cases, above 50 per cent of attendees were not of the same ethnic
background as the imam. This indicates that NSW’s mosques are not as ethnically
divided as approximately two decades earlier when Humphrey (1987) and Bouma
(1994) investigated topics relating to mosques. The dominant ethnic groups that
attend NSW mosques vary between Sunni and Shia mosques. The ethnic
backgrounds of the imam and regular attendees who attend Shi’ite mosques are
predominantly Lebanese, Afghan, Iraqi and Iranian, as their countries of origin have
51
Figure 2–5: Mosques of NSW: Ethnicity of the regular mosque participants
Afghan Bosnian
Southeast 6% 3% Anglo
South Asian
Asian 1%
24%
10% Gulf
Iranian
Other 1% 2%
27% Iraqi Other
Turkish 5% Arab 4%
10% Lebanese 5%
29%
The Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research report 2014 details that the
prime function served by mosques in NSW is the facilitation of religious ritual, the
most frequent of which is the five daily prayers. On average, at least 5 549 people
attend mosques daily. The average size of the mosque daily congregation is uneven
throughout NSW. In general, Western Sydney’s mosques have the largest numbers of
visitors. However, the time at which the mosque experiences a peak in the number of
visitors can vary depending on its location. The number of people attending evening
and night prayers is significantly higher in the western suburbs of Sydney, whereas
there are larger congregations for daily prayers for mosques located in the northern
and inner-city suburbs of Sydney. According to the report, some mosque leaders in
evening and night prayers is because people come home from work in the evening
and then make their way to the mosque for the prayers. Mosque leaders in the inner-
city and northern suburbs of Sydney attributed the noon prayer peak to Muslim
students and employees being present in these areas during the day for study and
52
work. The shift in the number of mosque attendances provides some insight into the
The size of the congregation throughout NSW is consistently below 100 for the pre-
sunrise prayers with the exception of a few mosques in the western suburbs of
Sydney. Mosques outside Sydney have low numbers of worshippers for prayers
performed during the day. This is to be expected as the population of Muslims living
Ninety per cent of the mosques indicated that women attend the daily prayers, though
their visits in half the cases were not frequent. Ten per cent of the mosques indicated
that women do not attend the mosque at all and they did not reserve space for women
to pray.
All the mosques included in this study conduct Friday prayers. Across NSW,
worshippers per mosque. In comparison, the total figure for mosque capacity came to
approximately 42 000. On the surface, this indicates space is not an issue for Muslim
figures that indicate the availability of extra space is a better reflection of capacity as
mosques that are built to accommodate over 2 000 worshippers, in most cases, do not
reach their full capacity on Fridays. For example, the recently built Masjid Noor in
people attend Friday prayers. On the other hand, mosques that can only
accommodate up to 500 people struggle with space as their numbers on Fridays are
53
generally increasing. Ten per cent of mosques have had to resort to offering jum’ah
prayers twice to accommodate the number of worshippers who are unable to find
Two
10%
One
90%
Mosques that have more space than they currently need are predominantly located in
the western suburbs of Sydney. Of the 11 congregations in the northern and inner-
city suburbs of Sydney, the majority have below 500 worshippers and all reach their
capacity on Fridays. Mosques located outside Sydney also struggle with space and
Children are mostly absent during Friday prayers. The numbers that attend form
approximately three per cent of the total number of people who attend jum’ah
school holidays, according to the study participants. As the fieldwork for this study
was conducted during school holidays, based on this statistic, it was speculated the
topics covered in the sermon may be directed at children or speak to parents about
54
relevant as some of the topics discussed during this period related directly to parents’
One of the primary functions served by the mosque is facilitating the performance of
religious rituals. Nearly all mosques offer Eid prayers and those that do not are
universities as the presidents of the MSAs anticipate that most students would pray in
suburban mosques and not come to university on the day of the Eid.
The Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research report 2014 highlights that
approximately 62 000 people throughout NSW attend Eid prayers. This figure does
not include the number of individuals who attend Eid prayers led by three mosques
(Bukhari House, Al Azhar Sharif Mosque and Revesby Mosque) as they were unable
to provide a figure for the number of people who attend the centrally located prayer
55
Of the mosques that offer Eid prayers, 78 per cent said that women attend. The
common feature of most of the mosques where women did not attend Friday prayers
was that the imam and majority of the congregation were predominantly of Bosnian
or Turkish background as were the majority of the regular participants in the mosque.
2.4.5.3 Ramadan
Most mosques organise iftar 13 on a daily or weekly basis during Ramadan. The
community, in most cases, brings food to the mosque and shares it with others.
During the last 10 days of Ramadan, 76 per cent of mosques said individuals stayed
in the mosque for spiritual retreat (itikaf 14). Throughout the entire month, nearly all
mosques offered tarawih 15 prayers, with the exception of the Shi’ite mosques where
12
Ramadan is the Islamic month in which the Qur’an started to be revealed to Muhammad. Fasting
during the month of Ramadan is one of the five pillars of Islam. Muslims refrain from eating and
drinking from the break of dawn until sunset.
13
When Muslims break their fast is referred to as iftar
14
Muhammad spent the last 10 days of Ramadan in the mosque. This is referred to as itikaf. Muslims
are encouraged, but not obliged, to perform itikaf.
15
During the month of Ramadan, Muslims perform extra prayers that referred to as tarawih prayers.
56
Figure 2–7: Mosques of NSW: Tarawih prayers during Ramadan
Shia mosque - No
not applicable 4%
10%
Yes
86%
Some of the mosques in Sydney conduct funeral prayers. Most of the funeral
(janaza) prayers are conducted by mosques located in Western Sydney and areas
outside Sydney. Mosques in the northern suburbs and inner-city areas of Sydney do
not offer janaza prayers. It is necessary for the body of the deceased to be washed
and prepared in accordance with Islamic rules and regulations before the
that comply with Islamic guidelines and council regulations are located in Auburn
and Lakemba, families of the deceased find it more convenient to also conduct the
funeral prayers in mosques near to those suburbs rather than transport the body of the
Location in NSW
Janaza prayer North and Inner Sydney Western Sydney Outside Sydney Total
No 11 21 2 34
Yes 0 11 5 16
Total 11 32 7 50
57
Source: Underabi, 2014
The most widely offered activities are Qur’an classes and weekend school for
children. Arabic, marriage, parenting and new Muslims classes were run infrequently
or not at all. Nevertheless, 46 per cent of the mosques agreed to being formally or
informally involved in marriage counselling and 56 per cent cited marriage as being
one of the main topics that individuals bring to the mosque for discussion. However,
most mosques did not offer marriage classes or formal counselling and support.
compared to other classes and activities. In most cases, classes for children are the
only activity that the mosque provides beyond the five daily prayers.
2.4.5.6 Philanthropy
Most mosques that offer Friday and Eid prayers also collect from their congregation
and the community it serves annual alms (zakat), end of Ramadan festive charity
(fitr) and annual charity sacrifice (qurban) as regular Islamic charities (see Figure 2–
8). Funds collected are either delivered to beneficiaries in Australia and abroad
Muslim Aid and Human Appeal. The amount of funds collected is uncertain as
respondents were not questioned about their finances, but the fact that mosques play
a significant role in collecting charity was evident in the information provided for
this study.
58
Figure 2–8: Mosques of NSW: Collection of charity
No Yes
Eid Fitr 7 43
Qurban 13 37
Zakat 8 42
Social activities are given priority as 30 per cent of the mosques organise gatherings
on a weekly basis. Fifty-six per cent of mosques organise young adult activities
tailored for youth. The expectation was for the youth to participate in mainstream
activities and classes. Forty-eight per cent of the mosques reported having a youth
group and up to 40 per cent offer sports activities in which the youth could
participate.
Forty per cent of the mosques organise camping as an activity. Camping trips were
most popular with Shi’ite mosques with 80 per cent of mosques included in this
study and the two mosques whose participation could not be included in this study
offering camping trips for youth. Fifty-six per cent of the Sunni mosques did not
59
Figure 2–9: Mosques of NSW: Programmes and activities
100%
90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
Five mosques were found to be places where females were entirely absent. These
were mosques where females were not members of the mosque committee and did
denominator of all these mosques was they perform a dual function of being a place
of worship, but a site of rest, relaxation and social mixing for men. Mosques of this
nature in the northern suburbs of Sydney were used specifically for rest during work
breaks. Taxi drivers, for example, were commonly mentioned to use the mosque for
relaxation before embarking on their next shift. In the western suburbs of Sydney,
such mosques were used for overnight stay by religious groups (such as the Tablighi
60
2.4.5.9 Social support
The main issues brought to the mosque are generally of a religious nature, which are
attendees. To a lesser extent, the community members bring more personal issues to
to the mosque for intervention and resolution. A smaller proportion of people come
to the mosque seeking advice with parenting issues or assistance with financial or
Muslims use the mosque, with some mosques that are managed and run by a
Yes No
Health 8 42
Financial 12 38
Religious 44 6
Marital 28 22
Parenting 14 36
A small group of mosques are affiliated with secondary organisations that assist
individuals to organise their visit to Mecca for the performance of the obligatory hajj
pilgrimage. Fifty-four per cent of the mosques indicated they were involved in
community service activities. Some examples include Clean-Up Australia Day and
61
2.4.5.10 Relevance to the sermon
The information presented in section 2.4.5 is extensively detailed and not directly
that NSW’s mosques mostly serve social and spiritual functions that serve the needs
generally be predicted that the content covered by the mosques will be of social and
understand the content of the sermon. In what follows, the characteristics of the
imams of NSW and the functions they serve within the mosque will be highlighted,
as this will facilitate better understanding of the content delivered during Friday’s
congregational prayers.
The Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research report 2014 states NSW’s
mosques are mostly community funded and volunteer run. Of the 52 mosques
mosques as volunteers. However, there may be more volunteers involved than this
figure indicates, as the report highlights significant number of participants did not
indicate how many individuals were involved in the mosque on a part-time basis. It is
assumed they thought the question asked for them to indicate the number of
individuals who are officially employed on part-time basis. Nevertheless, the report
highlights that NSW’s mosques have an average of nine volunteers involved in the
mosque committee.
62
Seven (16%) of the 52 mosques that were included in the study of NSW’s mosques
do not have a regular full-time or part-time imam. The majority of these mosques
every week) visited to deliver the Friday sermon and lead the Friday prayers. Sixty
per cent of the mosques reported having a full-time imam and most of these were
the government of Turkey), Ahl al Sunnah wa-l Jamaah (ASWJ), Bosnian Cultural
organisations, such as the Bosnian Cultural Association, funded the imam for his
services. Of the imams who were full-time but unpaid, four were Shi’ite and three
were connected to ASWJ. Part-time paid or unpaid imams were found primarily in
mosques that were independent of a connection with any outside institution. The
implications of these statistics for the purpose of this research includes that the
Despite their institution affiliations, in most cases, the imam decides the content to be
delivered during Friday’s sermon (khutbah), as the study found imams hold the
higher authority, with 78 per cent deciding on the content. Occasionally, the
management committee determines the content of the sermon. In some cases, imams
affiliated with the same institution share and deliver the same sermon. In the case of
mosques that are supported by the Turkish Diyanet, for example, imams take turns
preparing the sermon that is sent to five other mosque imams for their use. Imams
63
involved report the topics to be covered are determined collectively so the same
The Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research report 2014 highlights that
NSW’s imams are mostly from the ages of 20 to over 60. However, approximately
47 per cent of the imams were relatively young as they are aged below 40. The study
also highlights that approximately 17 per cent are between 51 and 60 years of age,
and a further 24% are above the age of 60. Overall, most of NSW’s imams are below
20-29
60+ 9%
24%
51-60 30-40
17% 38%
41-50
12%
In most cases, NSW imams received their Islamic qualifications from an overseas
country of their own ethnic background or from countries and institutions that are
famous for their Islamic studies programmes, for example Medina University in
Saudi Arabia, Al-Azhar University in Egypt or, for the Shi’ite imams, Qom in Iran.
Imams that are employed on a full-time basis were mostly highly qualified. Most of
64
the imams with degrees equivalent to a master’s degree or doctorate were full-time
imams. Overall, full-time imams were significantly more qualified compared with
Most mosques have a management committee. In most cases (60%), the management
committee established the mosque and manages the administrative aspects of the
mosque, and the imams run religious services and the educational aspects. Imams are
also involved with a broad range of social and psychological issues in the community
as they are brought to the mosque for their advice and attention. In 90 per cent of
cases the management committee has major influence over the mosque and its
65
2.4.6.3.1 Leadership of the imam
Fifty-two per cent of the participants considered the imam to be the leader of the
mosque and the remaining 48 per cent did not. The employment status of the imam
did not make a difference to this consideration as it is not necessary for a full-time
imam to also be the leader of the mosque. Interestingly, the part-time unpaid imam
Figure 2–13: Mosques of NSW: Response to “Is the imam the leader of the mosque?”
No response
12%
No
48%
Yes
40%
Underabi, 2014
2.5 Current community profile and issues relevant to the Muslim Australian
community
Important to examining and analysing the content presented by imams, as well as the
well as issues that are relevant to the lives of Muslim Australians. The information
presented here was also useful to formulate the research design (see Chapter 4).
66
According to the 2011 census, the population of Muslim Australians stands at
476 292. This figure may be lower than the actual number of Muslims living in
Australia as it is suspected some may not indicate their affiliation with Islam on the
census form in fear of discrimination (Saeed, 2007; Hussain, 2011). From 1996 to
2001, the number of Muslims living in Australia increased by 40.2%. From 2001 to
numbers of Muslims living in Australia increased by 20.9%. From 2006 to 2011, the
Despite the population increases, Muslims constitute a very small proportion of the
Australian population. In 2001, Muslims formed only 1.5% of the population and,
despite the high rates of increase over the past decade, Muslims formed only 2.2% of
the total population in 2011 (see Table 2-4). Nevertheless, this represents an
enormous shift in the population of Muslims from only a few decades ago when
0.2% of the population were Muslims (ABS, 1991, cited in Bouma, 1994). Muslim
populations in Australia are not distributed evenly as the majority live in NSW and
Victoria, with smaller numbers scattered in other states and territories (see Table
2-5).
67
Table 2-5: Muslim population by state
Within NSW and Victoria, Muslims are concentrated in the cities of Sydney and
Melbourne. Within Sydney, the city that forms the focus of this study, Muslims-
68
Figure 2–15: Map of Australia: Concentration of Muslims in Sydney’s suburbs
According to the ABS (2011), 37.8% of Muslim Australians were born in Australia
(Table 2-6). This figure is primarily a representation of second and, in some cases,
follow this pattern. In some of NSW’s mosques, the Mosques of Sydney and New
South Wales: Research report 2014 (Underabi, 2014) found that some of the
69
Table 2-6: Top 10 countries of birth: Muslims (2001, 2006, 2011), in percentage
2.5.1 Age
40 per cent aged below 24. Another 35.3 per cent of the Muslim population are
between the ages of 25 and 44. This is relatively higher compared to the total
population’s 28 per cent for the same age category. Only nine per cent of Muslims
are older than 55 years of age, compared to the total population’s 25.6 per cent (see
Table 2-7). The implication of these statistics for the purpose of this research
includes those large proportions of the congregation may conceivably fall in the
younger age brackets. As it relates to the mosques of NSW, this is difficult to predict
– some places of worship, such as those based in a central business district and
Muslim Australians.
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Table 2-7: Age profile: Muslims and total population (2011) in percentage
2.5.2 Gender
According to the ABS (2011), of all the Muslims living in Australia, 52 per cent are
male and 48 per cent are females. However, it is reasonable to expect the number of
females surveyed will not reflect these proportions because attending Friday’s
prayers, Muhammad is recalled to have said that women should not be stopped from
attending the mosque, and the Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research
report 2014 (Underabi, 2014) found, though their numbers are generally small,
women attend some of the mosques in Sydney. If these patterns continue, it may be
prayers will remain relatively small compared to men, which may affect the content
of the sermon.
2.5.3 Education
the Australian average. Relatively higher proportions have completed high school
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(men and women) and relatively higher proportions of Muslim Australian men are
divide between those who are highly educated and others who do not have any post-
would be reasonable to assume they enjoy a high standard of living. As pointed out
by Hassan (2015), this is not necessarily the case, as the proportion of Muslim
compared to the national average (see Table 2-10). While the educational attainment
average, they are significantly under-represented in high paying jobs. This is mainly
72
due to two factors: first, the higher levels of education may have been attained
overseas and are not recognised in Australia; and second, despite their qualifications,
Muslims are not being employed in their qualified professions (Hassan, 2010; 2015).
university educated taxi drivers and manual workers whose overseas qualifications
are not recognised or they are unable to find a position in their field of education due
involved for entry level jobs as those with Chinese and Middle Eastern names
(Booth, Leigh & Varganova, 2009). The researchers used distinctively Anglo-Saxon,
Indigenous, Italian, Chinese and Middle Eastern (Muslim) names on fictitious job
researchers applied for entry-level jobs and submitted a résumé indicating the
males with Middle Eastern/Muslim names was greater than for all other groups. This
Reflecting on the implications of the information presented above, for the purpose of
districts, such as the inner city suburbs of Sydney and Parramatta, will be attended by
conceivable that mosques in these suburbs will attract blue collar workers, such as
taxi drivers and security guards, who may have university qualifications that are not
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campuses, can be expected to be attended by a large numbers of students in the
Muslim % Total %
Negative/nil income 11.6 6.6
$1-$199 8.0 6.0
$200-399 17.5 16.3
$400-$599 7.9 9.3
$600-$999 11.6 15.0
$1000-$2000 8.6 16.1
$2000 plus 2.1 5.0
Not stated/not applicable 32.7 25.7
Total 100 100
The two main schools of thought followed by Muslim Australians are Sunni and
Shia. Within the Sunni denomination, a small group are associated with the Salafi
branch of Islam. Among the Shia, approximately 20 000 are Alawite and smaller
Australian Muslim Women’s Centre for Human Rights, 2014). Outside these groups,
74
adherents of all orientations and denominations of Islam have inherited their
following from the contexts where they were born. As such, it can be expected that
the other hand, audiences visiting the Shia mosques of Sydney can be expected to be
Afghan backgrounds may also attend Shia mosques, as portions of the population in
Afghanistan and Lebanon are Shia. In the case of Afghan-Australians, ethnicity and
The religious denomination of the mosque is also most likely to have implications for
the sources of content in the sermons delivered. More specifically, the orientation
followed by a mosque is likely to affect the sources of knowledge used. In Islam, the
main sources of knowledge are the Qur’an, hadith and sunnah. The Qur’an is
considered to be the word of God and Muhammad is considered to be the last and
final messenger. Muhammad’s duty was not only to spread the message delivered
through the Qur’an, but also to embody and exemplify the teachings of the Qur’an.
As such, his statements (hadith) and actions (sunnah) complement the Qur’an
reported and later recorded his hadith and sunnah. While the Sunni consider the
Prophet’s friends and companions, such as Abu Bakr, Umar and wife Aisha, as
credible sources of knowledge, the Shia regard only the reports of his cousins and
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congregational prayers follow Prophet Muhammad’s example. As the sources of
also conceivable that minor differences will be observed in the way Friday’s
The following section presents an overview of issues and topics relevant to the lives
analyse the relevance of the sermons delivered in the mosques of NSW to the lives of
Muslim Australians.
Bouma (1994) noted that most Muslims place significant value on maintaining their
religious beliefs and practices. This finding was confirmed by a recent study
categories defined by the extent to which and the orientation of Islam they practice
(Saeed, 2007). Some sections of the Muslim Australian community give precedence
to the maintenance of the language and cultural traditions associated with their ethnic
maintenance of their Turkish identity has higher priority than their Muslim identity
(Hopkins, 2011; Yagmur, 2004). Nonetheless, for most Muslim Australians, the
Bouma (1994) highlighted that mosques play an important role in facilitating the
transfer of the knowledge and skills necessary for the practice and maintenance of
faith. The Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research report 2014
(Underabi, 2014) provides some indication that this continues to be the case.
76
Moreover, the increase in the number of educational institutions, such as Daar Aisha
College, the Islamic Sciences and Research Academy and Al-Ghazzali Centre, which
offer courses in Islamic studies, provide another indication that many Muslim
Australians are interested in maintaining their religious beliefs by learning about the
faith and gaining the skills necessary for its practice. Further, a highly visible sign of
the practice of Islam is the hijab or headscarf 16 worn by some Muslim women. It is
not clear what percentages of women wear the headscarf; however, discussions
relating to the topic of the hijab in Australia suggest the practice is observed by a
For those who prioritise the practice of religion, the desire to maintain their faith can
result in their disengagement from some features of Australian society, such as social
gatherings where alcohol is served (Ali, 2014). Practicing Muslims will also not eat
meat unless it is certified as being halal. These practices are taken by some to
indicate that Muslim Australians do not want to integrate (Pauline Hanson’s One
dread and hatred of Islam that leads to the fear and dislike of all Muslims (Conway &
Runnymede Trust, 1997). It is a view that sees Islam as a barbaric, irrational and
societies. As the number of Muslims living in Western countries has increased over
the past few decades, Islamophobic attitudes have also surfaced in various contexts
16
This covers all variations, such as hijab, niqab, burqa, etc.
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and in different forms (Aslan, 2009; Chris, 2010; Ram & Elchardus, 2012). While
there has always been a misunderstanding of Islam in the West (Said, 1978), the rise
involving Muslim countries and Muslims, such as the Gulf War and September 11
attacks in the USA (Kabir, 2006; Poynting & Mason, 2007). More specific to the
the Tampa incident, Bali bombings, the ‘War on Terror,’ gang rapes committed by a
group of young Lebanese men and the Cronulla riots (Kabir, 2006; Lygo, 2004;
Poynting & Noble, 2004; Rane, Ewart & Abdalla, 2010). More recently, the rise of
around the Cronulla riot in 2005 are perhaps [more] widely expressed and accepted
than they were in 2005” (Poynting, 2015). Briskman (2015) also confirms this to be
the case as she points out that Islamophobia has become a normal feature of the
media’s coverage of topics relating to Islam and Muslims and the last decade has
One of the ways in which Islamophobia manifests is in policy documents for the
immediately after the September 11 terrorist attack and Bali bombings of 2002 in
which 88 Australians were killed. The Australian Government under the leadership
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exaggerated sense of threat of terrorism. The laws were initially presented as an
saw the passing of approximately 50 new statutes by the Australia federal parliament
(William, 2010). While claiming the legislation did not target a particular group,
politicians were quick to draw a link between Muslims, terrorism and violence, and
Muslims felt they were the target of these legislations (Kabir, 2004). These same
patterns prevail in recent times. In 2014, the government under the leadership of then
Prime Minister Tony Abbott made the addition of ‘hate-speech’ to the existing set of
national address that, along with introducing the legislations, presented Islam to be a
violent religion, that Islam needed reformation and some sections of the Muslim
Abbott's full national security statement, 2015). His comments outraged Muslim
leaders, who issued a statement to argue the government was yet again unfairly
Hizb u-Tahir (Hizb ut-Tahrir Channel, 2014, August 26; August 28), but whether
legislations will be expressed, but what may form the topic of discussion is the
Commission found it was common for Muslims to experience ‘one off’ incidents of
racism on the street, public transport, in shops or on the roads. The report also
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highlighted that Muslims experienced others forms of racism from people known to
them in their workplace, schools and universities. The study found Muslim women
who wore the headscarf were particularly at risk of being attacked and called
‘terrorists’ or ‘rag heads’ and told to ‘go back to their own country.’ The Islamic
being the target of religious vilification in the years to follow. More recently, a study
conducted by Dunn et al (2015) found that Muslims experience racism at a rate three
times higher compared to the national average. As presented earlier, not all Muslims
practice Islam (Saeed, 2007), but even those who describe themselves as being
secular complain of facing racism and discrimination (Hopkins, 2010) owing to their
association with Islam or being confused for an ‘Arab.’ Muslims blame and see a
clear link between the negative portrayal of Islam and Muslims, particularly on
commercial television, talkback radio and tabloid press, and their personal
In his book entitled White nation, Hage (cited in Dunn, 2001) explains that
Australian can generally be divided into two groups: the spatial managers and the
spatially managed. Spatial managers represent the dominant and powerful groups in
society, which in the Australian context Hage presents to be ‘White’ Australians with
a European ancestry. The spatially managed are the groups that ‘belong’ or ‘do not
belong’ and are included or excluded from being considered Australians depending
Associated with Islamophobia, Muslims are one of the most socially ‘excluded’
groups in Australian society (Dunn et al, 2015). Some sections of the Muslim
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community, mostly involving the educated elite (Peucker, Roose & Akbarzadeh,
2014), have taken an active role in not only countering the stereotypes about Islam
and Muslims, but being at the forefront of negotiating a place for belonging for
have set up websites to contest the stereotypes about Islam and Muslims that form
Moreover, some of the major mosques in Sydney open their doors annually to
answer questions the wider Australian community may have about Islam and
Muslims. Of importance to the issue that will be discussed in the next section,
Muslim leaders condemn acts of terrorism and show remorse to the Australian public
just like other Australians. These actions illustrate some of the ways in which
During the time that fieldwork for this study was being conducted, an incident that
had direct implications for Muslim Australians occurred. This event is referred to as
the Martin Place siege. As it formed one of the main topics of discussion inside
On 15 December 2015, Man Haron Monis held 18 people held hostage in Sydney’s
Lindt café. Within hours, he forced a number of the hostages to stand facing the
windows of the café, displaying to the public what appeared to resemble an Islamic
State flag – black with Arabic inscriptions. The perpetrator had the intention to
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associate his criminal actions with a terrorist organisation. As the day unfolded,
while his links to ISIS were questioned, some major news channels emphasised the
Monis was an Australian citizen who had been granted citizenship in 2004, but the
history of criminal acts, including several counts of sexual assaults involving women,
being an accessory to the murder of his ex-wife and sending offensive letters to the
families of deceased Australian soldiers. The letters were sent as acts of protest
Poynting and Noble (2010) have observed how a crime committed by a person of
Middle Eastern orientation is conflated by some sections of the media with broader
issues and stereotypical constructions of Islam and Muslims. It is evidently clear that
the presentation of the crime committed by Monis followed similar patterns, as it was
conflated with the threat posed by refugees and used to perpetuate negative
inclusive of Muslim Australians. The statement also spoke of peace and social
cohesion, which were evidently counter to the acts committed by Monis. While
Monis was depicted as anti-Western and intolerant, the statement praised law
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enforcement agencies. Furthermore, the organisations emphasised they were just
another faith group in Australia, announcing that, along with churches and
synagogues, several mosques in the country would be holding night vigils to pray for
individuals such as Dr Ibrahim, the Grand Mufti of Australia, condemned the attack
and rejected that it had anything to do with Islam (O’Neill, 2014). In the weeks to
follow, Muslim organisations made the perpetrator’s disassociation from Islam and
Muslims clear, and refused to take responsibility for his burial and funeral rites,
leaving his body to be buried by grave diggers hired by the government (Auerbach,
2014). While these were the positions taken by Muslim leaders in view of the media,
of interest to this research was how the issue was discussed inside Sydney’s mosques
to an audience of Muslims.
2.7 Conclusion
The Afghan cameleers were the first group of Muslims to build mosques in
Australia, which were primarily used to perform their religious obligations. In the
decades after the abolishment of the White Australia policy, the number of Muslims
study found mosques to be institutions that serve spiritual and social functions.
Meanwhile, the imam facilitated religious rituals and, for some sections of the
communities.
More recently, the Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research report 2014
(Underabi, 2014) provided evidence that not only have the number of mosques
increased significantly in the past three decades, but the functions they serve remain
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primarily of social and spiritual orientations. The imams based at some of the
mosques, the study highlighted, facilitated religious rituals and managed the
Friday’s congregational sermon, but for 17% of the mosques, volunteers from the
community are asked to deliver the sermon. Mosques are generally not affiliated with
foreign institutions; however, some mosques are supported by foreign bodies, such as
the Turkish Government. In view of this information, it can generally be expected the
interests of a community that has expressed a high interest in maintaining their faith
The chapter also presented a profile of Australia and NSW’s Muslim Australian
community. This information played a vital role in shaping the research design (see
and shed insight into the topics that may be discussed inside Sydney’s mosques.
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3 THEORETICAL UNDERPINNINGS
The following chapter presents an overview and critical analysis of the theories
employed to achieve the aims and objectives of this study and can generally be
separated into three categories. The first set of theories stems from the fields of
behaviours and social interactions. This theoretical frame has been applied to achieve
the objective of understanding the broader acts and behaviours observed during
understanding of how people are socialised and, in effect, influenced and controlled
to follow the norms, and social expectations associated with the roles they perform in
society. Stemming from the field of sociology, and broadly referred to as structural
theories formed the basis of examining the mosque sermon content with interest in
assessing if imams may be trying to socialise and thereby influence and control their
audiences. The third set of theories can generally be described as audience reception
theories and generally stem from the field of communications. These theories include
the HDST, UG and ED theories and have broadly been applied to frame and interpret
the results of the audience survey, which was designed to determine the functions
served by the sermons and how audiences receive and respond to them. Stemming
from the limitations identified in the audience reception theories, this chapter also
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specialists consider important characteristics of effective oral presentations. The
framework presented here provides a frame for analysing the relationship between
Friday’s congregational prayers and how audiences receive and are affected by the
sermon.
3.1 1st set – Understanding the acts taking place during Friday’s
congregational prayers
understanding and analysing ordinary human behaviours and interactions. The theory
stems from the work of Ervin Goffman, a sociologist who presented that people, just
like actors during a stage performance, are playing a role. As they interact with other
members of society, they are, in effect, ‘acting’ to present an image of their self that
conforms to the norms associated with the ‘role’ they are playing or the image they
wish to present of themselves. From this frame, performances are delivered before an
‘audience’ of spectators who play the important role of authenticating and validating
the ‘roles’ played by people in society by interacting with them in the appropriate
ordinary human interactions, but Goffman presents that the clothes people wear are,
in effect, ‘costumes’ worn for the purpose of identifying with the specific ‘role’ they
are performing. Moreover, Goffman’s presents that the context where people interact
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is much like the ‘stage’ where performances take place. Often, a stage will be
the ‘acts’ and roles performed, and the significance of the ‘stage’ and ‘setting’ for the
‘roles’ being played inside the mosque. Moreover, it involved understanding how the
‘costumes’ worn by the performers may be instrumental in validating the ‘acts’ and
However, Goffman was not the first person to apply theatre metaphors to analyse
ordinary behaviours. Sociologist Kenneth Burke proposed this idea and Goffman
difference between the two theorists was that while Goffman used the theatre as a
metaphor and frame of analysis, Burke believed life is theatre. For the purpose of this
study, I have adopted Goffman’s approach of approaching and analysing all elements
Goffman’s (1959) theory formed the first basic dramaturgical frame to analysing the
human and physical elements that form Friday’s congregational prayers. However,
dramaturgical concepts stemming from Goffman’s theory such as the ‘stage’ and
setting (the mosque), roles played by the ‘actors’ involved in Friday’s congregational
(the imam, muezzin and congregation) and costumes worn by the actors were
observed and analysed closely, the boundaries between ordinary life and staged
87
performances are blurred, as they are in some ways very similar. He presents that
staged performances are made of acts and behaviours that have been planned,
This process, Schechner argues, can also be observed in ordinary life as most human
is, they are behaviours that were ‘practiced’ in the past or are repetitions of
behaviours and acts performed in the past. Schechner argues that most human
critics have countered this proposition by arguing the concept is too vague and
rituals, Durkheim (1915) also observed an overlap between ritual and staged
performances.
(1915) observed: “not only do they employ the same processes as real drama, but
they also pursue an end of the same sort: being foreign to all utilitarian ends, they
make men forget the real world and transport them into another” (p. 424). His study
has been subject to much criticism, not least for its reference to Aboriginal
Australians as “primitive” people, but it is the first to have observed and noted
similarities between ritual and theatre. In his booked entitled Between ritual and
theatre, Schechner (1985) focuses specifically on cultural rituals and presents that
they are similar to staged performances as they are not only formed of acts that are
repeated at certain times (restored behaviours) and in certain social contexts, but
also, as with theatre and staged performances, are formed of acts that are coded and
directed by a source external to the performers (a spirit or deity, for example). This,
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invented by a source external to the actors, such as composers, scriptwriters,
For the purpose of this thesis, the concept presented above, combined with
performed during Friday’s congregational prayers and analysis of whether they are
‘coded’ and directed by a source external to the actors. As it relates to analysing the
‘stage,’ ‘setting’ and ‘costumes’ worn by the actors, it was also of interest to this
study to examine the extent to which these aspects represent ‘restorations’ and
are ‘restorations’ and ‘repetitions’ of past acts and behaviours. Overall, this analysis
will facilitate an understanding and separation of the statements and behaviours that
are ‘restorations’ and performed under the directives of a source external to the
actors, compared to those where the ‘performers’ have acted or made statements of
their own accord. This understanding was specifically important for analysing the
The most important of Schechner’s theories for the purpose of this research is the
facilitating a more detailed analysis of the acts performed during the congregational
prayers, and during the delivery of the sermon, is the concept of the ‘performance
process.’ Further to his proposition that ordinary behaviours are formed of different
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the performance of rituals, follow a sequence beginning with what he terms the
proto-performance (proto-p).
3.1.3.1 Proto-performance
All performances begin with a proto-p – that is a “prior performance revived, revised
225). The proto-p is also defined as “that which gives rise to a performance”
(Schechner, 2011, p. 225). This can include scripts, oral tradition, liturgy and
based on a proto-p – that is, the original script written by Shakespeare. Applying this
manufacturing and sales. Applying this concept to analysing the context and acts
the historical roots of the acts performed during Friday’s congregational prayers (1.3)
The training and rehearsal process involves gaining the specific skills and knowledge
prayers, this could be conceived as involving the Qur’an and Islamic studies classes
where the skills and knowledge necessary for participation in Islamic rituals are
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taught. The training process may also entail rehearsals involving repetitions and
It is beyond the scope of this research to investigate in detail if and where the
‘training’ and ‘rehearsal’ process occurs. However, the Mosques of Sydney and New
South Wales: Research report 2014 (Underabi, 2014) presents some evidence to
suggest the mosque may play an important role in providing the ‘training’ and
Performances in ordinary life and theatre have three marked phases – Schechner
describes the first as the ‘warm-up’ phase, after which transition is made toward the
main performance. Once the main performance is delivered, actors close the
performance and the aftermath ensues. For Schechner, the warm up and closing acts
are important. He describes them as transition points. The warm-up marks the point
at which performers leave their ‘ordinary’ selves behind and merge toward
performing acts that are encoded by an external source. The closing marks the point
at which transition is made back to their ordinary self. In some cases, Schechner
argues, the warm-up and close are part of the performance routine – prescribed and
guided by an external source. Applying the concepts in this paragraph to the study of
Friday’s congregational prayers involved analysis of the acts for those that may be
categorised as ‘warm-up’ and ‘closing.’ It was also conceived that imams may close
with aim of giving the audience an opportunity to ponder the message conveyed
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3.1.3.4 Aftermath
The aftermath of a performance is what Schechner defined as its ‘afterlife.’ This can
include evidence left behind in the form of photographs, and critical responses from
experts and audiences. Directly relevant to this study, the aftermath of Friday’s
congregational prayers would include the impact of the sermon delivered as part of
the performance on the views and attitudes of audience members, which forms one
ritual. The section that follows presents an overview of some themes presented by
Schechner (ritual as action and time/space) and others (speech acts theory and social
behaviours and utterances involved are symbolic and carry underlying meanings. The
symbolic expressions used during religious rituals may require prior knowledge;
therefore, the performer may need ‘training’ and ‘rehearsals.’ However, the
merely communicate messages through symbols – Austin (1975) would also describe
them as ‘performative.’ Austin’s speech act theory stems from the field of linguistics.
action or “doing something.” For example, saying thank you or making a promise are
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performative words as they are actions that produce an effect. Similarly, uttering the
that carry a certain meaning, but do not constitute a ‘speech act,’ such as simply
stating, “it is raining.” An illocutionary utterance on the other hand is a true ‘speech
act’ as it is made with the intention of interacting with the receiver, such as stating “it
is raining” with the intention of the listener staying indoors. Finally, of particular
significance to this thesis, a ‘speech act’ also includes what Austin terms
feelings, thoughts and behaviours of the receiver. Some verses of the Quran have
performative theory has been a topic of discussion in areas relating to gender, race
and the construction of social reality, for the purpose of this thesis, I take the terms
congregational prayers.
distinction between things that are sacred and those that are mundane. While some
have contested with references to religions such as animism, it has generally been
accepted that religious rituals often occur in spaces that are marked as sacred. These
93
spaces can be identified by special behaviours that are observed within their frames.
The rituals performed in these spaces have the capacity to take participants to a
different time/space dimension where memories of a distant past are restored. With
behaviours that mark the point at which the mundane is separated from the sacred.
community. Durkheim argues, in religion, the totem, a deity or the sacred plays a
that the object of worship represents the way in which society views itself. Thus, the
worship and veneration of the sacred is a social way of honouring and maintaining
itself. This perspective has been controversial, as critics have argued that Durkheim
reduces the sacred to an object that society invents to fulfil its own social and
psychological needs (Richard, cited in Turner, 2010, p. 54). The criticism has,
however, been countered by proponents who argue he did not suggest that God was
invented for the purpose of maintaining social order, but rather that gods, spirits,
totems and other sacred entities carry symbolic force that is conducive to creating
and maintaining communities (Ramp, 2010). Others have argued that Durkheim’s
ideas are not new and are simply a secularisation of concepts that form the central
tenants of most religions (Alexander, cited in Turner, 2010, p. 54). Islam, for
united for the purpose of worshipping God. Islam also recognises the social aspects
94
of religious ritual as the congregational prayers, for example, are intended to enhance
with participation. Chapter 7 presents the findings and discussion as to whether there
internalising the norms and values of society, but also learning to perform their social
roles.” (p. 136). A norm is generally described as shared expectations and informal
and values held by a social group in society do not necessarily hold the formal status
of laws and regulations, but nonetheless produce the effect of governing and
regulating behaviours (Bilton et al, 2002; Fulcher & Scott, 2007). Values, on the
other hand, are “cultural beliefs and ideas that have a normative or moral character,
specifying what is good and what ought or should happen in particular societies”
(Fulcher & Scott, 2007, p. 870). They are ideals and beliefs regarded as important by
a society or social group (Fulcher & Scott, 2007). These are relative concepts as
different cultural and social groups in society would hold different norms and values.
Individuals, social groups and institutions that create the context for socialisation are
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are four predominant agents of socialisation: the family, schools, peers and mass
2007). Some contemporary anxieties relating to mosques and imams in Australia can
capable of socialising Muslims to adopt norms and values, some of which it might be
view about mosques and imams from this perspective is that they represent a
One of the main objectives of the research was to investigate whether imams are
mosques. To this end, one of the tasks that needed to be accomplished was an
understanding of the way socialisation occurs. In the field of sociology, there are two
investigating the mosque sermons, it was found the two methods of socialisation may
and broad view – of human society. From the structural functional perspective,
functionalists compare the social structures that make up society to the organs of the
human body. Just as the health and stability of the human body depend on the
96
functions performed by its organs, a balanced, stable and coherent society depends
on the complementary functions performed by the social structures that make up the
society (Durkheim, 1915). The social structures that form society include institutions
such as the family, government, economy, law and religion. Another structure that is
referred to as social facts – these are the norms, values and social expectations that
process through which individuals learn to adopt the norms and values of society and
conform to the social expectations associated with their social roles (Henslin,
perspective, social roles represent the ‘script’ or blueprint of action, defining the
norms, values and social expectations associated with particular social positions or
role (Fulcher & Scott, 2007). The long-term survival of the social structures that
From a functionalist perspective, one of the institutions that plays an important role
in maintaining order and stability in society was the institute of religion. Durkheim
system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things, that is to say, things set apart
and forbidden.” Durkheim’s (1897) earlier work attributes a rise in suicide rates to
optimum condition for individuals to operate effectively – that is, within the context
of a community. As with all other social structures that make society, the survival of
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religion as a social institution depends on a continuous process of socialisation. From
the structural functional perspective, the way in which individuals are socialised to
individuals learn to conform to the expectations of the norms, values and social
expectations of the role they are preforming by following the examples and
illustrations of people in their roles and copying them into their own behaviour
From the structural functional perspective, another way in which socialisation occurs
is through the application of external social pressure. This occurs when individuals
are rewarded or receive approval for behaviours that conform to role expectations,
deviations, so bringing individuals to act in line with the norms of values of society.
and practices.
described above involved identifying cases where the actions and perspectives of
models for the acts being encouraged or discouraged. Moreover, the study examined
the content of the sermon to investigate the nature, characteristics and frequency at
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The structural model of socialisation has, however, been subject to criticism. One
criticism is that it relies too heavily on external coercion and constraint as the driving
force for behaviours. The argument presented was, if conformity to role expectations
roles, make them part of their self, and so become committed to them. They must not
only learn the expectations that define particular roles, they must also come to see
Scott, 2007). For the purpose of this study, this perspective presents an added layer
conducted. It was conceived that audiences may attend because they have
The second explanation for the way that socialisation occurs is offered by the
relationships and interactions to explain the process involved. The scholars that are
most frequently associated with symbolic and social interactionism are Cooley
(1902), Mead (1934) and Goffman (2002). The social interactionist view of
socialisation relies on a number of underlying premises. These include that there are
three types of objects in society – physical, social and abstract. The definitions and
meanings attached to these objects are not ‘given’ in the nature of the object nor
intrinsic to it, but are decided through a process of communication within and
between groups; they are social constructions. The way in which individuals interact
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with an object depends on the meaning they ascribe to it (Blumler & McQuail,
1969).
Relying on these basic premises, Mead (1934) argues that socialisation is a complex
process involving socially constructed meanings and interaction with other members
important to investigate Cooley’s (1902) concept of the ‘looking glass mirror.’ The
to Cooley, when individuals interact with others in society, they are evaluating and
monitoring the reactions of others and, in this way, gain a sense of how they are
conceived by others. As the norms and values of society provide a frame of reference
upon which behaviours are judged, people are thought to conform to these to create
While Mead’s theory generally agrees with the concept of the looking glass mirror, it
differs in some respects from Cooley’s ideas. One of these differences is, while
provides a more detailed and narrower view of the process involved. According to
Mead, it is not society in general, but specific people who make a difference to the
views, opinions and reactions of the ‘significant others’ (people closely involved in
the child’s life) that make a difference to the way they perceive themselves. The
process begins when children learn how to use language and symbols, and are found
mother or father. By playing the role of the ‘significant other’ in their life, the child
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develops a conception of self. As children reach the age of 8 or 9, their sense of self
shifts from focusing on the significant others and takes on the attitudes of the
‘generalised others’ in society – these are the general norms and values of society
and consider how society in general will react to their actions. Thus, the norms and
values of society become the voice of their moral conscience. Individuals in society
are thought to conform to the norms to demonstrate to themselves and others that
management’ to describe the process where individuals work to control how others
categories that other individuals in society are able to identify. Social roles from this
perspective are blueprints or guidelines for how individuals should ‘act’ in certain
contexts, depending on the role they are performing. Applying these concepts to
was conceived that any effort on the part of imams to socialise their audiences would
entail offering guidelines for the way in which the ‘role’ of the Muslim should be
identifying how meanings are attributed to social and physical objects and events in
society, and the norms and values that are attached to the characteristics of a
provide guidelines to how a Muslim should present themselves in the eyes of their
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3.3 3rd set of theories - audience receptivity and response
investigation of how audiences receive and are affected by the messages delivered
through the mosque sermon. The theories that offer a perspective of audience
receptivity largely stem from the field of communication studies and include the
Hypodermic Syringe Theory (HDST), Uses and Gratifications (UG) and Encoding
and Decoding (ED). These theories that are concerned primarily with explaining how
audiences receive, relate to and are affected by the texts delivered through the media
to their lived social systems and experiences and are designed to examine how
audiences receive and respond to texts delivered to through mediums such as the
television and internet. The theories are not designed to examine how audiences
sermon. Nonetheless they have been adopted for the purpose of examining how
audiences receive and are affected by the sermons delivered in Sydney’s mosques.
On the one hand, this approach presents a limitation as the theories adopted are not
speech, as is the case with mosque sermons and therefore, do not consider how
factors such as presentation style of the speaker may affect how audiences receive
and respond to the sermon. On the other, the limitation presents an opportunity for
presented by the HDST, UG and ED theories and also encompass the perspectives of
educators, presentation experts and Imams who generally give central importance to
the novel and significant contributions of this study to knowledge. What follows in
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this section of the chapter is an overview of the theories that formed the basis of
examining how audiences received and responded to and were affected by the
Investigations of audiences in the early part of the 20th century envisaged the media
could be “injected” with ideas. People were perceived as being defenceless in the
face of the media’s powerful ability to propagate and shape opinion in a uniform and
researchers in the 1950s believed it was Nazi Germany’s use of radio and film
propaganda that enabled them to gain the support of the masses for their
implementation of policies. It did not take much time for the HDST to be considered
messages delivered to them and replaced with theories that recognised audience
receptivity as being much more complex. Nonetheless, this theory forms the basis of
the arguments and perspectives presented by some scholars about the influence of the
sermon on audience members. Fathi (1981) presents, in its capacity to reach masses,
the mosque sermon can be compared to modern modes of communication. As for its
the case with reference to the constitutional revolution that occurred in Iran in the
early part of the 20th century, which he views to have been a consequence of the
that audiences automatically accept and are affected by the messages delivered to
them. Other scholars who have indirectly adopted a similar position include Errihani
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(2011), who presents that when religious extremism was a problem in Morocco, the
and taking control of the sermon content delivered. The perspective is based on the
logic that audiences automatically receive, accept and are affected by the content of
the sermon.
In the Australian context, the two diverging positions about the positive or negative
influence of imams, as presented in section 1.2, is also premised on the logic that
forms the HDST. Albayrak (2012), for example, presents training of imams by
However, some scholars challenge the notion the mosque sermon will affect
audiences. Borthwick (1967) presents that imams are only effective to the extent they
are able to draw a link between the old and traditional to issues relevant to modern
times – in other words, whether they are able to make their sermons relevant to the
the model that views audiences as automatic receptors of messages delivered to them
include Kouega and Baimada (2012) and Keeler (1998). 17 The complex nature of
audience reception is also attested by imams such as Alkhairo, who complain about
the quality of sermons delivered in contemporary times, blaming imams for the lack
17
To be discussed in the following section, Keeler’s investigation of responses to a number of
sermons delivered in a small village in Indonesia found audiences prefer and take more seriously the
content of sermons delivered with a serious tone of voice and authoritative demeanour. Moreover,
Kouega and Baimada’s study found sermons delivered in Arabic not only impair the ability of those
who do not comprehend the language to access the content, but also reduce the level of effect felt.
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For Friday prayers to be effective, the [imam] needs to understand the process
of listening. If he does not, then his words might fall on deaf ears without him
knowing it. Several times I have heard the comment “the khutbah was good
as long as you stayed in the mosque.” When people walk out of the mosque’s
doors, it seems they leave behind what they heard. Of course, this does not to
be true if the khatib considers the way humans listen, and makes the
performance and the content of his sermon interesting, relevant, and effective
(Alkhairo, 1998, p. 17).
Thus, in view of the challenges presented to the HDST by scholars and imams, the
following theories present other useful considerations to how audiences may receive
and respond to the sermon.
By the middle of the 20th century, scholars took almost the opposite position and
the empirical literature on media effects until 1958, Klapper, for example, concluded
that mass media messages exert minimal effect on audiences (Riffe, Lacy & Fico,
significant impact on a person’s ideals, beliefs, attitudes and actions (Katz &
Lazersfeld, cited in Riffe, Lacy & Fico, 1998). Thus, the HDST was rejected and
argued it was the audience who decided the source and their level of exposure to the
media. Audiences also decided on the purpose of their exposure to the media. This
idea came to be known as the UG theory. This theory assumes individuals in the
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audience will uniformly read the message and then consume it according to their own
needs. In 1968, supporting the UG theory, Blumler and McQuail (1969) proposed
• Diversion – to escape from the pressures of everyday life and compensate for
More evidence to support the UG theory was provided by Blumler and McQuail in
1973, who extended the reasons for which the media is used to include the resolution
nurturing and defending their egos. In recent decades, the UG theory has been
particularly useful in assessing the motives of social media sites, such as Facebook
audiences are in ‘auto-pilot’ mode and simply make ‘use’ of the messages delivered
to them. However, the theory cannot be applied if it is possible for audiences to ‘use’
the media and be affected by it. Despite its limitations, the UG theory presents the
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a factor that was considered essential to examine, particularly in view of Durkheim’s
(2012) proposition (see section 3.1.4.3) that the driving force behind participation in
religious ritual are the social benefits associated with it, including feeling a sense of
society. Thus consideration falls in line with Blumler and McQuail’s proposition that
audiences may ‘use’ the media to build relationships. Another possibility that
important to consider from the perspective of the UG theory is that audiences may be
Muslim men to participate in the congregational prayers. For those who have
‘internalised’ their identity as a Muslim (see section 3.2.1), it was conceived that not
attending the congregational prayers may carry a sense of guilt, inducing participants
to attend the congregational prayers for the purpose of fulfilling the duties and
Muslim Australians rate highly the importance of maintaining their faith, it was
conceived that audiences may be ‘using’ it not just to express their identity as
modelling and for those with children, demonstrating to them how the role of the
Muslim should be performed. Last but not least, in view of Blumler and McQuail
(1969) proposition that audiences may be using the media for ‘diversion’ or
themselves informed about the affairs of the community or otherwise ‘use’ the
service to escape the pressures of everyday life, particularly those related to work as
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3.3.3 Encoding and Decoding Model of Communication
By the late 20th century, scholarship and research moved toward accepting the
position that not only do audiences make their own exposure choices, but when they
are exposed to media messages, they also interpret their own meaning. Media
messages came to be regarded as polysemic; that is, they are open to multiple
interpretations (Hall, 1974). The founder of this theory is Stuart Hall (1974), who
the sender and receiver. The sender communicates a message (a code), which is
transmitted by a device and received by the listener who ‘decodes’ (reconstructs) the
message (Shannon & Weaver, 1963). While this model of communication provides a
convenient basis for the HDST, which purports that audiences automatically receive
and are impacted by the messages delivered to them. However, Stuart Hall’s ED
theory questions this notion by presenting the complexities involved in the sending
and receiving of a message. The intended message and meaning sent by the media
producer is the “preferred” reading that it is hoped audiences will receive. The
preferred reading is also referred to as the dominant code. Audience receptivity and
decoding of the message are affected by factors such as age, gender, education and
ethnicity. The audience, depending on their social position and background, may take
• Dominant hegemonic position: The viewer decodes the meaning that was
encoded by the producer of the media text. The viewer has not only
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• Oppositional position: The viewer decodes and understands the intended
meaning, but responds negatively and rejects it from their own frame of
reference.
• Negotiated position: The viewer generally accepts the preferred reading, but
negotiates the meaning in a way that reflects their position and understanding
to the model – that the viewer could decode the meaning in a way that deviates from
differently, the model has not been applied to examining if the background
characteristics of mosque visitors make a difference to how they receive and respond
to a sermon. In this context, studies focused on church sermons present some insight
how they receive a message delivered to them. Howden’s (1989) and Newman and
Wright’s (1980) studies, for example, examine if factors such as the gender, age and
affected. Howden’s research found evidence to suggest that older people rate
sermons more positively compared to young people, and women more positively
compared to men. Howden presented that educational levels did not play an
important role in the extent to which audience members rated the sermon, whereas
between education and levels of impact felt, with those with the highest levels of
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education least likely to be affected. However, to date, there has been very limited
research to investigate the impact of the mosque sermon on the views and attitudes of
audience members.
Based on the conceptual framework presented above, it was of this interest to this
study to investigate and understand how audiences receive and respond to the
message delivered by imams in Sydney’s mosques and whether they were able to
Hall.
A critical limitation of the ED theory is, while it factors that audiences may
understand and take different positions in relation to the message delivered to them,
it is fundamentally not designed to examine how audiences receive and are affected
by oral presentations. The mosque sermon is its core, and by definition, a ‘speech’ or
a public presentation. Thus, the conceptual framework for examining how audiences
receive and are affected by the sermon needed to consider factors relevant to
analysing the effect of oral presentations. As a qualified teacher, I was acutely aware
that these include the clarity of content, organisation and delivery. A communication
unit I completed at Macquarie University further assisted with identifying factors that
could affected how audiences receive and are affected by any oral presentation.
• Clear topic and statement of purpose: effective oral presentations have a clear
statement of purpose at the beginning, which can include the aims and
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objectives of the presentation followed by an outline of what will be covered
in the main body of the presentation. Having clearly marked the beginning
sentence structure problems and grammatical errors may distract the audience
appropriately.
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• Appropriate use of body language: the presenters hold themselves in a
confident and professionally manner, and engage and make their audiences
• Appropriate use of the voice to maintain the audience’s interest and attention:
• Content pitched at a level suitable for the target audience: effective speakers
appropriate for the audience. In cases where the speaker is not dealing with
appropriately.
While the points mentioned above offer a starting point to develop a conceptual
frame that could be used to assess the sermons delivered in Sydney’s mosques, a
literature review found evidence to confirm the factors identified can make a
presentation. Carrell’s (1999; 2009) study involving church visitors found audiences
prefer sermons that are presented clearly and follow a logical sequence. On the
too much “rambling” about the same point or no cohesive point at all. Bad and
disorganised sermons were considered those that contained useless and repetitive
points. Carrell’s study also found that pastors who communicate with compassion
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and emotion are more able to inspire positive action compared to those whose
speeches are predictable, monotonous and read such that the audience feels the pastor
does not care. Moreover, the study found audiences described a bad sermon as one
Further supporting evidence for the framework presented above was identified in
Kouega and Baimada’s (2012) study, which found that sermons delivered
affect felt. This study was important to include in the framework as it highlights the
impact of not just the comprehensibility of the vocabulary, but the language in which
Though not supported with empirical evidence, advice given by imams such as Wael
(1998), Tarsin (2012) and Alkhairo (1998) to other imams as to how they should
present their sermon provides support for the framework developed. Tarsin
light the fact, in Western contexts, Friday is a weekday when employees are expected
Furthermore, Alkhairo and Tarsin present that imams should present their sermons
with passion and enthusiasm using varied tones of voice. Alkhairo asks audiences to
use correct language and correct use of grammar, and asks mosque committees to
select an imam whose accent does not impede the audience member’s access to the
content of the sermon. Alkhairo asks imams to watch their body language, ensuring
they maintain eye contact and alter their facial expressions to match the content. The
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points made about the visual aspects of the presentation, such as eye contact, facial
gestures and bodily movements, could not be included in the conceptual frame, as,
for the most part, the sermons that formed the basis of this investigation could not
visually recorded.
3.4 Conclusion
This chapter provides the theoretical framework aimed at achieving the objectives of
this study. The first set of theories will be adopted to conduct a broad examination
theories will facilitate examination of the content of the sermons with interest in
by the imam. The third set of theories provide a conceptual framework that will be
used to examine how audiences receive, respond to and are affected by the sermon,
members, as well as the characteristics of the sermon, could make to the process. As
an inclusive aspect of the third set of theories, the chapter also provided the UG
theory as one that will be used to examine the functions served by Friday’s
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4 METHODOLOGY
This chapter outlines the research design and rationale for why I took this approach.
For the purpose of achieving this study’s aims and objectives, I relied on
Sydney’s mosques and surveys of audiences immediately after they had listened to a
recorded sermon. The chapter also includes detailed information about the process
Ethnography is a form of research that involves direct contact with people and their
experience of social life, generally with interest in understanding the meanings that
people apply to their behaviour (Bryman, 2015). Ethnographic methods can also be
used for the purpose of applying theories, which were Goffman’s and Schechner’s
technique applied for this purpose was observation, which generally involves
who lived among the people they studied, learning their language and cultures
(Bryman, 2015). Closely related to this study, the technique was also used by
Schechner (2013), whose theories also rely largely on ethnographic methods. One of
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the shortcomings of using observation as a research technique is that data generated
phenomenon (Fulcher & Scott, 2007). To counter this shortcoming, it was considered
essential for fieldwork to be conducted from the lens of the theories presented in
section 3.1. The interpretations in this case would arise from application of the theory
and not the researcher’s subjective view of the world. Moreover, fieldwork was
approach with clear scales and categories for observation which will be explained in
simply be an observer. Overt observations involve telling people they are being
observed and the term ‘participant observer’ is used to refer to a researcher who is
also participating in the activity they are observing. Ethical considerations required
that I make it clear that observations were taking place and, as a Muslim, I
of overt research is that people may change their behaviours if they feel they are
being watched (Bryman, 2015). This was highly unlikely in the case of audiences
However, in the case of the imam, it is possible the sermon content may have been
affected by the knowledge he was being observed, a factor that was noted to be
limitation, but one that could not be overcome. Nonetheless, as a Muslim, I was
researched are much more open to and less wary around researchers who are
Mosque Project meant mosque administrators and imams were familiar with me and
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4.1.2 Mixed methodological approach
general involves the collection and analysis of numerals. On the other hand,
cannot be quantified (Bryman, 2015). Aside from this basic reason, some researchers
hold there are deep seated reasons why the two methodologies should not be used
together. The first of these is that the two methods are rooted in different
theories and largely embedded in a scientific and positivistic view of the world.
Qualitative methodologies, on the other hand, give precedence to the way people
interpret and understand social reality (Hughes, 1990). As such, the two are placed in
two separate and distinct categories. However, as presented by Bryman (2015), the
reality is much more complex. This was evidently clear to me as I navigated the
methodological approaches and data collection techniques that would best achieve
For the purpose of understanding whether imams use socialisation methods during
the delivery of their sermon, I decided to record the mosque sermons, which would
information about the basic characteristics of the sermon, such as themes, topics and
making clear the general nature of the sermons. Moreover, it was possible to
numerical count of the number of references to rewards and punishments. I was also
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able to generate numerical data by identifying and counting how many times a role
model was presented for an act that was being encouraged. It was predicted the
outcome of this process may deliver numerical information that could provide some
insight into the methods of socialisation used, but it would not provide an
understanding of the underlying means and social processes that shape the numerical
method of the content of the sermon would facilitate examination of how the role of
a Muslim was socially constructed and the meanings given to objects, events and
circumstances.
To achieve the aims and objectives of this study, it was decided that observations of
sermons were necessary and audiences were to be surveyed. For these research
methodologies to be applied, the first step was to select and approach mosques.
Prior to this research, I lead a research project that took stock of all the mosques in
programmes
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• Leadership and organisational dynamics: characteristics of the mosque
The study involved a survey of 52 mosque leaders and the results were published in
the Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research Report 2014 (Underabi,
2014). As a result of my involvement in this project, I had access to data that would
collected for the Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research report
2. Size of the mosque: Some of the questions posed to mosque leaders in the
survey for the Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research report
2014 were to find out how many people the mosque can accommodate and
the actual number of people that visited for daily prayers and Friday’s
mosques included in this study were the largest in Sydney as measured by the
Auburn’s Gallipoli, Granville’s Masjid Noor and Lakemba’s Ali ibn Abi
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Talib mosques were included in this study as they are some of the largest
mosques in Sydney, not just physically, but also as measured by the number
of visitors.
Byt Mosque was chosen to be included in this study because the mosque
administration, imam delivering the Friday sermon and audience follow the
Shia orientation of Islam. Revesby Mosque was selected as the imam had
scope of this research, mosques from the smaller sects in Islam, such as the
4. Location: One of the tasks achieved as part of the Mosques of Sydney and
New South Wales: Research report 2014 was a stocktake of all the mosques
in Sydney and NSW, and GIS maps were produced showing the locations of
the state’s mosques. Based on this information, the mosques chosen reflected
the diverse geographic locations where Muslims live. As most Muslims live
in the western suburbs of Sydney, most of the mosques where fieldwork took
districts that imams reported are visited by professionals working in the area.
For example, as part of the Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales:
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those located on university campuses, were also found to be visited primarily
by students and professionals working in the area. Thus, some of the mosques
were chosen precisely for the purpose of ensuring individuals from a diverse
Having outlined the reasons that mosques were selected for inclusion in this study,
Table 4-1 provides an overview of the characteristics of the mosques where the
recording of the sermons and survey of audiences were conducted and a brief
description of the reason why the mosques were selected for inclusion. Overall, the
mosques selected were generally inclusive of the diverse socio-economic, ethnic and
mosques were suitable for inclusion, it was not difficult to arrange fieldwork as the
researcher was familiar with representatives of the mosques’ administrations and had
status may have assisted, but I found mosque authorities were always interested in
trying to find out more information about the institution I was affiliated with and
knowledge and, as such, people who pursue knowledge are looked upon favourably.
I suspect one of the reasons I was granted access to the mosques with ease is because
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Table 4-1: Characteristics of the mosques where fieldwork was conducted
Number of surveys
Ethnic orientation
Return rate %
Reason for
orientation
recordings
completed
Number of
Number of
attendees
Religious
inclusion
Mosque
Ahl Bayt Islamic 3 Iraqi and Shia Religious orientation 227 55 24.2
Centre Afghan
Artarmon 1 Diverse Sunni Martin Place Siege N/A N/A N/A
Mosque
Auburn Gallipoli 3 Turkish Mainstream Ethnic orientation – one of N/A 90
Mosque Sunni biggest mosques in Sydney
Darul Imaan 4 Indonesia Mainstream Ethnic orientation 304 60 19.7
Masjid n Sunni
Blacktown 4 Afghan Mainstream Ethnic orientation 175 59 33.7
Mosque Sunni
Guildford 1 Turkish Mainstream Ethnic orientation 150 27 18
Mosque Sunni
Masjid Noor 3 Lebanese Mainstream One of the newest and 493 43 8.7
(first session) Sunni biggest mosques in Sydney
Masjid Noor 3 Lebanese Mainstream One of the biggest mosques 169 24 14.2
(second Sunni in Sydney
session)
Lakemba 6 Lebanese Mainstream Ethnic orientation and one 1338 124 9.2
Mosque Sunni of the biggest mosques in
Sydney
Minto Mosque 1 South Mainstream Ethnic orientation N/A 48
African Sunni 18
18
I was not able to analyse the content of this sermon as my research assistants placed the recorder too
far from the imam and the quality of the recording was extremely poor.
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4.3 Fieldwork methodologies
This section of the chapter presents detailed information about the fieldwork
methodologies adopted for this study, including justification for the fieldwork
approach, the fieldwork process, nature of the data collected and methods of analysis.
However, while the fieldwork methodologies have been presented separately, they
are complementary. For example, the recording of the mosque sermon was, on 14
photography) mostly occurred when I was present at the selected mosques for the
For the purpose of analysing the characteristics and content of the mosque sermon, it
was considered best for the sermons to be recorded. Other scholars in the field who
have investigated issues relating to sermon content have mostly relied on note-
taking. For the purpose of this study, as the intention was to collect data that could be
information, which was a risk if the researcher was distracted, not given access to a
position where the sermon could be heard properly or if the imam spoke at a fast
pace or in a language the researcher did not comprehend. Thus, recording was
considered to be the most reliable and effective approach to collecting the content of
the mosque sermon. Further, observations and assessment of the imam’s presentation
style were made wherever possible. It was planned the recording of the sermons
would occur at the selected mosques over several consecutive Fridays. The purpose
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As I was familiar with the administration of the mosques as a consequence of my
involvement in the Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research report 2014,
visit. Thereafter, my research assistants and I visited the mosque to record the
(48/15 = 3.2). These recordings were transcribed, translated when necessary and
stored for coding. Three mosques did not allow for more than one recording to take
place (see Table 4-1). In these cases, the reason was primarily that there was a
allowed. In these cases, mosque leaders adopted the ‘safer’ option of not allowing
consecutive recordings in case any problems were to emerge. Other mosques were
very relaxed and allowed many recordings. In mosques where two Friday prayers
sessions were offered, both sermons were recorded, resulting in the recording of
sermons were recorded and 46 were transcribed (see Table 4-1). The two sermons
that were not transcribed were delivered in an Arabic dialect that the Arabic
translator was not able to comprehend adequately. In addition to that, the sermon
transcribed given the difficulties the translator was experiencing with comprehending
The sermons that were recorded generally went through a number of processes. First,
the sermon or sections of the sermon that were delivered in a language other than
English were translated and transcribed (with the exception of two that would have
been very costly to translate due to their length). Sermons that were delivered in
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English were directly transcribed. The final product was downloaded into a software
called NVivo where it was subject to coding using a frame designed to extract
of the sermon, target audience and other vital information. The purpose of the
the coding frame was designed to identify cases where approval or disapproval was
to the coding process were cases where role models, such as Prophet Muhammad,
were presented.
One of the primary objectives of this study was to examine the relationship between
the characteristics of the sermon with the level of impact felt. Another component of
the investigation was to grade various characteristics of the sermon relating to its
framework presented in section 3.3.4, the features of the sermon that were rated
included: a clearly stated purpose, clear content, logical sequence, variations in pitch,
rate of speech and volume. Other features of the sermon that were examined
included: the use of pauses, articulation and language variety. For the use of pauses,
the sermons fell into the simple categories of yes or no. The sermons were also rated
as being either highly articulate, basic or as having frequent mistakes. For example,
one sermon had so many sentence structure problems it was difficult to transcribe
and content analyse, so it was given an extremely low rating for articulation. On the
other hand, a sermon where the imam’s sentences flowed smoothly, and there were
minimal errors that distracted from understanding the content, was given a high
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Sermons were also rated as having a wide or basic language variety. Sermons where
the words used were repetitious or simplistic received low rating for language
variety, whereas those with more complex words and a wide range of vocabulary
The amount of time taken for the sermon to be presented was also categorised,
ranging from under 10 minutes, 20-29, 30-39, 40-49 or over 40 minutes. These
The ordinal data gained from this aspect of coding was entered into the SPSS
between the characteristics of the sermon and the level of impact felt by audiences.
While the recording of the mosque sermons was taking place, on one occasion at
each mosque, it was planned that audiences would also be surveyed. The purpose of
the audience survey was to investigate the impact of the mosque sermon on their
views and attitudes and to facilitate analysis of the relationship between the
characteristics of the sermons (as it pertains to the style of presentation, for example)
to the way it was received and responded to by audiences. Therefore, audiences were
surveyed immediately after they had listened to a sermon that was being recorded
and observed.
The administration of surveys for the purpose of gathering information about how
audiences receive a sermon is not unique to this study. Carrell (1999), for example,
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difference to how audiences respond to sermons delivered in some of America’s
churches. However, it was conceived, while a survey may reveal much about how
audiences receive and respond to the sermon, it would not be possible to examine if
there was a relationship between the characteristics of the sermon and the audience’s
reception of the sermon delivered. Thus, unique to this study, the results of the 745
audience surveys were cross-examined with data available about the characteristics
The survey was designed largely based on the theoretical framework presented in
section 3.3. The survey began with questions designed to gather information about
the basic characteristics of the audiences, such as their age, occupation and ethnic
background. The remaining body of the survey presented questions designed to test
how the sermon was received by audiences and the level of impact felt. The
questions can be classified into two categories: some were designed to examine the
immediate response and others looked at the deeper and long-term impacts. If
individuals indicated being emotionally moved by the sermon and that they intended
to change their behaviours as a consequence, this would provide some indication the
audience member was deeply affected by the sermon. Questions were also posed that
assessed how they perceived the imam and the way he delivered the sermon. Last,
the survey presented questions to examine audience perception of the function of the
mosque sermon. For example, from the frame of Durkheim’s functionalist view,
religious ritual serves the vital function of fulfilling a person’s need to belong to a
community. As such, the survey asked questions to examine the perceived social
for example whether they have family and friends in the congregation and if they feel
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good being surrounded by fellow Muslims. Most of the questions in the survey were
presented in the form of statements that could be responded to using a Likert scale
ranging from strongly agree to strongly disagree. At the end of the survey, space was
provided for audience members to indicate the message they received from the
Administering the survey in the selected mosques required the permission of the
mosque authorities, which, as explained, did not prove to be difficult. In all cases, I
and my research assistants were given permission to set up a table at the entrance
area of the mosque. As audiences entered the mosque, they were informed about the
study and given a copy of the survey, which they were encouraged to reflect upon
during the delivery of the sermon. They were also given pens and an information
letter (Appendix C). When the Friday prayers ended, audience members who wished
to participate stayed back for a few minutes to fill out the survey. Some who did not
pick up a survey when entering the mosque approached me after the Friday prayers.
The return rate for the survey was significantly higher in cases where the imam
informed the audience about the purpose of the study and encouraged them to
participate with an announcement during the delivery of the sermon. For example, in
Lakemba Mosque where the imam made an announcement about the purpose of the
announcement was not made about the fieldwork taking place, only 43 completed
surveys were obtained, despite the size of mosque being similar to Lakemba.
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The survey responses were entered into SPSS and the outcome of this process
revealed how the audiences received, responded to and were affected by the sermons.
The results also revealed the functions served by the congregational prayers. To
audience members to the way received and were affected by the sermon, chi-square
On the days the sermons were to be recorded and audiences surveyed, I also used the
opportunity to make observations and take note of the acts taking place. I also took
photographs and, where possible, a video camera was placed at the exit gate of the
mosques surveyed. The purpose of placing the camera was to count the number of
people who had attended on the Friday. This information was needed to determine
accurate return rate figures for the surveys distributed, as shown in Table 4-1.
However, the data gathered through the camera was also helpful in enabling me to
observe, in detail, patterns of behaviours that occurred before and after Friday’s
congregational prayers.
This research would not have been possible without research assistants. The
four assistants were employed for distribution of surveys at those mosques with a
mosques were conducted with the help of one or two research assistants.
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Most of the surveys were completed in English. However, they were also made
available in Turkish, Farsi, Arabic and Bosnian. Translated versions of the survey
were taken to all mosques where surveys were administered. This approach proved to
be useful in enabling access to those attendees who were not fluent in English.
The original application for research assistants was on the basis that I, being a
female, would have difficulties surveying the all-male audiences. The purpose for the
attending Friday prayers. Mosque leaders did not express any concern about my
direct participation in the distribution of surveys. I distributed the surveys on the first
through the process learned more about the logistics of survey distribution for future
research and studies. Contrary to the assumption that audiences would not respond
After receiving a positive response on the first occasion, as was obvious in the
by men. In these cases, their preferences were respected. However, in both cases,
despite there being two competent male research assistants who distributed the
surveys, the response rate was significantly lower (see Table 4-1).
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4.4.2 Ethical considerations – avoiding causing conflict between members of
the mosque committee
As a first step process, mosque leaders were approached with the request to survey
the audiences at their mosque at Friday’s congregational prayer. A date for the
distribution of the surveys and the logistics of needing a table were discussed. When
the mosque leaders agreed to a date, I ensured to put forward a request for other
members of the mosque committee to be informed so they were not surprised by the
member approached the research team and, on being informed that approval had
been received, expressed annoyance for not being involved in the decision-making
process through their body language. In all cases, I offered to abandon the fieldwork
and informed the concerned committee member that the priority of any responsible
researcher is ensuring participants are not harmed by the research in any way. The
offer to cancel fieldwork was genuine as it was feared that insisting on the
members. This approach yielded positive results as on two occasions I was contacted
with an alternative date and on one occasion the committee members expressed their
approval for the continuation of the research on the day. I was informed, if the
committee had known earlier, they would have ensured the fieldwork was successful
In all cases, I had requested for the imam to be made aware that their sermons was
being recorded. However, in a few cases, the mosque committee had not informed
the imam about the recording taking place and this particularly happened to be the
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case with mosques that were signatories to a rotating roster for a group of imams. In
these cases, the imams were given the option to have their recording deleted. The
imams in all these cases did not have any problems with having their sermons
recorded. On one occasion, the imam asked for a supporting letter from my
The audience survey was also made available online using Qualtrics, online survey
software. A link was developed for every mosque where the audience was scheduled
to be surveyed and made accessible in the information sheet (see Appendix D). This
approach did not receive a response from audiences and was therefore abandoned in
the final two months of research. The internet was a useful resource in the collection
of data from the audience in some cases, but in an unexpected form. Some audience
members sent scanned copies of their completed surveys to my email address. These
could not be included in the study if they were sent more than 24 hours after hearing
the mosque sermon. As such, only a small number from approximately 20 surveys
that were emailed could be included in the analysis, as having time to reflect on the
content of the sermon meant the audience member’s responses may have been
influenced by other factors. The inclusion of these surveys would have required the
exploration and inclusion of the role of reflection in audience response rate. As it was
beyond the scope of this research to explore the role of an added variable with a
relatively small number of audience surveys received after 24 hours of hearing the
sermon, it was considered best to exclude these surveys from the study.
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4.4.4 Design of the audience survey
Among other things, the survey questions were designed to examine whether
audience members understood and were impacted by the content of the sermon. The
level of impact felt by the audience and the extent to which their attitudes and
behaviours were influenced by the sermon was taken to be a measure of the extent to
which they were socialised by the sermon. Most of the questions posed to the
audiences for the purpose of measuring the influence of the sermon were closed-
ended and based on preconceived notions (based on the literature review presented in
section 3.3) of how audiences may respond to the sermon. A better approach may
have been to present the questions with space for audiences to explain in their own
words if, how and which aspects of the sermon had the greatest impact on their views
and attitudes. This approach may have provided greater insight into the variables that
play an important role in the extent to which audiences are influenced, impacted and
are thereby, socialised by the content of the sermon compared what has been
method of overcoming the limitation may have involved the arrangement of focus
4.5 Conclusion
instruments, gathering and analysing data. The main methods used for the purpose of
data collection and analysis included observations (and photography), recording and
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5 FRIDAY’S CONGREGATIONAL’S PRAYERS – A
THEORETICAL ANALYSIS
Chapter 1 presented that one of the main objectives of this study was to analyse the
acts taking place during Friday’s congregational prayers. The concepts to facilitate
this process were introduced in Chapter 3, the most important of which were
Schechner’s PS theory must begin with the proto-p. Chapter 1 presented that
Muhammad holds a very high place in Islam and for Muslims. He is considered to be
the last prophet sent not only to communicate God’s message to humanity, but to
also demonstrate how the acts commanded by the Qur’an must be followed. The role
of the imam generally follows the acts performed by Muhammad during Friday’s
congregational prayers and the audiences follow the first community of Muslims,
During the service, a person referred to as the muezzin delivers the call to prayer and
his actions represent a re-enactment of the acts performed by Bilal, who held the
Before delving into any significant detail about the nature of the acts associated with
explain how Muslims have come to an understanding of the proto-p for Friday’s
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as classified from the frame of Schechner’s theory, to gain an accurate understanding
of the proto-p. In the period immediately after Muhammad’s death, Muslims had a
good understanding of the acts performed by Muhammad, the proto-p and director of
all Islamic acts. His close companions, in particular, were also a source of guidance.
However, over time they were sent out on missionary expeditions to various parts of
the world and a significant number died during the military expeditions. Thus Ali ibn
Abi Talib, the fourth Caliph of the Islamic empire, ordered for their oral histories
about what Muhammad had said and done to be recorded. These oral histories are
referred to as hadith. Despite access to these and the Qur’an, circumstances would
arise where people were not sure about the applicability of statements to their
analysing the Qur’an and hadith to come to an exact understanding of what acts are
often translated to mean laws and regulations, but as presented by Murata and
Chittick (1994), this term may not always be suitable. Laws provide structures to
govern behaviours and are generally formal. Fiqh, on the other hand, can be very
personal. From a dramaturgical frame, it is fitting to describe fiqh as the ‘script’ for
Muslims. Some guidelines in a script are compulsory for actors to follow, while
In what follows, I present an outline of the fiqh to be followed by the various actors
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5.1 The script
There are three types of actors involved in Friday’s congregational prayers: the
imam; the audience or partakers; and the muezzin. Details of the roles to be
performed will be presented in the sections to follow, but in this section I will outline
what fiqh (script) for Friday’s congregational prayers details about who can or cannot
participate.
Anyone can be an imam provided they are male, an adult (have reached the age of
puberty), Muslim and able to recite verses of the Qur’an. However, in the event that
large numbers of people meet this criteria, there are guidelines as who is to be given
literate person is given preference over the illiterate, a healthy person over the sick, a
person who has performed their ritual ablution over a person who has not, and one
religious obligation that must be performed by Muslim men who have reached the
age of puberty and are physically healthy and mentally sound. Negligence is
children, travellers and the sick are exempted from participating, though they may
participate if they wish (Woodlock, 2010). For the congregations offered in the
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mosques of Sydney, the implications for these guidelines were clear as most of the
The role of the muezzin involves the recitation of the call to prayer in a melodious
tone of voice. After reciting the call to prayer, the muezzin takes on the role of an
ordinary partaker. Thus, the conditions that qualify a person to be a partaker also
qualify a person for the role of the muezzin. It is preferred for the muezzin to be
someone with a good voice and generally to have good morals and character (Jazīzi,
2009).
From an Islamic perspective (inscribed in fiqh books for Muslims to follow), any
place on earth, provided it is clean and provides adequate space, can be used as the
stage for the performance of Friday’s congregational prayers. Some scholars prefer
for the congregational prayers to occur inside the mosque, which is where, the
necessary for them to be offered in other locations. The congregational prayers are to
19
Women have begun seeing this aspect of the script as exclusionary and have stated they have been
excluded from participation not by the religion, but by the men and cultural domination. To argue
their case for participation, women use Islamic sources of knowledge to show that women attended
Muhammad’s mosque and, if Muhammad (the producer and director of the script) disliked for women
to attend, he would not have named one of the doors bab al-Nisa, which means the door of women.
Furthermore, Muhammad explicitly asked men not to stop women from attending the mosque;
therefore, it is not men’s prerogative to stop women from participating in mosque activities, including
Friday’s congregational prayer (Woodlock, 2011).
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5.1.3 The setting
Muhammad’s mosque was simple. Mud bricks were used to form an enclosure
measuring approximately 30 square metres. At first, the mosque did not have a roof,
but later, a roof made of tree branches and a layer of mud was added (Omer , 2010).
From oral narrations, it has been concluded that Muhammad delivered his sermons
while standing, but when the number of people attending the mosque in Medina
were made for a raised platform for him to stand on while delivering his sermons
(Zarabozo, 1994). Muhammad’s minbar was located at the front of the mosque
Muslims are not required to design their mosques in the same fashion, but most
mosques are an empty hall where Muslims can perform their prayers in congregation.
Mosques may have a minbar for the imam to ascend for the purpose of delivering his
sermon. Mosques may also have other features, some more lavish than others, but
cultural meaning.
Ibn Qayyim (cited in Al-Munajjid, 2015) conducted an analysis of the hadith relating
included a turban, typically wrapped around his head with the ends falling between
his shoulder blades (though some sources suggest it did not have an end at all).
Under the turban, Muhammad is said to have worn a cap. On occasions, the cap was
worn without the turban or the turban without the cap. Another item of clothing worn
by Muhammad was a long shirt (referred to as the thobe or galabiya), extending from
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his neck to his ankles and sleeves to his wrists. On special occasions, he is said to
have worn a jubbah – a cloak with wide sleeves – over the thobe. He is said to have
worn the jubbah on formal and special occasions. There are other items of clothing
he is also said to have worn (fur coat, trousers, wraps, leather slippers, etc.), but the
items of clothing he is said to have worn for Friday’s congregational prayers are
limited to three: the turban, thobe and cloak/jubbah. His favourite colour was white
and as he is recalled to have said: “They (white garments) are the best of your
garments, so wear them and shroud your dead in them” (Al-Munajjid, 2015).
However, he did not always wear white during Friday’s congregational prayers as it
As far as the script or fiqh for Friday’s congregational prayers is concerned, there are
no specific rules to follow. Dressing like Muhammad is not essential for the imam,
save for the head, which some consider essential for him to cover. Nonetheless, some
as an expression of admiration.
Schechner (as discussed in Chapter 2) argued that, much like performances delivered
begin with what he describes as ‘warm-up’ acts. Schechner explained, for some
warm-up acts that must be followed before a person can enter the mosque or sacred
space where the congregational prayers are performed. The proto-p and director of
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the warm-up acts is Muhammad, who is said to have highly preferred for all
performers to bathe (ghusl), clip their nails, brush their teeth, wear clean clothes and
apply perfume. If a person is unable to perform these acts, the minimum requirement
is that they perform what is referred to as wudu – that is, cleanse their hands, face
and feet with water. This is the warm-up routine Muslims are generally required to
perform for all their daily prayers (Buyukcelebi, 2003). As such, mosques are
expected to provide washing facilities for this purpose. The requirement that
proposition that a distinctive feature of religion is its separation of the sacred from
physically and spiritually purified themselves (Zarabozo, 1994) and they are
therefore ready to enter the sacred spaces and participate in rituals. From an Islamic
prayers are a sacred ritual. Participants draw another distinction between the ordinary
and sacred by taking off their shoes before entering the mosque.
Muhammad ascended the minbar and greeted the congregation briefly with the
statement salaam alaikum. Then, he sat down and waited for the muezzin to recite the
adhan (call to prayer). At this point, Bilal, the proto-p for the role performed by the
muezzin, stood up, faced the direction of the Ka’baa, raised his hands to cover his
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God is the Greatest, God is the Greatest
I bear witness there is no deity except God
I bear witness there is no deity except God
I bear witness that Muhammad is the messenger of God
I bear witness that Muhammad is the Messenger of God
Come to pray, come to pray
Come to success, come to success
God is the Greatest, God is the Greatest
There is no deity except God 20
Just as Bilal recited verses to bear witness that there is no God but God, Muhammad
is said to have quietly repeated after him “and I also bear witness.” (Zarabozo, 1994)
From the frame of Austin’s speech act theory, the recitation of the adhan is a
perlocutionary speech act as the intention of the recital is to produce an effect on the
behaviours of audiences. It signals to the audience that the ‘performance’ has begun.
Thus, on hearing the adhan, the audience (or partakers), as their role requires, must
observe silence and sit in an upright position. Muhammad made it clear that
members of the congregation must remain silent while the khutbah is being
delivered. He is recalled to have said: “he who performed ablution well, then came to
the Friday prayer, listened (to the sermon), and kept silent, all (his sins) between the
time and the next Friday would be forgiven” (Nadwi, 2007). He is also recorded to
have said: “while the imam is delivering the khutbah, and you ask your companion to
keep quiet and listen, then no doubt you have done something inappropriate”
(Buyukcelebi, 2003). The statement was made to denote that a person should not
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When the adhan concludes, the muezzin sits down and takes on the role of partaker,
while the imam ascends the minbar (if there is one) or stands and delivers the
sermon. At this point, there is some difference of opinion as to what statements must
be made. The difference of opinion goes back to how Islamic jurists answer the
(Zarabozo, 1994).
According to Abu Hanifa, there is only one pillar for the khutbah. That is, the
described in the Qur’an. Abu Hanifa was of the opinion that, if the imam simply said
once “Glory be to Allah,” “there is no one worthy of worship except Allah” or “all
praises are due to Allah,” that would be sufficient as a khutbah. However, his two
leading students disagreed and said one must deliver what can rightly be called a
khutbah (an address or speech). Shafi said there are five pillars for the khutbah:
1) Praising Allah at the beginning of the khutbah; 2) Saying prayers for the Prophet;
Qur’an; and 5) Saying some supplications or dua (Jazīrī, 2009). Muhammad is said
to have fulfilled this criteria at the beginning of his sermons, which began with the
All praise is due to Allah. We praise Him, and seek His Help, and ask for His
forgiveness. We seek refuge in Allah from the evil in our souls and from our
sinful deeds. Whosoever Allah guide no one can mislead and whosoever
Allah misguides, no one can guide. I bear witness that there is no one worthy
of worship except Allah. He is One having no partner. And I bear witness that
Muhammad is His servant and messenger. O believers, be God conscious and
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die not except as Muslims. Oh believers, be conscious of your Lord, the One
who created you from one soul and created from it its mate and from them
spread many men and women. And fear Allah from whom you demand your
mutual rights and (do not cut) familial relations. Surely Allah is Ever All-
Watchful over you. O believers be God conscious and always speak the truth.
He will direct you to do righteous deeds and will forgive you your sins. And
whosoever obeys Allah and His messenger has indeed achieved a great
achievement (Zarabozo, 1994).
After reciting this statement, the imam will say amma badu. The literal translation of
these words is ‘whatever comes after,’ but they are said to denote a transition from
the introduction to the main body of the sermon. Therefore, another translation of the
Muhammad delivered his sermon in Arabic; therefore, some consider it essential for
the entire content to be delivered in this language Others follow the scholarly view
that it is sufficient for the warm-up (as explained above) and closing supplication to
be delivered in Arabic, and the content that falls between may be delivered in a
The sermon is split into two parts, with the first being longer than the second.
Muslims scholars are of the view that Muhammad delivered his sermon while
standing, then he would sit and maintain silence for approximately 20 seconds and
then stand again to deliver the second part of the sermon (Jazīrī, 2009).
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Figure 5–1: UNSW – the imam delivering his sermon while standing
Source: Fieldwork
The second part of the sermon is finalised with the recitation of a supplication. The
imam at this point will raise his hands to the height of his face and turn his palms so
they are facing the sky (Zarabozo, 1994). He will then recite a supplication that has
the scope to be tailored to match the content of the sermon or circumstances relevant
Muhammad (Alkhairo, 1998). At this point, audiences also raise their hands with
palms facing the sky and may say ameen at the close of every sentence the imam
After this act, the imam descends from the minbar and the muezzin reiterates the call
to prayer, but this time at a faster pace (known as the iqama). The iqama is also a
perlocutionary speech act, but the intention is to move audiences from a seated to a
standing position, forming rows facing the direction of the Ka’baa. The imam also
moves to take the lead position by standing in the space allocated for him or simply
stands one step ahead of the first row. At this juncture, the imam and congregation
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are standing ready to perform their prayers. It is usual for the imam who delivered
the sermon to take lead the congregational prayers as Muhammad is narrated to have
delivered the sermon and then led the congregational prayers (Zarabozo, 1994).
The prayers begin in a standing position, follow a series of acts that are believed to
have been performed by Muhammad and his congregations, and end in a seated
position. First, all participants make the intention to worship God, and express this
intention by lifting their hands to their shoulders and saying Allahu Akbar (God is the
greatest) (Ozalp, 2004). The acts performed and statements recited during these
prayers are ‘coded’ with meanings. They are speech acts intended to communicate a
message to God. When the participant raises their hand to their shoulders, they are
indicating they have left the world behind them and submitted to God (Ozalp, 2004).
This act can be said to be a transition point. At this point, the worshipper considers
distinguishing feature of religion being the separation of the mundane and sacred
ablution and take off their shoes to enter sacred space, but I have observed there are
different levels and categories of sacredness. When a person raises their hands and
stands before God, they have entered a higher level or category of sacred space.
After this point, most of the acts to be performed are classified as obligatory
elements of the congregational prayers (Jazīrī, 2009). A person’s actions must strictly
The imam then leads the congregation in prayer with the recital of verses from the
Qur’an followed by a series of speech acts such as bowing and prostrating with their
forehead touching the ground to communicate praise and submission to God. After
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this, the imam and congregation stand up again and another round of similar acts
follows. On the second round, when participants raise their heads after prostrating,
following the lead of the imam, participants assume a seated position, which can be
classified as a concluding act as a series of verses are recited silently. After this, the
imam takes the lead and closes the prayers by turning his head to the right and then
to the left while declaring greetings and the congregation follows. These greetings
are also speech acts as they are intended to greet the angels that are believed to be
sitting on the right and left shoulders of a person. While still in a seated position, the
imam will declare supplications with his palms facing the sky. Audiences adopt a
similar posture and may recite ameen at the end of every calling (Jazīrī, 2009). After
this point, the congregational prayers are closed and transitions are made back to
ordinary life. Participants mark their return to the mundane by putting on their shoes
and leaving the mosque. Participants may also ‘close’ through social interactions
During fieldwork, I observed closely the characteristics of the objects and acts that
took place during congregational prayers. As my observations were being made from
clear to me that most of what was seen were ‘restored’ performances and re-
enactments of the proto-p or otherwise guided by the ‘script.’ However, every re-
enactment and restoration had slight variations, which I will discuss in detail in the
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5.1.6.1 Stage, setting and costumes
Schechner argues that the concept of ‘restored’ performances and re-enactments can
some variations in size, construction materials and aesthetics, most mosques were
mosque located in current day Medina. Darul-Imam located in Arncliffe, Ali ibn Ali
Talib in Lakemba and Uthman mosque in Blacktown are some of the major mosques
Imam mosque was primarily funded and run by the Malay community; Ali ibn Abi
Taleb by the Lebanese community; and Uthman Mosque by the Afghan community.
Despite these differences, these mosques are rectangular structures with a flat roof.
Muhammad’s mosque did not have a minaret, but Bilal, the first muezzin in Islam,
was known to have delivered his sermon from elevated platforms, including the roof
of the Ka’baa to recite the adhan. Over time, the minaret became a feature of
mosques to be used for the purpose of calling the adhan. In Sydney, the law does not
allow for Muslims communities to ascend the minaret and recite the call to prayer
loudly, but this feature of the mosque was still ‘restored.’ In this case, the structure
was influenced not by the proto-p (the Prophet’s mosque), but the ‘script,’ which
indicates the call to pray must be made from a location so it can be heard.
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Figure 5–2: Lakemba Mosque: flat roof and palm trees
Source: Fieldwork
Figure 5–3: Ahl Bayt Mosque: simple rectangular structure with flat roof
Source: Fieldwork
The outside of some mosques did not resemble the proto-p. Guildford and Quakers
Hill mosques, for example, have a triangular roof, which is in stark contrast to the
Prophet’s mosque (see Appendix B). This is mainly because both of these structures
were churches before they were purchased by Muslims and converted into mosques.
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Nonetheless, the interiors of the mosque are in all cases ‘restorations’ guided by the
script and, related to it, the roles that should be performed. For example, most
mosques were empty halls laid with a carpet custom-made for the performance of the
five daily prayers, but most specifically, the congregational prayers. The carpet was
in most cases ‘coded’ with meaning or, from the frame of Austin’s speech act theory,
Ka’baa so they can sit or pray in that direction. Moreover, the design of the carpet in
most cases also communicated where the participants should stand when they are
performing their congregational prayers. As they are required to form an orderly line
facing the direction of the Ka’baa, the carpets had features to show where they
Muhammad’s mosque, which was a basic empty hall, the added features are
influenced by the ‘script.’ The effects of the ‘script’ could even be observed in places
where the community had hired a hall or used a sports field for a special occasion, 21
as objects such as tables and chairs were removed, and mats were laid to mark the
place as being clean and ‘sacred.’ Prayer mats were laid to indicate to the participants
21
Mosque committees sometimes hire halls and community centres if the mosque is not able to
accommodate large numbers of people.
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Figure 5–4: Parramatta Mosque: carpet design, prayer mat and minbar
Source: Fieldwork
Source: Fieldwork
150
Figure 5–6: Community hall turned into sacred space
Source: Fieldwork
The interior of some mosques also had features that represented a ‘restoration’ of the
Prophet’s mosque. Directly related to the role played by the imam, as a minimum,
there was a podium or microphone in the location where the imam was to stand and
deliver his sermon. Mosques that were able to afford the feature had variations of a
wooden and had three steps that he ascended to deliver his sermon. The minbar at
Parramatta’s Marsden Street Mosque somewhat resembles the proto-p, but has five
steps. Muhammad’s minbar did not have a railing, whereas the one at Parramatta
does. The minbar at some of the other mosques in Sydney are significantly different
compared to Muhammad’s. Some are made of white stone and appear to be like a
staircase, whereas others have two openings with a place designated for the imam at
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Figure 5–7: Penshurst Mosque: niche and minbar
Source: Fieldwork
Some mosques also had a mihrab or niche. The Prophet’s mosque did not have this
speech act as it signifies to the imam where he should stand for the purpose leading
Source: Fieldwork
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Finally, the ‘warm-up’ before the congregation prayers is wudu, which as explained
in section 5.2.1, requires performers to wash their face and limbs. I am not certain if
the Prophet’s mosque (proto-p) provided washing facilities, but the mosques in
Sydney provide facilities for this purpose. For example, Figure 5–11 shows the
washing room at Penshurst Mosque. The features of the washing room are custom
From the frame of Goffman’s theory, clothes represent costumes that people wear to
signify to others the role they are playing. For audiences, the only requirement the
‘script’ makes clear is that all actors are to dress modestly, ensuring men are at least
covered from the naval to the knee. For women, everything except their face and
hands must be covered. All performers, as far as I could observe, adhered to this
condition and mainly wore ordinary, everyday clothes. Some audience members used
the occasion to resemble the proto-p by wearing a white thobe, with some even
ensuring the length and colour were the same as that of Muhammad’s thobe. The
items of clothing worn by the imam also represented, in most cases, restorations of
the items of clothes worn by Muhammad, such as a white thobe. Also representing a
‘restoration,’ imams (and some members of the audience) covered their head.
therefore, he wore a cloak to denote not just the formality of the occasion, but also
the role he was playing. Influenced by this tradition and from the frame of Goffman’s
theory, which gives central importance to costumes in giving validity to people for
the roles they perform in society, some imams wore a cloak. The cloaks varied in
colour and style, but in essence they ‘restored’ the clothes worn by Muhammad. In
some cases, these variations included items of clothing that reflected the ethnic
background of the imam. For example, Figure 5–1 shows an imam wearing formal
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attire and Figure 5–8 shows an imam wearing a cloak commonly associated with the
Afghan culture.
Figure 5–9: Masjid Noor: imam and some audience members wearing thobe
Source: Fieldwork
Schechner (2013) argues there are two types of rituals: those that transform a person
from one state to another (as in the case of marriage, for example); and those that
present when it is over. Friday’s congregational prayers fall into the second category
and the first community of Muslims. The ‘script’ available for Muslims to follow has
to observe that most performers will first go to the washing room where they ‘warm-
up’ by performing wudu. In places where the washing facilitates are also provided in
open spaces, as is the case with Auburn Gallipoli Mosque, one can observe that, as
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the script requires, ‘performers’ wash their faces, hands and feet. One can observe
some silently uttering their shahada, which is what Muhammad is said to have done.
Source: Fieldwork
Once they have ‘warmed up,’ the performers come to the entrance of the mosque,
where they take off their shoes. The mosques in most cases have shelves for this
purpose. After taking off their shoes, performers are ready to enter the sacred space
and ‘stage’ for Friday’s congregational prayers. Upon entering the stage, some
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Figure 5–11: Arncliffe Mosque: removing shoes before entering the stage
Source: Fieldwork
Figure 5–12: Blacktown Mosque: removing shoes before entering the stage
Source: Fieldwork
To indicate the ‘performance’ has started, the muezzin stands up and faces the
direction of the Ka’baa to recite the call to prayer. In most cases, following the
example of the proto-p for this role – Bilal, the muezzin covers his ears with his
hands and turns his head from right to left while reciting the adhan. After this, the
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imam was observed to ascend the minbar or stand before the podium or microphone
Figure 5–13: Quakers Hill Mosque: imam covering head with a cloth and wearing a thobe
Source: Fieldwork
It is reported Muhammad delivered his sermon from the highest step of the minbar.
However, during fieldwork, I observed, where a minbar existed, the imam delivered
his sermon from the second or third step. Upon investigating the historical roots of
this act, it was found it is a restored performance of Umar’s actions. Umar was,
second Caliph of the expanding Islamic empire. It is narrated that Umar refused to
deliver his sermon from the highest point of the minbar out of respect for
Muhammad and in view that he cannot take Muhammad’s place (Zarabozo, 1994).
Thus, re-enacting this gesture, many of the imams in Sydney’s mosques deliver their
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In all cases, the imam begins by praising God, declaring Muhammad as his prophet
and messenger, and asking people to be God conscious. These statements are guided
by the ‘script’ and, in most cases, represent a reiteration of what Muhammad is said
to have declared during his sermons. The statements are presented in section 5.2.2.
The imam, in most cases, ends what can be classified as a ‘warm-up’ for his role and
marks his transition to the main body of his performance by saying amma badu,
which is what Muhammad is said to have done. Then he delivers the sermon and it is
this aspect of the ‘performance’ that presents Sydney’s imams with the potential to
deliver a sermon based on a topic of their own choosing and, through it, influence
and control their audiences. Audiences, as the script requires, mainly sit in rows
guided by the carpet patterns of the mosque and listen to the sermon (see Figure 5–14
Source: Fieldwork
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Figure 5–15: University of New South Wales: attentive audience
Source: Fieldwork
While he is delivering the sermon, in most cases, the imam will take a small break
and stand up again. This point appears to mark a transition toward the closing as the
imams mainly presented some concluding remarks after this. The sermon was closed
with supplications, which were all delivered in Arabic. As described in the ‘script,’
the imam raised his palms to the height of his shoulders and began reciting some
supplications in Arabic (see Figure 5–16). The supplications were delivered in the
format of short statements. After every statement, the congregation said ameen,
which denotes something to the effect of ‘may God accept the prayers.’ It was
beyond the scope of this study to translate these supplications, but I was aware that
supplications ended when the imam brought his hands close to face and wiped his
face with his palms. The congregation followed these acts. After this the muezzin
stood up and recited the iqama. This is obviously a perlocutionary speech act as it
affected the behaviours of audience members, who moved to form straight lines. This
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was a quick process as audiences, one can assume, are ‘trained’ and experienced
performers.
The imam in all cases stood one pace in front of the congregational, lifted his hands
to the height of his shoulders and said Allah Akbar. After he crossed his hands over
his naval and audiences followed (see Figure 5–17). This was followed by a
recitation of the Qur’an and a series of ‘speech acts’ involving bowing and
prostration (Figure 5–18). A series of scripted acts followed and the congregational
ensues. For some, this involves social gatherings and conversation outside the
Figure 5–16: University of New South Wales: supplicating at the end of the sermon
Source: Fieldwork
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Figure 5–17: Lakemba Mosque: prayers also happen outside the mosque
Source: Fieldwork
Source: Fieldwork
161
Figure 5–19: Penshurst Mosque: the ‘aftermath’ – social interactions
Source: Fieldwork
Figure 5–20: Guildford Mosque: the ‘aftermath’ – social event arranged by mosque
Source: Fieldwork
5.2 Conclusion
Adopting the framework presented in section 3.1, this chapter presents that Friday’s
The concept of ‘restorations’ was found to apply to the ‘stage,’ ‘setting’ and
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‘costumes’ worn by the actors involved in Friday’s congregational prayers, which
and the clothes he wore. The acts were also found to be formed largely of restored
behaviours.
The chapter analogised the fiqh for Friday’s congregational prayers to a script that
restores the acts performed by Muhammad and the first community of Muslims. As
observed to some aspects of the performance where the script allows. The script
offers some flexibility on the types of costume actors can wear for participating in
the performance. As such, audiences were found to wear costumes that were similar
restoration.
Another aspect of the congregational prayers where the script allows variations
pertains to the content of the sermon. This aspect of the performance forms the
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6 THE MOSQUE SERMON OF SYDNEY – GENERAL
CHARACTERISTICS
This chapter provides an overview of the general characteristics of the sermons, such
as the themes, topics, orientation, average delivery time and the target audience. The
information is based on the content analysis of 48 sermons that were collected from
sermons that were recorded on the days that audiences were surveyed, using the
Content analysis found the themes and topics discussed in Sydney’s mosque sermons
generally relate to ethical and moral conduct (44.3%), spirituality and religious belief
(38%) and current events, issues and circumstances relevant to Muslim Australians.
12% and 4.7%, respectively. Topics relating to the environment did not receive any
mention.
Overall, these findings confirm the content of the sermons covered in Sydney’s
stated are focused on moral, ethical and spiritual issues. The evidence provided in
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Table 6-1: Nature of topics and issues covered in Sydney’s mosques
References
Nature of topics and issues covered Sources References percentage Words
Ethical social and moral conduct 37 133 44.3 22524
Spirituality and religious belief 31 114 38 18859
Political 16 37 12 7938
Economic 7 14 4.7 2435
Environmental 0 0 0 0
Total 48 298 100 51756
While Table 6-1 provides a general outline of the nature of the content covered,
Table 6-2 presents detail on the topics covered. Placed in thematic categories, these
included what can broadly be classified as ethical and moral conduct in various
aspects of life, spiritual belief and action, Islamophobia, Christmas, the Martin Place
Siege and moderation. Detailed information about the content of the sermon will be
covered in Chapter 7.
The information presented in Table 6-2 indicates content is highly relevant to current
issues and practical realities. Most of the sermons related to ethical and moral
conduct or issues and events relevant to Muslim Australians at the time of research,
such as Christmas, the Martin Place siege and religious extremism. This finding,
combined with the information about the age and background characteristics of
NSW’s imams (see section 2.4.6.2), suggests imams are not out of touch with the
2013; 2015).
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Table 6-2: Mosque sermons of Sydney: Topics covered
Mosque Topic
Ethical and moral conduct in various aspects of life
Auburn Gallipoli Mosque Educating children about Islam and helping them develop good habits
Darul Imaan Masjid Family based on sound Islamic principles
Masjid Noor Raising righteous children
Revesby (session 1) Giving advice to children with wisdom: reflecting on surah Luqman
Revesby (session 2) Giving advice to children with wisdom: reflecting on surah Luqman
Masjid Noor Returning to the mosque
Penshurst Mosque Etiquette of Friday prayer
Auburn Gallipoli Mosque Negative effects of gambling
Penshurst Mosque Place of music in Islam
Lakemba Mosque Extravagance and excess
Blacktown Mosque Encouraging reconciliation between people
Lakemba Mosque Avoiding conflict by practicing Islam
UNSW Spending our time wisely
Parramatta Mosque Taking advantage of five blessings before they disappear
Lakemba Mosque Reflecting on your deeds
Quakers Hill Mosque Characteristics of wisdom and faith
Revesby Avoiding the steps that lead to haram
UNSW Conducting ourselves according to the ethics of Islam after Ramadan
UNSW Conducting ourselves according to the ethics and morals of Islam
Auburn Gallipoli Mosque Acting in accordance with Allah's pleasure
Auburn Gallipoli Mosque Virtues of obedience; Eid
Spiritual belief and action
Masjid Noor Success in Islam (heaven)
Lakemba Mosque Firm belief in Allah
Masjid Noor Punishment of hell
Masjid Noor Turning to Allah
Parramatta Mosque Understanding the purpose of our creation
Quakers Hill Mosque Significance and value of surahs Falaq and Nas
Quakers Hill Mosque Supplicating to God and asking with faith
Islamophobia
Auburn Gallipoli Mosque Responding to current events peacefully
Darul Imaan Masjid Responding to ignorance with a rational response
Darul Imaan Masjid Knowledge and action
Revesby The impact of knowledge
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Mosque Topic
Christmas
Anonymous 22 1 Understanding Jesus from an Islamic perspective
Anonymous 2 Historical background of Christmas
Anonymous 3 Christmas, New Year and avoiding imitation
Martin Place Siege
Artarmon Mosque Tolerance and dealing with non-Muslims
Blacktown Mosque Consequences of killing according to Islam
Penshurst Mosque Killing and terrorism in Islam
Parramatta Mosque Reacting to the Martin Place siege
ISIS – the new Kharijites
Ahl Bayt Mosque The re-emergence of the kharijites in contemporary times and how Muslims
should respond
State of the ummah
Blacktown Mosque Righteousness and leadership
Parramatta Mosque Explaining the state of the ummah (consequences of our actions)
Extremism
Lakemba Mosque Practicing moderation and avoiding extremism
Guildford Mosque Easiness of practicing Islam
Penshurst Mosque Living a balanced life
Muhammad’s sermons are said to have been short, ranging from 5 to 10 minutes
(Alkhairo, 1998). Varying from the tradition set by Muhammad (the proto-p for the
role performed by the imam) most sermons fell within the range of 20 to 40 minutes.
is likely to have negative implications for the way the audiences receive and respond
22
Source not mentioned due to the sensitive nature of the content
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Table 6-3: Mosque sermons of Sydney: Time taken for delivery
The target audience for the sermons was primarily men, who were addressed directly
on 101 occasions with the word ‘brother.’ Women were addressed directly on 31
occasions. The number of sermons that made direct references to men were also
Moreover, the ‘implied audience’ for the sermons was also mostly men. The term
‘implied reference’ is used to refer to cases where the imam provides advice specific
to the roles commonly performed by men. For example, some imams delivered
advice specific to the role of the father and husband (see sections 7.3.1 and 7.3.2). In
this context, the implied target audience was men. The reason for this discrepancy
may be that women were largely absent (see section 8.1.1) or occupied spaces that
were not visible to the imam. For example, Figure 6–1 shows the women’s section of
Ahl Bayt Mosque, which is upstairs, while the imam was delivering a sermon in the
main area downstairs. The imam may have not been aware that women had attended
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Figure 6–1: Bayt Mosque: Women’s space
Source: Fieldwork
Some words used such as ‘we’, ‘Muslims’ and ibad-Allah (servants of God), which
are gender neutral, and spoke generally to the Muslim community or certain
Muhammad delivered his sermons in Arabic. As such, some schools of thought (such
as the Maliki school) consider it a fixed aspect of Friday’s congregational prayers for
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the sermon to be delivered in Arabic (Zarabozo, 1994). Conceivably catering for
members of the audience who may be following this school of thought, 37% of the
Imam Shafi (who founded the Shafi’i school of thought) was of the opinion that,
provided the introduction, beginning with praises and glorification of God, and the
supplication at the end are in Arabic, the sermon may be delivered in any other
some imams delivered their sermon (excluding the introduction and conclusion)
exclusively in English (33%), Farsi and English (9%), English and Turkish (7%),
English and Bosnian (9%), or exclusively in Turkish (2%). One of the drawbacks of
Turkish) is that it may prevent sections of the audience from accessing the content.
Table 6-5: Language used during the delivery of the Sydney mosque sermons, 2014
Section 3.3.4 presented the conceptual framework to assess and analyse the sermons
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examine the sermons that were delivered prior to the audiences being surveyed.
Table 6-6 presents the outcome of this process, followed by detail about the content
and style of presentation, thereby justifying the ratings given to the sermons.
Table 6-6: Evaluation of the characteristics of the sermons delivered in Sydney’s mosques, 2014
Clearly stated purpose
Variations in tone of
Logical sequence
Language variety
Time in minutes
Rate of speech
Clear content
Use of pause
Articulation
Volume
voice
Highly Large
Ahl Bayt 7 8 6 5 5 6 Yes 50+
articulate variety
Highly Large
Arncliffe 9 9 9 6 6 8 No 40-49
articulate variety
Highly Large
Auburn Gallipoli 9 9 9 4 7 5 No 20-29
articulate variety
Large
Blacktown 9 9 6 9 6 8 Yes Basic 50+
variety
Frequent Basic
Granville 1 6 9 7 10 7 10 Yes 20-29
mistakes variety
Highly Large
Granville 2 8 8 9 4 6 4 No 40-49
articulate variety
Basic
Guildford 5 7 5 5 7 5 No Basic <10
variety
Frequent Basic
Lakemba 9 9 9 7 6 9 No 30-39
mistakes variety
Large
Parramatta 9 9 9 5 7 8 No Basic 40-49
variety
Basic
Penshurst 9 9 9 4 4 4 No Basic 30-39
variety
Highly Large
Quakers Hill 9 9 9 5 8 5 No 20-29
articulate variety
Highly Large
Revesby 10 10 10 9 5 8 No 20-29
articulate variety
Frequent Basic
UNSW 4 4 4 1 5 4 No 30-39
mistakes variety
Note: the scale ranges from unclear (1) to clearly stated (10)
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6.5.1 Ahl Bayt Centre
The sermon delivered at Ahl Bayt Mosque was entirely in Arabic and exceeded 50
this mosque did not understand Arabic (see Table 8-22). The language barrier,
combined with the length of time taken to deliver the sermon, may have had a
significant impact on the way the audience received and responded to the sermon,
which will be investigated further in Chapter 8. The translator who transcribed the
sermon was of the opinion that the imam used academic jargon, which made it
difficult even for him to comprehend the message being communicated. As such,
while the sermon was highly articulate and used a wide range of vocabulary, some
Standing on the plastic mats and facing the direction of the audience, the imam
delivered an articulate sermon using a diverse, but basic range of words. The topic of
the sermon was dealing with Islamophobia and he called for audiences to respond to
their negative experiences in a calm and rational manner (see section 7.3.13). The
sermon was 40 minutes in length and, save for the introduction and conclusion,
delivered entirely in English. The imam made the purpose of his sermon clear in the
introduction and presented a sermon that had a clear focus and was logically
sequenced. The sermon was delivered at a relatively high volume; standing outside
the mosque, my research assistants and I were able to hear the sermon clearly. The
imam spoke at a moderate pace and using a moderately authoritative tone. The imam
had a piece of paper before him with an outline of the points to be made (he showed
this to me). However, during the delivery of the sermon, he did not read or refer to
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6.5.3 Auburn Gallipoli Mosque
presented in Chapter 5, sermons are delivered in two parts with a short break
between. The first part of the sermon at Auburn was delivered in Turkish, taking
The imams delivered their sermons in a standard manner, as they both read a pre-
written sermon from a piece of paper. This may have implications for the way
audience received the message, as studies have shown that reading from a paper can
be taken by audiences to be a sign the presenter does not care (Carrell, 2009). As the
sermon was read at a relatively fast pace, it was short, concise, using a diverse, but
basic range of words. The sermon was presented at a moderate volume. Standing
outside the mosque, I was able to hear the mosque sermon clearly. As the sermons
were being read, the tone of the imams’ voices had minor variations. The imam who
delivered the sermon in English read the transcript of his sermon fluently with
The sermon at Blacktown Mosque was delivered entirely in Farsi and exceeded 50
minutes in length. The topic of the imam’s sermon was righteousness and leadership
(see section 7.3.9), and related to the politics of Afghanistan. At the close of the
people who were not Afghans complained about not having accessed the content of
the sermon owing to language barriers. The topic of the sermon was presented
clearly in the introduction, but the points made in the main body did not follow a
logical sequence and, on occasions, the imam diverged to speak of unrelated issues.
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The sermon was presented at a moderately high volume and pace. The imam varied
the tone of his voice significantly, presumably to create an effect and maintain his
Emulating the traditions of Muhammad, the imam at Granville’s Masjid Noor wore a
white thobe and cap, and delivered a sermon of 20-30 minutes in Arabic with an
time. The imam’s sermon focused on the wonders of paradise, closing with a general
the ethics and morals of Islam. The imam did not provide a clear statement of
purpose at the beginning of his sermon, but the content maintained focus on the topic
of paradise. It has been narrated that Muhammad spoke very loudly when he
delivered his sermons. The imam presented his sermon at a high volume and varied
When this sermon finished and participants left the mosque, another imam, who
operated on a rotating roster and was allocated to Masjid Noor for the purpose of
delivering the sermon that day, started a second session. Also following the tradition
of Muhammad, he wore a white thobe and cap, and delivered his sermon in Arabic
and English. The length of the sermon was considerably shorter compared to the first
session and the topic was also completely different as he spoke about the importance
of transferring religious knowledge to children (see section 7.3.1). The sermon was
concise and presented in a fluent English, using a basic variety of words. The imam
presented a statement of purpose at the beginning of the sermon and delivered the
main body of his sermon in a clear and logically sequence, drawing evidence from
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hadith. The sermon was delivered at a moderate pace and relatively low volume. The
tone of the imam’s voice had mild variations throughout the delivery of the sermon.
The sermon at Guildford mosque was delivered entirely in Turkish. The imam
presented a talk before the start of Friday’s congregational prayers and the length of
his sermon fell below 10 minutes. The translated transcript of the sermon revealed
the topic to be the easiness of practicing religion. The sermon used a basic range of
words and carried a clear message that practicing religion should not cause hardship
(see section 7.3.7). However, the introduction did not provide a clear statement of
purpose. The sermon was presented at a relatively fast pace and moderate volume.
Standing at the front gate of the mosque, I was able to hear the imam deliver his
sermon. 23
The imam at Lakemba’s Ali ibn Abu Talib Mosque delivered a sermon in Arabic and
English, giving approximately equal amounts of time to both languages. The portion
of the sermon delivered in English employed a basic range of words. However, the
portion delivered in Arabic was highly articulate. The sermon focused on the topic of
extravagance and excess (see section 7.3.7). The sermon had a clear statement of
purpose at the beginning and followed a logical sequence. The imam spoke at a
moderately high volume and used an authoritative tone, which some studies have
found is preferred by audiences (Keeler, 1998). The imam also varied the tone of his
voice, presumably to maintain the interest of his audience and leave a lasting effect
23
I was not able to enter the mosque and therefore cannot comment on the standing position and
outward appearance of the imam
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6.5.8 Parramatta Mosque
The imam who delivered the sermon at Parramatta was relatively young, falling
within the range of 20 to 30 years of age. His sermon was simple, but clearly
moderate pace and at a relatively high volume. The tone of his voice had moderate
variations. The content of his sermon had a clear statement of purpose and followed a
logical sequence. The sermon used a diverse, but basic range of words, conceivably
The imam at Penshurst mosque delivered a very simple message about the etiquette
languages, Arabic, Bosnian and English, all carrying the same content and taking
approximately equal amounts of time to deliver. His sermon had a clear introduction
and followed a logical sequence. The imam used a basic variety of words to deliver
the sermon in English. The sermon was delivered at a relatively slow pace and
The Australian born imam at Quakers Hill delivered a sermon in Arabic and English,
giving equal time to each. The imam spoke fluent English, but the entire content of
his sermon was read from a piece of paper. Thus, while the sermon was delivered in
a relatively monotonous tone of voice, the content had a clear statement of purpose
and followed a logical sequence. The topic of the sermon was about the benefits of
reading certain passages of the Qur’an. The sermon was delivered at a moderate
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6.5.11 Revesby Community Centre
The imam at Revesby appeared to be relatively young, falling within the range of 30
to 40 years of age. His sermon was delivered in Arabic and English, giving
approximately equal portions of time to each. The imam spoke highly fluent English
using a large, but basic range words to deliver his sermon in a highly articulate
manner. The sermon fell within the range of 20 to 29 minutes and was delivered with
a clear statement of purpose. The content was clear and delivered in a logical
sequence. The imam spoke at a relatively high volume and moderate pace. There
were significant variations in the tone of his voice depending on the point being
emphasised. The topic of the sermon was about teaching children about minor sins
(see section 7.3.1) with reference to the story of Luqman as narrated in the Qur’an.
The imam at UNSW delivered a sermon entirely in English. The sermon was
importance of conducting oneself ethically and morally. The imam used a basic
variety of words and made frequent grammatical errors, such that, for the purpose of
this study, it was difficult to transcribe the sermon delivered. The purpose of the
sermon was not clear and the imam diverged from the central theme. The sermon
6.6 Conclusion
Based on the content analysis of the 46 mosque sermons delivered in the mosques of
Sydney, this chapter presented an outline of the basic characteristics of the sermons
7. The chapter highlighted that the sermons delivered in Sydney’s mosques are
177
generally of social and spiritual orientations, covering topics such as Islamophobia
and Christmas, which are highly relevant to the lives of Muslim Australians.
The sermons were delivered mostly in English or in Arabic and English. The other
examining whether the language of delivery has a bearing on how audiences receive
the sermons using the conceptual framework presented in section 3.3.4. The sermons
were delivered by the imams largely while standing and following inflexible aspects
of the script, such as the position where the imam stands and basic elements the
sermon should contain. However, there were variations in the nature of the content
covered by the imam and style of his delivery. This information is the vital first step
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7 METHODS OF SOCIALISATION AND INFLUENCE
USED
One of the main objectives of this study was to examine whether imams are agents of
social influence and control. This question was investigated through content analysis
of the mosque sermons from the lens of social and structural and/or social
process. The analysis found imams employed methods of socialisation. The first part
of this chapter presents the outcome of the research process aimed at examining
interactionist and functional perspectives, roles are social constructs that affect the
way that people act. Thus, any attempt on the part of the imams to socialise would
construct, structurally enforce and present role models for audiences to follow.
From a structural functional perspective, while the roles people perform are defined
coerced into adhering to these expectations through a system that offers formal and
informal rewards. This includes approval for acts and behaviours that conform to
that deviate from expectations. Based on this understanding and adopting the
methods explained in section 4.3.2, the sermons were found to rely heavily on this
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method of socialisation. Detailed information about the ways in which structural
expectations given in the sermon will be presented in section 7.3. In this section, I
present an overview of the broader patterns that prevail with reference to Table 7-1.
Table 7-1 shows the most widely employed regulatory measures to include spiritual
rewards or spiritual consequences, related mostly to the core belief in Islam that life
is a test and, when people die, they will be brought back to life and asked to account
for their actions. Related to this belief, every person is believed to have an angel
sitting on their right and left shoulders (referred to as kiraman katibin – the noble
scribers writing down their good and bad deeds). When people die and are
resurrected, it is held that their book of deeds as recorded by the angels will be laid
open for them to be to held accountable for their good and bad actions. This is the
point when a person is either rewarded and sent to heaven or punished and sent to
hell where they can expect to be tormented (Murata & Chittick, 1994). .The content
and negative (35 occasions) social consequences of acts. The positive social benefits
or ‘rewards’ for conformity and compliance for actions being called for include
interpersonal relations with other members of society. On the other hand, the
a misguided person, the breakdown of families and social exclusion from the
community.
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Table 7-1: Social structural mechanisms of socialisation used by the imams in Sydney
Percentage from
Number of Number of total number of References
Consequences sermons references references word count
Positive spiritual
Hereafter 9 21 29.5 2114
Personal development 9 13 18 725
Rewards and relationship with Allah 15 37 52 2804
Total 33 71 100 5643
Negative spiritual
Hereafter 15 37 60 2718
Other 9 24 40 1846
Total 24 61 100 4564
Positive social
Better relations with non-Muslims 1 2 6 140
Guidance 7 8 25 615
Healthy community 5 11 35 579
Healthy personal relations 8 10 32 665
Total 21 31 100 1999
Negative social
Disunity, corruption and disharmony
in the community 6 13 37 1568
Family 3 7 20 738
Misguidance 6 7 20 599
Punishment 3 3 8 135
Total 18 30 100 3040
From a functional perspective, another way that people learn to perform their social
responsibilities associated with their role is by observing others. Role models play an
imams, while not necessarily ‘role models,’ rely heavily on references to role models
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The two most extensively used sources of information, as presented in Table 7-2,
were the hadith and verses from the Qur’an. For Shi’a Muslims, the statements of Ali
bin Abi Talib form a major source of knowledge and it is assumed would be widely
used in the sermons delivered in their mosques. However, only three recordings were
taken in Shia mosques and two of these were removed from the study. As presented
in Chapter 1, these are the most widely accepted sources of knowledge for Muslims
and are important in understanding how role models are used to influence behaviour.
As presented in Chapter 5, Muhammad is the role model and director for the acts
performed during Friday’s congregational prayers. However, this applies not just to
the acts performed during the congregational prayers, but most aspects of life. It is
not always obligatory to follow his model, but for a Muslim, his behaviours provide
the best example to be followed. Therefore, the imams in Sydney mosques made
frequent references to him to demonstrate how a Muslim should act (see Table 7-2).
The other prophets the Qur’an mentions also hold important positions in Muslims’
view as they were the role models sent to humanity before Muhammad. Thus, other
(Joseph), Jesus (Esa), Zakariah and Jaqub (Jacob), and the close companions of
Muhammad, whom for Sunni Muslims are Umar bin Khatab and Abu Bakr and for
Shia Muslims, Ali bin Abi Talib. The ways in which these figures were used to
were verses from the Qur’an and the hadith of Muhammad. The way these sources of
information were used will be explained in section 7.3, but they were frequently used
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Islamically valid or to denote that acting upon the expectations is important as it
the Qur’an.
Parson (cited in Fulcher & Scott, 2007) believe that most human behaviours can be
idea that a person’s role plays an important part in guiding their behaviours is not
Goffman (2002) have also presented that the norms and expectations associated with
thematic analysis of the ways that the imams in Sydney’s mosques socially construct
and adopt the methods identified above to influence and control behaviours.
The sermons delivered at Auburn and Granville were directed to the parents in the
audience – “the best of you are those who learn (religion) and teach it” – with the
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hadith given as a speech act to denote it is the responsibility of the parent to teach
their children about their religion. The sermon at Auburn’s Gallipoli Mosque
presented that parents should start teaching their children about the values and
practices of Islam at a very early age to ensure they continue to practice their religion
when they get older. The school holiday period, parents were informed, should not
be wasted, but used to get involved in acts such as bringing their children to the
conformity to role expectations is that “they shall have a great reward.” The
employment of verses from the Qur’an in this context denotes the statement is
Islamically valid. The verse in this context is also a perlocutionary speech act as it is
parents were discouraged from deviating from the behavioural expectations with
reference to a verse from the Qur’an and associated warning that they shall be “held
The imams at Granville and Revesby also emphasised that it is part of a parent’s
responsibility to teach their children about the basic beliefs and practices of Islam. In
these contexts, however, the imams presented a role model to demonstrate how the
behavioural expectation should be performed. The role model was Luqman, whom
some consider to be a prophet, while others say he was a wise man. Irrespective,
Luqman’s story as narrated in the Qur’an was presented to illustrate how parents
should teach their children about Islam. The presentation of Luqman as a role model
Noor stated Luqman provides a good example of how and what parents should teach
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We can derive from this story that the pillars of raising our children in a
righteous way are three: first thing we should concentrate on is giving them
the right belief of Islam – that we teach them as soon as they reach puberty
about the beliefs in Islam. That Allah (swt) 24 is one and that he has no
partner. He is just and loves. Teaching them that Allah (swt) has created us
for a great and noble reason. Then we teach them about our Prophet, who he
was and where he was born, when he received revelation, his migration and
when he passed away. Then we teach him things that are obligatory, like
prayer and sawn and muharamat 25 like teasing, swearing, lying and cheating;
all these things are wajib upon your child to teach before they reach puberty.
The third thing we should teach our children is how to have good conduct
with other people; just like Luqman (as) taught his son not to raise his voice.
If we follow these guidelines, with the permission of Allah (swt) this child
shall be religious and be a continuous means of charity on your behalf on the
day of judgment. (Granville)
Also in relation to using a role model as a perlocutionary speech act with the
intention of influencing the behaviours of parents, the imam used Luqman’s model to
indicate that parents should teach their children about good and bad, and they should
be patient:
Then he says to him [Luqman says to his son] … ‘enjoin the good and forbid
the evil’ … Then Allah says [to Luqman] … ‘verily, that is the most noble of
deeds.’ What is it referring to? It is referring to patience. That is the noblest
deed you could do. (Revesby)
Overall, the content of the sermons relating to the role of parents evidently employed
they not only define, but also structurally enforce the associated expectations. In this
context, verses of and significant figures mentioned in the Qur’an, such as Luqman,
24
Swt stands for subhanahu wa ta’ala, a term used to denote respect and glorification of God. The
literal translation of the word is ‘Glory be to Him, the Most High.’
25
Meaning prohibited acts.
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are employed, not only as sources of knowledge, but speech acts to encourage
The sermon delivered at Arncliffe focused on the topic of marital relations with
specific interest in defining and regulating the behaviours of men (husbands). The
emphasis on the role of the man in marital relations is presumably because, in this
mosque, women were largely absent. The imam began with verses from the Qur’an
to explain that men and women were made to complement and support each other
and, if they are polite, respectful and courteous to each other, they will find the
that they will find peace and tranquillity. The statement in this context is a
members. Further shifting focus specifically to the role of the husband, and drawing
evidence from the Qur’an not only to demonstrate the validity of his claims, but also
something he does not like in his wife, he should focus on the positive aspects of her
personality. For the husband, conformity to these behavioural expectations were also
26
Oh servants of God
27
Meaning tranquillity
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negatively reinforced as the imam stated that divorce, while permissible, is an act
that God dislikes. The single men in the audience were presented with a different set
of expectations; that is, they should get married. Conformity to this behavioural
expectation was also structurally enforced as the imam presented to his audiences
that Muhammad said, whoever does not follow his Sunnah is not from him (i.e. from
the Muslim community). The statement in this case is used to denote disapproval for
7.3.3 Gambling
The imam at Auburn’s Gallipoli Mosque made clear that a Muslim is not to gamble
by presenting a verse from the Qur’an “O you who have believed, indeed,
intoxicants, gambling, [sacrificing on] stone altars [to other than Allah], and divining
arrows are but defilement from the work of Satan, so avoid it that you may be
successful” (Qur’an, 5:10). Without letting the audience draw their own conclusions
about the verse, the imam said “anyone who gambles has certainly rebelled against
Allah and his Messenger,” thereby disapproving of the act of gambling. The verses
of the Qur’an in this context form a source of knowledge that validate the imam’s
claim. Further, the imam adopted a structural method of social control by informing
audiences that the consequences of the act of gambling may include losing their
wealth, family and friendships, and become lazy, in this way discouraging gambling.
These warnings not only disapprove and thereby structurally enforce that gambling
should be avoided, but are also perlocutionary speech acts intended to discourage the
act of gambling.
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7.3.4 Music
The imam at Penshurst Mosque stated it is not haram (prohibited) for Muslims to
listen to music, provided it does not contain obscene language, is not associated with
demonstrate that a Muslim can listen to halal music, the imam provided the example
that Muhammad allowing daf 28 to be played at his daughter’s wedding, the statement
being a speech act in this context to convey that a Muslim can listen to music. He
Aisha (ra) 29 narrated that on the days of Meena and the days of Eid al-Adha, 30
two girls were with her singing and playing a hand drum. The Prophet (sws 31)
was present and listening to them with his head under a shawl. Abu Bakr32
scorned the girls and the Prophet (sws) uncovered his face and told him, “let
them be Abu Bakr; these are the days of Eid, the days of happiness.”
(Penshurst Mosque)
This imam also presented that many of Muhammad’s companions and the second
generation of scholars used to listen to singing, as they did not see anything wrong
with it. The sources of information used by the imam served the very important
function of not only legitimising the position he presented, but also providing role
models to demonstrate that a Muslim can listen to music and singing on festive
28
A round drum commonly used in classical Middle Eastern and Persian music.
29
Aisha was Muhammad’s youngest wife and ra stands for radhi Allah, which means may God be
pleased with her.
30
Eid al Adha, also referred to as the ‘Festival of the Sacrifice,’ is the second of the two holidays
celebrated by Muslims. It honours the willingness of prophet Ibrahim to sacrifice his son.
31
Sws stand for salla Allah alaihi wa sallam and means ‘may Allah’s peace and blessings be upon
him’. It is an expression of respect for Muhammad.
32
A very close companion of Muhammad and the first person to become the leader of the Muslim
community after his death.
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7.3.5 Attending the mosque
The imam at Granville Mosque stated it is essential for Muslim men to participate in
the congregational prayers offered at the mosque (referring to the regular daily
prayers). Presenting supporting evidence and illustrating how a Muslim should act,
the imam stated “Muhammad never missed his prayer at the mosque.” This statement
opinion of the ulama (Islamic scholars) that people who miss their prayers at a
The ulama 33 say, I can summarise if I look in your life your relationship with
Allah by looking at your relationship with the house of Allah. If I see you in
the masjid 34 this is a very good sign, but if I see you neglecting the masjid,
something is wrong … only the hypocrites, they neglected the prayer in the
masjid. (Masjid Noor)
While this statement demonstrates that structural methods of socialisation in the form
evident from the statement presented above, while those who do not participate in the
to role expectations are approved and encouraged through the stipulation of spiritual
rewards:
33
Meaning the scholars.
34
Masjid is the term Muslims use to refer to the mosque.
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The Prophet (sws) says that salah in congregation is 27 times more rewarding
than salah 35 at home. If this was dunya, 36 would you let it go? If I come to
you and say to you, I have a job for you and will pay you 27x more for it. If it
is worth 1000, I’ll pay you $27 000 for it. Would you reject this job? Will you
ask if it is compulsory for you to jump? Wallahi, 37 you will not ask. (Masjid
Noor)
The statement above is also a perlocutionary speech act is it calls for audiences to
participate in the congregational prayers offered in the mosque. Overall, the sermon
encourage the audience to act in line with the behavioural expectations associated
with the role of a Muslim. It also demonstrates how words carry underlying
As with the sermon presented at Masjid Noor, the imam at Penshurst Mosque
specifically on Friday’s prayers. He presented to his audience that Friday is the best
day of the week as it is the day Allah created Adam and if a Muslim asks for
something from Allah on this day their prayer will be answered. These statements
are speech acts as from the outset they are intended to encourage the act of
participation in Friday’s congregational prayers. In this case, they are also approving
and thereby structurally enforcing the act of participating, stipulating a reward for the
act of participation. However, the imam also adopted another form of social
35
Salah refers to the daily prayers that Muslims are required to perform.
36
The direct translation of the word dunya is ‘the world.’ In this context, it is used to refer to worldly,
as opposed to spiritual, concerns.
37
Meaning by God
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structural methods of socialisation – disapproval for non-compliance by warning his
audience that if a person neglects to perform their prayers, their hearts will be sealed:
In the case of the statement above, the imam presents a hadith of Muhammad, not
only to validate his claim, but to also encourage participation in the congregational
Oh you who believe when the call is recited for the Friday prayer, come to the
remembrance of Allah (swt) and leave business and leave every other talk of
you did but know and when the prayer has finished you may disperse from
your lane, seek the bounty of Allah by working Allah (swt) so that you may
be successful. (Penshurst Mosque)
The verse above serves a number of functions. It is a speech act calling for action,
but with reference to the Qur’an validating that it is an inclusive aspect of the role of
Furthermore, the imam presented there are rewards be gained from participation:
Rasul Allah says, whoever does ghusl then comes to jum’ah, and prays as
much as Allah decrees for him, then listens attentively until the khutbah is
38
Meaning messenger – referring to Muhammad
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over, then prays with him (the imam), will be forgiven for (his sins) between
that and the next jum’ah. (Penshurst Mosque)
7.3.7 Moderation
The sermon delivered at Lakemba basically conveyed that a Muslim must avoid
extravagance and excess when it comes to work, spending and interactions with the
opposite gender. His sermon first explained that a Muslim should spend their time
wisely, finding balance between work, home and religious duties. Further he
presented that it contradicts the values of Islam, and associated with it the identity of
a Muslim, for a person to work excessively, while neglecting to spend time with their
families. This definition was in effect a perlocutionary speech act as the intended
meaning was that audiences should live a balanced life. The imam also adopted
spend their time wisely, thereby placing pressure on audiences to act in line with the
are not stingy and they don’t over-spend – they are moderate.” In this case, the call to
action is that Muslims should spend their money moderately. Further, the imam
using the example of a man who came to him complaining about his fiancé’s
excessive financial demands by asking for items such as expensive furniture and
appliances. The imam stated, when the man complained to his fiancé’s mother about
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the issue, he did not receive her support. The imam is presenting the example to
convey that Muslims should exercise moderation when it comes to spending and
thereby structurally enforcing not only that Muslims should not overspend, but that it
is part of a Muslim parent’s role to teach their children that they should be moderate.
Validating his call for financial moderation, the imam turned to the Qur’an and
says eat and drink, but not exceed limits as Allah (swt) does not like those who spend
excessively.”
A third attempt at regulating the behaviours of the audience was made when the
imam specifically admonished the men in the audience to be moderate when it comes
Allah has forbidden us from looking at women and to be sitting with them
alone. It is OK to have professional dealings such as when you are teaching
and working with them, but it is not OK to chat. It is not good to sit around
chatting to each other. (Lakemba Mosque)
The statement above is a direct call (perlocutionary speech act) asking Muslim men
to avoid having casual interactions with women. The imam’s reference to Allah as
the source of knowledge is also a speech act as it gives his call to action religious
legitimacy. The statement also disapproves deviation from call to action – in this
the ways imams construct the role of a Muslim and adopt speech acts to enforce
behavioural expectations.
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7.3.8 Basic religious duties
The sermons delivered on one occasion related to the general topic of the basic roles
and responsibilities. From a social structural perspective, the roles played by people
in society and associated responsibilities are social constructs. One of the ways that
reinforcement of pre-existing notions relating to various roles and how they should
the role of a Muslim. Muslims are mostly of the understanding that it is their
religious responsibility – that is, an obligatory aspect of their role – to pray. The
audience:
We should all think about what we have done during the year. Did you pray,
fast and perform your duties as Allah (swt) has asked you? Did you avoid sins
and haram? (Lakemba Mosque)
These statements are also a perlocutionary speech act as they not only reiterate and
remind audiences of their religious duties, but also state they should be performed.
After reminding audiences of their basic duties, the imam employed structural
performing their religious duties and reminding them that their records will be
revealed to them on the Day of Judgment. In this way, he is pressuring the audience
Further to the regulatory measures being employed by the imam, he warned that, if
they turn their backs on the Qur’an (i.e. the callings of the Qur’an), Allah will not be
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with them and plan for them like he did for the first group of Muslims. 39 In this
context, the statement is a speech act calling audiences to perform their religious
consequences for non-compliance; in this context, that God will abandon them.
Other sermons that reiterated and reinforced pre-exiting understandings of the acts a
Muslim should perform were delivered at Auburn Gallipoli and Blacktown mosques.
The sermons were delivered a few days prior to the beginning of Hajj, and associated
with it, the festive occasion of Eid al Adha. It is generally expected for a Muslim to
give charity and visit their relatives for Eid. These sermons reminded audiences of
expectations by presenting that, if they act in accordance with Allah’s consent (by
giving charity and visiting relatives), they can attain paradise. The imam is directly
calling for audiences to act in line with the expectations associated with their roles as
in line with their role expectations, by warning them, if they do not comply with
Allah states [referring to the Qur’an], ‘say if your fathers, your sons, your
brothers, your wives, your relatives, wealth which you have obtained,
commerce wherein you fear decline are more beloved to you than Allah and
his messenger and going to jihad for Allah in his cause, then wait until Allah
39
The first generation of Muslims are considered the best generation of Muslims. God is believed to
have been on their side and planned for their successful victories, particularly during the early military
battles, such as the battle of Badr.
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executes his command and Allah will not command the definitely disobedient
people’. (Auburn Mosque)
socialisation involving the offer of rewards for conformity and disapproval in the
The sermons delivered at Blacktown also reiterated the importance of giving charity,
but in this case focusing on the importance of slaughtering a sheep (qurbani 40) and
having it distributed among the ‘poor’ and ‘needy.’ The imam encouraged
conformity to this role expectation by stating “Allah does not receive the flesh of an
animal, but what he sees is your obedience.” In this case, compliance to role
expectations was associated with the positive outcome of attaining the pleasure and
approval of God. Further rewards were stipulated with the act of complying to role
The sahaba asked the Prophet about the slaughtering of an animal. What is
there in this slaughter for us? The prophet said, for every strand of hair that
the animal has, there is a reward for you. (Blacktown Mosque)
In the context of this statement, the imam validates his claim that there are rewards to
be gained from offering qurban with reference to a hadith, which is a speech act as it
suggests Muhammad said people will be rewarded if they comply.
Another act that was encouraged was fasting on the day of Arafat. Similar to the
example presented above, the imam encouraged compliance to this expectation by
using a similar approach, that of making reference to a hadith and presenting there
are rewards to be gained for conformity to role expectations:
40
The literal translation of the word qurbani is sacrifice. In this context, it refers to the practice of
slaughtering a sheep at the end of Hajj.
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It has been narrated …. that Allah forgives the sins of past year and the
coming year if you fast on the day of Arafah (Blacktown Mosque)
Overall, the content of the sermons covered in this section demonstrates the ways in
which imams reiterate the expectations associated with the role of a Muslim and
structurally enforce them using a system that approves or rewards conformity to role
ummah. The topic was not directly focused on constructing or reiterating the
the creative methods some imams employ to encourage conformity to the general
ethics and moral codes of behaviour that define the role of a Muslim. For example,
the sermon presented at Parramatta Mosque began with the following questions to
audience members:
Many people ask themselves, why is this happening and why is that
happening? Why is the ummah of Mohammad (sws) in such a state? Why do
they have tyrants ruling their land? Why are there Muslims starving and why
are there Muslims going through oppression? (Blacktown Mosque)
The answer to these questions, according to the imam, was because people were not
adhering to sexual moral codes as prescribed by Islam. The imam presented that
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The Prophet(swt) said, ‘oh group of companions and muhajireen, there are
five things that I seek refuge from Allah (swt) lest you encounter them.’ The
prophet (sws) telling his companions to seek refuge from five things that has
consequences … The first thing is zina.41 The prophet (sws) said, never are a
people afflicted with zina except they are afflicted by a plague and famine
such that was not sent to the people before them. (Parramatta Mosque)
Thus, the imam creatively uses the dismal state of the ummah to pressure conformity
to sexual and moral ethics as prescribed by Islam. Adopting a similar approach, the
imam also offered understanding of the reason why Muslims have been presented as
tyrannical rulers (referring to Muslim majority countries) and the answer to this
What do we see these days, deception in trade; the most common form of
problems that we see amongst Muslims is related to marriage issues or
something related to business; someone deceived the other. What is the
result? Allah (swt) will give you a tyrant ruler. (Parramatta Mosque)
necessarily implies if Muslims adhere to the morals and ethics of guidelines of Islam
– that is, not being deceitful – they will be granted just leaders. Furthermore, to
discourage Muslims from committing deceptive acts, the imam presented a hadith:
The Prophet (sws) was walking in the market once and he saw a man selling
barley. The prophet (sws) put his hand on it and felt that the pile at the bottom
was rotten. The Prophet (sws) said to that man, what is this? He said, ya rasul
Allah some of it was soiled by the rain. He asked, why do you not put the
soiled barley on top so that people may see it. He said, whoever deceives a
Muslim brother is not from me. (Parramatta Mosque)
41
Meaning adultery.
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The above statement denotes disapproval and discourages Muslims from engaging in
deceptive acts by indicating they will not be considered a member of the Muslim
Muhammad will intervene on their behalf on the Day of Judgment and not enter
7.3.10 Conflict
formed from the sermon presented in Blacktown mosque, as the imam demonstrated
was directed at the former President of Afghanistan, Hamid Karzai. The political
elections had failed to deliver a clear indication of who was to be the next president
contestation and disputes, and the President whom the elections should have
replaced, Hamid Karzai, did not intervene in the matter (according to the imam).
Thus, the imam used this situation to criticise Hamid Karzai and present to his
audience, when a Muslim sees people disputing, they should intervene and act to
resolve the conflict. The evidence drawn upon by the imam was a hadith:
The Prophet (sws) states that if you see wrongdoing, [Arabic], take action and
if you don’t have the power to do anything against a powerful oppressor
[Arabic] ‘tell him with your tongue and if you can’t do that, then dislike the
actions of the oppressor in your heart and this is the weakest form of faith.’ A
Muslim is not a spectator. (Blacktown Mosque)
From the frame of Austin’s (1975) this hadith represents a perlocutionary ‘speech
act’ as the imam’s intention is to affect the behaviours of audience members. The
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hadith of the prophet is used to explain to the audience what they should do when
they are faced with a powerful oppressor. Therefore, the statement is not just
defining what just what it means to be a Muslim, but also regulating behaviours by
methods of socialisation.
7.3.11 Extremism
relevant to the lives of Muslim Australians, not because there is any substantial
evidence to indicate they are violent extremists (Dunn, 2015), rather they are
suspected of being vulnerable to it. Directly dealing with this issue, the imam at
Being an extremist means that you turn things that are allowed into an
obligation. You turn the things that are disliked into major sins. The extremist
will turn something that has not been made compulsory into something
compulsory. (Lakemba Mosque)
The disapproving nature of the definition implies not only that a good Muslim is not
‘moderate’. The imam confirmed this to be the case as he followed on to say that
My dear brothers, some people think that if they do something big; if they
pray a lot for example or go in extreme in some way, they think they are close
to Allah. You should understand that being close to Allah (swt) depends on
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understanding and following the path of Allah (swt), not your path. It is the
path of the Prophet (sws), not your opinion. (Lakemba Mosque)
Further, the imam explained that being a ‘moderate’ Muslim means one should
follow the guidance of the scholars of Islam (referring to jurists who have written the
The sermon delivered at Guildford mosque also focused on the topic of moderation
and encouraging its practice. The imam centred his sermon on the point that Islam is
easy to practice and people who make religion difficult to practice have deviated
from the path of Islam. One of the points the imam made to his audience was:
Islam is easy to practice and should not be made hard. If a sick person can
pray normally, he should pray normally; if he cannot he should pray while he
or she is sitting; if he cannot pray while he or she sitting, he or she should
pray while implying with her or his head; if they cannot do that too, he or she
turn his or her head to kiblah and pray like that; if he or she cannot do that
too, he or she would pray laying his or her leg to the kiblah. (Guildford
Mosque)
The statement above is a direct perlocutionary speech act as it calls for audience
with a speech act discouraging the practice of religious extremism, the imam
One day our Prophet stepped into a masjid and he saw a rope between two
poles and he asked ‘what is this?’ The people in the masjid said this rope
belongs to Zaynab. When she gets tired from praying she holds these ropes
and continues her prayer. When our Prophet heard it, he said when someone
feels good to pray go pray and when someone feels not good go sleep.
(Guildford Mosque)
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The point about Muhammad being a moderate person was also mentioned at
The Prophet (sws) was angry about people who put Islam in their way. Three
people came to the Prophet and asked him about his prayers and fasting. After
that they said they under-estimated what they thought the Prophet was doing.
The prophet said, “by Allah, I am the most righteous and fear Allah the most,
but at the same time, I fast but at the same time, I break my fast, I pray but at
the same time I sleep at night and I marry women”. (Lakemba Mosque)
Dear brothers, Rasul (sws), he was a human being and a messenger of Allah.
As we understand from the holy Qur’an, he is an example of how we should
behave and he is the perfect example. When he was in private he was devoted
to his worship standing for hours, but he was also a human being, enjoying
things, smiling and joking, yet never departing from the truth. (Penshurst
Mosque)
These statements are speech acts calling for audiences to follow Muhammad’s role
model by being moderate Muslims, but can also be interpreted to involve the
extremist. For example, the imam at Lakemba Mosque presented that extremism
We need to wake up and understand how to deal with this. First we need to
think about the hadith “ruined are those who go to extremes in their religion”;
that going to the extreme, destroys you and ruins your community; why?
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Because you are not following the true path of Islam which is a religion of
moderation. (Lakemba Mosque)
the practice of religious extremism involved the exclusion of the extremist from
belonging to the Muslim community. The imam at Guildford Mosque presented that
Muhammad said “he who turns away from my ‘Sunnah’ [by being a religious
extremist] is not from me”; the statement made in this case to denote a religious
speech act calling for Muslims to be moderate and secure a place within the Muslim
community.
The imam at Lakemba gave a similar message – that is, that extremists do not belong
Once Khalid ibn Waleed 42 killed one of the prisoners of war and told ibn
Umar 43 to do the same. Ibn Umar was a scholar and Khalid wasn’t and
refused to follow the orders of Khalid even though he was the Amir because
he understood from the Qur’an and the Prophet that he shouldn’t kill. When
the Prophet heard the news, he said, “I disassociate myself from what Khalid
did.” (Lakemba Mosque)
extremism – a speech act – but also states religious extremists religious extremists do
not belong in the Muslim community, thereby discouraging the practice of religious
extremism.
42
A famous general who played in important role in the expansion of territories under Islamic rule in
the immediate period after Muhammad’s death.
43
The son of one of Muhammad’s companion, Umar later became the second caliph.
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Of the structural methods of socialisation, some imams explicitly indicated religious
Indeed, in the messenger of Allah you have a good example [verses from the
Qur’an]… remember Allah much. Allah (swt) says that whatever the
messenger allows, take it and whatever he forbids, abstain from it and fear
Allah for verily Allah is severe in punishment. (Lakemba Mosque)
This statement is a speech act warning audiences that, if they do not comply with
role expectations – that is, being a moderate Muslim – they will be punished.
Overall, from an analysis of the sermons focused on the topic of religious extremism,
thereby disqualifying the position that Australia’s mosques are in the hands of
religious extremists or that imams are accountable for the purported rise in religious
7.3.12 Christmas
though the occasion relates to Christian traditions and carries religious connotations,
it has largely come to be recognised and celebrated as a secular event. For example,
institutions such as universities that identify as being secular organise end of year
Christmas parties for their staff. However, this is not how Christmas was understood
Just as the event was widely celebrated in the broader Australian community, it
became a topic of interest for three imams in Sydney whose sermons were content
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analysed. The analysis found these imams hold Christmas to be associated with
faith referred to as the shahada, involves the declaration of the statement, ‘there is no
God, but God.’ The declaration implicitly rejects that any person, prophet or deity
can be God. 44 Presenting a position against the concept of Jesus being the son of
God, which is a core Christian belief, one sermon presented that Muslims love Jesus
and his mother Mary is a “great woman.” However, as Muslims do not hold Jesus to
be the son of God, they must not participate in events relating to Christmas:
We tell our young brothers and young sisters that every religion has its own
days of celebration. Every religion has their own holy days. The Buddhist
have their holy days, but do the Muslims celebrate it – no. When Muslims
have their holy days, do other religions celebrate it – no. The position that we
are finding ourselves in is that the Christians are celebrating this so-called
holy day and we must not engage in anything according to this because by us
celebrating these days and by us associating ourselves with this day, it is as if
we are agreeing with the concept. It is as if we are agreeing with the concept
behind this holy day. We all know that this holy day is based on the birth of
Jesus and that he is the son of God. We are not allowed to bless this whole
idea of Christmas. We do not believe in Christmas and certainly, we do not
believe that Jesus was the son of God. (Anonymous)
Adopting structural methods of socialisation, the audience was informed that the acts
of erecting a Christmas tree, giving people gifts to mark the occasion and wishing
others ‘merry Christmas’ were also tantamount to agreeing with the concept of Jesus
being the son of God. The statement was presented to imply disapproval for
44
It is for this reason that Muslims refrain from drawing images of Muhammad, as they believe this
represents a risk that he may become the focus of worship instead of God.
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As presented in section 2.6.1, some parts of the Muslim community give significant
importance to the maintenance of faith. The sermons delivered during the Christmas
season made it evidently clear that Muslims should be tolerant of other religious
beliefs and practices, but it is important for them to maintain their faith. For example,
Dear brothers and sisters in Islam, our religion Islam has respect for other
religions and it gives people from other religions the right to follow their
religion and this we can see in the life of the Prophet and in his teachings
where he would practice his religion and if there were people from other
religions he would let them practice their religion he would let them do what
they want as long as they did not bother him he let them do what they wanted
to do, this is the way of Islam we respect other peoples’ religions, but we
have to follow our own religion we have to take priority to follow our own
Islam, but you know sometimes when we live in environments which are
mixing with other religions we find sometimes that we are in trouble
sometimes because we have our religion and we have their religion and
sometimes our religion might be the minority and their religion might be the
majority such as in this country, so we as Muslims have to hold onto our
religion and not follow the other religions. Specifically, we have to be careful
during the coming days which are coming now which will be the celebrations
of the Christian people being Christmas and New Year’s Eve. (Anonymous)
As evident from the quote above, while participation in Christmas-related events and
Islamic festivities. Two imams emphasised that Muslims have two festive occasions
While the above information indicates the method of socialisation used by imams
relies heavily on the construction of Christmas as a celebration by the ‘other,’ the call
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enforced, as some imams warned their audiences there will be consequences to
The Prophet (sws31) said do not imitate the Jews or the Christians so the
Prophet (sws31) he who imitates a people he will be among them on the day
of Judgment, so we as Muslims we need to be very careful during this time,
this time of celebration where they celebrate the Christmas and the New
Year’s Eve which is the beginning of the year which they base on the birth of
Jesus Christ we as Muslims we do not celebrate these things. (Anonymous 1)
Allah says ‘O you who believe protect yourselves and your families from the
fire whose fuel is people and stones.’ (Anonymous 2)
The statements presented above call for audiences to avoid participation in Christmas
7.3.13 Islamophobia
An issue of significant importance with real life implications for Muslim Australians,
entire sermon to the issue. The imams at Parramatta and Arncliffe spoke directly
about dealing with Islamophobia (though other terms such as ‘ignorant behaviour’
were used). Mead’s (1934) theory holds that one of the most significant factors to
207
theory, Goffman (2002) stated it is common for people to present a favourable image
of their self. Supporting evidence for Mead’s and Goffman’s theories were found in
the content of the sermons dealing with Islamophobia. This was particularly evident
as some imams complained about how Muslims are represented by the media:
There are commentators out there that are scrutinising Islam spreading a lot
Another imam compared the media’s representation of Muslims and its effect on
And they are trying to provoke some of us. They are looking for retaliation,
they are looking for something that we can do so that they can make it worse,
so that they can say more things. For example, a couple of years when that
short movie was made about the Prophet (sws), we all know it was a film
made that was all lies. We all know it was all lies. That film depicted
Muslims as violent. What was the reaction – some Muslims became violent.
In response to the negative media representations of Islam and Muslim, and its
imams stated Muslims should be ‘peaceful,’ ‘patient,’ ‘not hurt people,’ ‘not
retaliate,’ ‘not respond to ignorance with anger,’ ‘not act resentfully,’ ‘walk on earth
with humility’ and ‘if the ignorant say something stupid and ill-informed, say peace
and keep walking.’ The method of socialisation relied upon here has a social
opposite of how the media depicts them to be. Dunn (2001) calls this ‘counter-
208
constructions.’ These counter-constructions present supporting evidence for Mead’s
theory that people present an image of their self that conforms to the norms and
values of society. In this case, imams are constructing an image of Islam and
Muslims that conforms to the norms and values of society and implicitly asking their
audiences to present an image that counters the negative stereotypes associated with
the identity of a Muslim. The following examples demonstrate this process. In the
sermon content related to Islamophobia, imams used hadiths, which in these cases
members:
And the servants of Allah are those that walk upon the earth easily and when
the ignorant address them harshly, they say words of peace (verse from the
Qur’an recited at Auburn’s Gallipoli Mosque)
A Muslim is one from whose tongue and hand people are safe (Auburn
Gallipoli Mosque)
And not equal are the good deed and the bad. Repel evil by that deed which is
better; and thereupon the one whom between you and him is enmity will
become as though he was a devoted friend. (Parramatta Mosque)
The strong person is not the one who can overpower others in physical
strength, but rather the strong person is one that can control themselves when
they become angry. (Darul Imaan Masjid)
Imams also presented statements that indicate there are benefits to be gained from
acting peacefully:
Always resist through goodness, through doing something that is good. And
what will happen then is you’ll find any person that carries enmity towards
you may well become a very close and loyal friend. (Darul Imaan Masjid)
209
The Prophet (sws) said ‘a Muslim does not suffer any mental or physical
anguish or any distress, grief, pain or sorrow even from the prick of a thorn
except that Allah (swt) reduces his mistakes and his sins.’ (Auburn Gallipoli
Mosque)
Abu Darda once came to the prophet (sws) and said ‘direct me to a deed,
direct me to something that I can do which will gain me entry into paradise.’
And the Prophet (sws) said to him the same advice, he said ‘don’t allow
yourself to get angered.’ (Darul Imaan Masjid)
Those who were able to control their anger may be asked to pick from among
the women of paradise. (Darul Imaan Masjid)
And our Prophet (sws) said that ‘there are four things, there are four traits that
if you have, than you deserve Jannah 45 … control desire, control anger, lust
and stay calm and collected when something frightens you. (Darul Imaan
Masjid)
such as Muhammad, Yaqub (Jacob) and Yusuf as models to be followed when they
are angered or under attack, thereby attempting to influence the way their audiences
respond to Islamophobia:
One day, a desert Arab came to him [the Prophet] and approached him,
grabbing him and said, you owe me money. Most of us will say well, ask
nicely, ask nicely first, but the Prophet (sws) didn’t say ask nicely. He said
that the man is entitled to his money, gave it to him and smiled. End of story.
No escalation, no problem. (Darul Imaan Masjid)
[A sahaba narrated], one day I was walking with the Prophet (sws) and he
was wearing a garment that was very rough on the inside, and a desert Arab
came to him and he grabbed him by this garment, grabbed him very harshly
45
Meaning heaven
210
very roughly, and I looked at the Prophet (sws) and I still saw forbearance on
his face, kindness and forbearance on his face. (Darul Imaan Masjid)
What did the Prophet do when he was pelted and thrown out of a city. He
prayed to Allah (sws). Yes, whinge, complain, but to Allah (swt). Remember
the dua of Yaqub. Have hope in the victory of Allah. (Parramatta Mosque)
Another prime example for practicing sabr, 47 forbearing and forgiving, is the
Overall, the sermons covering the topic of Islamophobia demonstrate not only the
they also play an important role in the way imams instruct Muslims to respond to
countering the stereotypes associated with their identity. This finding again suggests
that imams, if effective in influencing the views and attitudes of audience members,
46
Meaning prayers
47
Meaning patience.
48
The story of Yusuf (Joseph, as mentioned in the Bible) is that his brothers planned to kill him but
initially trapped him inside a well where he was found by a caravan and taken to Egypt and sold as a
slave. He was purchased by the Pharaoh of his time. Yusuf grew up to be a handsome young man
attracting the attention of the Pharoah’s wife, who subsequently tried to seduce him. When her
husband found out, he imprisoned Yusuf for decades. Eventually, he was released and became second
in command in Egypt. Some narratives hold he eventually married Zuleyha, the women who caused
his imprisonment.
211
may be regulating the ways Muslims respond to experiences of Islamophobia so they
As presented in section 2.6.4, an incident now referred to as the Martin Place siege
occurred while I was conducting the fieldwork recordings inside Sydney’s mosques.
discussion in most of the mosques. Four imams delivered sermons that focused
exclusively on the incident, while another four allocated some sections of their
sermon to discussing the topic. The common feature of all these sermons was that
Quakers Hill, Revesby and Lakemba) and emphasised it does not have any religious
legitimacy.
The killing of innocent people has no relationship with Islam. (Revesby and
Lakemba Mosque)
No one is following the teaching of Islam should even consider doing these
things taking innocent people hostages we do not teach individuals about our
religion violence. (Penshurst Mosque)
Islam in no way shape or form approves or caters for chaos and anarchy
(Auburn Gallipoli Mosque)
The perpetrator was described using terms such as a “mentally unstable person”
212
negative light, thereby disapproving and discouraging their audiences from engaging
in violent acts.
Further to the methods used to regulate behaviour, the imams presented that those
who engage in violent acts and kill innocent people will be punished. The most cited
source of information was a verse from the Qur’an: “whosoever kills an innocent
person shall reside in hell forever” (Qur’an, 5:32, recited at Blacktown, Penshurst,
Parramatta and Lakemba). Through this, audiences are warned against killing
innocent people.
Prophet Mohammad (sws), you all know the story, according to the story,
there was a young Jewish boy, he used to come and do some chores for him
from time to time and in some narrations, he used to see this Jewish boy
playing in the streets every day. One day he wasn’t there and he heard that the
boy was sick. This is a Jewish boy; Jewish, not Christian and you know how
much persecution the Muslims suffered at the hands of some of the Jews at
the time. When he heard he was sick, he went to his home and visited him
and made du’a for him. If our role model is the Prophet (sws) this is the way
we deal with people who are not Muslim. (Artarmon Mosque)
Another role model presented for audiences to follow was Abu Darda (one of
Muhammad’s companion). Abu Darda, as mentioned in the sermon, cared for his
Jewish neighbour out of respect for what Muhammad had said; therefore, audiences
213
Abu Darda was a great sahaba. He slaughtered a sheep and as you know
those days, there were no fridges. They distributed the meat, usually and they
keep a little for themselves. He was, ‘where should we start distributing the
meat?’ He said, start with my Jewish neighbour. Someone said, how can we
start with your Jewish neighbour – aren’t the Muslims more deserving. He
said, this is my neighbour. The Prophet (sws) kept telling us about the rights
of the neighbour until we thought he was going to give them a share in our
estate; start with my Jewish neighbour. (Artarmon Mosque)
Other role models presented as supporting evidence for the claim that a Muslim must
be tolerant were Khalid bin Waleed and Umar bin Khataab, both companions of
Khalid was perhaps the most enlightened general that the world has ever
known, not just the Muslims. They teach his military strategies right until this
very day. He was about to make a treaty with the Christians under his
governance and he saw that some Christians were unable to work; they were
too old, so he gave them a pension from the Muslim treasury. He didn’t say
become a Muslim or anything of that nature. He gave them a pension. He
gave them the means of livelihood. (Revesby Mosque)
The imam also presented Umar bin Khattab 49 as evidence and a role model to show
During the khilafa of Umar bin Khataab (ra), he saw a blind old man [a non-
Muslim] begging for money. He came and put his hand on the blind man’s
shoulders and asked, why are you asking for money? Umar in Khataab was
the kind of man who used to go into the street and check on the welfare of
people and he saw this old man asking for money. He said he was asking for
it so that he could pay the jizaya 50for this family. Umar bin Khataab took him
to his house and he gave him whatever he could from his home and then he
49
From the Sunni perspective, one of the most beloved companions of Muhammad who became the
second caliph after his death.
50
The annual tax that certain non-Muslims had to pay to the government.
214
took him to his treasury and he said this man is never to pay the jizaya and in
fact you should pay him a pension, and he was paid a pension. (Artarmon
Mosque)
7.4 Conclusion
This chapter provides evidence to show that imams adopt social structural and
a Muslim in response to various circumstances and events. The imams also reiterate
the expectations associated with the ‘role’ of a Muslim. The sources of knowledge,
the Qur’an and hadith, play vital roles in forming these constructions and
reiterations. Implicitly, by defining how a Muslim should be and ‘act,’ imams are
attempting to influence their audiences, thereby presenting the possibility they are
agents of socialisation. Evidence was also found of the imams’ use of functional
Moreover, facilitating the type of socialisation, which relies on seeing models for
in the Qur’an and his companions to illustrate how a Muslim should ‘act,’ thereby
Overall, while this chapter concludes that imams adopt various methods of
they are agents of socialisation can only be reached with an investigation of how
audiences receive, respond to and were influenced by the sermon, which will be
215
8 AUDIENCE RECEPTION
immediately after they had listened to a sermon that was being recorded. This
chapter provides an overview of the results of the 745 surveys collected and analysed
using the audience reception theories presented in section 3.3. The first part of the
by an analysis of how they received and responded to the sermon. The next part of
survey participants to the way they received, responded to and were affected by the
between the characteristics of the sermon, as they relate to the content and style of
presentation, and the extent to which audiences receive the message and were
8.1.1 Gender
Results relating to the gender of survey participants are presented in Table 8-1.
Mosque audiences were primarily men (93.9%). This is not a reflection of the gender
balance within the community, as ABS statistics indicate there are approximately
equal numbers of Muslim men and women living in Sydney. However, it does reflect
that, during Friday’s congregational service, mosques are mainly single gendered
spaces. Of the 13 mosques surveyed, women were present in only seven and their
216
numbers were relatively small. Nevertheless, women constituted above 10% of the
women do not attend the Friday prayers at all and indicates that women who wish to
for themselves.
Gender
Mosque Male Female Total
Number Percentage Number Percentage
Ahl Bayt Centre 48 96.0 2 4.0 50
Darul Imaan Masjid 53 100.0 0 0.0 53
Auburn Gallipoli Mosque 74 98.7 1 1.3 75
Blacktown Mosque 40 87.0 6 13.0 46
Masjid Noor (session 1) 1 30 96.8 1 3.2 31
Masjid Noor (session 2) 23 100.0 0 0.0 23
Guildford Mosque 20 100.0 0 0.0 20
Lakemba Mosque 79 82.3 17 17.7 96
Minto Mosque 36 100.0 0 0.0 36
Parramatta Mosque 60 88.2 8 11.8 68
Penshurst Mosque 24 100.0 0 0.0 24
Quakers Hill Mosque 28 93.3 2 6.7 30
Revesby Mosque 27 100.0 0 0.0 27
UNSW 30 100.0 0 0.0 30
Total 572 93.9 37 6.1 609
The results of the survey as they relate to the age of participants has been presented
in Table 8-2. As the information presented in the table makes clear, survey
participants were relatively young, with 68% falling between the ages of 18 and 40.
217
This reflects ABS’ figures that indicate Sydney’s Muslims are mostly below the age
of 44. Sydney’s mosques are generally not segregated by age as individuals of all age
brackets were scattered throughout the mosques surveyed. A few exceptions can be
Revesby, Guilford, UNSW and Granville (1 & 2). On the other hand, the proportion
of people falling within the range of 55–70 was slightly higher at suburban mosques
Age
18-25 26-40 41-54 55-70 71+
Mosque Total
Percentage
Percentage
Percentage
Percentage
Percentage
Number
Number
Number
Number
Number
Ahl Bayt Centre 19 34.5 13 23.6 14 25.5 5 9.1 4 7.3 55
Darul Imaan Masjid 12 20.3 23 39.0 13 22.0 10 16.9 1 1.7 59
Auburn Gallipoli
24 28.2 47 55.3 10 11.8 4 4.7 0 0.0 85
Mosque
Blacktown Mosque 6 10.9 23 41.8 18 32.7 8 14.5 0 0.0 55
Masjid Noor
12 29.3 21 51.2 3 7.3 3 7.3 2 4.9 41
(session 1)
Masjid Noor
7 29.2 14 58.3 1 4.2 2 8.3 0 0.0 24
(session 2)
Guildford Mosque 9 34.6 12 46.2 2 7.7 3 11.5 0 0.0 26
Lakemba Mosque 24 20.3 52 44.1 27 22.9 15 12.7 0 0.0 118
Minto Mosque 9 20.5 14 31.8 14 31.8 7 15.9 0 0.0 44
Parramatta Mosque 13 16.7 42 53.8 14 17.9 9 11.5 0 0.0 78
Penshurst Mosque 2 7.4 10 37.0 6 22.2 6 22.2 3 11.1 27
Quakers Hill
5 15.2 11 33.3 7 21.2 10 30.3 0 0.0 33
Mosque
Revesby Mosque 16 43.2 15 40.5 5 13.5 1 2.7 0 0.0 37
UNSW 19 57.6 14 42.4 0 0.0 0 0.0 0 0.0 33
Total 177 24.8 311 43.5 134 18.7 83 11.6 10 1.4 715
218
Table 8-3: Sydney Muslim Australians by age categories (2011)
Age
18-24 18.2
25-34 31.4
35-44 21.6
45-54 14.9
55-64 8.6
65+ 5.2
Total 99.9
Survey results as they relate to the marital status of audience members has been
presented in Table 8-4 and suggest that married and single men were present at all of
the mosques. However, the sample population was primarily married (66.9%). The
majority of those who were single were 18-25 years of age followed by those
between the ages of 26-40. These figures are consistent with national statistics that
indicate the median age of marriage for the Australian population is 31.8 for males
and 29.8 for females (ABS, 2015). Relatively higher concentrations of single men
were present at locations where higher concentrations of people below the age of 40
were present.
219
Table 8-4: Survey results: Marital status of survey participants by mosque
Marital status
Mosque Married Single Total
Number Percentage Number Percentage
Ahl Bayt Centre 30 62.5 18 37.5 48
Darul Imaan Masjid 39 72.2 15 27.8 54
Auburn Gallipoli Mosque 42 58.3 30 41.7 72
Blacktown Mosque 31 75.6 10 24.4 41
Masjid Noor (Session 1) 20 66.7 10 33.3 30
Masjid Noor (session 2) 12 60.0 8 40.0 20
Guildford Mosque 8 40.0 12 60.0 20
Lakemba Mosque 72 78.3 20 21.7 92
Minto Mosque 28 82.4 6 17.6 34
Parramatta Mosque 47 67.1 23 32.9 70
Penshurst Mosque 21 87.5 3 12.5 24
Quakers Hill Mosque 24 85.7 4 14.3 28
Revesby 15 55.6 12 44.4 27
UNSW 6 20.0 24 80.0 30
Total 395 66.9 195 33.1 590
educated with the majority holding a degree. A relatively high cluster of individuals
with university degrees were present in the mosque located on the university campus
(UNSW), the CBD of Parramatta and the two major mosques in Auburn and
with high school certificates or equivalent were found at Guildford, Revesby and
Granville – the same mosques that were highlighted earlier for their large
concentration of youths. Low levels of education were also prevalent at Ahl Bayt,
where some members of the audience who completed the survey were Afghan-born
and had recently arrived in Australia as asylum seekers. Some of the recent arrivals
were illiterate or only had a grade 10 or primary school certificate. These individuals
220
did not state their qualifications or ticked the lowest level of education on the survey,
Education
associate's degree
Bachelor's degree
technical school;
Some college or
Master's degree
or equivalent
Mosque Total
N % n % n % N % n %
Ahl Bayt Centre 19 35.8 9 17.0 16 30.2 9 17.0 0 0.0 53
Darul Imaan Masjid 9 15.5 15 25.9 19 32.8 11 19.0 4 6.9 58
Auburn Gallipoli
18 21.4 4 4.8 36 42.9 24 28.6 2 2.4 84
Mosque
Blacktown Mosque 13 24.1 14 25.9 17 31.5 9 16.7 1 1.9 54
Masjid Noor
11 26.8 9 22.0 10 24.4 10 24.4 1 2.4 41
(session1)
Masjid Noor (session
7 29.2 4 16.7 6 25.0 6 25.0 1 4.2 24
2)
Guildford Mosque 12 46.2 3 11.5 7 26.9 4 15.4 0 0.0 26
Lakemba Mosque 25 21.6 20 17.2 36 31.0 30 25.9 5 4.3 116
Minto Mosque 3 6.8 10 22.7 17 38.6 12 27.3 2 4.5 44
Parramatta Mosque 4 5.0 9 11.3 32 40.0 32 40.0 3 3.8 80
Penshurst Mosque 8 28.6 5 17.9 6 21.4 8 28.6 1 3.6 28
Quakers Hill Mosque 4 12.1 6 18.2 10 30.3 11 33.3 2 6.1 33
Revesby Mosque 17 45.9 5 13.5 11 29.7 4 10.8 0 0.0 37
UNSW 4 12.1 1 3.0 19 57.6 7 21.2 2 6.1 33
Total 154 21.7 114 16.0 242 34.0 177 24.9 24 3.4 711
(18%, see Table 8-6). Despite constituting the largest birth group, the figure is
Muslims (ABS, 2011, see Figure 8–3). This discrepancy may be attributed to the
selection of the University of NSW for the survey of young Muslim Australians, as
221
audience members who completed the survey at this location were mostly
Australia after the 1970s, as explained in section 2.3. As such, they can generally be
that significant numbers are not able to participate due to work commitments and
studies have shown the struggle Muslim men experience balancing their religious
duties while at work (Sav, Sebar & Harris, 2010). It may also be possible that some
Bangladesh-, Pakistan- and Afghan-born Muslims formed the next largest categories
and were over-represented in the sample from mosques compared to NSW’s figures.
While, Turkish- and Iran-born were under-represented. The Turks were among the
are not practicing Muslims or do not attend Friday prayers (Saeed, 2007; Hopkins,
2011).
The results of the survey found that most mosques are visited by people of a diverse
individuals from certain countries of birth can be found (see Table 8-6). The majority
Bangladesh-born was found at Minto and Quakers Hill; large concentrations of Iran-
222
and Iraq-born were present at Auburn’s Ahl Bayt mosque; and a large concentration
of Pakistan-born were at Quakers Hill and Granville. Survey results found Lebanese-
100%
80%
60%
40%
20% Overseas
Australia
0%
223
Table 8-6: Survey results: Place of birth by mosque
Total
Sydney
Muslims,
Quakers Hill
Total
Parramatta
Granville 1
Granville 2
Blacktown
Penshurst
Census,
Lakemba
Guildford
Revesby
Ahl Bayt
Arncliffe
Gallipoli
Country of birth
Auburn
UNSW
2011
Minto
code
Afghanistan Count 12 0 4 35 1 1 1 0 0 6 0 1 0 0 61
% 21.8 0.0 4.7 67.3 2.4 4.2 4.0 0.0 0.0 7.8 0.0 3.0 0.0 0.0 8.8 4.1
Australia Count 6 0 16 3 15 10 13 25 5 7 5 2 21 0 128
% 10.9 0.0 18.8 5.8 36.6 41.7 52.0 21.7 11.1 9.1 17.9 6.1 55.3 0.0 18.4 43.8
Bangladesh Count 0 12 1 2 1 0 1 10 25 21 5 15 1 3 97
% 0.0 26.1 1.2 3.8 2.4 0.0 4.0 8.7 55.6 27.3 17.9 45.5 2.6 9.4 13.9 6.9
Bosnia Count 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 6 0 2 0 11
% 0.0 0.0 1.2 0.0 0.0 0.0 4.0 .9 0.0 0.0 21.4 0.0 5.3 0.0 1.6
India Count 2 2 24 0 3 0 0 5 0 10 2 1 2 0 51
% 3.6 4.3 28.2 0.0 7.3 0.0 0.0 4.3 0.0 13.0 7.1 3.0 5.3 0.0 7.3 2
Iran Count 6 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 7
% 10.9 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 .9 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 1.0 2.3
Iraq Count 22 0 1 1 3 0 3 2 0 0 0 0 1 0 33
% 40.0 0.0 1.2 1.9 7.3 0.0 12.0 1.7 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 2.6 0.0 4.7 3.4
Lebanon Count 1 2 0 0 6 2 2 26 0 4 3 1 5 0 52
% 1.8 4.3 0.0 0.0 14.6 8.3 8.0 22.6 0.0 5.2 10.7 3.0 13.2 0.0 7.5 11.9
224
Total
Sydney
Muslims,
Quakers Hill
Total
Parramatta
Granville 1
Granville 2
Blacktown
Penshurst
Census,
Lakemba
Guildford
Revesby
Ahl Bayt
Arncliffe
Gallipoli
Country of birth
Auburn
UNSW
2011
Minto
code
Pakistan Count 0 8 12 5 5 5 1 7 3 9 1 10 2 1 69
% 0.0 17.4 14.1 9.6 12.2 20.8 4.0 6.1 6.7 11.7 3.6 30.3 5.3 3.1 9.9 5.4
Turkey Count 0 0 15 0 0 0 2 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 20
% 0.0 0.0 17.6 0.0 0.0 0.0 8.0 .9 2.2 1.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 2.9 4.4
Other Arab Count 5 6 0 2 5 3 0 25 1 9 4 0 2 10 72
countries
% 9.1 13.0 0.0 3.8 12.2 12.5 0.0 21.7 2.2 11.7 14.3 0.0 5.3 31.3 10.3
Indonesia Count 0 5 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 6 14
% 0.0 10.9 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 2.2 1.3 0.0 3.0 0.0 18.8 2.0 1.8
Malaysia Count 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 2 2 5
% 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 1.3 0.0 0.0 5.3 6.3 .7 0.5
Brunei Count 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 9 9
% 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 28.1 1.3
Other Count 1 11 11 4 2 3 1 12 9 8 2 2 0 1 67
% 1.8 23.9 12.9 7.7 4.9 12.5 4.0 10.4 20.0 10.4 7.1 6.1 0.0 3.1 9.6
Total Count 55 46 85 52 41 24 25 115 45 77 28 33 38 32 696
225
Figure 8–2: Survey results: Mosque visitors’ countries of birth
Iraq India
5% 7%
Lebanon Bosnia
7% Iran
2%
1%
Other
23%
Australia
India 38%
2%
Indonesia
3% Iran
3%
Iraq
3%
Bangladesh
5% Turkey Lebanon
5% Afghanistan Pakistan 7%
5% 6%
8.1.6 Language
After Arabic (30%), 24% of the respondents considered English to be their first
language. The figures obtained are not far from ABS figures for languages other than
English spoken, except in the case of individuals who considered Arabic and Dari to
be their first language. Arabic speakers were under-represented and Dari speakers
226
were over-represented. It is conceivable the low numbers for Arabic speakers were
speaking countries such as Lebanon arrived relatively early compared to the Afghans
who still consider Dari as their first language. The second largest group was Urdu
Other
4%
Urdu
Turkish 13% Arabic
5% 30%
Hindi
3%
Bengali
English
8%
24%
Dari
11% Bosnian
2%
227
Table 8-7: Survey results: First language by mosque
Mosque
Sydney
Quakers Hill
Total Muslims,
Granville 1
Granville 2
Blacktown
Penshurst
Lakemba
Guildford
Revesby
Census 2011
Ahl Bayt
Arncliffe
Gallipoli
Auburn
First Language
Arabic Count 33 5 2 3 12 9 4 69 6 1 11 155
% 60.0 14.7 2.4 6.7 29.3 39.1 17.4 60.0 22.2 3.4 30.6 30.4 42.8
Bengali Count 0 6 1 1 1 0 1 7 5 15 1 38
% 0.0 17.6 1.2 2.2 2.4 0.0 4.3 6.1 18.5 51.7 2.8 7.5 8.3
Bosnian Count 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 6 0 2 11
% 0.0 0.0 1.2 0.0 0.0 0.0 4.3 0.9 22.2 0.0 5.6 2.2 1.8
Dari Count 13 0 3 39 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 58
% 23.6 0.0 3.7 86.7 2.4 4.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 3.4 0.0 11.4 4.2
English Count 7 12 17 0 17 6 14 25 6 0 17 121
% 12.7 35.3 20.7 0.0 41.5 26.1 60.9 21.7 22.2 0.0 47.2 23.7
Hindi Count 0 1 10 0 0 0 0 2 0 1 0 14
% 0.0 2.9 12.2 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 1.7 0.0 3.4 0.0 2.7
Turkish Count 0 0 20 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 24
% 0.0 0.0 24.4 0.0 2.4 4.3 4.3 0.9 0.0 0.0 0.0 4.7 8.7
228
Mosque
Sydney
Quakers Hill
Total Muslims,
Granville 1
Granville 2
Blacktown
Penshurst
Lakemba
Guildford
Revesby
Census 2011
Ahl Bayt
Arncliffe
Gallipoli
Auburn
First Language
Urdu Count 1 6 19 2 8 5 1 8 4 10 3 67
% 1.8 17.6 23.2 4.4 19.5 21.7 4.3 7.0 14.8 34.5 8.3 13.1 14.5 51
Other Count 1 4 9 0 1 1 1 2 0 1 2 22
% 1.8 11.8 11.0 0.0 2.4 4.3 4.3 1.7 0.0 3.4 5.6 4.3 17.5
Total Count 55 34 82 45 41 23 23 115 27 29 36 510
Note: Minto and Parramatta are not included in this table as the question relating to language was added after fieldwork for these mosques had been completed.
51
Urdu and Hindu combined
229
8.2 Participation in Friday’s congregational prayers
The results of the survey questions relating to the reasons why audience members
evidence for the UG theory, as over 90% of survey participants indicated they attend
participate for the purpose of performing the acts associated with their ‘role’ as
Muslims. Further evidence to suggest congregational prayers are attended for the
participants attend a mosque located either in the same suburb they were in when the
This implies audiences prefer performing their responsibilities rather than attending a
specific mosque or listening to a favourite imam. However, some may prefer going
to mosques that are ‘owned’ by their own community (as represented by ethnic
background). This may be the case with many of the visitors at Blacktown Mosque
where the mosque committee and dominant group present for Friday’s
taken to conclude that Friday’s congregational prayers and associated sermon are
services ‘used’ by audiences for the purpose of expressing their identity as a Muslim.
For those opting to perform their congregational prayers with people of their ‘own’
As presented in Chapter 3, there are two social structural perspectives that offer an
pressure in the form of approval and disapproval of other members of society, Parson
230
(cited in Fulcher & Scott, 2007) argues that conformity to role expectations occurs
when people internalise the expectations associated with their role, considering it an
obligatory aspect of their identity. An investigation of the survey results with interest
their position and background is expected to attend, while 40% indicated their family
members expect them to attend, implying there is social pressure associated with
would feel embarrassed if they stopped coming and others were to find out, implying
that disapproval from other members of society for not fulfilling their role
However, stronger evidence was found for Parson’s theory as over 87% indicated
they would feel guilty if they did not attend, implying the ‘role’ and responsibility of
Aside from facilitating the performance of acts associated with audience members’
religious identity, survey results found the other important functions of the
important way of keeping in touch with their cultural roots and 52.8% indicated it is
an important way of maintaining their family traditions. This supports Dunn et al’s
their religious beliefs and practices. As for those with children, 92% expressed that
231
to be a role model for their children to follow. These findings provide further
supporting evidence for the UG theory as audience members ‘use’ the congregational
sense of familiarity and 86% agreed it felt good to be surrounded by fellow Muslims.
232
Table 8-8: Survey results: Reasons for attending Friday's congregational prayers
233
Table 8-10: Survey results: Distance travelled to participate in the congregational prayers
Distance travelled N %
Same suburb as the mosque 226 36.7
Within 10km from the mosque 270 43.8
with 10km-20km from the mosque 71 11.5
Within 20km-30km from the mosque 33 5.4
30+km from the mosque 16 2.6
Total 616 100.0
The precondition for receiving and being affected by the message delivered through
a sermon is, predictably, paying attention and understanding the content. Fulfilling
this condition, 86.6% of audience members agreed they paid attention and 84.3%
affirmed they maintained interest. Furthermore, 86.6% agreed they understood what
was being said. However, analysis of the section of the survey that asked audiences
to explain the key message of the sermon found discrepancies between the
proportion of people who indicated they understood the sermon and those who were
(48%) appeared to have understood and interpreted the key message correctly. A
further 16.6% demonstrated they understood the key message delivered, but
interpreted the message in a way that reflected their own world view. While the
sermon message was relatively lower than the percentage who perceived to have
understood the key message, both figures provide evidence to suggest audiences
interpretation that deviated from the message and significant numbers (16.4%) left
234
the survey blank without offer any insight into how they received and interpreted the
Overall, while audiences can be seen to have received the message delivered, as
demonstrated, the position taken in respect to the message received was that it was
audiences mostly received the ‘preferred’ message and accepted it. In this context,
the ‘encoder,’ the imam, and ‘decoders,’ the audience members, share a common
religious background. Thus, the finding that most (48%) of the audience members
were able to ‘read’ the preferred meaning and accept the message presents
between the encoder and decoders increases the likelihood that audiences will decode
8.3.2 Impact
One of the best predictors of the level of impact felt by audiences listening to a
presentation is their ability to relate the talk to their personal lives (Carrell, 2009).
The survey results indicated that audiences found the sermons delivered to be highly
relevant as they were able to relate the sermon to the world around them (82.6%),
their daily activities (81%) and their daily life (85.5%), and were motivated to come
The perceived impact of the sermon on the views and attitudes of audience members
included that they developed a better relationship with Allah (89%), felt like they
were being called to be a better person (87%) and made a decision to take their
religion more seriously (82%). Chapter 7 revealed that imams employed structural
235
functional methods of socialisation, including the application of negative
survey results revealed most audience members felt they were being warned about
being encouraged to continue a religious practice they started for themselves (84%),
make changes in their life to be better Muslims (82%), and were encouraged to
continue a religious practice they had started for others, such as giving charity (85%).
These results imply that audiences were highly affected by the sermon, providing
supporting evidence for the HDST and denoting the methods of socialisation adopted
by the imams to have been effective in influencing the attitudes and behaviours of
impacts of the sermon relatively lower percentages (68%) indicated they would
reflect on the content of the sermon or agreed they had been emotionally moved
(51%).
movement, 30% of audience members agreed. However, this may not be directly
the question were mostly not present where imams discussed political topics.
236
Disagree Neutral/Unsure Agree
N % N % N %
The language of the khutbah was difficult for me to
494 71.1 80 11.7 140 17.6
understand
Relevance
I was able to relate the content to the world around
60 8.3 61 8.9 583 82.8
me
I was able to relate the content to my daily activities 42 6.7 77 12.3 575 81
I did not learn anything new from today's sermon 529 77.4 58 7.7 106 14.7
I have gained information that is useful to me in my
27 4% 66 9.7 586 86.3
daily life
Reception
I accept and agree with the message of the sermon 28 3.8 40 4.9 649 91.3
I am motivated to come back and hear more
29 4.89 66 8.47 562 86.3
sermons
Imam
I like the style in which the imam delivers his
70 10.5 135 38.2 462 69.3
sermon
The imam of this mosque makes me think 56 8.3 96 14.3 520 77.4
The imam of this mosque is a good role model 35 4.2 132 19.7 504 75.1
Impact
I felt that I was being warned about the
46 6.6 83 13.1 584 79.7
consequences of my actions
I felt that I was being called to be a better person 37 4.4 49 7.8 621 87
I am encouraged to continue a religious practice
25 4.5 66 10.8 555 84.6
that I have started for myself
I am inspired to do more than just the obligatory
36 5.6 83 12.3 538 82.1
acts of worship
I have made a decision to take my religion more
44 6.4 74 10.3 562 82.8
seriously
I will spend time this week reflecting on the
47 7 103 17.1 470 68.8
meaning of this khutbah
I have gained insight into developing a better
21 3.7 41 6.93 607 89.3
relationship with Allah
I was moved emotionally 125 18.7 196 30.08 331 51.2
The content of the khutbah made me think 40 7 86 12.9 550 80.1
The content of today's khutbah made me realise
that I need to make some changes in my life to be a 46 7.6 67 9.5 583 82.9
better Muslim
I am encouraged to continue a religious act that I
30 4.6 67 34.95 576 85.4
have started for others
I am inspired to participate in a political movement 251 41 164 28.1 176 30.1
237
Table 8-12: Survey results: Decoding the message of the sermon
8.3.3 Factors that make a difference to the reception and effect of the sermon
As presented in section 3.3.3, Hall’s ED communication model posits that the social
sections present an analysis of the relationship between age, gender, marital status
and educational background to the way audiences received, interpreted and were
8.3.3.1 Age
and level of impact felt did not find there to be a significant relationship as audiences
across all age categories received and responded to the sermon positively. However,
overall, one can observe a pattern with those aged over 80 responding mildly less
238
Table 8-13: Survey results: Levels of agreement by mosque
239
Age and levels of agreement
18-25 26-40 41-54 55-70 71+ Total P Chi
N % N % N % N % n % N %
The content of today’s khutbah made me
realise that I need to make some changes 139 81.3 253 86.3 100 79.4 68 89.5 3 37.5 563 83.5 .002 37.423
in my life to be a better Muslim
I am motivated to come back to hear more
145 87.9 242 83.7 105 87.5 64 87.7 6 85.7 562 85.9 .715 12.410
khutbahs
I have gained insight into developing a
137 83 259 89.6 113 92.6 71 97.3 5 83.3 585 89.3 .048 26.490
better relationship with Allah
I am inspired to do more than just the
128 78 238 83.8 94 80.3 62 83.8 5 83.3 527 81.7 .000 44.854
obligatory acts of worship
I am encouraged to continue a religious
practice (e.g. salah, voluntary fasting, etc.) I 131 79.9 247 86.7 103 85.8 64 88.9 6 85.7 551 85 .174 21.124
have started for myself
I am encouraged to continue a religious act
I have started for others (e.g. giving charity, 135 82.8 250 87.1 102 84.3 66 90.4 6 85.7 559 85.9 .803 11.105
being more patient and forgiving, etc.)
I am inspired to participate in a political
60 37 62 21.9 41 35 18 26.1 0 0 181 28.5 .000 44.857
movement
240
Table 8-14: Survey results: Age and decoding the intended meaning
Age
18-25 26-40 41-54 55-70 71+ Total Value Significance
Decoded the intended N 90 151 63 38 5 347 25.372a 0.60753196
meaning
% 50.8 48.6 47.0 45.8 50 48.5
Decodes a meaning from N 27 58 22 15 0 122
their own frame of
reference % 15.3 18.6 16.4 18.1 0 17.1
Deviates from the N 6 14 8 4 0 32
intended meaning
% 3.4 4.5 6.0 4.8 0 4.5
Other N 53 87 41 26 5 212
% 29.9 28.0 30.6 31.3 50.0 29.7
Total Total N 177 311 134 83 10 715
Total % 100 100 100 100 100 100
% within decoding 24.8 43.5 18.7 11.6 1.4 100.0
241
8.3.3.2 Gender
and impact did not find there to be a significant relationship as men and women
received and responded positively to the sermon, affirming that they paid attention
and understood the content delivered. Furthermore, both genders had ‘decoded’ the
While an examination of the relationship between age and measures of reception and
impact does not present a significant relation, there appears to be a pattern with
women receiving and responding to the sermons mildly more favourably compared
to men. This is surprising given the language used during the mosque sermons is
mostly directed at men (see section 6.3) and studies indicate there is a relationship
between the use of inclusive language and reception by audience members (Greene
& Rubin, 1991). It is conceivable that, as women are not obliged or socially expected
by the desire to listen to the sermon; therefore, they are more interested and
242
Table 8-15: Survey results: Levels of agreement by gender
Gender
Male Female Total P Chi
N % N % N %
I paid close attention 481 86.7 32 94.1 513 87.1 .484 3.461
I understood what was being said 490 88.6 32 91.4 522 88.8 .474 3.529
I maintained interest in the
khutbah's theme 463 84.2 33 94.3 496 84.8 .405 4.010
I was not able to maintain interest in
the khutbah's theme 106 20 7 21.2 113 20.1 .810 1.592
I was waiting for the salah to begin 191 35.7 10 31.3 201 35.4 .127 7.168
I was able to relate the khutbah’s
content to the world around me 459 83.3 28 82.4 487 83.2 .571 2.922
I was able to relate the khutbah’s
content to my daily activities 448 82.4 30 88.2 478 82.7 .799 1.654
I felt that I was being warned about
the consequences of my actions for
my afterlife 447 81.7 27 84.4 474 81.9 .143 6.865
I felt that I was being called to be a
better person 480 88.2 31 88.6 511 88.3 .452 3.675
I have gained insight into
developing a better relationship with
Allah 470 88.5 31 91.2 501 88.7 .852 1.356
I will spend time this week reflecting
on the meaning of this khutbah 372 70.6 28 82.4 400 71.3 .466 3.579
I have made a decision to take my
religion more seriously 433 81.7 33 94.3 466 82.5 .307 4.809
I am inspired to do more than just
the obligatory acts of worship 420 80.3 28 84.8 448 80.6 .909 1.008
I am encouraged to continue a
religious practice (e.g. salah,
voluntary fasting, etc) I have started
for myself 445 84.3 30 93.8 475 84.8 .618 2.649
I am encouraged to continue a
religious act I have started for
others (e.g. giving charity, being
more patient and forgiving, etc.) 448 84.8 32 91.4 480 85.3 .604 2.730
I am inspired to participate in a
political movement 144 27.9 11 34.4 155 28.2 .353 4.409
243
Table 8-16: Survey results: Gender and decoding the intended meaning
Examination of the relationship between marital status and measures of reception and
impact did not reveal a significant relationship, except in a number of cases. For
between gender and the level of attention paid to the sermon and understanding of it,
with married men paying slightly more attention compared to those who are single.
and the extent to which participants were emotionally moved by the sermon, with
married men slightly more emotionally moved by the sermon compared to single
men. Overall, there appears to be a pattern with married men receiving and
responding to the sermon mildly more favourably. This may conceivably be related
to the strong desire those with families have expressed to being a role model and
244
Table 8-17: Survey results: Levels of agreement by marital status
Marital status
Married Single Total
N % N % N % Chi P
I paid close attention 341 90 158 83 499 87 .000 25.743
I understood what was being said 352 92 158 83 510 89 .000 32.359
I maintained interest in the
khutbah's theme 327 87 153 80 480 85 .005 14.704
I was not able to maintain interest
in the khutbah's theme 76 21 36 19 112 21 .057 9.160
I was waiting for the salah to begin 133 37 63 34 196 36 .102 7.714
I was able to relate the khutbah’s
content to the world around me 314 84 157 82 472 82 .440 3.756
I was able to relate the khutbah’s
content to my daily activities 314 84 148 78 462 82 .015 12.397
I felt that I was being warned about
the consequences of my actions
for my afterlife 306 82 152 80 458 81 .127 7.165
I felt that I was being called to be a
better person 334 89 161 86 495 88 .005 14.752
I accept and agree with the
message of the khutbah 349 92 170 90 519 91 .005 14.676
The language of the khutbah was
difficult for me to understand 66 18 31 16 97 17 .073 8.578
I did not learn anything new from
today’s khutbah 59 16 23 12 82 15 .121 7.307
I was moved emotionally 181 50 89 48 270 49 .004 15.207
The content of the khutbah made
me think 296 80 152 80 448 80 .220 5.737
The content of today’s khutbah
made me realise that I need to
make some changes in my life to
be a better Muslim 312 85 155 82 467 84 .185 6.197
I am motivated to come back to
hear more khutbahs 308 85 160 87 468 86 .756 1.891
I have gained information that is
useful to me in my daily life 314 86 154 84 468 85 .599 2.756
I have gained insight into
developing a better relationship
with Allah 331 91 153 84 484 88 .028 10.907
I will spend time this week
reflecting on the meaning of this
khutbah 266 74 120 65 386 71 .073 8.563
I have made a decision to take my
religion more seriously 309 85 140 77 449 82 .149 6.760
245
Marital status
Married Single Total
N % N % N % Chi P
I am inspired to do more than just
the obligatory acts of worship 290 81 145 79 435 81 .625 2.611
I am encouraged to continue a
religious practice (e.g. salah,
voluntary fasting, etc.) I have
started for myself 315 87 148 80 463 85 .208 5.883
I am encouraged to continue a
religious act I have started for
others (e.g. giving charity, being
more patient and forgiving, etc.) 309 85 154 84 463 85 .114 7.448
I am inspired to participate in a
political movement 91 26 57 31 148 28 .000 27.656
Table 8-18: Survey results: Marital status and decoding the intended meaning
Marital status
Married Single Total Value Significance
Decoded the N 203 93 296 10.971a 0.139885839
intended meaning
% 51.4 47.7 50.2
Decodes the N 1 0 1
intended meaning
% 0.3 0.0 0.2
but rejects it
Decodes a meaning N 66 30 96
from their own
% 16.7 15.4 16.3
frame of reference
Deviates from the N 14 10 24
intended meaning
% 3.5 5.1 4.1
Other N 111.0 62.0 173.0
% 28.1 31.8 29.3
Total Total N 395 195 590
Total % 100 100 100
% within decoding 66.9 33.1 100.0
8.3.3.4 Education
Studies examining the influence of education levels on audience reception have
presented conflicting results, with certain types of messages being received more
positively by the well-educated compared to those with lower educational levels, and
246
and measures of reception and impact did not find a significant relationship as the
results of the survey revealed audiences falling into a diverse range of age brackets to
have received and responded to the sermon favourably. However, overall, those with
doctorates appear to have responded mildly less favourably compared to those from
In view of the information presented above, it can be stated that the social position of
levels makes a minor difference to how audiences receive and respond to the sermon.
247
Table 8-19: Survey results: Levels of agreement by education
248
Education and levels of agreement
Some college or
High school technical school;
certificate or associate's Bachelor's Doctoral degree
equivalent degree degree Master's degree (PhD) Total Chi P
n % n % N % N % n % N %
The language of the khutbah was difficult
for me to understand 25 17.1 17 15.5 48 21.1 29 17 2 8.3 121 17.8 .103 23.413
I did not learn anything new from today’s
khutbah 21 14.6 14 13 41 18.4 23 13.5 2 8.3 101 15.1 .271 18.962
I was moved emotionally 87 60.8 57 53.8 107 48.2 74 44 10 41.7 335 50.5 .114 23.003
The content of the khutbah made me
think 127 86.8 87 79.8 190 83.3 130 76.9 15 62.5 547 81.2 .006 33.582
The content of today’s khutbah made me
realise that I need to make some
changes in my life to be a better Muslim 124 86.1 96 88.9 183 81 142 84 17 70.8 562 83.8 .000 42.610
I am motivated to come back to hear
more khutbahs 123 91.1 91 86.7 184 83.3 144 86.2 20 87 562 86.3 .015 30.540
I have gained information that is useful to
me in my daily life 123 91.1 93 88.6 188 84.3 143 85.6 19 82.6 566 86.7 .013 31.240
I have gained insight into developing a
better relationship with Allah 121 89.6 99 94.3 195 87.4 147 88 21 91.3 583 89.3 .016 30.371
I will spend time this week reflecting on
the meaning of this khutbah 103 76.9 82 78.1 150 68.2 121 72.9 13 56.5 469 72.4 .012 30.371
I have made a decision to take my
religion more seriously 118 88.7 96 90.6 178 80.2 137 82 13 56.5 542 83.3 .000 49.463
249
Education and levels of agreement
Some college or
High school technical school;
certificate or associate's Bachelor's Doctoral degree
equivalent degree degree Master's degree (PhD) Total Chi P
n % n % N % N % n % N %
I am inspired to do more than just the
obligatory acts of worship 112 84.2 89 84.8 177 81.2 132 80.5 16 69.6 526 81.8 .449 16.063
I am encouraged to continue a religious
practice (e.g. salah, voluntary fasting, etc)
I have started for myself 117 88 98 91.6 181 82.6 137 83.5 17 73.5 550 85.1 .171 21.193
I am encouraged to continue a religious
act I have started for others (e.g. giving
charity, being more patient and forgiving,
etc) 117 87.3 98 92.5 186 84.2 138 83.6 19 82.6 558 86 .069 25.058
I am inspired to participate in a political
movement 54 40.9 28 27.2 61 28.1 34 20.9 5 23.8 182 28.6 .010 31.979
250
Table 8-20: Survey results: Levels of education and decoding the intended meaning
Education
Some college or
High school technical school;
certificate or associate's Bachelor's Master's Doctoral
equivalent degree degree degree degree (PhD) Total Value Significance
Decoded the intended N 68 54 128 84 14 348 24.576a 0.65078218
meaning
% 44.2 47.4 52.9 47.5 58.3 48.9
Decodes the intended N 1 0 0 1 0 2
meaning but rejects it
% 0.6 0.0 0.0 0.6 0.0 0.3
Decodes a meaning from N 25 15 41 37 2 120
their own frame of reference
% 16.2 13.2 16.9 20.9 8.3 16.9
Deviates from the intended N 8 6 8 9 1 32
meaning
% 5.19 5.26 3.31 5.08 4.17 4.50
Other N 52 39 65 46 7 209
% 33.8 34.2 26.9 26.0 29.2 29.4
Total Total N 154 114 242 177 24 711
Total % 100 100 100 100 100 100
% within 21.7 16.0 34.0 24.9 3.4 100.0
decoding
251
8.3.4 Characteristics of the sermon
While the preceding section of this chapter presented an analysis of the relationship
between the characteristics of the audience members to how the sermon was
received, the following section examines the relationship between the characteristics
The language in which a sermon is delivered can make a strong difference to the way
it is received and the level of impact felt by audiences. Survey results found that
it difficult for certain sections of the audience to understand the messages delivered.
When the sermon was delivered exclusively in Arabic, large sections of the
congregation who indicated their first language was Farsi found it difficult to
understand the sermon. When the sermon was delivered exclusively in Turkish, large
proportions of people who indicated their first language was English or Arabic found
it difficult to understand the sermon. Furthermore, when the sermon was delivered
exclusively in Farsi, sections of the population from South Asian backgrounds found
content of a sermon has a direct bearing on the way it is received and the level of
impact felt, as those who experience difficulties understanding the language of the
252
Table 8-21: Survey results: Agreement by language difficulties
253
The language of the sermon was Average levels
Difference P Chi
difficult for me to understand of agreement
Agree
N % % %
I am encouraged to continue a religious practice (e.g. salah, voluntary fasting, 89 79.5 82.9 -3.4 .000 101.963
etc) I have started for myself
I am encouraged to continue a religious act I have started for others (e.g. giving 85 76.6 85.4 -8.8 .000 109.863
charity, being more patient and forgiving, etc)
254
Table 8-22: Survey results: Language of the sermon and difficulty understanding
Table 8-23: Survey results: Difficulty understand the language by mosque and first language of
audience members
255
Table 8-24: Survey results: Levels of agreement regarding clear content
256
Table 8-25: Survey results: Decoding intended meaning by clear content
Content rating
4 7 8 9 10 Total Value Significance
Decoded the intended N 11 4 32 294 21 360 104.723a .000
meaning
% 33.3 14.8 40.5 56.5 55.3 51.6
Decodes a meaning from N 10 1 15 91 7 124
their own frame of reference
% 30.3 3.7 19.0 17.5 18.4 17.8
Deviates from the intended N 2 5 3 22 0 32
meaning
% 6.1 18.5 3.8 4.2 0.0 4.6
Other N 10 17 29 113 10 179
% 30.3 63.0 36.7 21.7 26.3 25.7
Total Total N 33 27 79 520 38 697
Total % 100 100 100 100 100 100
% within decoding 4.7 3.9 11.3 74.6 5.5 100.0
257
8.3.4.2 Clear statement of purpose, clear content and logical sequence
Statistical analysis of the relationship between the clarity level of the sermon (as
defined by the ratings given for clear content) and measures of audience reception
measures of reception and impact were associated with sermons that received the
highest ratings for clear content. Conversely, the lowest level of agreement, most
maintaining interest, were associated with sermons that received relatively low
ratings for clarity. Analysis of the relationship between the audience’s ability to
‘decode,’ understand and interpret the intended meaning and the level of clarity
found in the content of the sermon found a positive correlation. These findings
the sermon and the reception and impact by audiences, thereby supporting the
perspectives of those who place high value on the characteristics of the content in
258
Table 8-26: Survey results: Levels of agreement by clearly stated purpose
Purpose
Chi-
4 5 6 7 8 9 10 P
square
N % N % N % N % N % N % N % N %
I paid close attention 22 66.7 21 84.0 38 90.5 42 82.4 23 95.8 409 88.3 31 86.1 586 86.9 .006 44.890a
I understood what was being said 27 81.8 17 68.0 37 88.1 38 76.0 23 95.8 418 90.7 32 88.9 592 88.2 .000 74.799a
I was waiting for the salah to
11 34.4 11 44.0 15 36.6 27 55.1 5 21.7 157 35.3 10 27.8 236 36.3 .102 33.088a
begin
I felt that I was being warned
about the consequences of my 25 78.1 12 50.0 40 95.2 35 71.4 18 75.0 383 84.7 29 80.6 542 82.2 .000 57.210a
actions for my afterlife
I felt that I was being called to be
30 90.9 20 80.0 37 90.2 39 76.5 20 83.3 408 90.5 31 86.1 585 88.5 .002 48.816a
a better person
I accept and agree with the
30 90.9 21 84.0 40 97.6 42 82.4 22 91.7 418 91.5 36 100.0 609 91.3 .000 63.218a
message of the khutbah
The language of the khutbah was
3 9.1 12 48.0 5 12.2 11 22.4 1 4.2 89 19.6 5 14.3 126 19.1 .001 50.613a
difficult for me to understand
I was moved emotionally 14 42.4 9 37.5 33 84.6 22 45.8 11 50.0 219 49.4 25 69.4 333 51.6 .003 47.617a
The content of the khutbah made
26 78.8 16 64.0 36 90.0 33 70.2 21 87.5 371 81.9 33 91.7 536 81.5 .001 51.309a
me think
The content of today’s khutbah
made me realise that I need to
27 84.4 14 56.0 37 92.5 33 68.8 21 87.5 388 86.0 32 88.9 552 84.1 .000 64.100a
make some changes in my life to
be a better Muslim
259
Purpose
Chi-
4 5 6 7 8 9 10 P
square
N % N % N % N % N % N % N % N %
I have gained information that is
26 78.8 17 73.9 38 92.7 34 73.9 18 81.8 389 88.0 32 94.1 554 86.4 .004 46.266a
useful to me in my daily life
I will spend time this week
reflecting on the meaning of this 13 39.4 14 60.9 33 80.5 25 56.8 18 81.8 326 74.6 27 84.4 456 72.2 .000 58.980a
khutbah
I have made a decision to take my
22 68.8 19 82.6 35 85.4 36 78.3 19 86.4 370 83.9 30 93.8 531 83.4 .322 26.620a
religion more seriously
I am inspired to do more than just
22 66.7 17 73.9 35 89.7 32 71.1 20 90.9 360 82.8 29 90.6 515 81.9 .025 39.285a
the obligatory acts of worship
I am encouraged to continue a
religious practice (e.g. salah,
26 78.8 15 65.2 36 90.0 40 85.1 19 86.4 373 85.9 29 90.6 538 85.3 .217 29.073a
voluntary fasting, etc.) I have
started for myself
I am encouraged to continue a
religious act I have started for
25 75.8 18 78.3 37 92.5 36 76.6 19 86.4 381 87.0 28 87.5 544 85.7 .014 41.771a
others (e.g. giving charity, being
more patient and forgiving, etc.)
I am inspired to participate in a
5 16.1 11 47.8 9 23.7 22 48.9 4 18.2 91 21.3 11 35.5 153 24.8 .001 51.354a
political movement
I like the style in which the imam
13 40.6 15 68.2 29 76.3 31 67.4 17 85.0 302 68.6 27 84.4 434 68.9 .000
delivers his sermon
The imam says things which
18 56.0 15 68.2 35 87.5 32 68.1 18 90.0 347 78.7 28 84.8 493 77.6 .003
make me think during the week
260
Table 8-27: Survey results: Decoding intended meaning by clearly stated purpose
Purpose rating
4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Total Value Significance
Decoded the intended N 11 4 26 16 16 268 21 362 130.337a .000
meaning
% 33.3 14.8 60.5 29.1 66.7 56.2 55.3 51.9
Decodes a meaning from N 10 1 5 13 2 86 7 124
their own frame of reference
% 30.3 3.7 11.6 23.6 8.3 18.0 18.4 17.8
Deviates from the intended N 2 5 0 1 2 22 0 32
meaning
% 6.1 18.5 0.0 1.8 8.3 4.6 0.0 4.6
Other N 10 17 12 25 4 101 10 179
% 30.3 63.0 27.9 45.5 16.7 21.2 26.3 25.7
Total Total N 33 27 43 55 24 477 38 697
Total % 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100
% within 4.7 3.9 6.2 7.9 3.4 68.4 5.5 100.0
decoding
261
Table 8-28: Survey results: Levels of agreement by logical sequence
262
Logical sequence ratings
Chi-
4 5 6 7 9 10 P
square
N % N % N % N % N % N % N %
I like the style in which the imam delivers his sermon 13 40.6 15 68.2 29 76.3 31 67.4 302 68.6 27 84.4 434 68.9 .001
The imam says things which make me think during
18 56 15 68.2 35 87.5 32 68.1 347 78.7 28 84.8 493 77.6 .001
the week
Sequence
4 5 6 7 9 10 Total Value Significance
Decoded the intended N 11 4 23 26 277 21 360 180.237a 0.000
meaning
% 33.3 14.8 20.2 60.5 62.7 55.3 51.6
Decodes a meaning from N 10 1 33 5 68 7 124
their own frame of reference
% 30.30 3.70 28.95 11.63 15.38 18.42 17.79
Deviates from the intended N 2 5 15 0 10 0 32
meaning
% 6.1 18.5 13.2 0.0 2.3 0.0 4.6
Other N 10 17 43 12 87 10 179
% 30.3 63.0 37.7 27.9 19.7 26.3 25.7
Total Total N 33 27 114 43 442 38 697
Total % 100 100 100 100 100 100 100
% within decoding 4.7 3.9 16.4 6.2 63.4 5.5 100.0
263
8.3.4.3 Time
The proportion of people waiting for the salah35 was significantly high for sermons
that took over 50 minutes to deliver. This was particularly the case with those falling
in the working age categories. Being a weekday, it is conceivable that large numbers
of those who participate in Friday’s congregational prayers are doing so during their
lunch break and are expected to return to work. Therefore, they may be waiting for
the salah to begin to finalise their religious responsibilities. Conversely, sermons that
were delivered in less than 20 minutes, often in two languages with 10 minutes or
less allocated for each language, also received relatively low ratings on measures of
reception and impact. Audiences were less able to decode the intended message
when the sermon was delivered in less than 20 minutes or more than 50 minutes.
264
Table 8-30: Survey results: Levels of agreement by time
265
Table 8-31: Survey results: Decoding intended meaning by time
Time
<10 20-29 30-39 40-49 50+ Total Value Significance
Decoded the N 4 104 118 113 23 362 221.210a 0.000
intended
meaning % 14.8 50.5 55.4 68.9 20.2 50.0
Decodes a N 1 38 29 23 33 124
meaning from
their own % 3.7 18.4 13.6 14.0 28.9 17.1
frame of
reference
Deviates from N 5 4 5 3 15 32
the intended
% 18.5 1.9 2.3 1.8 13.2 4.4
meaning
Other N 17.0 60.0 61.0 25.0 43.0 206.0
% 63.0 29.1 28.6 15.2 37.7 28.5
Total Total N 27 206 213 164 114 724
Total % 100 100 100 100 100 100
% within 3.7 28.5 29.4 22.7 15.7 100.0
decoding
(as defined by the ratings the sermons were given for these characteristics) and
measures of reception and impact found a significant relationship. Sermons that were
delivered at a relatively high volume and with a varied tone of voice to emphasise
monotone and at a low volume. This suggests the imam’s speaking manner can make
266
Table 8-32: Survey results: Levels of agreement by volume
Volume rating
Total Chi-
4 5 6 8 10 P
square
N % n % n % N % n % N %
I paid close attention 72 85.7 117 80.1 42 82.4 317 90.3 38 90.5 586 86.9 .002 37.187a
I understood what was being said 76 90.5 115 79.3 38 76.0 326 93.1 37 88.1 592 88.2 .000 53.719a
I maintained interest in the khutbah's theme 72 85.7 113 78.5 41 80.4 309 89.3 35 85.4 570 85.6 .001 40.254a
I was able to relate the khutbah’s content to the world
70 83.3 111 77.6 39 76.5 305 87.1 37 88.1 562 83.9 .002 37.500a
around me
I was able to relate the khutbah’s content to my daily
64 77.1 108 75.5 39 78.0 309 89.0 33 80.5 553 83.3 .002 37.362a
activities
I felt that I was being warned about the
67 80.7 108 75.5 35 71.4 292 85.4 40 95.2 542 82.2 .001 41.041a
consequences of my actions for my afterlife
I felt that I was being called to be a better person 77 91.7 122 85.3 39 76.5 310 90.6 37 90.2 585 88.5 .000 41.774a
I accept and agree with the message of the khutbah 78 94.0 124 86.7 42 82.4 325 93.1 40 97.6 609 91.3 .000 56.321a
The language of the khutbah was difficult for me to
8 9.6 37 25.9 11 22.4 65 18.8 5 12.2 126 19.1 0.001 38.358a
understand
I did not learn anything new from today’s khutbah 8 9.9 28 19.9 11 23.4 47 13.7 5 12.2 99 15.2 .000 42.857a
I was moved emotionally 37 46.3 58 41.4 22 45.8 183 54.1 33 84.6 333 51.6 .000 43.240a
The content of the khutbah made me think 68 82.9 108 75.0 33 70.2 291 84.3 36 90.0 536 81.5 .003 36.309a
The content of today’s khutbah made me realise that
I need to make some changes in my life to be a better 71 86.6 111 78.2 33 68.8 300 87.2 37 92.5 552 84.1 .001 38.508a
Muslim
267
Volume rating
Total Chi-
4 5 6 8 10 P
square
N % n % n % N % n % N %
I am motivated to come back to hear more khutbahs 72 87.8 114 82.6 38 82.6 289 87.0 38 92.7 551 86.2 .005 34.271a
I will spend time this week reflecting on the meaning
55 67.1 82 59.9 25 56.8 261 79.6 33 80.5 456 72.2 .000 44.592a
of this khutbah
Volume
4 5 6 8 9 10 Total Value Significance
Decoded the intended N 48 61 16 125 86 26 360 97.749a .000
meaning
% 55.8 40.1 29.1 52.7 69.4 60.5 51.6
Decodes a meaning from N 12 27 13 48 19 5 124
their own frame of reference
% 14.0 17.8 23.6 20.3 15.3 11.6 17.8
Deviates from the intended N 4 9 1 15 3 0 32
meaning
% 4.7 5.9 1.8 6.3 2.4 0.0 4.6
Other N 22.0 55.0 25.0 49.0 16.0 12.0 179.0
% 25.6 36.2 45.5 20.7 12.9 27.9 25.7
Total Total N 86 152 55 237 124 43 697
Total % 100 100 100 100 100 100 100
% within decoding 12.3 21.8 7.9 34.0 17.8 6.2 100.0
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8.3.5 Mosque variations
Table 8-34 presents evidence to indicate there were strong differences between the
mosques in the way audiences received and were affected by the sermon. While the
it is clear they were related to the characteristics of the sermon. Sermons that
received lower ratings on measures of reception and impact had one or more of the
following characteristics:
translation
c) They did not have a clear statement of propose; the content was not clear or
At the opposite end of the spectrum, sermons that received the highest levels of
of purpose
269
d) Accommodated for the diverse backgrounds of audience members by
Supporting evidence for the position presented above can be found in Table 8-34,
which shows the average levels of agreement for the statements presented in the
survey. The table also shows the range (highest and lowest levels of agreement) and
agreement to the statements posed in the survey. Figure 8–5 presents a more detailed
understanding of these variations by giving the average levels of agreement for every
mosque where audiences were surveyed. Table 8-34 shows there were significant
agreement in response to the statement, ‘I paid close attention to the sermon’ ranged
Table 6-6 presented an overview of the characteristics of the sermons as they relate
to content and style. Examination of this table, combined with the information in
Table 8-34 and Figure 8–5, reveals a clear relationship between the characteristics of
the sermon and average levels of agreement in relationship to the variables being
Table 6-6 shows the sermons delivered at Revesby and Penshurst had characteristics
delivered in Penshurst and Revesby can be found in sections 6.5.11 and 6.5.9. On the
270
other hand, the sermon delivered at the UNSW exhibited characteristics of a poorly
Figure 8–5 shows the sermon delivered at Revesby was received and rated more
favourably compared to the sermon delivered in the UNSW. For example, while
66.7% of people at the UNSW agreed to paying attention, at Penshurst and Revesby
8.3.5.2 Language
The language a sermon is delivered in, as presented in section 6.4, can make a
Arabic, Farsi or Turkish have consequences for people who do not understand these
languages, impairing their capacity to access the content and reducing the level of
impact felt.
Figure 8–5 reveals sermons delivered exclusively in languages other than English
Blacktown, Ahl Bayt and Guildford were delivered exclusively in Farsi, Arabic and
Turkish. Table 6-6 indicates these sermons were not necessarily what can be
271
designed to examine reception and impact generally receiving lower levels of
agreement. For example, at Blacktown Mosque, the imam delivered a sermon that
relatively low compared to sermons that had similar characteristics, but were
8.3.5.3 Timing
Another factor that can have negative consequences to how audiences receive and
are affected by a sermon is the length of time for delivery. This was discussed in
section 8.3.4.3. The sermons that exceeded 50 minutes in length were delivered at
Ahl Bayt and Blacktown mosques. With reference to Figure 8–5, it is important to
observe these mosques were overall received less favourably, but these mosques
waiting for the sermon to end. Figure 8–5 shows 63.7% of people were waiting for
the prayers to begin (i.e. the sermon to finish) at Ahl Bayt Mosque and 55% of
reception between mosques can somewhat be explained by the length of time the
imam took to deliver the sermon, with sermons that were excessively lengthy being
received relatively less favourably and having less impact on audiences compared to
272
Table 8-34: Survey results: Variations between mosques
Standard
Average deviation Min Max P Chi
I paid close attention 86.6 8.8 66.7 100 .000 105.812
I understood what was being said 86.8 8.5 68 100 .000 136.444
I maintained interest in the khutbah's theme 84.3 8.5 72 100 .000 101.493
I was waiting for the salah to begin 37.7 11.9 20.8 63.7 .001 90.954
I was able to relate the khutbah’s content to
the world around me 82.8 6.6 72.1 95 .000 92.886
I was able to relate the khutbah’s content to
my daily activities 81 7.7 68 94.9 .007 80.297
I felt that I was being warned about the
consequences of my actions for my afterlife 79.7 11 50 95.2 .002 85.830
I felt that I was being called to be a better
person 87 7.1 76.5 100 .000 108.691
I accept and agree with the message of the
khutbah 91.3 6.2 82.4 100 .000 108.098
The language of the khutbah was difficult for
me to understand 17.6 13.9 2.9 48 .000 133.397
I did not learn anything new from today’s
khutbah 14.7 8.5 2.8 29.2 .000 96.872
I was moved emotionally 51.2 12.8 39 84.6 .000 97.282
The content of the khutbah made me think 80.1 8.02 68.9 91.6 .000 106.161
The content of today’s khutbah made me
realise that I need to make some changes in
my life to be a better Muslim 82.9 10.1 68.8 95 .000 114.578
I am motivated to come back to hear more
khutbahs 86.3 5.8 79 96.3 .004 83.174
I have gained information that is useful to me
in my daily life 85.7 8.8 73.9 100 .000 94.894
I have gained insight into developing a better
relationship with Allah 89.3 7.3 78.2 100 .000 95.698
I will spend time this week reflecting on the
meaning of this khutbah 68.8 11 55 88.8 .000 107.484
I have made a decision to take my religion
more seriously 82.8 6.1 68.7 93.7 .018 75.617
I am inspired to do more than just the
obligatory acts of worship 82.1 8.5 66.7 93.1 .012 77.735
I am encouraged to continue a religious
practice (e.g. salah, voluntary fasting, etc.) I
have started for myself 84.6 5.7 74 94.8 .007 80.499
I am encouraged to continue a religious act I
have started for others (e.g. giving charity,
being more patient and forgiving, etc.) 85.4 6.3 75.1 92.5 .015 76.438
273
Figure 8–5: Survey results: Levels of agreement by mosque
120
100
80
60
40
20
0
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23
Ahl Bayt Masjid Darul Imaan Masjid Auburn Gallipoli Mosque Blacktown Mosque Majid Noor (1)
Masjid Noor (2) Guildford Moqsue Lakemba Mosque Minto Mosque Parramatta Mosque
Penshurst Mosque Quakers Hill Mosque Revesby UNSW
Key
1. I accept and agree with the content 8. I felt I was being warned about the 13. I have gained insight into developing a 18. I am encouraged to continue a religious
2. I paid close attention consequences of my actions 9. I felt I better relationship with Allah act that I have started for others
3. I understood what was being said was being called to be a better person 14. I am motivated to come back and hear 19. I was waiting for the salah to begin
4. I maintained interest in the theme 10. I did not learn anything new from today's more sermons 20. I was moved emotionally
5. Not able to maintain interest in the sermon 15. I am inspired to do more than just the 21. The content of the khutbah made me
theme 11. The language of the khutbah was obligatory acts of worship think
6. I was able to relate the content to the difficult for me to understand 16. I have made a decision to take my 22. The content of today's khutbah made
world around me 12. I have gained information that is useful religion more seriously me realise that I need to make some
7. I was able to relate the content to my to me in my daily life 17. I am encouraged to continue a religious changes in my life to be a better Muslim
daily activities practice that I have started for myself 23. I will spend time this week reflecting on
the meaning of this khutbah
274
8.4 Conclusion
This chapter has presented an analysis of the audience surveys that were collected
from some of the mosques where recordings took place. After examining the
background characteristics of audience and how audiences receive and respond to the
sermon, it was concluded there is some relationship, but it is not strong or sufficient
characteristics have significant implications for the way they receive and respond to
as they relate to content and style of presentation provided strong evidence to suggest
receive and respond to it. Sermons that exhibit characteristics of a good quality
presentation – that is, they are delivered clearly, in a logically sequenced manner,
are received more favourably compared to those that exhibit weaknesses in these
areas. Overall, however, audiences attend the congregational prayer for the purpose
275
9 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
The primary aim of this investigation was to examine whether the imams of Sydney
are agents of socialisation. Taking the literal meaning of the word imam, the study
sermons
in Chapters 3 and 4 of this thesis, this study has made the following contributions to
knowledge:
and produced by a source external to the actors, and follows a series of rules
and regulations, referred to as the fiqh. The fiqh for Friday’s congregational
276
the acts to be performed, how the stage and setting are to be arranged and the
Following the fiqh for Friday’s congregational prayers, the actors, in effect,
the roles performed by the actors during Friday’s congregational prayers, but
significant degree, ‘restorations’ of the first mosque in Islam and the sacred
of the person performing the role of the imam primarily involve ‘restoring’
the acts performed and statements made by Muhammad. There is, however,
some scope for the actor to make variations to some aspects of the role, which
pertains to the topics they discuss with their audience in the main body of the
sermon. In Sydney’s mosques, it is largely the imams who decide the topic to
be discussed. This aspect of the sermon presents Sydney’s imams with the
established that most of the topics covered inside Sydney’s mosques have an
277
at the mosque. These findings reiterate what Albayrak (2012) found in his
data from only two mosques, this study has collected data from 15 mosques,
thereby being a broader and relatively more reliable indicator of the topics
Contrary to the view that imams are out of touch with current issues and
relevant, covering topics such Christmas, Islamophobia and the Martin Place
3. The study has established that imams employ a diverse range of methods to
evil, and through the application of approval and disapproval, and rewards
and punishments. Moreover, the study found the sources of information used
278
evidence presented in this study indicates imams use interactionist and
audiences to the way they received, responded to and were affected by the
sermon did not find sufficient evidence to support Stuart Hall’s position that
as the imams and their audiences were Muslims. However, strong evidence
was found to support that the characteristics of the sermon, as they relate to
content and presentation style, can make a significant difference, with these
the extent to which audiences were able to decode and accept the message
conveyed and were affected by it. Sermons that were received positively and
had a potent impact on audience members were primarily those that were:
279
a) Delivered in a clear, logically sequenced manner and with a clear
statement of purpose
English
a) Did not have a clear statement of propose; the content was not clear or
translation
5. Analysing the results of the audience survey from the frame of the UG and
280
study also found strong social benefits to participating in the congregational
prayers.
The simple answer to the main question of this thesis is “yes,” but the extent to
which imams can ‘socialise’ their audiences in the context of Friday’s congregational
Relating these findings to the differing perspectives about mosques and imams, this
study supports the positions that imams have the capacity to influence Muslim
Australians, thereby contesting the view they are ‘out of touch’ and not able to
The findings of this study also provide reasonable grounds to question the position
that sees it necessary for funds to be allocated for the purpose of ‘training’ imams, as
they are generally qualified, able to deal with issues and encourage integration of
This finding, from some theoretical perspectives, presents issues of its own as
The position presented above may be challenged with reference to the sermons that
discussed the topic of Christmas, as they generally asked audiences not to participate
compassion and tolerance toward non-Muslims (in the week after the Martin Place
281
participation in activities relating to Christmas as they understand it to be an event
associated with Christian beliefs. In effect, audiences were not being asked to
Relating the findings of this study to the points mentioned in Chapter 1, the
institutional affiliations of the mosque and imam can make a significant difference to
the nature of the content delivered. Most of the mosques that were included in the
organisations. However, this study did not include groups with highly charged
legislations, indicating that the internet may present a challenge to the integration of
Muslims into mainstream society. However, this topic was outside of the scope of
Also needing further investigation is the potential that some imams may play an
Muslims (Dunn et al, 2015). Some evidence to support that imams promote active
citizenship was found in the content of the sermons relating to topics such as
Islamophobia and events such as the Martin Place siege, where they placed
members of the wider Australian society to counter the stereotypes associated with
52
In the American context, Bagby (2009) and Dana (2011) conducted investigations that showed a
positive correlation between mosque attendance and a stronger sense of belonging. Dana (2011) found
that mosque visitors were also more involved and interest in America’s political institutions, thereby
concluding that mosque participation is a strong indicator of integration into American society. In
view of the findings presented in this thesis, a similar pattern may prevail in Australia.
282
9.2 Limitations of the study
One of the major limitations of this study is that it is focused primarily on Sunni
mosques. I am Sunni and this may have affected my choices for the mosques I
selected for inclusion. The mosques that were involved in the study are
representative of the majority of Muslims living in Sydney who are Sunni and Shia,
but including mosques representative of the smaller groups of Muslims, such as the
Another limitation of the study is that it focuses specifically on the sermons delivered
by the imams during Friday’s congregational prayers. The study of the sermon
groups of listeners for reasons explained. I am aware that imams do offer and present
talks outside Friday’s service. Some of these talks may conceivably be broadcast on
more insight into the nature of the discussions taking place inside Sydney’s mosques.
Lastly, it is important to note that while mosques and imams are given significant
importance in influencing the views and attitudes of Muslims, for those eager to
learn or act upon religious teachings, the sermons delivered in the mosque may not
the only source of knowledge. In Sydney alone, there has emerged a plethora of
include institutions such the Islamic Sciences and Research Academy and Al-
I have sensed that they may be playing an important role in promoting that Muslims
should integrate and make positive contributions to the Australian society. Therefore,
though I have posited that the sermons delivered in the mosques may be playing an
283
important role in facilitating the stronger sense of citizenship felt by practicing
fundamental role in the process. The topics was however not directly related to this
study, nor did time and resource constraints allow me to investigate the nature of the
Finally, the thesis could have benefitted greatly from the inclusion and investigation
of gender related issues and topics as they are the focus scholarly discussions (Ingrid,
the place and involvement of women in the mosque and their participation in
Friday’s congregational prayers. However, it was beyond the scope of this research
to investigate these topics in much detail without diverging away from the main topic
of the thesis.
Despite the limitations outlined above, thus study has contributed knowledge that is
vital addressing not only some misconceptions focused Australia’s on mosques and
imams, but also shedding insight the complex nature of communication. It is not
simply the case that an imam will deliver a message and it will be automatically
received by the listener. As this study has found, Muslim-Australians may be in the
audience of an imam for the purpose of fulfilling their religious duties and taking
prayers. The extent to which audiences are affected by a sermon may also vary
depending on the quality of the sermon. These findings disqualify and question
simplistic narratives that still rely on the simplistic Hypodermic Syringe Theory in
284
285
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GLOSSARY
300
Perlocutionary A ‘speech act’ to affect the feelings, thoughts and behaviours
utterance of the receiver
qurban Annual charity sacrifice
rakah Unit of prayer
Ramadan The ninth month of the Islamic calendar. It is observed by
Muslims worldwide as a month of fasting to commemorate
the first revelation of the Quran to Muhammad
sahaba Companions of Prophet Muhammad
salah/salat Daily prayers
surah Chapter of the Qu’ran
taqwa God conscious
tarawih Additional prayers performed during the month of Ramadan.
thobe/galabiya Long shirt or robe
ulama Religious scholars or learned men
ummah The Muslim community
vaaz A talk before the start of Friday’s congregational prayers
waqf Religious endowments
wudu Ritual cleansing prior to prayer
zakat Annual alms or charity
301
APPENDIX A: LIST OF MOSQUES AND MUSALLAHS
IN NSW
19. Bankstown - Saarbaan' Meredith Street Mosque 48. Coffs Harbour – Musallah
20. Bankstown - Adnum Lane Musallah 49. Coffs Harbour Community Centre(Jummah
only)
21. Bankstown-Darr Iban Abbas College
50. Coffs Harbour Southern Cross University
22. Bankstown - Fitya Centre Musallah
51. Cringilia - Bilal Mosque
23. Bankstown - PCYC Bankstown (Jummah only)
52. Dee Why - Manly Warringah Mosque
24. Bankstown - Winspear Avenue Mosque
53. Dubbo - Kotku Masjid
25. Bankstown - UWS Musallah
54. Dural - Old Northern Road
26. Baulkham Hills -HDMS
55. Earlwood (s)
27. Bathurst - Al Sahaba Masjid
56. Erskineville - John Street Mosque
28. Belmore - Al Azhar Masjid
57. Ermington Community Centre
29. Blacktown - Al-Madinah Islamic Centre
58. Granville - Spring Garden Street Masjid
30. Blacktown UWS Musallah - Eastern Road
59. Granville South - Youth Association (GYA)
31. Blacktown - Afghan Osman Mosque
60. Granville South Street Musallah (Town Hall)
302
61. Granville South - Ferndell Street 100. Liverpool - Rose Street Musallah
62. Granville - Nabi Akram Centre (s) 101. Liverpool - Liverpool Hospital 'Don Everitt
Musallah
63. Green Valley - Wilson Road Mosque
102. Macquarie Fields (Musallah) - Islamic Education
64. Greenacre - Anzac St Musalah Centre
65. Greenacre - Boronia Rd Musalah 103. Macquarie Field - Community Hall
66. Greenacre - Darul Arqam - Waterloo Road 104. Marrickville - Station Street Musallah
67. Gosford Greenview Musallah 105. Mascot - Botany Road Musallah
68. Griffith - Benerembah Lane - Kotku Riaz Masjid 106. Merrylands - Miller Street Community Centre
69. Guilford - Bursill Street - Jummah Musallah
70. Guilford Musallah - Marian Street 107. Milperra - UWS Bankstown Musallah –
Bullecourt
71. Guilford - Old Guilford Railway Street Masjid
108. Minchinbury - Eddie Road MCYAS Musallah
72. Guilford - Mountford Ave Masjid
109. Minto - Ingleburn Islamic Centre
73. Gwynneville - University of Wollongong
Musallah 110. Mount Druitt - Nepean Masjid
74. Harris Park - Grand Avenue North 111. Mt Druitt - Mt Druitt Village Musallah
75. Harris Park - Marion Street Musallah 112. North Ryde - Macquarie University Musallah
76. Harris Park - Tramway Avenue Musalah 113. North Sydney - McMahons Point Community
Centre (Jummah only)
77. Heatherbrae - Pacific Highway
114. Newcastle - Metcalfe Street
78. Hillsdale - Beauchamp Rd
115. Newcastle Mosque - Mayfield Mosque
79. Hurstville Musallah
116. Parramatta - Marsden Street Mosque
80. Kellyville HDMS - Adventist Church in
Baulkham Hills (Jummah Only) 117. Parramatta - UWS Rydalmere Musallah
81. Kensington - Anzac Parade Musallah 118. Penshurst - Forest Road Mosque
86. Kogarah Musallah - Queen Street 123. Quakers Hill - Brocas Place Musallah
88. Lakemba - Ali ibn Abu Taleb Mosque 125. Redfern Cleveland Street Mosque
89. Lakemba - UMA Centre - Croydon St 126. Regents Park - Amy Street Musalah
90. Lakemba - Ernest Street Mosque 127. Revesby - Mavis Street Musallah
91. Lakemba - Railway Parade Musallah 128. Revesby - Endeavour Hall (Jummah only)
92. Lailor Park - Community Hall 129. Richmond - UWS Hawkesbury Musallah
93. Leumeah - Kingsclare Street Campbelltown 130. Riverwood - Thurlow Street Musallah
94. Lidcombe - Vaughan Street Al Taqwa Musallah 131. Rockdale - Kogarah Frederick Street Masjid
95. Lismore - Leycester Street BP Musallah 132. Rockdale - Railway Parade Musallah
96. Lismore - Southern Cross University Musallah 133. Rockdale - Senior Citizens Club (Jummah only)
97. Liverpool - Edmondson Park - Islamic House 134. Rooty Hill Mosque
Masjid 135. Rydalmere - Primrose Avenue Masjid
98. Liverpool - Global Islamic Youth Centre 136. Ryde - Blaxland Road - Ryde Islamic Centre
99. Liverpool - Whitlam Leisure (jummah only)
303
137. Sefton Mosque - Helen Street
138. Smithfield - Bourke Street Mosque
139. St Clair - Banks Drive Musallah
140. St Marys - Forester Road IPDS Centre
141. St Marys - Forthorn Place NSW (s)
142. Strathfield - Albert Road Musallah
143. Strathfield Town Hall
144. Strathfield Masjid
145. Surry Hills - Kind Faisal Mosque
146. Sydney City - Darling Harbour Musallah
147. Sydney City - Darlinghurst Musallah (Jummah
only)
148. Sydney City - Millers Point Musallah - Abraham
Mott Hall (Jummah only)
149. Sydney City - Ultimo Aspire Hotel (Jummah
only)
150. Sydney City - York Street
151. Sydney City - Pitt Street (Jummah only)
152. Sydney City - University of Central Queensland
Musallah
153. Sydney City - University of Technology
Musallah
154. Tamworth (Oxley Vale) - Coolamon Close
155. Tempe - Al Hijrah Mosque
156. Ultimo - TAFE Prayer Room on Mary Ann Street
157. Wagga Wagga - Boorooma Street
158. Warwick Farm - Hume HIGHWAY Musallah
159. Wentworthville Musallah - Lower Mount Street
Musallah
160. Westmead hospital Musallah
161. Wiley Park - Edge Street Musallah
162. Willoughby North - Warrane Road Community
Centre (Jummah only)
163. Wollongong North - Essence of Life
164. Yagoona - Hume Highway - Fitya Centre
165. Young - Moppity Rd Masjid
166. Yenorra - Ellis Parade
167. Zetland - Bourke Street Mosque
304
APPENDIX B: MOSQUES OF SYDNEY
Figure B–1: Darul Imaan Masjid: Simple rectangular structure with flat roof
Source: Fieldwork
Figure B–2: Quakers Hill Mosque: Church building converted into a mosque
Source: Fieldwork
305
APPENDIX C: INFORMATION LETTER
306
APPENDIX D: COPY OF THE SURVEY IN ENGLISH
307
308
309
310
311
APPENDIX E: LETTER OF SUPPORT
312
APPENDIX E: ETHNICITY OF IMAM AND MOSQUE
VISITORS
Table G–1: Mosques of NSW: Ethnicity of the imam and mosque visitors
313
Largest ethnic group Second largest
Ethnicity of Imam Sect Ethnicity Percentage Ethnicity Percentage
Lebanese Sunni Subcontinent 50 Lebanese 30
Lebanese-
Palestinian Sunni Lebanese 80 Arab 10
Pakistan Sunni Subcontinent 50 Turkish 40
Pakistan Sunni Subcontinent 90 Other groups 10
Pakistan Sunni Subcontinent 60 Afghan 10
South African Sunni Subcontinent 50 Lebanese 25
Turkish Sunni Turkish 50 Lebanese 30
Turkish Sunni Turkish 90 Afghan 10
Turkish Sunni Turkish 50 Subcontinent 15
Turkish Sunni Lebanese 40 Turkish 8
Turkish Sunni Turkish 65 Subcontinent 10
SEA and
Turkish Sunni Turkish 70 Subcontinent 20
Turkish Sunni Turkish 60 Lebanese 30
N/A Mixed Lebanese 40 Subcontinent 15
N/A Mixed SEA 30 Subcontinent 25
N/A Mixed Subcontinent 30 SEA 30
Lebanese, others
N/A Mixed Subcontinent 20 Arabs and SEA 45
N/A Sunni Gulf 70 Subcontinent 20
N/A Sunni SEA 60 Subcontinent 10
N/A Sunni Lebanese 50 SEA and Turkish 20
N/A Sunni Subcontinent 70 Other groups 30
N/A Sunni Lebanese 60 Subcontinent 40
Source: Underabi, 2014
314
APPENDIX F: NSW IMAMS
Payment of Ethnicity of
imam imam Islamic qualifications Location
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Full-time paid Turkish equivalent to a BA Turkey
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Full-time paid Lebanese equivalent to a BA Lebanon
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Full-time paid Turkish equivalent to a BA Turkey
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Full-time paid Indonesian equivalent to a BA Indonesia
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Full-time paid Turkish equivalent to a BA Turkey
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Full-time paid Egypt equivalent to a BA Medina
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Full-time paid Turkish equivalent to a BA Turkey
MA in Islamic-related field from an Australian
Full-time paid Lebanese university France
PhD in Islamic-related field from an Australian
Full-time paid Lebanese university Australia
Lebanese- Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Full-time paid Palestinian equivalent to a BA Syria
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Full-time paid Turkish equivalent to a Masters or PhD Turkey
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Full-time paid South African equivalent to a Masters or PhD Medina
Full-time paid Lebanese No formal training Lebanon
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Full-time paid Jordan equivalent to a BA Jordon
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Full-time paid Bosnian equivalent to a Masters or PhD Al-Azhar
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Full-time paid Turkish equivalent to a BA Turkey
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Full-time paid Pakistan equivalent to a Masters or PhD Pakistan
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Full-time paid Bosnian equivalent to a BA Bosnia
315
Payment of Ethnicity of
imam imam Islamic qualifications Location
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Full-time paid Pakistan equivalent to a Masters or PhD Pakistan
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Full-time paid Turkish equivalent to a Masters or PhD Turkey
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Full-time unpaid Iraqi equivalent to a Masters or PhD Iraq
Full-time unpaid Iraqi No formal training Not applicable
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Full-time unpaid Iraqi equivalent to a Masters or PhD Iraq
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Full-time unpaid Palestinian equivalent to a BA Medina
Full-time unpaid Iraqi Other Iraq
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Full-time unpaid Lebanese equivalent to a BA Lebanon
Certificate from a madrasah that is equivalent to less
Full-time unpaid Egypt than a BA No response
MA in Islamic-related field from an Australian
Full-time unpaid Egyptian university Australia
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Full-time unpaid Lebanese equivalent to a BA Medina
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Full-time unpaid Iranian equivalent to a BA Iran
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Part-time paid Afghanistan equivalent to a BA Afghanistan
Certificate from a madrasah that is equivalent to less
Part-time paid Pakistan than a BA Pakistan
Certificate from a madrasah that is equivalent to less
Part-time paid Afghanistan than a BA Australia
Part-time unpaid Lebanese No formal training Not applicable
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Part-time unpaid Indonesia equivalent to a Masters or PhD Saudi Arabia
Part-time unpaid Iraq No formal training Not applicable
Part-time unpaid Pakistan No formal training Not applicable
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Part-time unpaid Lebanese equivalent to a BA Australia
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Part-time unpaid Egyptian equivalent to a BA Egypt
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Part-time unpaid Lebanese equivalent to a BA Lebanon
Part-time unpaid Lebanese No formal training Not applicable
Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is
Guest Imam No response equivalent to a Masters or PhD Australia
Guest imam 0 0 0
316
Payment of Ethnicity of
imam imam Islamic qualifications Location
Guest imam 0 0 0
Guest imam 0 0 0
Guest imam 0 0 0
Guest imam 0 0 0
No response 0 0 0
No response 0 0 0
Source: Underabi, 2014
317