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 VIBRANCY IN STONE:
Masterpieces of the Đà Nẵng Museum
of Cham Sculpture

Editors: Trần Kỳ Phương, Võ Văn Thắng, Peter D. Sharrock

Photographs by Paisarn Piemmettawat

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CONTENTS
Preface 6
Foreword 7
Map of Cham sites in Vietnam 9
PART I : History and Culture of Champa 10
1. 100 years of the Đà Nẵng museum of Cham sculpture 12
Võ Văn Thắng
2. Champa Ports-of-Trade Networking on the Coastline c. 300-1500 CE 19
Kenneth R. Hall
3. Nagara Campa and the Vijaya turn 31
John K. Whitmore
4. Rethinking Cham temple architecture and sculpture 37
Trần Kỳ Phương
5. The Pāśupata sect in Ancient Cambodia and Champa 45
Swati Chemburkar, Shivani Kapoor
6. The lives of temples in Champa 57
Parul Pandya Dhar
7. The sculpture of Champa: specificity & evolution 65
Thierry Zéphir
8. Buddhism in Champa 71
Anne-Valérie Schweyer
9. Sinitic transfers into Cham art 79
Grace Chiao-Hui Tu
10. Śaiva ritual: liṅgakośa and mukhakośa in Champa 89
John Guy
11. The inscriptions of Campā at the museum of Cham sculpture 97
Arlo Griffiths et al
12. Cham archaeology in Vietnam from 1975 101
Lâm Thị Mỹ Dung
13. Ports and trade in Amarāvatī 105
Đỗ Trường Giang
14. Cham-Khmer interactions 1113-1220 CE 111
Peter D. Sharrock
PART II 120
Masterpieces from the Museum 122
APPENDICES 272
Bibliography 274
Short author biographies 280
Index 282
10 ŚAIVA RITUAL: LIṄGAKOŚA AND
MUKHAKOŚA IN CHAMPA
John Guy
T he Sanskrit term kośa - sheath or
covering – is applied in the context of
Śaiva ritual to the metal sheath used
to cover the upper (rudrabhāga) section of the
liṅga. In Cham inscriptions, the terms kośa,
liṅgakośa and mukhakośa are used to describe
royal offerings made of gold or silver, employed
in the worship of the Śiva liṅga. Some are simply
recorded as covers (kośa), their association with
liṅga worship implied or understood, some are
explicitly liṅgakośa and some are mukhakośa,
covers addorsed with the face/s of Śiva (Fig.
1). Of the latter, up to four (caturmukha), five
(panchmukha), even six faces (sadmukha) are
described, but to date only ekhamukhaliṅga
with one projecting head of Siva are known.1
On occasions the cost of the gift is indicated
by the weight of metals employed in their
making, distinguishing the silver (shaft) and
Fig. 1 Mukhakośa. Champa, c. 8th-10th century.
Found in vicinity of Phú Long village, Quảng
Nam province in 1997. Metal alloy. Height 24
cm. Quảng Nam Provincial Museum, Tam Kỳ.
(Photo: Hồ Xuân Tịnh)
gold (raised face/s) components. We are told
that on occasions the kośa was embellished
with precious gems, adding further to their
value and efficacy. Some examples display
recesses to accommodate inlay into the eyes,
eyebrows and moustache, whilst others have
ear ornaments with settings for precious stones
(Figs. 2, 3). The head is typically repoussé work
on sheet metal gold or an electrum alloy. The
cylindrical sheath is of silver, as first described in
king Vikrāntavarman’s gift of 687 CE. Excavated
kośa routinely have small remnants of this brittle
silver sheet still attached to the neck flanges,
gripped by the rivets and washers used to fix the
head to the sheath.2
The concept of the liṅgakośa and mukhakośa
is well known in Śaiva worship in India, and is
witnessed by medieval examples which have
survived, principally from Kashmir, Himachal
Fig. 2 Mukhakośa. Champa, c. 8th-10th century. Fig. 3 Mukhakośa. Champa, c. 8th-10th century.
Silver alloy or electrum, with fragments of silver Electrum sheet, with fragments of silver sheet at
sheet at the collar. Height 17.2 cm. Private the collar. Height 28 cm. Private collection.
collection.
89
Vibrancy in Stone
Pradesh and Nepal. Yet curiously they are only
occasionally referred to in donor inscriptions
on the subcontinent. Among the earliest
Indian textual source is the court poet Bāna’s
early 7th century biography of the reign of king
Harṣa (r. 606-47). In the Harṣacarita (‘Deeds
of Harṣa’), a mukhakośa is ranked high among
gifts appropriate for Śiva.3 A near contemporary
copper-plate Sanskrit inscription dated 686 CE
(Śaka 608) from Dharmasthala, Karnataka,
records the installation of a golden caturmukha
in a Śiva temple to celebrate a military conquest,
and a South Indian Śaiva tantric text, the
Niśvāsamukha, urges royal Śiva bhaktas to donate
mukhakośa.4 A golden liṅga cover in the form of
a mukha kīrta (‘face-crown’) is recorded in an
inscription of the Vijayanāgar king of the Tuluva
Dynasty, Kṛṣṇadevarāya (r. 1509-30) at the
Virupākṣa temple, Hampi, northern Karnataka,
and is still under worship today. It formed part
of a group of jewels donated by the king to
Virupākṣa (Śiva) and is of a scale to cover the
entire rudrabhāga of that temple’s liṅga.5
Beyond the Indian subcontinent, the
concept of the liṅgakośa and mukhakośa is rarely
encountered, with the notable exception of the
ancient Cham territories of coastal Việt Nam.
In Cambodia the references to kośa are rare,
occurring only in three known inscriptions.6
They appear to be entirely absent in the early
inscriptions of western Indonesia, though stone
ekhamukhaliṅga are known, as far east as Bali.7
90
Fig. 4 Mukhakośa. Champa, c. 8th-10th century.
Found in region of Tuy Hòa, Phú Yên province in
1920. Silver alloy. Height 11.5 cm. National Museum
of Việt Namese History, Hà Nội.
The use of these liṅga covers in Southeast Asia
is assumed to follow Indian religious practices.
The donation of kośa as expensive royal gifts may
be understood to form part of the fulfilment of
Brahmanical sacred duty, the religious giving
(dāna) by a devotee to his deity. But a review of
the dedicatory inscriptions of Champa suggests
that this was no ordinary religious donation. Kośa
consistently appear as the single most important
gift made by a Cham king to his temple, or more
precisely, to his deity. The veneration of the state
liṅga through the endowment of kośa appears at
the heart of Cham devotional worship, and forms
a key part of the quest for divine affirmation of
royal authority. The gifting of kośa seems then to
be central to the Cham ruler’s divine mandate
to rule.
Early in the twentieth century French
researchers discovered in Hương Đình, Phan
Thiết, Bình Thuận Province, south of Phan Rang
in southern Việt Nam, a repousée silver head
of Śiva, a singular find not readily identified at
the time as an addorsed head for a metal sheath
intended to cover a liṅga during worship.8 (Fig. 4).
The Hương Đình mukhakośa has a remarkable
similarity to a stone head of Śiva belonging to a
life-size standing Śiva that has been recovered
in 1903 in temple A4 at Mỹ Sơn , the religious
centre of the early Champa, located in the
foothills of Quảng Nam Province on the Thu
Bồn river system (Fig. 5). The head is no longer
traceable, but the anthropomorphic Śiva figure

is preserved on site.9 A second over life-size
standing Śiva was recovered at Mỹ Sơn temple
C1 (Cat. 11, BTC 26-3.3). The silver and stone
heads are closely aligned stylistically and may be
assigned to the eighth century. In his Inventaire
descriptif des monuments čams de l’Annam (1909-
18), Henri Parmentier published his line
drawing of a stone ekhamukhaliṅga, a Śiva liṅga
addorsed with the face of Śiva, he recorded at
Cù Hoan, Thừa Thiên-Huế province and another
depicted in a tympanum relief in which Brahmā
and Viṣṇu honor Śiva manifest in his sublime
form.10 Boisselier (1963) published a stone
ekhamukhaliṅga with integrated lustration basin
at Trà Liên.11 These remained the only stone
examples to be recorded in Cham territories
until the unearthing at Mỹ Sơn, in 2012, of a
sandstone ekhamukhaliṅga, 1.46 cm in height.
The scarcity of stone liṅga with the manifesting
face of Śiva at Cham temple sites may, arguably,
be explained by a prevalence of precisely this
form in precious metals, as heralded in donative
inscriptions that appear from the mid-7th century.
In the wider setting of 7th century mainland
Southeast Asia, the Śrī Harśavarman copper
plate inscription (K.964), found at the moated
city of U Thong, in Suphanburi province, central
Thailand, is particularly illuminating. The
text, written in Sanskrit, takes care to establish
the ruler Harśavarman’s royal descent and
legitimate succession as the grandson of ‘Śrī
Īśānavarman’, almost certainly identifiable as
Īśānavarman I of Zhenla (active ca. 627-37 CE).
In so doing he is honouring his Khmer lineage.12
He celebrates the liṅga under whose authority he
rules, and sends a kośa as a gift to his grandfather
for honouring Śiva at Īśānapura. The donation
was evidently portable (calaliṅgam) and was
celebrated we are told with poetry, song and
dance.13 Here then, in mid-7th century mainland
Southeast Asia, is evidence of a state gift in the
form of a precious kośa, travelling a considerable
distance, from subordinate polity to overlord as a
form of a tributary gift imbued with a heightened
religious importance.
That Harśavarman declares himself Khmer
and directly descended from the premier
architect of Sambor Pre Kuk, Īśānavarman
places U Thong firmly in the greater Zhenla
domain at this time. The excavation of a
laterite platform belonging to an early Śaiva
shrine at Khok Chang Din, on the banks of a
stream flowing into the principal temple tank
at the ancient city of U Thong, yielded one
Śaiva ritual: liṅgakośa and mukhakośa in Champa
of the earliest stone ekhamukhaliṅga in the
region (Fig. 6).14 It can be assigned to the late
6th-7th century. The parallels with the recently
discovered ekhamukhaliṅga at Mỹ Sơn are
striking. (Part I 4. ‘Rethinking Cham arts’ Fig. 7
p. 40) There too was found the earliest record of
liṅga puja, recorded in the inscription stele (see
Cat. 7) of King Prakaśadharman in 687 CE (609
Śaka) at Mỹ Sơn temple B6 which celebrates the
installation of both a kośa and a mukuṭa (crown)
for the liṅgas under worship as Īśāneśvara and
Bhadreśvara, both epithets for Śiva.15
While no precious metal liṅgakośa has been
found in mainland Southeast Asia outside
Cham territories, the discovery in 2014 of
four miniature gold liṅga buried in a sacred
deposit below the floor of a cave in Nakhon Śrī
Thammarat province, peninsular Thailand,
signals an important new find.16 These were likely
Fig. 5 Head of Śiva, recovered at
amulet liṅgas worn by Śaiva ascetics, probably
Mỹ Sơn temple A4 in 1903, now
Pāśupatas, and ritually buried along with their
untraced, belonging to the standing
ashes to mark their mokṣa, their spiritual union
Śiva still on site. Line drawing by
with Śiva. (See 5. ‘Pāśupata sect in Ancient
Henri Parmentier (1909).
Cambodia and Champa’ in this volume). They
may be assigned to the 6th-7th centuries. Their
ritual burial, in round silver boxes set within
fired brick and limestone caskets and
surrounded by bricks, suggests a funerary
rite in which four Śaiva ascetics are celebrated
as having attained union with Śiva in death, a
message which is echoed in the Vihear Thom
triśūla stele inscription.17 The parallels with
temple and image consecration deposits,
auspicious offerings to mark a new beginning,
are striking.18
Fig. 6 Ekhamukhaliṅga and
lustration basin, from Śaiva
laterite platform shrine at Khok
Chang Din, U Thong. U Thong
National Museum, Suphanburi
Province, Thailand.
91
Vibrancy in Stone
Fig. 7 Liṅga altar, 9th century. Mỹ Sơn temple A10, Quảng Nam Fig. 8 Relief depicting a Brahman performing liṅgapūjā. Mỹ Sơn temple
province, Việt Nam. Photographed during excavation in 1928. E.1 altar pedestal, late 7th century, Quảng Nam province. Sandstone.
(Photograph courtesy EFEO) (Photograph John Guy, 1996)
It is in the Cham regions of central Việt Nam
that liṅgakośa assume particular prominence,
as witnessed by both the epigraphic record and
surviving examples, in gold, silver and bronze.19
This is in marked contrast to Khmer epigraphy,
which as noted makes only rare reference to
the gifting of kośa. Cham epigraphy is almost
exclusively royal, and much concerned with
recording royal religious donations. Royal
inscriptions remain the prime source for
understanding the religious orientations and
associated ritual practices of the early rulers of
Southeast Asia. However, the epigraphic record
alone provides a limited vision of the reality
of institutionalized state religion and the role
of ritual. In the early kingdoms of Champa,
evidence of institutionalised Śaiva worship is
abundant in the form of stone liṅgas, including
the monumental liṅga-pedestals that remain
in-situ at Mỹ Sơn (Fig. 7). The scale of these
liṅga indicates the size of the kośas deployed in
worship in these sanctuaries.
The first secure reference to the installation
of precious kośa in association with the worship
of these liṅgas occurs in the Sanskrit inscription
(C.87, Cat. 7) installed by king Vikrāntavarman
at Mỹ Sơn on the 19 May, Śaka 609 (687 CE),
found nearby to temple B6 in 1903.20 It records
the dedication by the royal devotee, referred
to in the inscription both by his honorific
title of Śrī Prakāsadharman, and by his reign
name, Vikrāntavarman, of a liṅga to Īśāneśvara
(Śiva), and the installation of both a silver kośa
for Īśāneśvara and a gold diadem (mukuṭa)
for Bhadreśvara, both names being epithets
of Śiva. These ritual gifts are associated with
92
divine radiance, the kośa ‘as the bright Moon’,
and the mukuṭa ‘as the Sun’.21 As a number of
liṅgas survive from the temple B group, we may
gauge from them the impressive scale of the now
lost kośa. Inscription C.87 however gives no
indication if this was a mukhakośa, with one or
more of the projecting heads of Śiva.
A century later, a newly identified foundation
inscription of king Satyavarman, dated 778 CE,
at the Hoà Lai temple, Ninh Thuận Province,
specifically refers to the gifting of precious kośa.22
Here Śrī Satyavarman records his foundation
of a liṅga dedicated to Śiva Vṛddheśvara, who
is evoked as the protector of the territories of
the Cham kingdom of Pāṇḍuraṅga and of
Satyavarman’s royal authority, and is named
as the recipient of a ‘kośa, made of silver with
a golden face’.23 Further mention is made of
an endowment to support a community of
Brahmans, to reside there and provide ritual
service. The Mỹ Sơn temple E1 liṅga pedestal
depicts an array of such priests in relief panels
around its base (Cat. 9, BTC 6-22. 4). Of
particular importance in this discussion is one
scene which, in my reading, depicts a Brahman
ascetic performing lustration worship on an
ekhamukhaliṅga the only such visual evidence
known from Southeast Asia (Fig. 8).24 The
most compelling evidence to support this
interpretation is found in a Kuṣāṇa – era panel
of an open liṅga-shrine with an attached ‘mask’ of
Śiva (Fig. 9).
The discovery in the past two decades of a
significant number of precious metal liṅgakośa
adds a further dimension to our understanding
of the nature of Śaiva worship practised in

Champa territories. Jean Boisselier provided the
most comprehensive account of the presence
of the kośa in Champa, drawing on the work
of Louis Finot, Henri Parmentier and others,
and most recently Anne-Valérie Schweyer has
surveyed kośa references in the Cham record,
identifying thirteen inscriptions, predominantly
in Sanskrit, that refer to kośa, spanning the 7th to
13th centuries.25 The recently discovered stele at
Hoà Lai temple complex adds another. All are
associated with royal patronage, and list kośa
as first among the principal gifts offered to the
presiding deity.
Two of the earliest inscriptions at Mỹ Sơn
are among the very first Sanskrit inscriptions
found in Southeast Asia, and can be assigned on
epigraphic style to the 5th century. Inscription
C.72 provides the first record of the Cham
king Bhadravarman I, likely the founder of
the Bhadreśvara temple at Mỹ Sơn, which
continued to serve as a focus for royal worship
in succeeding centuries. The Chiêm-sơn
inscription, rock cut into a boulder overlooking
the Thu Bồn river, also belongs to the reign of
Bhadravarman I or his immediate successors,
and further establishes the Bhadreśvara temple’s
importance, describing the territorial extent of
the lands assigned for its upkeep.26 The territorial
parameters of Champa in this early period are
difficult to define, but seem to be centred on
the area stretching from Mỹ Sơn in the hills to
Śaiva ritual: liṅgakośa and mukhakośa in Champa
Trà Kiệu in the Thu Bồn river basin, to the
estuary at Hội An, in modern Quảng Nam and
Đà Nẵng provinces.
Further, the Bhadravarman I inscriptions
establish, at the beginning of the written record,
a defining feature of Cham royal dedications,
the identification of the ruler with the deity
through the use of a shared name, in which the
ruler’s name serves as a prefix to that of the deity,
here Śiva identified by his epithet Iśvara. This is
witnessed first here at Mỹ Sơn, in the worship of
Bhadreśvara. For these rulers, who referred to
themselves in their inscriptions as the kings of
Champa, an interest in these esoteric concepts
must have surely been linked to a desire to
consolidate their authority in a fragmented and
unstable political landscape. The Bhadravarman
I inscription also praises the ‘divine serpent of the
king’, likely referencing an pre-Indic indigenous
nāga cult being invoked in the service of the
new religion, and alluding to the sacred snakes
that protect tanks and water places. A sculptural
stele excavated at Mỹ Sơn temple group G by
Parmentier in 1903, and now untraced, signals
the persistence of such cults into the early era
of Cham state formation. It depicts a male
deity, best identified as a yakṣa, regally seated
on the coils of a five-hooded serpent (Fig. 10).
It is perhaps the oldest sculptural icon to be
recovered at Mỹ Sơn, dating to around the 6th
century.27 A tympanum panel from Phong Lệ
Fig. 9 Open platform liṅga
shrine attended by yakṣas. 1st -2nd
century CE, Mathura. Sandstone.
State Museum, Lucknow, India.
93
Vibrancy in Stone
Fig. 10 Male deity, possibly a
yakṣa, enthroned on a five-headed
nāga, 6th century. Recovered in
the vicinity of My Son temple G1,
c.1903, now untraced. Sandstone.
(Photograph courtesy of EFEO)
depicting Viṣṇu seated in royal ease, flanked
by rising nāgas, represents a continuation
of this convention as do later tympanum
panels depicting a variety of nāga-protected
Brahmanical deities, including Lakśmi and
Garuḍa. These iconographic innovations are
unique to Cham religious art.
The first direct reference to the presence
of Śiva’s faces on kośa occurs at the end of the
8th century. The Yang Tikuh inscription(C.25),
dated 799-800 CE (Śaka 709) was installed
by king Indravraman I to celebrate his
reconstruction of a temple in the plains of
Phan Rang dedicated to Śiva, named as
Indrabhadreśvara, we are told after its pillage by
a fleet from ‘Java’.28 Kamaleswar Bhattacharya’s
corrected reading of Verse IX is as follows:
‘two treasures for the God, the one movable
and the other immovable. The movable kośa
was provided with (one or several) face (s)’.29
Bhattacharya then elaborates on the subtlety
of the dualistic concepts being elaborated by
the composer of the inscription, the liṅga and
the sheath mirroring the Śaiva philosophical
distinction between the ‘subtle body’ (of
the divine) symbolised by the liṅga, and the
‘gross body’ of materiality represented by
the kośa.
The Po Nāgar temple inscriptions at
Nha Trang confirm similar dedications of
mukhakośa, in honour of Śiva and, uniquely to
this shrine, also the goddess. An inscription of
781 CE records that upon assuming sovereignty
in the Kauthara kingdom in 774 CE, king
Satyavarman installed a liṅga with a face of Īśa
94
(Śiva), which was subsequently looted by sea
raiders and replaced by the same pious king in
781 CE. The replacement golden kośa displayed
the face (mukha) of Śiva – ‘as bright as gold
and dispelling darkness from the world’ – and
was accompanied by an image of the beautiful
goddess (Umā, Bhagavatī) and Gaṇeśa.30
Many of the Champa Sanskrit inscriptions
describe the value of the precious metals
employed. A typical inscription is that of
Sūryavarmadeva prince Vidyānandana, dated
1194, which stated that among the gifts presented
to the deity of Mỹ Sơn, Śrīsanabhareśvara, “to
obtain merit in this life and the next”, was a six-
faced (sadmukha) gold kośa weighing 510 thei.31
The dedication of Jayendravarman at Mỹ Sơn in
1163 CE (Śaka 1085) records the consecration
of a precious metal kośa with five faces
(panchamukhaliṅga), presented by the king. The
inscription states that ‘This god, in spite of his
benevolence, was unable to give his benedictions
to the ten regions; [but] now he has become the
guardian with five royal faces and five mouths’.32
This seems explicit in its meaning, namely that
royal intervention in the form of an expensive
kośa enhanced the liṅga’s ability to protect the
territorial interests of the state: divine light and
radiance extending through the realm, like
lamps shining in the cardinal directions.
The association of precious metals with
divinity, sovereignty and wealth is well
understood in the Indian epic literature. The
Purāṇas contain references to the cladding of
Śiva in gold that then illuminates the universe.33
Golden liṅga are understood to grant wealth
to the devotee, and in the Rāmāyaṇa, Rāvaṇa
worshipped a golden liṅga in his quest for
sovereignty.34 These sets of ideas would seem
to support the predilection of Cham rulers to
favour the offering of gold and silver kośa to
the state liṅga to enhance the efficacy of their
devotion. No doubt also the martial and political
dimensions of Brahmanical epic literature –
both the Mahābārata and the Rāmāyaṇa were
known in Champa – appealed to these rulers,
who had seemingly taken on the trappings
of Brahmanical culture so fully. A 7th century
inscription (C 173), found at the citadel of Trà
Kiệu, praises ṛṣī Vālmiki, ‘the best of all poets’,
the author of the classic Rāmāyaṇa, and its
narratives decorate the monumental temple
pedestal there, suggesting a sophisticated
awareness of Indian epic literature at the Cham
court (Cat. 29 BTC 95-22.2).35

What can we ascertain about the meaning
of kośa and the rituals its presence implies? The
central and defining role that Śaiva ritual had in
Champa was to instil political authority with a
religious-magical power. The Cham inscriptional
record points to the offering of liṅgakośa as the
pre-eminent ritual activity enacted by Cham
royalty in their pursuit of and maintenance of
power. In Vikrāntavarman’s dedication of 687
CE, the king expressly invokes the power of the
moon embodied in a silver kośa to ensure he be
victorious in his quests and is never eclipsed by
his rivals.
References
Baptiste, Pierre, and Thierry Zéphir, eds 2005.
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Champa, ve-xve siècles. Paris: Réunion des
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asiatiques Guimet.
Bennett, Anna, 2015. ‘Ancient Gold and Modern
Fakes in Southeast Asia’ in R. Barnes, E.N.
Stein and B. Diebold (eds.), Gold in Early
Southeast Asia. New Haven: Yale Southeast
Asia Studies Monograph 64, pp. 183-235.
Bhattacharya, K. 1966. ‘Liṅga-kośa’, in Ba Shin
(ed.), Essays offered to G. H. Luce, Ascona,
Artibus Asiae Supple. 23, vol. 2 pp. 6-13.
Boisselier, J. 1963. La Statuaire du Champa.
Recherches sur les cultes et l’iconographie. Paris,
EFEO.
Brown, R.L. 1996. The Dvāravatī Wheels of the Law
and the Indianization of Southeast Asia. Leiden:
E.J. Brill.
Cowell, E.B. and Thomas, P,W. (transl.),1961.
The Harṣha-Carita of Bana, 1897, rep. Delhi,
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Finot, L. 1904. ‘Notes d’épigraphie XI. Les
inscriptions de Mi-so’n, BEFEO, vol. IV,
pp. 897-977.
Griffiths, A. and Southworth, W. 2011. ‘Études
du corpus des inscriptions du Campā II. La
stèle d’installation de Śrī Ādideveśvara: une
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95
Vibrancy in Stone
1 In recent years a number of four-faced covers
have been published, but all are of doubtful
authenticity. See Guy 2000, and Bennett 2015.
2 Guy 2000, Bennett 2015.
3 Cowell and Thomas 1961.
4 Indian Archaeology Review 1994-5: 81. I
am grateful to Prof. Alexis Sanderson for this
reference and for the Niśvāsamukha source.
5 The mukhakīrita is 17” in height and weighs
4.5 kgs; Nandagopal and Iyengar 1997: 69.
6 K 258, 1.38, K 741, 1.9 and K 194 (A49)
& 383 (B1), according to Claude Jacques;
personal communication, 1994.
7 O’Connor 1983 surveys those in peninsular
Southeast Asia.
8 Boisselier, 1963: 413, fig. 251. Found in 1920
in an unspecified context and first published
by Henri Parmentier (1922).
9 Its provenance and identification is discussed
in Guy 2014: 74, and fig. 113.
10 Parmentier, 1909, figs. 123 and 115. Neither
are traceable today.
96
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11 Boisselier 1963: Fig. 250.
12 Vickery 1998: 22.
13 Cœdès’ translation (1958), cited in Brown
1996: 49-50. Vickery 1998: 22.
14 U Thong National Museum, Suphanburi.
15 C.87. Griffiths et al, 2012: 229-233.
16 Srisuchat 2015.
17 Guy 2014, pp.160-61, cat. 84.
18 Cf. Slaczka 2007.
19 Guy 2000; Schweyer 2008.
20 Finot 1904, Majumdar 1927, Book 3: no. 16,
pp. 28-31; Schweyer in Baptiste and Zéphir,
2005, p. 181.
21 As translated by Schweyer 2005: 181. See also
Griffiths et al 2012, pp. 229-233.
22 Griffiths and Southworth 2011. It appears to
refer to the dedication of the central tower, and
alludes to existing sanctuaries at the site, see
p. 296.
23 Griffiths and Southworth 2011, p. 298.
24 Guy 2000.
25 Boisselier 1963, Finot 1904, Parmentier 1909,
Sircar 1941, Schweyer 2008, p. 13.
26 Golzio 2004: pp. 5-6.
27 Guy 2005: p. 145.
28 Majumdar 1927, no. 23, pp. 44-51. The
appearance of the name ‘Java’ is difficult to
explain, as Indonesian Java was unlikely to
have been positioned to undertake such a
long distance raid. More likely these were
raiders from elsewhere on the Southeast Asian
seaboard.
29 Bhattacharya 1966: 7.
30 Majumdar 1927: no. 22, pp.41-44.
31 Boisselier 1963: 324.
32 Finot 1904, p. 970; Mus 1975: 49.
33 Kramrisch 1981: 163
34 Rao 1914: II-I, 78
35 Golzio 2004: 11-12. For the Rāmāyaṇa
narrative programme of the Trà Kiệu pedestal,
Trần Kỳ Phương 2000.