Young Consumers

Excessive social networking sites use and online compulsive buying in young adults: the mediating role of
money attitude
Saeed Pahlevan Sharif, Ken Kyid Yeoh,
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Saeed Pahlevan Sharif, Ken Kyid Yeoh, (2018) "Excessive social networking sites use and online compulsive buying in
young adults: the mediating role of money attitude", Young Consumers, https://doi.org/10.1108/YC-10-2017-00743
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 Excessive social networking sites use and
online compulsive buying in young adults:
the mediating role of money attitude
Saeed Pahlevan Sharif and Ken Kyid Yeoh

Abstract Saeed Pahlevan Sharif is

Purpose – This paper aims to investigate the effect of excessive use of social networking sites on online based at Taylor’s Business
compulsive buying, and whether this effect is mediated by the dimensions of money attitude (i.e. power- School, Taylor’s University,
prestige, distrust and anxiety) in young Malaysian adults. Subang Jaya, Malaysia.
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Design/methodology/approach – A correlational cross-sectional, questionnaire-based design was Ken Kyid Yeoh is based at
adopted. A total of 1,155 university students completed an online survey. A parallel multiple mediator The University of
model was then developed and tested using covariance-based structural equation modeling. Nottingham Malaysia
Findings – Excessive use of social media had a positive effect on money attitude dimensions and online Campus, Semenyih,
compulsive buying. Also, power-prestige and anxiety dimensions of money attitude mediated the Malaysia.
positive effect of excessive use of social networking sites on online compulsive buying.
Practical implications – Several implications for the parents of young adults, institutions of higher
learning as well as banks that provide services to these youths have been suggested.
Originality/value – Little is known about the effect of excessive use of social media on compulsive online
buying and the mechanisms behind it. This study contributes to the literature by testing the mediating role
of money attitude in the effect of use of social networking sites on online compulsive buying.
Keywords Social networking site, Compulsive buying, Youth, Anxiety, Money attitude, Power-prestige
Paper type Research paper

1. Introduction
The use of social networking sites (SNS) has increased substantially over the past decade
(Griffiths, 2013). Even though SNSs are mostly used for social purposes, there is some
evidence to suggest that individuals may feel compelled to spend excessive amounts of
time to “maintain” their online social network accounts (Griffiths, 2013). This excessive use
of SNSs is particularly attributable to young people who may end up being addicted to such
sites (Echeburúa and de Corral, 2009; Wang et al., 2015). The potential misuse of SNSs by
young people is likely to be an ongoing, ever-present problem as, unlike other forms of
addiction, total abstinence from using the internet (and, by extension, SNSs) is extremely
unlikely as it is an integral element of today’s professional and leisure culture (Kuss and
Griffiths, 2011). This phenomenon is also linked to other negative consequences such as a
heightened tendency to engage in conventional compulsive buying and online compulsive
buying (Pahlevan Sharif and Khanekharab, 2017).
Although the impact of internet use on compulsive buying has been studied (Lee et al.,
2016), little is known about the effect of excessive SNSs use on compulsive online buying
and the underlying mechanisms that explain this relationship. With the rapid growth of
Received 2 October 2017
online shopping services, investigating factors that contribute to compulsive buying online Revised 12 March 2018
becomes as critically important as those that drive conventional compulsive buying. Accepted 28 April 2018

DOI 10.1108/YC-10-2017-00743 © Emerald Publishing Limited, ISSN 1747-3616 j YOUNG CONSUMERS j

 Drawing upon social comparison theory and the empty-self theory, this study suggests that
money attitude may explain the effect of excessive use of SNSs on compulsive online
buying in young adults. This paper proposes that young adults’ constant exposure to the
“best” portrayals/profiles/possessions/aesthetics (Livingstone, 2008) by their peers/
celebrity role models, etc., shared through SNSs, compel them make frequent social
comparisons (Ahadzadeh et al., 2017). Such comparisons are likely related to their financial
and monetary situation especially within the context of trying to live up to those “materialistic
ideals”. Such a tendency, in turn, would contribute to compulsive buying behavior. On a
related development, many researchers are becoming increasingly mindful of the fact that
individual differences in money attitude is a key element for understanding debt, saving and
consumption behavior (Gasiorowska, 2014; Hayhoe et al., 2012).
For our study on the intervening role of money attitude on the impact of technology use on
young adults’ behavior, Malaysia seems to offer a good setting as the country is made up of
a rather youthful population. More specifically, out of the 32 million Malaysians in total, only
6.2 per cent are aged 65 and above. In fact, the median age of the Malaysian population is
only 28.3 years in 2017 (Department of Statistics Malaysia, 2017). Having such a high
proportion of youths entails its fair share of accompanying societal problems (i.e. issues that
are more typically linked to younger people). For instance, poor overall financial
management (Idris et al., 2016) resulted in 22,663 Malaysians under the age of 35 being
declared bankrupt between 2011 and 2015 (The Malaysian Financial Planning Council,
2016). Past empirical studies in this area also showed similar trends (Diana-Rose and
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Zariyawati, 2015; Idris et al., 2016; Zamzamir et al., 2015). The MFPC also highlighted the
fact that most Malaysian youths often fail to manage their financial resources responsibly
and are ill prepared when it comes to dealing with financial debt. In effect, Malaysian youths
are shown to pursue excessive lifestyles by “overspending on items like branded goods
and electronic gadgets. Based on their mentality today, ‘own now, pay later’ indicates that
most of them are willing to enter into indebtedness to satisfy their desires and are trapped
by plastic as credit card debts. . .” (The Malaysian Financial Planning Council, 2016). This
implies that Malaysian youths’ spending problems largely arise from their general attitudes
toward money.
On a separate development, Malaysians in general spend an average of 5.1 h on the
internet daily. Out of this, approximately 2.8 h are devoted to SNSs (Malaysian Digital
Association, 2015) which is greater than the worldwide average of 1.8 h in the same year
(GWI, 2016). Also, statistics show that around one in every three minutes spent online
globally is devoted to SNSs, and it peaks among young adults (GWI, 2016).
More broadly, according to the International Telecommunication Union (2013) report
commissioned by the UN’s International Telecommunication Union, Malaysia stood out as
having the 4th highest proportion of “digital natives” (defined as youths aged 15 to 24 with
at least 5 years of active internet use) in the world. In terms of proportion, the report
estimates that more than 3.9 million Malaysians can be categorized as “digital natives”,
accounting for nearly three quarters of the country’s youths. Hence, this study is both
theoretically compelling and practically relevant. In summary, this study fills the gap in the
existing literature on:
n the effects of excessive SNS usage on different aspects of money attitude and online
compulsive buying; and
n the mediating role of money attitude in the effect of excessive use of SNS on online
compulsive buying among youths.

By doing so, this paper heeds the call of researchers such as Duh (2016) and Steenkamp
and Burgess (2002) that such constructs should be validated in emerging consumer
markets such as Malaysia.

j YOUNG CONSUMERS j
 2. Literature review
2.1 Excessive social networking sites use
SNSs such as Facebook and Instagram are virtual communities where users can create
individual public profiles, interact with real-life friends and meet other people based on
shared interests (Griffiths, 2013). Even though SNSs are instrumental in terms of maintaining
and expanding an individual’s social networks in the modern-day era, there is increasing
evidence that some individuals spend excessive amounts of time on these online platforms
to the point of displaying symptoms of addiction (Griffiths, 2013; Sussman et al., 2011).
More specifically, any behavior that fulfills the six primary components of addiction (i.e.
salience, mood modification, tolerance, withdrawal symptoms, conflict and relapse)
including excessive SNSs use can be operationally defined as an addiction (Griffiths, 2005).
In this regard, empirical evidence also suggests that excessive SNSs usage is particularly
problematic to young people who are most likely to develop addictive tendencies
(Echeburúa and de Corral, 2009).
In terms of underlying causes, Xu and Tan (2012) state that excessive SNSs use occurs
when social networking is viewed by the individual as an important (even exclusive)
mechanism to relieve stress, loneliness or depression. Their contention is derived from three
overarching theoretical perspectives that attempt to explain the underlying causes of SNS
addiction (Turel and Serenko, 2012). The first is the cognitive-behavioral model where
emphasis is on maladaptive cognitions that are further amplified by a host of environmental
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factors which eventually leads to addictive social networking. Second, the social skills
model posits that addictive use of SNSs arises because people lack self-presentational
skills and therefore prefer virtual communication to face-to-face interactions. Finally, the
socio-cognitive model contends that the expectations of positive outcomes coupled with
lack of internet self-regulation leads to excessive SNS use. This phenomenon is also linked
to other negative consequences such as a heightened tendency to engage in compulsive
buying (Lee et al., 2016; Pahlevan Sharif and Khanekharab, 2017).

2.2 Online compulsive buying

The term compulsive buying refers to a preoccupation with buying, impulses to buy that are
irresistible, “senseless” and frequent buying of, more than what one can afford or, things
that are not essential (Phau and Woo, 2008; Spinella et al., 2014; Williams and Grisham,
2012). It is driven mostly by negative events or emotions and is often linked to dire
psychological, societal and financial consequences (Dittmar, 2004; Grougiou et al., 2015;
Roberts et al., 2014). Empirically, the compulsive buying phenomenon is quite well-
documented in the consumer behaviour literature (Faber and O’Guinn, 1992; Ridgway et al.,
2008).
As an extension of the phenomenon in the traditional form, the manifestation of compulsive
buying tendencies among consumers in an online context has been the subject of some
empirical scrutiny of late (Dittmar et al., 2007; Lee et al., 2016; Pahlevan Sharif and
Khanekharab, 2017). Findings suggest that such a tendency is exacerbated by internet use
(Griffiths, 2000; Kukar-Kinney et al., 2009). More specifically, Mueller et al. (2011) and
Kukar-Kinney et al. (2009) reported that certain internet use characteristics seem to compel
consumers to buy compulsively. The exact nature of such a link is discussed in the following
section.

2.3 The effect of excessive social networking sites use on online compulsive buying
Past empirical studies have shown that compulsive buying is significantly influenced by the
prevalence of Internet use in general and SNSs use in particular (Kukar-Kinney et al., 2009;
Lee et al., 2016; Pahlevan Sharif and Khanekharab, 2017). Such a link is perhaps

j YOUNG CONSUMERS j
 unsurprising, as a number of researchers have actually grouped such tendencies under the
general category of addictive, adverse and/or negative behaviors akin to substance abuse
(Echeburúa and de Corral, 2009; Griffiths, 2013; Shaffer et al., 2004; Wang et al., 2015).
In deriving this prediction, the present study also draws upon the notion of “self-concept”
that symbolizes the totality of an individual’s thoughts and feeling having reference to
oneself as an object (Reed, 2002; Sirgy, 1982). Self-concept is multidimensional as the
actual self refers to how a person perceives oneself; ideal self refers to how an individual
would like to perceive oneself; and social self refers to how a person presents oneself to
others (Hosany and Martin, 2012; Sirgy, 1982). It is a well-established phenomenon in the
consumer behavior tradition. More specifically, past empirical research in this area has
often assumed that self-concept consists of two components, namely, the actual self-
concept and the ideal/desired self-concept which is the image of oneself as one would like
to be (Belch, 1978; Delozier and Tillman, 1972). In addition, individuals display an inherent
tendency to seek experiences as well as products that are congruent with and/or enhance
their self-concept.
In the consumer behavior literature, self-concept has also been linked to the concept of
“identity” where social-identification is regarded as a particularly meaningful approach in
consumer research (Reed, 2002). Here, the social construction of identities of selves are
emphasized where people categorize and act in ways toward one another based on their
understanding of social roles, rules and symbols (McCall and Simmons, 1978; Reed, 2002).
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Since the seminal work of Belk (1988), it is widely accepted that consumption helps define
people’s sense of who they are. Hence, the consumer is assumed to rely frequently on the
social meanings inherent in products as a guide to the performance of social roles. From a
social psychology perspective, the self-concept conceptualization is becoming broader as
an individual can define himself/herself in various ways (Turner, 1982). In this regard,
Oyserman (2009) argued that, as part of the self-concept, identities organize experience
and present a basis for making predictions about oneself as well as about other’s response
to the self. For the purposes of this study, we make use of a combination of Erikson’s
perspective, Cushman’s theory of the empty-self and social comparison theory to further
develop the line of argument given above.
As an extension of the theoretical underpinning above, this study contends that the effect of
excessive SNSs use on online compulsive buying can be explained through an “Eriksonian
perspective” (Davis and Weinstein, 2017; Pahlevan Sharif and Khanekharab, 2017). In
essence, the perspective emphasizes the importance of context in youths’ identity formation
process (Baumeister and Muraven, 1996; Davis, 2013; Davis and Weinstein, 2017;
Pahlevan Sharif and Khanekharab, 2017). This is also consistent with the argument that the
self-concept explained earlier is dynamic in the sense that it has the potential to be modified
(Reed, 2002). When seen from such an angle, SNSs can be conceptualized as a new and
distinctive “context” for young adults to explore as well as express their still-evolving
identities. In this regard, Weinstein (2017) argued that SNSs can be seen as extensive
sources of self-relevant information and hence offer a perfect basis for social comparison
processes. According to the social comparison theory (Festinger, 1954; Moschis, 1976),
this is where youths evaluate aspects of their lives by comparison with others, mainly for
self-evaluation and self-improvement, presumably in developing a desired identity (Suls
and Wheeler, 2013; Weinstein, 2017). In fact, the observation that one’s self-concept is
critically influenced by what important others think of oneself dates back more than a
century. Similarly, development of social identity is significantly impacted by identification
with particular role models and/or membership of desired groups (Tajfel, 1981). Empirically,
researchers such as Richins (1991) have shown that idealized images raised comparison
standards for attractiveness, whereas, at the same time, it also lowered satisfaction with
one’s attractiveness. Furthermore, Goethals (1986) noted that consumers are compelled to

j YOUNG CONSUMERS j
 make comparisons even when they would prefer not to especially when it involves “better
off” others.
Some researchers have explicitly acknowledged the distinctiveness of SNSs by highlighting
the need to conduct more empirical research to deepen our understanding of the effects of
such ubiquitous contexts on young adults’ identities (Davis and Weinstein, 2017). Related to
this, Valkenburg and Peter (2011) suggested that the SNS environment may erode young
adults’ ability to form a “unified” identity. This is because, to interact with various people in
an online environment, young adults may adopt or attempt to portray different personalities.
Such a tendency, more popularly known as the fragmentation hypothesis (Israelashvili et al.,
2012; Lee et al., 2012; Matsuba, 2006, Mazalin and Moore, 2004), typically leads to identity
confusion.
The predictions of the fragmentation hypothesis above are also supported by Cushman’s
theory of the Empty-self (Cushman, 1990). This conception is based on the view that, in
modern consumer-centered societies, individuals constantly compete in terms of
expressing their identities through consumption (Hafez et al., 2013; Roberts and Sepulveda,
1999). Hence, they can be regarded as possessing an “empty self” that needs to be “filled
up” through material consumption of both goods and services (i.e. their very sense of self is
derived from what they own/consume). Similarly, in their support for this empty-self
conception, Reeves et al. (2012) and McCutcheon et al. (2002), empirically showed that
compulsive buying is evident in youths with poorly defined sense of identity as they attempt
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to gain fulfillment by continual purchasing of goods.

Pahlevan Sharif and Khanekharab (2017) have suggested that the same tendencies are
likely to apply in a virtual environment such as SNSs as well. As mentioned earlier, this is
partly due to the fact that SNSs are becoming increasingly important as a primary “context”
for the self-identity formation process. For instance, Mazalin and Moore (2004) found that
excessive internet use impedes the development of mature identity among young male
adults. In a similar vein, excessive use of SNSs may result in significant identity
“fragmentation” which triggers more extreme online compulsive buying (i.e. to fill the gaps
between their current fragmented identities as well as with the ideal identities that they are
aspiring to). Moreover, in the consumer behavior literature, there is some empirical
evidence showing the link between compulsive shopping and the expression of self-identity
in the purchase decision (Dittmar et al., 1995; Kacen and Lee, 2002). Hence:
H1. Excessive SNSs use has a positive effect on online compulsive buying.

2.4 Money attitude

The term money attitude refers to the distinctive attitudes that people display toward money
(Gasiorowska, 2014), typically conceptualized as a multidimensional construct (Pilch and
Gornik-Durose, 2017; Roberts and Jones, 2001). The first of these is the power-prestige
dimension where money is perceived as a symbol of power (i.e. money is used to influence
others), success, status and/or prestige (Klontz et al., 2011; Nga and Yeoh, 2015; Palan
et al., 2011; Rimple et al., 2015; Tang, 1992; Yamauchi and Templer, 1982). Individuals who
score highly on this dimension tend to use money to “buy” status, domination and control
rather than being interested in actual products per se. Indeed, Csikszentmihalyi and Halton
(1981) described status consumption as a form of power that consists of “respect [. . .] and
envy from others and represents the goals of a culture” (p. 39). Money status/prestige
relates more to ownership of status products rather than to personal, occupational or family
reputation (Eastman et al., 1997). Here, the display of material wealth is the best indicator of
power in our modern society. According to Roberts and Jones (2001), pursuing materialistic
ideals is a competitive and comparative process where “to achieve a position of social
power or status, one must exceed the existing community norm. As long as others are also
attempting to signal their social power through possessing and displaying material goods,

j YOUNG CONSUMERS j
 the level of goods required to make a powerful social statement continually rise. The result is
that there is no end to our wants and little improvement in our satisfaction, despite an ever-
increasing consumption of goods [. . .]” (pp. 217-218).
Second, the money distrust dimension reflects a state of not wanting to spend money or
being “price sensitive” (Klontz et al., 2011; Roberts and Jones, 2001). Similarly, Rimple et al.
(2015) described it as not believing oneself or others in money related manners. Individuals
who score highly on this dimension have the tendency to feel hesitant, doubtful and
suspicious regarding situations where money is involved. In addition, they also doubt their
own ability to make good purchase decisions (Phau and Woo, 2008). This is usually
manifests itself in the form of preoccupation with the price paid for goods and services.
Third, the anxiety dimension of money attitude is described as a state of worry or
nervousness about money as well as a desire to spend money (i.e. either relieve or provoke
anxiety) (Klontz et al., 2011; Rimple et al., 2015; Shih and Ke, 2014). Gasiorowska (2014)
tied the concept to low decisiveness, intolerance of ambiguity and low self-esteem. Even
so, those who score highly on this dimension not only see money as a source of anxiety but,
at the same time, also as a kind of “protection” from anxiety as well (Roberts and Jones,
2001; Roberts and Sepulveda, 1999).
Please note that, besides the three dimensions described earlier, there is a fourth
dimension termed as retention-time that collectively form Yamauchi and Templer (1982)
famed Money Attitude Scale (MAS). MAS is one of the most widely used measures of
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money beliefs worldwide (Duh, 2016; Durvasula and Lysonski, 2010; Gasiorowska, 2014).
Even so, instead of wholesale adoption of the MAS, this paper adopts the approach taken
by Roberts and Jones (2001) who, in their study of American college students’ money
attitude on compulsive buying, considered the influence of the aforementioned dimensions
with the exception of retention-time. This is because items that make up that measurement
scale is deemed inappropriate for studies that focus on youths. Similarly, this study
considers only power-prestige, distrust and anxiety of money attitude. This is deemed
acceptable, as some past empirical studies have also included only those dimensions that
more relevant to the specific contexts of their respective studies (Gasiorowska, 2014). In
this regard, the current study contributes to the extant literature as individual differences in
money attitude is now widely regarded as a key element for understanding debt, saving
and consumption behavior, an area that merits further empirical scrutiny (Duh, 2016;
Gasiorowska, 2014; Hayhoe et al., 2012).

2.5 The mediating role of money attitude

In terms of the predicted effects of the three distinctive dimensions of money attitude on
online compulsive buying, we offer the following arguments.
For the power-prestige dimension of money attitude, d’Astous et al. (1990) discovered that
compulsive buyers are more likely to associate buying with social status (Roberts, 1998;
Roberts and Martinez, 1998). Furthermore, based on our earlier arguments pertaining to
young adults aspiring to mimic the desired/ideal identities portrayed by their seemingly
more popular peers/opinion leaders/celebrities on SNSs; youths who make excessive use of
SNSs would likely strive to project a successful, powerful as well as prestigious identity. This
would lead to online compulsive buying. Indeed, Roberts and Jones (2001) contend that
compulsive spenders are more likely to report the urge to spend money in ways that portray
both power and status. Hence:
H2. Excessive SNSs use has a positive effect on money power-prestige.
H3. Money power-prestige has a positive effect on online compulsive buying.
As for the distrust dimension, this study contends that individuals who are overly concerned
with price are less likely to be compulsive buyers (Hafez et al., 2013). Even so, Phau and

j YOUNG CONSUMERS j
 Woo (2008) failed to find any significant relationship between money distrust and
compulsive buying. Anyhow, we predict that the more individuals use SNSs, the stronger is
the urge to keep comparing prices as well as delay purchase for the possibility of
uncovering better deals. Potential information overload as well as being exposed to various
sources for price comparisons would make their self-doubt even more pronounced in terms
of committing to an actual purchase decision. Hence:
H4. Excessive SNSs use has a positive effect on money distrust.
H5. Money distrust has a negative effect on online compulsive buying.
Finally, our contentions relating to money anxiety is derived from the observation that many
SNSs users tend to post certain information about themselves in a way that makes them
look more attractive and/or impressive (Zywica and Danowski, 2008). This would trigger
“competitive” materialistic consumption that would be then be featured prominently on the
SNSs where they are active (Cushman, 1990; Pahlevan Sharif and Khanekharab, 2017).
Therefore, users who use SNS excessively may make financial and monetary comparisons
with followers who typically show off their material possessions. These comparisons would
contribute to increased anxiety with money and also feelings of financial insecurity among
youths who are SNS users. Also, this study predicts that the main motivation for individuals
who display the tendency for online compulsive buying is to “quickly” relieve himself/herself
from anxiety about money (Phau and Woo, 2008). This is because anxiousness will result in
the urge to reduce such tensions through spontaneous actions. This contention is further
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supported by Hafez et al. (2013) who argued that escaping from anxiety is regarded as the
main motivation of persons showing addictive/compulsive behaviors. Empirically, Roberts
and Jones (2001) found a positive and significant relationship between money anxiety and
compulsive buying in the USA. Hence:
H6. Excessive SNSs use has a positive effect on money anxiety.
H7. Money anxiety has a positive effect on online compulsive buying.
Drawing upon social comparison theory and the empty-self theory, this study suggests that
the different dimensions of money attitude may explain the relationship between excessive
SNSs use and online compulsive online buying in young adults. This study proposes that
youths’ constant exposure to the “best” portrayals/profiles/possessions/aesthetics
(Livingstone, 2008) by their peers/celebrity role models, etc., which are shared through
SNSs that compel them make social comparisons (Ahadzadeh et al., 2017) and to try to live
up to those “materialistic ideals”. Indeed, the empty-self theory suggests that the “lifestyle
solution” offered by SNSs falsely promises that consuming certain products and identifying
with peers, followees and advertising models that post their most favorite photos/stories
would create fulfillment by transforming the person’s life (Reeves et al., 2012). Even so,
such a tendency may influence their individual financial and monetary attitude which would
significantly impact the subsequent likelihood to buy compulsively. Hence, even though
researchers have examined the direct relationship between internet/SNS addition and
compulsive buying (Kang and Lee, 2010; Lee et al., 2016) as well as the direct relationship
between money attitude and compulsive buying (Hafez et al., 2013; Phau and Woo, 2008),
this study proposes a more sophisticated model where money attitude mediates the effect
of excessive SNSs use on compulsive buying. Thus, based on the literature reviewed
above, the present study developed the following hypothesis.
H8. Money attitude mediates the effect of excessive SNSs use on online compulsive
buying.

3. Methods
We adopted a correlational cross-sectional, questionnaire-based research design. An
online survey was conducted in Klang Valley, Malaysia from December 2016 through

j YOUNG CONSUMERS j
 April 2017. A purposive sampling technique was used to collect data from 1,155 young
adults in four private universities. The online self-administered questionnaire consisted two
main sections to collect the data. Participants reported their socio-demographic
characteristics such as gender, age and ethnicity in the first section. Also, they were asked,
“How much time did you spend on social networking sites yesterday?” The second section
included items to measure respondents’ excessive SNSs use, money attitude and online
compulsive buying.

3.1 Participants
The respondents were online SNS users with a mean age of 20.55 years (ranges from 16 to
24 years old, SD = 1.43) who also reported to be active online shoppers. Among them, 56.4
per cent (n = 651) were female. The majority were Chinese (87.6 per cent), followed by
Malay (5.0 per cent), Indian (4.1 per cent) and others (3.3 per cent). More than 85 per cent
of the respondents reported spending more than 1 h a day on different SNSs.

3.2 Measures
Online compulsive buying was measured by adopting the 11-item modified Compulsive
Buying Scale (d’Astous et al., 1990). The items were modified to make them relevant within
the online context (e.g. “Online shopping is a way of relaxing and forgetting my problems.”)
(Dittmar et al., 2007). An eight-item scale developed by Mueller et al. (2011) was used to
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measure excessive SNS usage. “Internet” was replaced with “social networking sites” to be
suitable for this study (e.g. “I spent more time than I planned using SNS.”) (Pahlevan Sharif
and Khanekharab, 2017). Money attitude was measured by the MAS (Yamauchi and
Templer, 1982). It contains 29 items that constitute four dimensions. This study excluded
retention-time as most of its items were not appropriate for young adults (Roberts and
Jones, 2001). The other dimensions include money power-prestige (nine items, e.g. “I use
money to influence other people to do things for me”), money distrust (seven items, e.g. “I
argue or complain about the cost of things I buy”) and money anxiety (six items, e.g. “I
worry that I will not be financially secure”). The participants’ response was scored on a
seven-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree).

4. Results
An exploratory factor analysis was conducted on all items that constitute the respective
adapted scales. The Kaiser–Meyer–Olkin measure of sampling adequacy (0.934), and the
results of Bartlett’s test of sphericity ( x 2(df = 703) = 25545, p < 0.001) showed the
suitability of the data for factor analysis. The first three items of money anxiety were deleted,
as they loaded weakly on their respective construct. Five factors with an eigenvalue greater
than one explained 53.649 per cent of the variance. Then, a maximum likelihood
confirmatory factor analysis was conducted to validate the results obtained from exploratory
factor analysis. The final model was achieved after reviewing model modification indices for
sources of model misfit. Twelve pairs of items measurement errors were allowed to freely
covary to improve the measurement model fit (money power-prestige: four pairs; online
compulsive buying: four pairs; excessive SNS usage: two pairs; and money distrust: two
pairs).
The revised measurement model showed a good fit x 2(643) = 2579.385, p < 0.001, x 2/df =
4.011, comparative fit index = 0.923, incremental fit index = 0.923, Tucker–Lewis Index =
0.916, Normed Fit Index = 0.900, standardized root mean square residual = 0.058 and root
mean square error of approximation (90 per cent confidence interval) = 0.051 (0.049-
0.053). All factor loadings were above 0.5 and significant at 0.001. The Cronbach’s alpha
(ranges from 0.850 to 0.932), composite reliability (ranges from 0.847 to 0.929) and
maximal reliability (ranges from 0.855 to 0.978) of all constructs were greater than 0.7 which

j YOUNG CONSUMERS j
 implied a good construct reliability (Pahlevan Sharif and Mahdavian, 2015). Also, composite
reliability of each construct was greater than its average variance extracted (AVE) indicating
good convergent validity. While AVE of online compulsive buying (0.501), money power-
prestige (0.592) and money anxiety (0.659) were greater than 0.5, AVE of excessive SNS
usage (0.430) and money distrust (0.443) was less than 0.5. AVE is too conservative and
construct reliability alone can be used to establish convergent validity (Pahlevan Sharif
et al., 2018). AVE of each construct was greater than its maximum shared squared variance
fulfilling the discriminant validity criteria (Fornell and Larcker, 1981). Table I shows the
details of the measurement model assessment.
This study assessed the structural model and tested the research hypotheses using
structural equation modeling and AMOS software version 24. The results of assessing the
total effect model showed support for H1 on the relationship between excessive SNS use
and online compulsive buying ( b = 0.442, p < 0.001). The results of assessing direct
effects of the mediation model showed significant positive associations between excessive
SNS use with money power-prestige ( b = 0.412, p < 0.001), money distrust ( b = 0.448,
p < 0.001) and money anxiety ( b = 0.414, p < 0.001) providing support for H2, H4 and H6,
respectively. Moreover, there were significant positive relationships between money power-
prestige ( b = 0.384, p < 0.001) and money anxiety ( b = 0.162, p < 0.001) with online
compulsive buying which supported H3 and H7, respectively. However, this study failed to
support H5 on the relationship between money distrust and online compulsive buying at 95
per cent confidence level ( b = 0.006, p = 0.833).
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A nonparametric distribution free bootstrapping approach was used to test the indirect
effects. The bootstrapping method estimates standard errors and confidence intervals of
indirect paths. The results showed support for H8 on the mediating role of money power-
prestige ( b = 0.189, p < 0.001) and money anxiety ( b = 0.080, p < 0.001) in the
relationship between excessive SNS usage and online compulsive buying. The model
explained 17.0, 20.1 and 17.2 per cent of the variance of the money power/prestige, money
distrust and money anxiety, respectively. Also, 35.9 per cent of the variance of online
compulsive buying was explained by the mediation model.
Table II and Figure 1 show the results of the structural model assessment.

5. Discussion
The findings of this study showed the nature of the relationships between excessive use of
SNSs, the three chosen dimensions of money attitude and online compulsive buying among
Malaysian youths. Interpretation of each subset of the findings and a discussion of their
implications are presented accordingly.
The results showed a positive association between excessive SNS usage and online
compulsive buying (H1). The findings provide evidence indicating that young Malaysian
adults who use SNSs more excessively show stronger urge to buy compulsively. These
excessive SNS users “buy not so much to obtain utility or service from a purchased
commodity as to achieve gratification through the buying process itself.” (O’Guinn and
Faber, 1989). The results lend support to previous studies that consistently showed that
excessive use of internet/SNSs and internet addiction are linked with compulsive buying
(Lee et al., 2016; Pahlevan Sharif and Khanekharab, 2017). This association can be due to
the “impulse-inducing” nature of SNSs, such as being constantly exposed to a barrage of
online advertisements, and also arising from the convenience of online shopping. Pahlevan
Sharif and Khanekharab (2017) stated that this positive relationship in young adults might be
due to the negative effects of excessive SNS usage on youth’s identity. Indeed, being
exposed to different types of identities provokes identity confusion in young adult SNS users
(Israelashvili et al., 2012). Then, to cope with their fragmented identities, young adults may
likely turn to material consumption and compulsive buying (Dittmar et al., 2007).

j YOUNG CONSUMERS j
 Table I Measurement model assessment
Maximum Average
Average shared shared
Factor Cronbach’s Composite variance square squared Maximal
Constructs/items loading alpha reliability extracted variance variance reliability

Online compulsive buying 0.918 0.915 0.501 0.278 0.176 0.970

1. When I have money, I cannot help but spend part or all
of it on online shopping 0.594***
2. I often buy something I see online without planning, just
because I have to have it 0.703***
3. Online shopping is a way of relaxing and forgetting my
problems 0.757***
4. I sometimes feel that something inside pushes me to go
online shopping 0.805***
5. There are times when I have a strong urge to buy online
(clothing, music, jewelry, etc.) 0.715***
6. At times, I have felt somewhat guilty after buying
something online because it seemed unreasonable 0.497***
7. There are some things I buy online that I do not show to
anybody because I fear people will think I foolishly wasted
my money 0.580***
8. I often have a real desire to go online shopping and buy
something 0.763***
9. As soon as I visit an online shopping website, I want to
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buy something 0.805***

10. I have often bought a product online that I did not need
even when I knew I had very little money left 0.743***
11. I like to spend money on online shopping 0.750***
Excessive SNS usage 0.858 0.856 0.430 0.196 0.164 0.975
1. I feel that my SNS use is out of control 0.718***
2. My SNS use has caused problems for me 0.717***
3. Others have objected to the amount of time I spend
using SNS 0.745***
4. I spent more time than I planned using SNS 0.684***
5. I have attempted to control or cut back on my SNS use 0.604***
6. I feel anxious when I am not able to access SNS 0.622***
7. I use SNS to escape from problems in my life or to relieve
myself of unpleasant feelings 0.587***
8. I attempt to conceal my SNS use from my family, friends,
or other people 0.538***
Power-prestige 0.932 0.929 0.592 0.278 0.157 0.952
1. I use money to influence other people to do things for me 0.667***
2. I must admit that I purchase things because I know they
will impress others 0.732***
3. In all honesty, I own nice things to impress others 0.773***
4. I behave as if money were the ultimate symbol of
success 0.788***
5. I must admit that I sometimes boast about how much
money I make 0.821***
6. People I know tell me that I place too much emphasis on
the amount of money a person has as a sign of his or her
success 0.840***
7. I seem to find that I show more respect to people with
more money than I have 0.775***
8. Although I should judge the success of people by their
deeds, I am more influenced by the amount of money they
have 0.779***
9. I often try to find out if other people make more money
than I do 0.737***
(continued)

j YOUNG CONSUMERS j
 Table I
Maximum Average
Average shared shared
Factor Cronbach’s Composite variance square squared Maximal
Constructs/items loading alpha reliability extracted variance variance reliability

Distrust 0.856 0.847 0.443 0.272 0.157 0.855

1. I argue or complain about the cost of things I buy 0.595***
2. It bothers me when I discover I could have got
something for less elsewhere 0.561***
3. After buying something, I wonder if I could have got the
same for less elsewhere 0.651***
4. I automatically say, ‘I can’t afford it’, whether I can or not 0.674***
5. When I buy something, I complain about the price I paid 0.773***
6. I hesitate to spend money, even on necessities 0.67***
7. When I make a major purchase, I have the suspicion that
I have been taken advantage of 0.714***
Anxiety 0.850 0.852 0.659 0.272 0.164 0.978
1. It’s hard for me to pass up a bargain Removed
2. I am bothered when I have to pass up a sale Removed
3. I spend money to make myself feel better Removed
4. I show signs of nervousness when I don’t have enough
money 0.809***
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5. I show worrisome behavior when it comes to money 0.884***

6. I worry that I will not be financially secure 0.735***
Note: ***p < 0.001

Table II Structural model assessment

Standardized 95% confidence level (lower
Paths path coefficients bound, upper bound)

Total effect
Excessive SNS usage ! Online compulsive buying 0.442*** (0.370, 0.505)
Direct Effects
Excessive SNS usage ! Power-prestige 0.412*** (0.342, 0.476)
Excessive SNS usage ! Distrust 0.448*** (0.371, 0.516)
Excessive SNS usage ! Anxiety 0.414*** (0.344, 0.484)
Power-prestige ! Online compulsive buying 0.384*** (0.317, 0.450)
Distrust ! Online compulsive buying 0.006**** (0.081, 0.098)
Anxiety ! Online compulsive buying 0.162*** (0.089, 0.242)
Excessive SNS usage ! Online compulsive buying 0.235** (0.147, 0.317)
Mediation effects
Excessive SNS usage ! Power-prestige ! Online compulsive buying 0.189*** (0.148, 0.245)
Excessive SNS usage ! Distrust ! Online compulsive buying 0.003**** (0.045, 0.053)
Excessive SNS usage ! Anxiety ! Online compulsive buying 0.080*** (0.045, 0.125)
Notes: **p < 0.01; ***p < 0.001; ****p  0.05

The results also provided support for the positive relationship between excessive SNS usage
and the three dimensions of money attitude, i.e. money power-prestige (H2), money distrust
(H4) and money anxiety (H6). To our knowledge, no previous study has examined the
relationship between SNS/internet use and the attitudes that people show toward money.
The results can be explained within the context of the “Eriksonian perspective” (Davis
and Weinstein, 2017) and using the social comparison theory as well as the empty-self
theory. Erikson (1968) highlighted the importance of the values and beliefs embedded

j YOUNG CONSUMERS j
 Figure 1 The results of testing the total effect and mediation effect models

Total Effect Model

R 2 = 0.195
***
0.442 Online
Excessive
compulsive
SNSs usage
buying

Mediation Effects Model

R 2 = 0.170
Money
power/prestige
R 2 = 0.201

Money distrust

R 2 = 0.172

Money anxiety

R 2 = 0.359

0.235** Online
Excessive
compulsive
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SNSs usage
buying

Note: Ns non-significant at 95% confidence level, ** p < 0.01,

*** p < 0.001, Two-tailed test

in daily social context in the formation of youth’ identity and subsequently their attitudes
and behaviors (Davis, 2013; Davis and Weinstein, 2017; Pahlevan Sharif and
Khanekharab, 2017). Moreover, empty-self theory suggests that in the contemporary
consumer society, an individual strives to express his/her identity through consumption.
In these modern societies, young adults exhibit a pronounced tendency to consume
products and services to fill up their “empty-selves” (Cushman, 1990; Pahlevan Sharif
and Khanekharab, 2017). Thus, young adults who excessively spend time on SNS are
constantly exposed to the “ideal” picture of their followers that may want to impress
others and look as attractive as possible (Zywica and Danowski, 2008). The youth
adults who are going through a key stage of identity formation may strive to project a
successful, powerful and prestigious identity like their popular peers and/or celebrity
role models. Thus, they may show a higher tendency for using material goods and
money to impress and influence others (Kamal et al., 2013; Pahlevan Sharif and
Khanekharab, 2017). Furthermore, young adults’ comparison with the edited “best”
picture of their followers may have a negative impact on their perception about their
financial security. They may feel that they do not have enough money and subsequently
show signs of nervousness and anxiety. The positive relationship between excessive
SNS usage and money distrust is also aligned with the assumption of this study. Those
who use the internet and SNSs more frequently have a higher internet self-efficacy and
would have access to more sources for price comparisons. Thus, they may check more
online sources for prices and become more price sensitive (distrust).
In addition, the positive relationships between money power-prestige (H3) and money
anxiety (H7) with online compulsive buying were confirmed by our results. In other words,
as money power-prestige and money anxiety increase, online compulsive buying behavior
is expected to increase as well. The results provided further evidence for the findings of

j YOUNG CONSUMERS j
 Roberts and Jones (2001), Norum (2008) and Palan et al. (2011) that indicated “attitudes
toward money are an important catalyst behind the spread of the consumer culture”.
Research has shown that compulsive buyers reported a higher need to spend money in a
way to express power and prestige (Roberts and Jones, 2001). Also, in a study by Phau
and Woo (2008), compulsive buyers reported a higher level of anxiety as compared to non-
compulsive buyers. They stated that anxiety provokes autonomic responses and pushes
the individual to take action to reduce tension that would lead to conspicuous consumption
and compulsive buying.
However, this study failed to find any empirical support for the hypothesis on the association
between money distrust and online compulsive buying (H5). Although some studies
showed a negative relationship (Roberts and Jones, 2001), similar to our study, Phau and
Woo (2008) could not find a significant relationship between money distrust and compulsive
buying in young Australians. They stated that the non-significant results might be due to the
profile of the sampled respondents. Young adults see a long future ahead and do not
perceive the burden of financial obligations. Moreover, as all samples of this study were
active SNS users and active online shoppers, bargaining and checking prices from different
online sources became part of their purchase process and contributed to the non-
significant results. Indeed, the mean latent variable score of money distrust appeared to be
the lowest among the three dimensions of money attitude.
This study also confirmed the mediation role of money power-prestige and money anxiety
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(H8) in the relationship between excessive SNS use and online compulsive buying. The
findings imply that young adults’ exposure to the “best” picture of other people’s life that
may strive for more popularity would impact their money attitude (i.e. money power-prestige
and money anxiety) which would lead to online compulsive buying (Palan et al., 2011;
Roberts and Jones, 2001). In other words, in SNS environment that reflects today’s “culture
where spending is revered and saving eschewed [and] material possessions are seen as a
signal of one’s self-worth” (Roberts and Jones, 2001), young adults may attempt to signal
their social power through possessing and displaying material goods which would result in
excessive consumption (Rimple et al., 2015). Moreover, in the competition of displaying
“ideal” life and material possessions in SNS environment, young adults who excessively use
SNS would be engaged in frequent social comparison related to monetary and financial
situation. This tendency would lead to feelings of financial insecurity and anxiousness. Then,
to “quickly” relieve from the anxiety that they are experiencing, they may turn to online
compulsive buying (Phau and Woo, 2008).
Our findings entail several important implications for:
n the parents of Malaysian youths;
n institutions of higher learning; and
n the banks that provide services to these youths (e.g. those that issue the credit cards
that they use).
First, parents should encourage their children to adopt sound financial practices from a very
young age. This is inclusive of the habit of saving as well as proper budgeting. This would
increase the likelihood that their children would not engage in excessive compulsive buying
despite being exposed to SNSs and their adverse effects.
On the other hand, institutions of higher learning such as universities and colleges should
introduce financial education-related courses into their curricula to enhance students’
financial awareness, knowledge and sophistication. By providing adequate financial
training, youths’ seemingly natural predisposition toward displaying power/prestige and/or
acting on anxiety-induced urges may be lowered. Finally, banks that provide credit card
services to these youths should set lower credit limits as well as refrain from issuing multiple
credit cards with separate credit limits to prevent over-indebtedness among youths.

j YOUNG CONSUMERS j
 The mediation results have practical implications as well. The results showed that money
anxiety and power-prestige explain the effect of excessive SNSs use on online compulsive
buying. As SNSs use is an integral part of today’s professional and leisure culture (Kuss and
Griffiths, 2011), encouraging youths to use SNSs in a more moderate manner will likely
require sustained efforts over the long-term. Thus, in the meantime, to reduce youths’
compulsive buying behavior, priorities need to be set to begin developing programs and
interventions to increase youths’ awareness of negative consequences of using money as a
symbol of success and prestige to influence others, and also using money to cope with
anxiety. Also, this study provides support for interventions targeting the tendency to make
financial and monetary comparisons on SNSs and living up to the “materialistic ideals” posted
on SNSs. These interventions would weaken the effect of SNSs use on online compulsive
buying through reducing young adults’ money anxiety and money power-prestige.
This study is not without limitations. Data for this study were collected from four private
universities in Klang Valley area of Malaysia; thus, it was not representative of the young
adult populace and limits the generalizability of findings. Extended studies might be
required to target youths from both urban and rural areas in Malaysia and other contexts.
The use of self-report instruments to measure all constructs is another limitation of this
study. Also, cross-sectionality of the data limits the causal conclusions that can be drawn
from the results. A longitudinal approach or an experimental design may provide more
accurate explanations for the observed relationships and their underlying mechanism.
Moreover, future studies are suggested to investigate how much of the effect of internet use
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on buying behavior could be due to use of SNSs.

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Corresponding author
Saeed Pahlevan Sharif can be contacted at: samsharif6@gmail.com

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