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 CHAPTER 1

Women, Politics, and Democracy in Latin

America: An Introduction

Betilde Muñoz-Pogossian, Flavia Freidenberg,

Mariana Caminotti, and Tomáš Došek

In Latin America, increases in women’s political participation their access to

power have transformed national congresses, from their agendas to their orga-
nization (UNDP 2015; Htun and Piscopo 2014; Rodríguez Gustá 2011).
Over a relatively short period, a number of democratic transitions, constituent
assemblies, electoral and institutional reforms have provided opportunities for
the advancement of women’s political and social rights (ECLAC 2014).
In this period, nearly all Latin American countries introduced electoral gen-
der quotas or parity regulations in their electoral codes or constitutions (as
Bolivia and Mexico). Indeed, the region has comparatively the most experience
in the use of electoral gender quotas. Throughout the years, countries have
reformed their legislation in order to increase quotas’ effectiveness (Piscopo
2015) or moved to parity (Piscopo 2016; Llanos Cabanillas 2013). These insti-
tutional solutions strengthened the legal framework for the protection of wom-
en’s rights (Choque Aldana 2013), facilitating their political inclusion (Piscopo
2010; Caminotti 2016).

B. Muñoz-Pogossian (*)
Organization of American States, Washington, DC, USA
F. Freidenberg
Institute of Legal Research, National Autonomous University of Mexico, Mexico City,
Mexico.
M. Caminotti
School of Politics and Government, National University of San Martín, Buenos Aires,
Argentina
T. Došek
Institute of Political Science, Pontifical Catholic University of Chile, Santiago, Chile

© The Author(s) 2017 1

T. Došek et al. (eds.), Women, Politics, and Democracy in Latin America,
DOI 10.1057/978-1-349-95009-6_1
2 B. MUÑOZ-POGOSSIAN ET AL.

The average number of women in lower houses in the Americas increased

from 9 % to 27 % between 1990 and 2015 (IPU 2015a; ECLAC 2015b). In
2016, Bolivia ranked second in the international ranking of Women in National
Parliaments (Inter-Parliamentary Union), only coming behind Rwanda. In
Mexico, Ecuador and Nicaragua, over 40 % of national legislators were women.
In addition, there were significant organizational changes inside congresses,
where specialized gender units or committees were installed to support legisla-
tors in developing policies on women’s rights (see Rodriguez Gustá and Madera
in this volume). The Technical Unit for Gender Equality (UTIEG) of the
Legislative Assembly of Costa Rica and the Committee on Gender and Equality
of the Mexican Congress are good examples of this trend (UNDP 2015).
Apart from the rapid changes in the legislative sphere, striking transforma-
tions also occurred in the executive branch, with six female presidents elected
since 1990. In recent years, Michelle Bachelet’s victory in Chile (2006–2010,
reelected in 2013), and the mandates of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner in
Argentina (2007–2011 and 2011–2015), Laura Chinchilla in Costa Rica
(2010–2014), and Dilma Rousseff in Brazil (2011–2014, 2014–2016) initi-
ated a period marked by the significant presence of many women in power
(Kouba and Poskočilová 2014).1 Moreover, an important number of women
contested the presidency, many as serious competitors. These include Noemí
Sanín in Colombia on various occasions; Blanca Ovelar in Paraguay in 2008;
Josefina Vásquez Mota in Mexico in 2012; Evelyn Matthei in Chile in 2013;
Xiomara de Zelaya in Honduras in 2013, among others.

Breaking Ceilings: Challenges for Women’s Political

Empowerment
Behind these encouraging trends, the political empowerment of women in
Latin America still faces challenges. Electoral gender quotas have had different
effects on the descriptive representation of women in each country. Quotas’
effectiveness has depended on their specific design (Gatto in this volume;
Schwindt-Bayer 2009), the electoral system, the dynamics of party competi-
tion, and the actions of women’s movements that were able to demand the full
exercise of political rights. The regional average of women national legislators
is still far from parity, and there are countries with an extremely limited propor-
tion of women in congress (e.g. Brazil or Guatemala). Moreover, female legis-
lators are often prevented from occupying high-level positions within national
legislatures, such as the presidency of party caucuses and of prestigious com-
mittees (i.e. budgetary, defense, or foreign affairs) (see UNDP 2015; Heath
et al. 2005).
Overall, women still confront many obstacles in their path to political office
and the exercise of power (Bernal Olarte 2006; Valcárcel 2008; Hinojosa
2012).2 Cultural perceptions that underestimate women’s abilities to run
for political office –frequently shared by women themselves– impose barri-
ers that could discourage women from trying to develop a political career
 WOMEN, POLITICS, AND DEMOCRACY IN LATIN AMERICA: AN INTRODUCTION 3

(often called “concrete ceilings”, Cuadrado Guirado 2011; García Beaudoux

Forthcoming). Also, sexist practices and informal institutional rules tend to
create invisible “glass ceilings” that limit women’s access to leadership posi-
tions in parties and legislatures, despite high educational backgrounds and
experience (Borner et al. 2009). In addition, limited access to money and
to financial networks—or “cash ceilings” (Pomares 2014)—seriously hinder
women’s capacities to run electoral campaigns as well as their success as pro-
fessional politicians.
To promote a broad discussion on these challenging topics, the Ibero-
American Institute of the University of Salamanca (Spain), the Department
of Electoral Cooperation and Observation of the Organization of American
States (OAS), and the School of Government and Politics of the National
University of San Martín (Argentina) organized the International Forum
“Women, Politics, and Democracy: Breaking Glass Ceilings in Latin America”
in 2014 (Salamanca, March 23–28). Through conferences, roundtables, work-
shops, and a research symposium, the forum stimulated the debate around the
barriers that women still face for equal political representation, as well as the
best practices to overcome those obstacles.
This book is a result of that stimulating exchange of ideas and experiences,
and attempts to strengthen the dialogue between academic research and practi-
cal knowledge on the topic of women in politics. For this reason, the authors
are both academic scholars, activists, as well as experts working at international
agencies and national institutions, including electoral courts. Furthermore, the
scholars authoring the volume’s chapters come from Latin America, Europe
and the United States, offering a plurality of theoretical and methodological
approaches.

Institutions and Beyond: Book Structure and

Contributions
Much research has been done regarding women’s political representation
in Latin America, considering both their increasing descriptive representa-
tion (Langston and Aparicio 2014; Jones et al. 2012; Jones 2009; Schwindt-
Bayer 2009; Reynoso 2008; Bareiro et al. 2004; Htun and Jones 2002), as
well as their influence over gender policies (Piscopo 2014; Schwindt-Bayer
2014; Escobar-Lemmon et al. 2014; Barnes 2012; Archenti and Tula 2012;
Franceschet 2010; Zaremberg 2009; Borner et al. 2009; Franceschet and
Piscopo 2008). This volume seeks to contribute to these vibrant discussions by
expanding the scope beyond quotas and institutional variables to address other
factors influencing the election and the political advancement of women: atti-
tudes and perceptions, social media, and the role of national and international
actors and organizations.
The book is structured in four parts, each discussing the political represen-
tation of women from a different angle. The first part of this volume focuses
4 B. MUÑOZ-POGOSSIAN ET AL.

on women’s descriptive representation, analyzing quota’s institutional design

and implementation, and documenting innovative solutions to emerging con-
cerns (e.g. violence against women in politics). In turn, the second part address
the link between descriptive and substantive representation, moving beyond
debates over the “ideal threshold” (for instance, thirty versus forty percent
of women in congress) and providing new perspectives on women’s policy-
making. The last two parts of the volume explore women’s political participa-
tion beyond the electoral realm and shed new light on issues such as men’s
and women’s values and perceptions of political engagement, the use of social
media by female political leaders, and the role of national and international
actors working to improve the political opportunities for women.

Women’s Descriptive Representation: From Quotas to Parity

In the first part, three chapters evaluate institutional strategies for increas-
ing women’s representation in politics. In “Electoral Quotas and Beyond:
Strategies to Promote Women in Politics,” Mona Lena Krook highlights the
significant advances in women’s political representation worldwide but points
out that, while impressive, these developments are still far from reflecting equal
representation. Exploring possibilities for breaking the glass ceiling in politics,
Krook identifies a series of quota and non-quota’ strategies for promoting the
political advancement of women. Drawing on global experiences, the author
outlines complementary approaches to make politics a more attractive job for
women. In essence, Krook shows that electoral quotas alone cannot solve the
multidimensional obstacles than women face to be elected and to develop suc-
cessful political careers. On the contrary, quota policies need to be accompa-
nied by complementary measures in the areas of political financing, violence
against women in politics, and institutional support for women legislators.
Thus, by broadening the discussion over different measures that can support
women’s empowerment, Krook’s chapter provides guidance for political action
and opens new lines of scholarly research.
In the next chapter, Nélida Archenti and María Inés Tula address the “Critical
Challenges of Quotas and Parity in Latin America.” With a deep understanding
of Latin American politics and institutions, the authors identify what they call
the “broken promises” in the journey from quotas to parity (i.e., the adop-
tion of quotas without clear placement mandates; their limitations in achieving
women’s equal representation in legislatures; or the erroneous assumption that
women legislators would represent women’s interests). In turn, the authors
draw attention to the obstacles imposed by a patriarchal culture rooted in polit-
ical parties, contributing to the debate on how to work more effectively for the
political advancement of women after decades of affirmative action policies.
In “The Variation of Quota Designs and Their Origins in Latin America
(1991–2015),” Malu A.C. Gatto analyzes the adoption of gender quotas and
explores differences in their design. The author creates an Index of Gender
Quota Strength (IGQS) applied to 40 gender quota laws in Latin America
 WOMEN, POLITICS, AND DEMOCRACY IN LATIN AMERICA: AN INTRODUCTION 5

(1991–2015) and tests different hypotheses regarding the determinants of pol-

icy design. Among her findings, Gatto underscores the importance of women’s
presence and mobilization for achieving effective quotas, vis-à-vis other cul-
tural and institutional explanations (i.e., institutional diffusion or contagion).
In this sense, the chapter make two main contributions: first, it provides a sys-
tematic account on the complexities of gender quota designs in Latin America,
and second, it offers new methodological tools for comparative studies.

Women’s Substantive Representation and Policy-making

With the increasing numbers of female national legislators, a large body of
research has sought to account for the links between women’s presence in
congress and the promotion of women’s interests and rights (see Schwindt-
Bayer 2014 for a general discussion). Building on this vast literature, the sec-
ond part of the volume addresses women’s substantive representation and
policymaking, providing some fresh perspectives on the topic.
In “Challenging Gender Inequality within the State: Policy Agencies and
Quota Laws in Latin America,” Jennifer M. Piscopo and Gwynn Thomas
address the adoption of measures seeking to increase women’s political rep-
resentation in the region, with a particular focus on the iterative reform pro-
cesses that are crucial to the success of these initiatives. Using two emblematic
cases, the authors compare the implementation and success of the national
gender machinery in Chile (Servicio Nacional de la Mujer) to Argentina’s
pioneering gender quota law. According to their analysis, both institutional
mechanisms succeeded in representing women’s interests in certain policy
areas, such as violence against women. Yet, neither policy agencies nor gender
quotas can fully combat women’s marginalization within the apparatus of the
state as a whole. The chapter suggests that institutional layering, meaning
the evolution of new formal rules and informal practices, can either chal-
lenge or uphold elite men’s dominance over the policy agenda. Thus, Piscopo
and Thomas warn that institutional innovations to increase women’s role in
political life require ongoing reforms to bring about the deeper sociocultural
changes demanding by activists.
In the following chapter, named “Organizational Repertoires for Advancing
Women’s Rights: An Analysis of Structures, Groups and Policies in National
Legislatures in Latin America and the Caribbean,” Ana Laura Rodríguez Gustá
and Nancy Madera address two often overlooked issues: legislators’ collective
action and their networks to promote gender equality proposals, and a gender
agenda that is justified on the basis of a women’s human rights discourse. Using
data from 18 Latin American countries from 2007 to 2013, the authors exam-
ine the creation and expansion of a gendered political opportunity structure at
the national level, and the construction of advocacy networks of regional scope,
in order to influence the legislative agenda. From a sociological perspective, the
chapter illuminates the collective dimensions of women’s rights agendas, and
the links between domestic and international actors, within and outside the
6 B. MUÑOZ-POGOSSIAN ET AL.

legislature. Among other contributions, the chapter provides insight into how
this gendered political opportunity structure opens up possibilities for advo-
cacy of women activists, but also impose limitations to drive demands claimed
by feminist movements (e.g., in relation to sexual and reproductive rights).

Public Opinion, Social Media, and Gender

Chapters in the third section of this volume assess perceptions and atti-
tudes related to women’s political participation. In “Does Gender Make a
Difference? The Gender Gap in Latin American Politics,” Dinorah Azpuru
uses data from the AmericasBarometer administered by the Latin American
Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) to explore whether there is a gender gap
in terms of conventional and non-conventional political participation, civic
engagement, and attitudes towards democracy. Overall, the analysis shows
that there is no longer a gender gap in voting, and women in the region are
even more likely than men to be engaged in certain community activities.
However, Latin American women as a group are less likely to show interest in
politics, as well as to participate in political campaigns and parties’ meetings.
Undoubtedly, these findings raise important challenges for academic research
and practical strategies of the actors and organizations committed to the polit-
ical empowerment of women.
Next, in “Presidentas Twitteras: The Social Media Use of Cristina Fernández
de Kirchner and Dilma Rousseff,” Yanina Welp and Saskia Ruth provide a first
view on the new social media engagement of two female prominent leaders:
Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (former President of Argentina) and Dilma
Rousseff (former President of Brazil). On the one hand, the authors analyze
whether both leaders use Twitter in a traditional, one-directional way of com-
munication, or in an interactive way (that is, engaging in a “digital dialogue”
with their followers). On the other hand, the authors analyze the content of
both presidents’ tweets in two periods (during and beyond electoral cam-
paigning) to gauge the patterns of their tweeting behavior with respect to
the substantive policy content. Among other interesting findings, Welp and
Ruth find that both presidents downplay gender issues during the campaign
phase, but the content and the style of their discourse differ in the non-cam-
paign phase. Thus, the chapter sheds some light on the complex relationship
between female leadership and gender agenda in the digital era, and opens the
way to expand the studies on gendered political communication by means of
new social media tools.

Promoting Women’s Political Participation: The Role of Domestic

and International Institutions
The last part of this volume addresses the role of electoral justice and international
organizations in promoting women’s political representation, emphasizing
good practices. In “Electoral Justice Contributions to the Strengthening of
 WOMEN, POLITICS, AND DEMOCRACY IN LATIN AMERICA: AN INTRODUCTION 7

Women’s Political Rights: The Case of Mexico in Comparative Perspective,”

María del Carmen Alanís Figueroa highlights the role of the federal electoral
court in ensuring the proper application of gender quotas in the country.
In particular, the author argues that the capacity of electoral magistrates to
judge “with a gender perspective” is crucial to the effective implementation
of affirmative action measures. By documenting a series of resolutions by
the Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación (TEPJF, Electoral
Tribunal of the Federal Judicial Branch), Alanís Figueroa illustrates how
judging “with a gender perspective” has been applied in Mexico and how
this practice has helped to expand opportunities for women to gain political
spaces. The Court used human rights norms to strengthen the application of
the quota law, as well as assumed responsibility for permanently monitoring
and enforcing the political parties’ compliance.
In “Women in Elections: Identifying Obstacles and Strategies to Promote
Electoral Competitiveness,” Betilde Muñoz-Pogossian and Tyler Finn analyze
the effectiveness of institutional measures to increase women’s participation
based on primary data obtained through the application of a gender-­sensitive
electoral observation methodology developed by the Organization of American
States. This methodology, used since 2011 in electoral observation missions,
allows for the evaluation of men and women’s participation as voters, candi-
dates, members of electoral authorities, and within political parties. The chap-
ter uses data from election observations carried out in Ecuador, Guatemala,
Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, and the Dominican Republic between 2011–2013, to
explore the main obstacles to women’s participation in elections. The analysis
illustrates how the incorporation of a gender perspective in observation mis-
sions allows the OAS to bring to light concerns related to gender equity and
women’s political rights, and help place these issues on the political agenda
(Muñoz-­Pogossian 2012). Also, the chapter shows how the gender focus of
OAS missions can serve to highlight the underrepresentation of women in
public office through recommendations to strengthen female political partici-
pation. The impact of the methodology derives from the possibility that these
recommendations will serve as springboards for change in the countries of the
Americas (Muñoz-Pogossian 2013).
In “Women and Politics in Colombia: Reforms, Advocacy and Other
Actions led by International Development Agencies (2007–2014)”, José
Ricardo Puyana examines women’s political participation in Colombia, vis-á-
vis the evolution of affirmative action legislation and the electoral results of the
preceding ten years. Specifically, the author describes the role of the United
Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in promoting women’s political
empowerment. By assesing the strategies of advocacy, training, and organiza-
tion of women driven by UNDP in Colombia, the author documents some
lessons learned out of the agency`s contributions to national efforts that could
inspire international agencies’ cooperation in other contexts.
The analysis in this volume reveals that, in spite of the impressive advances
achieved, the equal representation of women in all aspects of public life
8 B. MUÑOZ-POGOSSIAN ET AL.

remains an unfulfilled objective in Latin America. What else can be done to

continue increasing the number of women in politics? What other comple-
mentary measures to electoral quotas are needed to achieve the equitable
representation of women and women’s issues? This volume identifies a series
of challenges related to gendered beliefs, informal rules, party elites’ behavior,
and political harassment, among other aspects that limit women’s representa-
tion and success. However, it also offers an account of the various efforts of
female political leaders, feminist and women’s movements, domestic actors
and international cooperation agencies that prioritized the political inclusion
of women to address the pending challenges. The concluding chapter also
identifies key issues that should be addressed by future research agenda.

Notes
1. Additionally, consider the cases Violeta Chamorro in Nicaragua (1990–
1997) and Mireya Moscoso in Panama (1999–2004).
2. Bernal Olarte (2006: 92) identifies three broad categories. First, “base-
line barriers” (obstáculos de partida) presuppose the absence of “skills,
knowledge, and access to opportunities for women to enter the political
game in equal conditions with men.” Second, “entry barriers” (obstáculos
de entrada) derive from the cultural stereotypes that assign men and
women certain roles that restrain them to the private sphere. Finally,
“retention barriers” (obstáculos de permanencia) are faced by women
once elected. According to recent empirical evidence (Cerva Cerna
2014; Verge and De la Fuente 2014), the holding of parties’ meetings at
locations and times inconvenient to women, or political harassment and
violence against women would qualify as the latter type of obstacles.
2. For exceptions, see Schwindt-Bayer (2009).

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