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Contents
Index 307
Contributors
For the sake of simplicity and clarity, the following conventions have been
employed throughout:
Born at the western edge of Europe, Robert Boyle (1627–91) was at the centre
of the scientific revolution. While most of us were first introduced to Boyle
as an historical figure in chemistry, he was first and foremost a philosopher
committed to experimentalism in natural philosophy. He was a forward thinker,
anticipating the direction of human philosophical and scientific endeavours.
He was thinking about issues that are currently hot topics in philosophy and
social policy, for example, the importance of science in benefitting humanity,
the need to make the recipes for medicines publicly available, the connections
between science and ethics, the tensions between science and religion, just to
name a few. Moreover, Boyle was providing important philosophical guidance
on each of these topics. He is not merely a relic of the past whose only claims
to fame are his ideal gas law and an improved vacuum pump; he is a leader
in experimental philosophy whose interests span nearly the whole range of
philosophical topics, including morality, philosophy of religion, natural kinds,
causation, epistemology and the philosophy of science.
Boyle was not only the most prolific English author in the scientific revolution
of the seventeenth century, he was arguably the most influential natural
philosopher of the period. His impact on chemistry and experimental science
is important and well documented, but other aspects of Boyle’s philosophical
thought are less widely known, and yet clearly influenced the natural philosophy,
natural theology and philosophy (broadly speaking) of the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries. To conclude, as many scholars do, that he was an important
influence in the formation of the experimentalist and empiricist traditions and
a vital source for understanding subsequent philosophical developments, would
be true, but it would also be selling him short.
2 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
Boyle may not be currently ranked among the early modern elites, but he
is not a minor character in the history of philosophy. His impact on modern
thought includes a defence of final causes in nature and a Design argument that
predates William Paley’s (1743–1805) watch argument. While Boyle’s distinctions
between the primary and secondary qualities of bodies influenced Locke – and
thus Berkeley’s famous attack – it should not be missed that Boyle’s discussion of
these qualities comes as a philosophical investigation into the corpuscular basis
for these distinctions. Indeed, Boyle frequently takes outstanding philosophical
problems from the Scholastic tradition, for example, material causes, formal
causes, efficient causes, the qualities of bodies, generation and corruption and so
on, and argues for a corpuscularian basis for them.
Unlike Locke, Boyle really does argue for the philosophical foundations of
the mechanical natural philosophy. Boyle’s works include reconciliations of
religion with science and showing that the study of nature was a religious duty.
He believed that the proper and systematic study of God’s creations helps to
develop the virtues of discipline, self-reflection, intellectual modesty and logical
thinking. He helped defend an account of corpuscles, elements, qualities and
the interactions between insensibly small bodies that helped ground modern
chemistry. While some of these topics were also discussed by Francis Bacon,
Galileo Galilei, Thomas Hobbes, Rene Descartes, John Locke, Gottfried Wilhelm
Leibniz, George Berkeley, David Hume and William Paley (just to name a few),
they were all central to Boyle’s philosophy.
We sometimes say in philosophy that there are hedgehogs and foxes: foxes
know many things and hedgehogs know one important thing. It is a common
mistake to think of Robert Boyle as a hedgehog; a one-dimensional philosopher
whose main interest was defending the mechanical natural philosophy. Boyle
was much more of a system builder than most people think. And although –
as MacIntosh reminds us – Boyle denied being a ‘system builder’, his natural
philosophy, epistemology, metaphysics, philosophical theology, ethical
philosophy and philanthropic endeavours are unified and systematic; they
connect with and support each other in obvious ways. Boyle is no Leibniz, but
he is arguably as systematic as Descartes or Malebranche. And while he is an
experimentalist, a methodological empiricist, and an influence on John Locke
and the empiricist tradition, like Descartes, Boyle is a substance dualist and
corpuscularian who accepts innate ideas (Works, 11: 300–1). In sum, Robert
Boyle is a complex, systematic, engaging and important philosopher who
deserves to be studied in his own right. He is just as important to seventeenth-
century philosophy as any of the other luminaries already in the canon.
Introduction 3
Thus, there are two main aims of this volume. First, to give students and
researchers of Boyle ready access to the wide array of philosophical topics that
Boyle addressed and thereby present a more complete and systematic picture of
both Robert Boyle and his philosophical contributions. Second, to present in
one place the best current research on the philosophy of Robert Boyle that takes
into account the last thirty years of scholarship and points us towards the next
thirty years.
These two aims also inform the choices of chapter topics. In Chapter 1,
Harriet Knight argues that Boyle was deeply influenced by the philosophical
agenda and content of Francis Bacon’s philosophy. She establishes Boyle’s self-
conscious adoption of Baconian strategies of data collection and management
and shows that literary technologies such as ‘the list’ were central to the model of
knowledge creation for both men. She concludes that Boyle was more influenced
by Bacon than by any other thinker, and his philosophical goals and literary
output cannot be understood without the context of this engagement.
In Chapter 2, Peter R. Anstey deploys his encyclopaedic knowledge
of both Boyle’s and Locke’s works to assess the influence of Boyle on his
younger laboratory assistant. Anstey argues that Boyle’s natural philosophical
methodology – the experimental philosophy – had a marked influence on
Locke. He goes on to discuss Locke’s deployment of and attitude towards Boyle’s
corpuscularian hypothesis and argues that Boyle was a major influence on
Locke’s involvement in and practice of chymical medicine.
Boyle’s corpuscularian philosophy is an essential component of any study
of his philosophy, however, his concern to discover the philosopher’s stone
and pursue alchemy are both mildly embarrassing and philosophically
significant, and so Chapters 3, 5 and 6 are crucial to understanding Boyle’s
philosophy of science. In particular, in Chapter 5 Laurence Carlin describes
how his interpretation of the Scholastic four causes within his corpuscular and
mechanical natural philosophy gives Boyle powerful polemical tools against
his critics and Scholastics, while also revealing his theological commitments.
Carlin examines Robert Boyle’s attempts to provide a mechanically respectable
account of Aristotle’s efficient and final causes that intersects with the theology,
natural philosophy and value theory of his time. As a result, Carlin argues that
Boyle is a systematic philosopher who left a profound imprint on early modern
philosophy. Along the way, Carlin points out that, although efficient causes were
unproblematic among mechanist philosophers of the seventeenth century who
sought to explain natural phenomena solely in terms of the ‘structural’ properties
of matter – size, shape, texture and motion – without appeal to substantial forms,
4 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
final causes were a different story. He goes on to show both what Boyle took final
causes to be, and how he argued for a mechanical world view that appeals to
both efficient and final causes.
The question of the relationships of bodies to their qualities is further
discussed by Laura S. Keating in Chapter 6. The distinction between the primary
and secondary qualities of bodies is one Boyle weighed in on in a big way. His
account of qualities was polemically important for his intellectual descendants,
but it also revealed what epistemic roles he thought argument and experiment
could play. Keating discusses Boyle’s account of the qualities of bodies. She
shows that Boyle develops a general mechanistic account to explain what he
and others assume to be part of the phenomena of nature – observable, causally
efficacious accidents – the so-called ‘qualities’ of bodies. She argues that qualities
emerge from the threefold basis of the affections of matter, of bodies and of the
corporeal universe. The emergence of the qualities also crucially depends upon
the existence of perceivers – and the facts about their sense organs – within that
threefold basis. She goes on to argue that Boyle’s use of the received conception
of bodies acting by means of accidents, even while reducing any observed action
to insensible mechanisms, helps resolve some key interpretive debates and to
understand why quality is no longer an explanatory concept.
The question of the relationships among the qualities of bodies, as discussed
by Keating, also raises questions concerning the dispositions and chemical
properties of matter. In Chapter 3, Antonio Clericuzio discusses Boyle’s
chemistry. He shows that Boyle shared the Hartlib Circle’s commitment to
both experimentalism and scientific utilitarianism. That is, Boyle stressed the
usefulness of chemistry to medicine and to natural philosophy and was active
in the preparation of new remedies. In this utilitarian strain, Boyle played a
central role in the Oxford scientific community by exploring respiration and
blood composition. Philosophically, Boyle rejected the Paracelsian theory
of the tria prima chemical principles by means of experiments, showing that
fire did not separate the ultimate constituents of bodies. He then discusses
Boyle’s contributions to the foundations of modern chemistry by hypothesizing
corpuscles of the second order, that is, clusters of particles, endowed with
chemical, not just mechanical properties.
These commitments in Boyle’s natural philosophy also raise epistemological
questions about the scope and domains of human knowledge, and on these
topics Boyle has something to say about religious, theoretical and scientific
knowledge. In Chapter 4, J. J. MacIntosh takes us into a discussion of Boyle’s
epistemology. While most readers will be familiar with MacIntosh’s article,
Introduction 5
Boyle’s Baconianism
Harriet Knight
Boyle has long been understood as Francis Bacon’s intellectual heir. The
early Royal Society deferred to Bacon as its inspiration and made Boyle its
contemporary hero with elaborate celebrations of him in print as a ‘Noble
Searcher after Nature’: he was presented as ‘the principal exemplar of the
Society’s experimental policy’ (Hunter 2015: 53). Boyle’s correspondent John
Beale suggested, as a Cambridge professor had said when reading Bacon’s
Advancement of Learning for the first time, ‘that he must burn his old bookes
& begin his newe ABC; So would Ld. Bacon now say, if he should arise to
see this progresse in a single Person’ (Hall and Hall 1965–86: 13: 386). This
extravagance is typical of Beale, but the sense of Boyle as Bacon’s inheritor was
general. The ‘congratulatory poem’ to Boyle included in the Latin edition of his
Forms and Qualities links the two: ‘heaven has blessed us with two of heaven’s
greatest gifts, on the one hand Bacon, who restored and repaired everything,
and on the other Boyle, whose name will forever be sacred’ (Works, 5: 489). In
1712, John Hughes, writing in The Spectator, characterized Boyle ‘designed by
Nature to succeed to the Labours and Enquiries’ of Bacon, and having ‘filled up
those Plans and Out-Lines of Science, which his Predecessor had sketched out’
(5 December 1712: 554). Peter Shaw’s eighteenth-century systematized editions
of Bacon and Boyle imply that these were the two crucial natural philosophers
of their generations.
Linking Bacon and Boyle has not always been seen as complimentary,
however. Graham Rees documents the changes in Bacon’s intellectual reputation,
and in particular the ‘astonishing’ and undeserved twentieth-century discredit
which left his reputation ‘reduced to rags’, with the adjective ‘Baconian’ used
by Kuhn, Popper and others to condemn much seventeenth-century work as
‘pre-paradigmatic, fact collecting, and natural-historical’ (Rees and Wakely
10 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
2004: xxxvi, xxxii). For Popper, Bacon creates a ‘myth of a scientific method
that starts from observation and experiment and then proceeds to theories’
and rejects hypothesis, and in this context some mid-twentieth-century Boyle
scholars attempted to separate Boyle from Bacon, in order to preserve him from
charges of naïve empiricism (Popper 1959: 279). Richard S. Westfall argues that
Boyle exceeded Bacon’s empirical ‘disorganized collection of heterogeneous
observations’, defying the ‘Baconian’ contention that ‘scientific truth would
emerge almost automatically from the full collection of facts’ requiring only ‘a
natural history, which anyone would be able to collect’, and relying instead on
hypothesis. ‘Boyle set reason above sense’ (1956: 70, 67). Here Boyle’s intellectual
value is proved by his supposed rejection of Baconianism, understood as
narrowly empirical.
Bacon’s rehabilitation involved showing the complexity of his attitude to
experiment and distinguishing strands of Baconianism. Hugh Trevor-Roper
codified a distinction between ‘vulgar’, and ‘pure’ Baconianism: the former,
associated with Hartlib, Dury and Comenius, is characterized as ‘fragmented’
and ‘uncontrolled’. By contrast, members of the Royal Society, ‘Wilkins and
Petty, Boyle and Wren’, transform this ‘vulgar Baconianism’, ‘elevat[e it] again
into the pure Baconianism of Bacon’ (1967: 258, 289). Similarly, and explicitly
revising Popper, Mary Horton (1973) and Peter Urbach (1982) both document
Bacon’s emphasis on the factual but present this as only the preliminary phase of
his work. Dorothea Krook had made a similar argument in the 1950s, suggesting
that Bacon himself transcended, rather than exemplifying the expansive,
disorderly empirical approach. For her, the early Royal Society had tended to
reduce Bacon’s philosophy to a ‘bare empiricism that minimizes almost out of
existence its rationalist aspect’; in which the ‘discovery of ‘axioms’ … seems
to matter much less than the accumulation of facts’. Krook praises Boyle as an
‘honourable exception’ to this and as a true Baconian, because he advocates
applying reason to data (1955: 267). More recently, Lorraine Daston and
Katherine Park have sought to distance Bacon from mainstream Royal Society
Baconianism, claiming that in his natural history information was ‘immediately
put to work in the investigation of causes’ through tabulation and classification,
whereas in the Royal Society, matters of fact ‘were as often as not left to float free
both of a motivating causal inquiry or a unifying causal explanation’ (1998: 231).
The unstable definition of Baconianism has led to some scholars deeming Boyle
too rational and others too empirical to be true to Bacon’s work, with strong value
judgements implied in making or denying the connection (Sargent 1986: 473,
469). In recent Boyle scholarship, therefore, there has been an attempt to return
Boyle’s Baconianism 11
to the works to fully document the links themselves: taking on the topic in 2008
Anstey and Hunter explained the occasion of their essay, ‘No one since Peter
Shaw’s treatment of the subject in 1733 … has mapped the precise contours of
Boyle’s Baconianism’ (2008: 86).
One of the obstacles to mapping these contours lies in the breadth of interests,
methods and attitudes characterized as ‘Baconian’. Rees emphasizes the range of
positions held by ‘Bacon’s supporters’ in the seventeenth century:
For Boyle, the crucial threads are the experimental natural historical approach,
the pursuit of a model of planned, cooperative research and the application of
technological solutions to practical problems. On the significance of the first,
Anstey has called the philosophy of experiment ‘developed in England by Francis
Bacon and … further elaborat[ed] at the hands of Robert Boyle and Robert
Hooke’ ‘the most elaborate, nuanced and influential account of experiment in
the period’ (2014: 104). The third, the beneficent application of technology, is
discussed in depth in Michael Hunter’s essay in this collection, as is the question
of Boyle’s use of the romance form in imitation of New Atlantis, and these
will therefore not be considered in detail here, although the former is clearly
a crucial strand of Boyle’s Baconian inheritance. This chapter will document
Bacon’s significance for Boyle and consider the impact on Boyle’s reputation of
their connection, as well as showing how his manuscripts and printed books
offer material evidence of his Baconian impulses.
It is firstly helpful to consider the duration and depth of Bacon’s influence upon
Boyle. Discussing Boyle’s early intellectual development, Hunter has shown
that Boyle was engaged with ethical and religious issues before he underwent
12 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
reader to Bacon: ‘or, in the phrase of our Verulam speaking of heat, in ordine ad
Universum’ (Works, 7: 364). Similarly, he twice quotes the aphorism that little
philosophy leads to atheism but a ‘full draught’ of it returns the reader to God
(Works, 3: 271; 13: 157). Elsewhere, the references are more deeply engaged: for
example he cites specific Baconian experiments, variously qualifying, or
reauthorizing, or adding to these. In Certain Physiological Essays, he specifically
presents his work as a test of Bacon’s ‘unlikely truth’ that spirit of wine will float
on oil of almonds. He first found the opposite result in various witnessed trials,
but his ‘tenderness of the reputation’ of Bacon led to experiments with higher
grade of purity and a successful replication of Bacon’s result (Works, 2: 78).
Much later in his career, in Salt Water Sweeten’d (1683), he records that Bacon
had ‘Learnedly’ claimed that there were no health problems associated with
desalinated water, but that Boyle’s tests recorded here were necessary because
of the scepticism of ‘invidious persons, who are no well-wishers to Ingeneous
Designs’ (Works, 9: 430). Elsewhere he contradicts, rather than reconfirming: in
Certain Physiological Essays he records an experiment with egg, referencing
Novum Organum, but contesting Bacon’s analysis and suggesting a new cause,
‘I shall willingly confess he has assign’d the cause ingeniously, but must doubt
whether he have done it truly’ (Works, 2: 170).
Most significant are Boyle’s engagements with Baconian methodology. In
both Reason and Religion (1675) and Things above Reason (1681), he summarizes
Bacon’s idea of ‘Idols’ at considerable length (around one thousand words in
the former) (Works, 8: 256–7; 9: 382). He also applies Baconian terminology: in
his Defence against Linus he uses ‘Experimentum Crucis’ to refer to Bacon’s
concept of the ‘crucial instance’, and refers it to him ‘(to speak with our
Illustrious Verulam)’ (Works, 3: 50). Similarly, in Usefulness he uses and glosses
‘Lucriferousness’: those who ‘impartially consider the Luciferousness (if I may
speak in my Lord of St Albans Stile)’ will realize that valuable remedies have been
dismissed too easily, while in the post script to Blood he refers to the need for an
appendix of ‘designed Experiments’ which have not been tried but should be ‘(to
which ’tis probable our excellent Verulam would have given the title of Historia
Designata)’ (Works, 3: 229; 10: 96). In the second tome of Usefulness, Boyle goes
further, questioning rather than simply repeating a Baconian distinction,
For though that famous Distinction, introduc’d by the Lord Verulam, whereby
Experiments are sorted into Luciferous and Fructiferous, may be (if rightly
understood) of commendable Use; yet it would much mislead those that should
so understand it, as if Fructiferous Experiments did so meerly advantage our
interests, as not to promote our Knowledg; or the Experiments called Luciferous,
14 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
Boyle not only wished to apply Baconian categories but to be seen to do so.
This detailed discussion specifically dates from the 1660s and is absent from
the first tome of Usefulness which, printed in 1663, mainly comprises materials
collected in the 1650s. Within the passage above, the explicit reference to ‘the
Lord Verulam’ has been added to the amanuensis’ draft in Boyle’s own hand,
and the discussion of the relationship of luciferous and fructiferous is a later
addition still, since it postdates the manuscript version. Boyle’s deepening,
explicit engagement with Bacon’s ideas on utility thus dates from the period of
his closest links with the Royal Society (Works, 6: liv–lv).
The men of experiment are like the ant; they only collect and use: the reasoners
resemble spiders, who make cobwebs out of their own substance. But the bee
takes a middle course; it gathers its material from the flowers of the garden
and of the field, but transforms and digests it by a power of its own. (1857–74,
4: 92–3)
Both Bacon and Boyle characterize the collection of data as natural history,
but their goal as natural philosophy. Data collection is necessary but not
sufficient. In this, Boyle exemplifies what Shapiro has called ‘the most commonly
practised form of natural philosophy in England during the Restoration era and
beyond’: studies based on ‘matters of fact and hypotheses of varying degrees of
probability and believability’ (2000: 160). The methodology for moving between
the separate epistemological categories of history and philosophy is not always
entirely clear, however, it is evident in Bacon and Boyle that the process will
involve the literal shaping or arrangement of data. This has been hinted at by
previous scholars: for example, moderating Steven Shapin and Simon Schaffer’s
account of the centrality of facts for Boyle, Michael Hunter insists that ‘such facts
were valuable only insofar as they were given interpretative shape’ (2000: 9).
Similarly, Peter Anstey claims that Boyle ‘plied and sifted’ his heterogeneous
material to provide support for the corpuscular hypothesis (2000: 5). In
both Bacon and Boyle, philosophically orientated histories are regarded as a
specialized subset of natural history more generally, and are differentiated on
the basis of orderliness. If it is to have philosophical potential, natural history
must be methodized at the point of collection (arrangements imposed at this
stage are left relatively flexible, however, to avoid the prejudicial premature
systematization). Methodized collection will not result directly in philosophical
knowledge but can provide the basis for it, which random collection cannot.
The natural history Bacon proposes as the basis of his natural philosophy
cannot be the ‘simple enumeration’ of data, which he condemns as ‘childish’.
Such ‘Narrative’ natural history is pursued simply for ‘pleasure’ or ‘profit’, but
‘Inductive’ natural history forms ‘the primary matter of philosophy’, it is its
‘nursing mother’. All previous natural history is dismissed as ‘quite unfit’ as a
‘Foundation of Philosophy’ (1857–74, 4: 97, 298–9). Traditional models are too
limited in their content (instances are not ‘sufficient either in number, or in
kind, or in certainty’) and, crucially, unsatisfactorily arranged: ‘natural and
experimental history is so various and diffuse, that it confounds and distracts the
understanding, unless it be ranged and presented to view in a suitable order’; it
is an ‘army of particulars’ ‘so scattered and dispersed as to distract and confound
the understanding’ and needing to be ‘drawn up and marshalled’ for the mind
to ‘work upon’ (1857–74, 4: 94, 127, 96). Natural history as the basis of Baconian
induction must then be both copious and methodized. Paolo Rossi emphasizes
Bacon’s appreciation of the need to arrange experiential data in order to deploy
it to belie the Popperian view of Bacon as a model empiricist: ‘the digestion of
Boyle’s Baconianism 19
Bacon realised that he could not follow his method strictly while at the same
time actually beginning the project of which he spoke. Without examples of
the kind of enterprise he had in mind, he felt he could not convince others to
contribute to his task. Yet his method was too large for any one person or any
one generation to carry out alone. While in principle, the method could be self-
warranting and automatic, in practice, it had to be begun on imperfect terms
since ‘in the present condition of things and men’s minds’ his great instauration
‘cannot easily be conceived or imagined’. (2005: 177)
transform his failure to discover a new scientific logic to rival Aristotle’s Organon
… into a primary strategy for advancing knowledge. Unable to discover a logic to
demonstrate certain knowledge, Bacon deployed probabilistic tools drawn from
history, law and politics to manage knowledge as it continued in a doubtful state.
Rather than papering over the imperfections in his work, Bacon advertised his
failures. Such advertisements served as spurs for others to collaborate upon the
topics Bacon had designated. Through this ingenious technique, Bacon made
failure the key to his future success. (2015: 127–8)
The list is a crucial tool of Baconian science, which Boyle adopts.2 In the work
of both, different types of list are used for a range of functions of different
levels of sophistication. One type of list acknowledges the unwieldy scale of the
empirical project to collect knowledge and allows science to be collaborative by
directing the labours of collaborators. Wish lists of desiderata (topics flagged as
worthy of research by others) were conceptualized by Bacon: printed in order
to stimulate others to investigate them, these headings, once filled, would form
‘The New World of the Sciences’. Similarly, Bacon’s Parasceve divides up natural
history into areas of required study to ensure that it will be wide-ranging and
match ‘the measure of the universe’ (1857–74, 4: 255). Natural history may
proceed through the collaborative efforts of the relatively unskilled, but their
compilation of natural history must be guided. Parasceve offers a suitable
framework in Bacon’s explanation of his divisions and in the provision of a
‘Catalogue of Particular Histories by Titles’, which lists 130 topics to be covered.
Bacon also promises questions and instructions on each of these to be provided
at a later date (ibid., 263). Within the headings, entries can be recorded without
regard for order; like materials collected ‘for ship-building or the like’ they need
not be arranged ‘elegantly’ as long as they are ‘sound and good, and … take
up as little room as possible in the warehouse’ (ibid., 254–5). However, data
must not be gathered at random but according to a plan designed to ensure
copiousness and orderliness and expressed in the form of titles and questions
for study. Keller notes the mismatch between the postulated, ‘magisterial
conceptual work’ and the humility of the achieved ‘Catalogue of Particular
Histories’ (2012: 727). The project was never achieved (nor achievable) yet
participation in and imitation of it, by Boyle and others, form a crucial strand
of seventeenth-century Baconianism.
Boyle’s ‘Desiderata for Science’ (also discussed by Michael Hunter), together
with the ‘Optatives’ published in the second tome of his Usefulness of Natural
Philosophy (1671), show Boyle following Bacon in publicizing idealized lists to
inspire and direct the research of others (2015: 26–31). Hunter has collected
Boyle’s various ‘Heads’ and ‘Inquiries’ in an edition, and the centrality of this
mode to his work is clearly evident when they are seen together (2005). Within
the early Royal Society, Boyle both originates and is subject to more and less
focused lists. His ‘General Heads for a Natural History of a Country’, printed in
the Philosophical Transactions, are directed towards ‘the Composing of a good
Natural History, to superstruct, in time, a Solid and Useful Philosophy upon’.
Boyle’s Baconianism 21
In them, ‘Inquirers’ are ‘furnisht with pertinent Heads’ to direct them (Works,
5: 508). In the explanation for these, Boyle addresses the idea that collecting is an
endless, low status and academically directionless activity. Defending his work
against this notion, Boyle protests that his general heads, together with further
promised ‘Particular and Subordinate ones’ will facilitate a project ‘highly
conducive to the improvement of True Philosophy’ (ibid., 511). While collecting
particulars may be in itself a low status, menial task it is directed beyond this, to
a far more ambitious intellectual goal.
Lists (with the explicitly unfinished published works characteristic of
Bacon and Boyle) are also crucial to another central Baconian goal: the
institutionalization of science. Both facilitate collaboration, allowing others
to be recruited to establish empirical data sets. This is necessary given the
scale of the project: Rose-Mary Sargent observes that Bacon’s emphasis
on collaboration increases in the 1620s in parallel with his insistence upon
natural history (Peltonen 1996: 146–71). In Bacon’s idealized research
institution, ‘Salomon’s House’, the least important and most numerous fellows
gather information which is then compiled and tabulated, allowing not only
practical benefits to be derived and further experiments proposed but finally,
and most importantly, axioms and aphorisms derived. In Boyle’s works, the
Baconian tropes of asking for collaborators, and insistence that his work has
future potential are frequent: having explained that his concern has been with
the content rather than the form of his Final Causes (1688), he suggests that
this can be remedied, ‘if the Materials be Good and Solid, they will easily …
find an Architect, that will Dispose them in a more Artful Way, than I was
either at Leisure or Sollicitous to do’ (Works, 11: 83). In Colours, Boyle predicts
that those readers who ‘are any thing Curious will scarce be able to see’ the
reported experiments ‘without finding themselves excited, to make Reflexions
upon Them’. His publication aims to lay ‘a Foundation whereon either others or
my self may in time superstruct a substantial Theory of Colours’ (Works, 4: 6).
The publisher’s advertisement to Boyle’s Cosmical Qualities (1670) presents
Boyle as hoping that his ‘Experiments and Hints’ will ‘prove serviceable to
Philosophy, by setting divers inquisitive heads on Work, exciting the Curiosity
of some, And exercising the Industry of others’ (Works, 6: 261). Similarly,
Boyle’s ‘Preamble’ to the second part of Usefulness (1671) claims that he aims
to ‘procure [… for the Royal Society] some number of Assistants in a worke,
whose Vastenesse and Difficulty will need very many’ (Works, 6: 394). Like
Bacon, Boyle hopes that his evidently unfinished natural histories will inspire
contributions.
22 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
The following section will describe how Boyle’s archive reveals his
Baconianism. Underlying this analysis is Michael Hunter’s assertion that
the overall arrangement of collections is intellectually significant. Early-
modern scientific archives are ‘integral to the process of intellectual
change: significance accrues to their individual components, their overall
content, and the way in which the parts are organised to make up the whole’
(1998: 3, 1). Here I will draw out Hunter’s reference to ‘certain clues’ which
suggest that the ‘chaos’ which subsequent commentators have seen in Boyle’s
papers ‘may have been more apparent than real, and that in fact the archive
had an ordering which bore a significant relationship to Boyle’s intellectual
aims and methods’ (1998: 123).
Hunter and Davis have shown that in the early to mid-1650s, Boyle’s
compositions ‘normally took the form of lengthy, continuously paginated
treatises’. However, having been reduced to editing these with scissors, Boyle
began to compose on individual sheets of folded paper, which could be kept
as paired leaves, or quired into slender booklets, or divided and stored singly,
maximizing the ease with which additions and alterations could be made
(1996: 214–6). Elsewhere, Hunter records the problems with Boyle’s papers,
‘as his life went on Boyle was increasingly left with a residue of incomplete
fragments’, and identifies in Boyle’s various and abortive schemes to classify his
papers an ‘unrealised ambition’ to order a section of the archive that ‘remained
less useful than it might have done due to its large scale and heterogeneous
content’. ‘Clearly, there was a failure of document management here’ (1998: 131,
135). This flexible method is accompanied by apologetic comments about lost
material, and in the 1680s the existence of a series of notebooks suggests a
partial shift back to a more structured mode of manuscript management, but the
change can be seen as a bureaucratic technology to promote and enact Baconian
methods. The disorder of Boyle’s archive caused problems, both for himself and
his successors, but is understandable in terms of the Baconian natural historical
criteria. ‘Large scale and heterogeneous content’ are prerequisites for an archive
compiled in the hope of producing a natural history voluminous enough to allow
inductive conclusions to be drawn. There are senses in which the papers are
simply, as Rose-Mary Sargent puts it, a ‘jumble … in part caused by his own lack
of organization’ (1995: 139), and the complexity of the compositional process
they reveal is, as Hunter claims, too ‘haphazard’ to justify Shapin and Schaffer’s
account of a sustained ‘literary technology’ operating in his works (2000: 9).
Boyle’s Baconianism 23
However, I suggest that the Boyle Papers reveal extensive evidence of Boyle
using ‘bureaucratic methods’ rooted in Bacon to manage data collected from
diverse sources, written out by various scribes and over long time periods. They
illustrate his attempt to take his data from part three of the Great Instauration,
the natural historical collection, towards part six, philosophical history.
Boyle’s archive comprises over twenty thousand leaves in seventy volumes,
among them copious matters of fact recorded with a view to their redeployment
in natural philosophical works, as recommended by Bacon. Lists and heads
are used to add value to this collected factual material. Boyle’s workdiaries, a
series of collections of data dating from throughout Boyle’s life identified as a
group, christened, and presented in an online edition by Michael Hunter and
Charles Littleton hosted by the Centre for Editing Lives and Letters at UCL,
contain various lists and indexing schemes, which represent attempts to provide
frameworks for the orderly distribution of collected data. These are analogous
to Bacon’s proposal to use heads to classify and add value to data, as well as to
collect it.
In some cases (e.g. Workdiary 12) entries are numbered at the time of
composition in an explicit reference to the Baconian practice of collecting data in
‘centuries’, or sets of a hundred entries, while in some later examples numbering
(or lettering) has occurred after the initial compilation of the entries. Workdiary
21, consisting largely of travel reports, reveals Boyle using the list of ‘Heads
for the Natural History of a Country’ which he had printed in Philosophical
Transactions, retrospectively to impose order upon collected observations
(Works, 5: 508–9). From entry 515 to the end of the collection, most entries are
annotated with a number between 1 and 11, or 18 (sometimes an individual
entry is referred to more than one of these). Both the types and the order of
information established by these references tally with the recommendations of
Boyle’s (unnumbered) ‘Heads for a Natural History of a Country’. For example,
Boyle’s article recommends recording information on ‘Supraterraneous’ features
first: the annotation ‘1’ is duly applied to entries on observations of the stars and
on compass readings. Similarly, entries marked ‘2’ correspond to the subheadings
under ‘Air’, ‘3’ to those under ‘Water’ and ‘4’ to ‘Earth’. The information consists
largely of travel reports, making the use of the ‘Natural History of a Country’
heads particularly appropriate, and the scheme shows Boyle using heads to
organize and structure data, with a philosophical ambition. Across the archive
there is extensive evidence of similar types of scheme in use, and while many of
these were evidently applied inconsistently, Boyle’s ambition to use heads in a
Baconian manner is clear.3
24 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
of such materials, and many of his most characteristic printed works can be
seen in the same context. Both Bacon and Boyle publish explicitly unfinished
histories to illustrate the principle of knowledge-creation rather than as claims
to have achieved perfect understanding. Boyle’s volumes of essays, the most
characteristic of his works in print, thus reveal his participation in this Baconian
natural historical project. Boyle’s earliest writing projects were not scientific in
content, rather he experimented with genres including pious reflections and
fictionalized speeches (Works, 1: xxii). However, as his interests shifted in 1649–
50 towards the study of nature, and from the 1660s to experiment, Boyle began
increasingly to publish ‘books of essays’, with these shorter pieces increasingly
prioritized to an extent that suggests that his piecemeal published forms were a
positive choice. In Hunter’s words, ‘it is certainly the implication of the division
of Boyle’s lists of writings of the mid 1660s into longer works and shorter tracts
that he had now come to appreciate the flexibility of shorter, more occasional
pieces of the kind which were to dominate his output over the next decade’
(Works, 1: xxxvii). Here I will show that these printed works, in both their value
and their limitations, reflect Baconian output and ideas.
Exemplified by ‘History of Winds’, and justified in his Great Instauration,
Bacon’s printed writings provide a precedent for the collection and subsequent
arrangement of data under heads and also justify its publication in this relatively
unsystematic state, a privilege taken up by Boyle in his collections of essays. Many
of Boyle’s experimental works present themselves as repositories for data whose
formal instabilities represent the philosophical immaturity of their content.
Along with the contemporary Philosophical Transactions, these books of essays
represent a solution to the anxiety on behalf of Boyle and his peers to find an
appropriate form for the publication of empirical data. Boyle’s ‘Proemial Essay’
provides an early statement of his concerns with the form in which experimental
natural historical discourse should be disseminated. The expectation of
systematic texts leads to work being ‘suppress’d’ by authors: ‘Custome’ forbids
publication of ‘Thoughts and Observations, unless they were numerous enough
to swell into a System’. ‘Books of Essays’, Boyle claims, are more suitable to his
discourse (Works, 2: 11, 13).
Bacon’s posthumously published Sylva Sylvarum (1627) provides a crucial
precedent of a text which justifies its imperfect form by presenting its content
as natural history with the potential to be methodized into natural philosophy.
It has been regarded (and disparaged) as exemplifying a strictly empirical
tradition: Hunter and Wood use it in this context when discussing the various
Baconian strands in the early Royal Society (1986: 66). Certainly, it is far
Boyle’s Baconianism 27
very delightful for their surprising prettiness, or very considerable for their
immediate use’. He reminds the reader, ‘our great Verulam did not speak so
inconsiderately, when he called Heat the Right hand of Nature, and Cold her
Left’ (Works, 4: 208). It is also Baconian in the sense that it has an institutional
origin: although the editors note that no specific minute relating to this request
is contained in the minutes of the Royal Society as published by Birch, Boyle
states that his particular inducement to publish was ‘The Command of the
Royal Society’ (Works, 4: 210) (for a discussion, see Hunter 2015: 66). His desire
to stimulate future work echoes in a general sense the aims of New Atlantis;
moreover, he specifically cites Bacon in defending his inclusion of experiments
which should be enacted, alongside accounts of experiments achieved. Referring
to Bacon’s Historia ventorum, he reminds his readers,
Nor is that great Ornament and Guide of Philosophical Historians of Nature, the
Lord Verulam himself, asham’d to substitute, on I know not how many occasions,
his Fiat Experimentum, that is a precept or a wish to have an Experiment made,
instead of an Account of the Experiment made already. (Works, 4: 213)
to set up rests by the way, and refresh ourselves with looking back, though
we have perhaps not much advanced. You will be pleased to excuse the little
cohaerance that I have used in these notes, and attribute it to the readiness
and affection I have to answer such inquiries as you put to me. (Oldenburg,
1665: vol. 6, no. 70: 2135)
30 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
Others will be able to add new observations to his titles and indeed new titles
to his list (Works, 4: 210). Favourably received both in England and abroad, the
volume epitomizes Boyle’s debt to Bacon.
The Origin of Forms and Qualities (1666) also illustrates Boyle’s Baconianism.
Here the crucial themes are the sketching out of a project whose scale is far
too grand for any individual to complete and the negotiation of the relationship
between fact and theory. The work begins with a familiar Baconian reference
to the dearth of materials currently available to construct a philosophical
project upon:
we evidently Want That, upon which a Theory, to be Solid and Usefull, must
be Built; I mean an Experimentall History of them. And this we so Want, that
except perhaps what Mathematicians have done concerning Sounds, and the
Observations (rather than Experiments) that our Illustrious Verulam hath (in
some few Pages) say’d of Heat, in his short Esssay, De Formâ Caldi; I know not
Any one Quality, of which any Author has yet Given us an any thing competent
History. (Works, 5: 299–300)
This justifies Boyle’s publication of relatively loose materials, and he also calls
for collaborators in the collection with an eventual aim to produce a theoretical
account. Boyle is ‘Beginning such a Collection of Materials towards the History of
those Qualities’ in order to ‘invite [others] to contribute also their Experiments,
Boyle’s Baconianism 31
Boyle carried out the research which he published in 1684 decades earlier;
moreover, he began work to improve the printed text within months of its
publication. Rather than being regarded by Boyle as his definitive statement on
the topic, his printed work on blood appears to have stimulated him to further
research. (2005: vii)
Materials survive from the 1660s and 1680s, presumably produced as part
of Boyle’s preparation for the printed edition, but most interestingly, copious
materials survive which post-date the printed work. In a preface designed for a
second edition Boyle contextualizes his revisions as a response to the reception
of the volume, and describes their dual nature: he has both ‘enlarge[d]the Sett of
titles’, and used these to categorize additional dispersed experimental accounts.
Boyle’s account is confirmed by documentary evidence: there are extant accounts
of experiments and observations made on blood, together with extracts copied
from printed books on the topic, supplementing those in the 1684 edition.
Boyle’s attempt to classify these according to his titles is evident in the marginal
endorsements which key these entries to particular heads. There is also evidence
of Boyle recopying experiments collected in miscellaneous Workdiaries into
sequences relating exclusively to blood. These passages survive alongside various
lists of heads, of which the earliest dates from the 1660s. Within the printed
edition (which includes thirty heads) Boyle had called for these to be extended,
and the manuscript versions run to three preliminary and forty-two other
titles, which represent responses to readers and the research of others, as well
32 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
as illustrating Boyle’s own evolving research agenda, and illustrating his sense
of his published natural histories as a starting point requiring both enlargement
and refinement.6
In a final example, John Locke’s preface to Boyle’s posthumously published
General History of the Air specifically uses Bacon to explain the research process
and form of the volume. Locke explains that the origin of the project lies in a
printed questionnaire circulated by Boyle to gather data on the subject. In the
‘first Draught’, Boyle
The reader is warned of the presence in the text of ‘Defects, some Dislocations
and other Faults … which the Author’s last Hand would have prevented’, overall,
however, its shortcomings are mitigated by its arrangement, which qualifies it
to assist in the natural philosophical project: it has been ‘ordered’ to create a
‘Foundation’ or ‘Draught’ in order that ‘every one may, if he please, add towards
the compleating of the building’. The work’s potential value is not presented as
inherent in the data, but in its arrangement: it provides a ‘more comprehensive’
framework in a ‘more natural Order’ into which ‘whatsoever any one hath
collected’ on the subject ‘will be easily reducible’. This assessment is reinforced
by the author’s preface: Boyle notes as a deficiency that he has been unable to
‘methodize’ his ‘incoherent Notes, and much less to weave them into continued
Discourses’. Publication is justified by shifting the emphasis from the data to the
frame, and from present to projected achievement: used as ‘a kind of Common
Places’, Boyle’s titles will provide others with ‘some Heads whereunto to refer
what shall occur to them’. It thus provides readers with a tool to methodize
their own incoherent notes. What would at first seem to be the real value of the
volume – its recorded observations – is deprecated: ‘under three or four Titles’
he has provided a ‘somewhat large and Methodical’ collection of particulars, as
‘Specimens’ of what is necessary in a natural history of air (Works, 12: 10). In
confirmation of this claim, as in Bacon’s History of Winds, many of the titles of
the volume contain no observations at all. Title 4 contains only an unglossed
extract from a Latin work, some include extracts from journals or letters, while
a few (titles 6, 11, 17, 19) are copious. There is no attempt in these fuller sections
to produce a single, coherent narrative.
Boyle’s Baconianism 33
Both the explanations and the form of this work posit an initial disorderly
collection, followed by the imposition of method. They emphasize the
continuing flexibility of the work in this phase: it belongs to the interim
category of philosophical history in which arrangement is required but must
also be evolving. Boyle and Locke’s correspondence about the preparation of his
notes on air for publication confirms that this is literally regarded as a process
of redistributing data using a scheme similar to those seen in the workdiaries.
Writing to Boyle in October 1691, Locke reveals that the process of preparing
the manuscript lies partially in checking the content, but crucially, the form of
the work must also be revised, with all available data reviewed (Locke has ‘read
them all over very carefully’), then marked (‘numbered … according to the titles
they belong to’) and literally distributed under titles (‘laid in that order’). As
natural historians recommend, Locke has allowed the observations themselves
to define the framework into which they are to be inserted: ‘I have a little altered
some of your titles, the better, as I think, to accommodate them to the papers
are to be ranged under them [sic]’. Locke has marked his revisions to the pre-
existing ‘printed’ system of titles on the ‘backside’ of the previous versions, so
that his ‘presumption’ will be transparent (Correspondence, 6: 338–9).7
Locke’s comments to Boyle demonstrate that his aims and rationale
in processing data by sorting it and publishing essays were not personal
eccentricities but part of a programme, recognizable to his contemporaries with
similar intellectual concerns and with explicitly Baconian origins. Looking at
the publishing practices of Boyle’s contemporaries reinforces this: Adrian Johns
points out that Boyle was working in an era of extreme bibliographical innovation,
in which ‘The experimental paper, the philosophical journal, the book review,
the editor, and the experimental author were all original creations’ (1998: 464).
In his analysis of the origins of the scientific periodical, David Kronick provides
an account which shows the link between the natural historical or experimental
content and piecemeal dissemination in terms strikingly reminiscent of Boyle’s
explanations for his volumes of essays:
The single observation or experiment has a unity in itself and the publications in
which it results are likely to be short. Thus, the increase in the use of experiment
led to the formula: one experiment or observation equals one communication,
essay or publication. The characteristic form of publication before the appearance
of the scientific periodical was the book, which is not efficient for presenting the
results of experiments or observations, because the author has to wait until he
has accumulated a sufficient number of them to justify the publication of a book.
(1976: 45)
34 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
Bacon’s experimental philosophy led him, and his followers, to develop new
literary technologies to both to realize the importance of and to disseminate
their findings.
Once again the achievement of true philosophy is deferred, but Shaw’s edition is
presented as further progress towards it.
Boyle’s Baconianism 35
7. Conclusion
reputation of both has fluctuated, and the form of their works (determined by
their methods) has been central to the value they have been accorded, Boyle’s
status as a Baconian is beyond doubt.
Notes
1 On the relation of the six sections to Bacon’s publications see Rees and Wakely
(2004: xx).
2 On listing in Bacon, Boyle and others, see Keller (2012).
3 For more detail see Knight (2003).
4 On the various surviving copies, see Works, 14: xl–xli. On their significance, see
Works, 1: xxxiv–xxxvii, and Sargent (1995: 140).
5 See also Knight and Hunter (2007).
6 For more details on Blood, see Hunter and Knight (2005). On Locke and Bacon, see
Anstey (2002).
7 On the details of the relationship between Workdiary 36 and the printed work, see
Works, 12: xi–xxiv.
Works cited
Manuscript sources
Royal Society: Boyle Papers 8, 22, 25.
Other references
Anstey, P. R. (2002), ‘Locke, Bacon and Natural History’, Early Science and Medicine,
7: 65–92.
Anstey, P. R., and M. Hunter (2008), ‘Robert Boyle’s “Designe about Natural History” ’,
Early Science and Medicine, 13: 83–126.
Bacon, F. (1627), Sylva Sylvarum: Or a Natural History, William Rawley (ed.),
London: by J. H. for William Lee.
Bacon, F. (1857–74), The Works of Francis Bacon, James Spedding, Robert Ellis and
Douglas Heath (eds), London: Longman.
Bacon, F. (2004), The Instauratio magna Part II: Novum organum and Associated Texts,
G. Rees and M. Wakely (eds), Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Boyle, R. (1999–2000), The Works of Robert Boyle, M. Hunter and E. B. Davis (eds),
14 vols, London: Pickering & Chatto.
Boyle’s Baconianism 37
Kronick, D. A. (1976), A History of Scientific & Technical Periodicals: The Origins and
Development of the Scientific and Technical Press 1665–1790, 2nd edn, Metuchen,
NJ: Scarecrow Press.
Krook, D. (1955), ‘Two Baconians: Robert Boyle and Joseph Glanvill’, Huntington
Library Quarterly, 18: 261–78.
Lynch, W. T. (2005), ‘A Society of Baconians?: The Collective Development of Bacon’s
Method in the Royal Society of London’, in J. R. Solomon and C. G. Martin (eds),
Francis Bacon and the Refiguring of Early Modern Thought, 173–202, Aldershot:
Ashgate.
Madan, F. (1929), ‘Oxford Oddments’, The Library, 4th Series, 9: 341–56.
Oldenburg, H., ed. (1665 on), Philosophical Transactions: Giving Some Accompt of the
Present Undertakings, Studies and Labours of the Ingenious in Many Considerable
Parts of the World, London: by T. N. for John Martyn at the Bell.
Oldenburg, H. (1965–86), The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, A. R. Hall and M. B.
Hall (eds), Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.
Peltonen, M., ed. (1996), The Cambridge Companion to Bacon, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Popper, K. (1959), The Logic of Scientific Discovery, London: Hutchinson.
Rees, G. (1981), ‘An Unpublished Manuscript by Francis Bacon: Sylva Sylvarum Drafts
and Other Working Notes’, Annals of Science, 38: 377–412.
Sargent, R.-M. (1986), ‘Robert Boyle’s Baconian Inheritance’, Studies in the History and
Philosophy of Science, 17: 469–86.
Sargent, R.-M. (1995), The Diffident Naturalist: Robert Boyle and the Philosophy of
Experiment, Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Shapin, S., and S. Schaffer (1985), Leviathan and the Air-Pump: Hobbes, Boyle, and the
Experimental Life, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Shapiro, B. (1983), Probability and Certainty in Seventeenth-Century England, Princeton,
NJ: Princeton University Press.
Shapiro, B. (2000), A Culture of Fact: England 1550–1720, Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University Press.
Sprat, T. (1667), The History of the Royal-Society of London for the Improving of Natural
Knowledge, London: by T. R. for John Martyn.
Trevor-Roper, H. (1967), Religion, the Reformation and Social Change, London:
Macmillan.
Urbach, P. (1982), ‘Francis Bacon as a Precursor to Popper’, British Journal for the
Philosophy of Science, 33: 113–32.
Westfall, R. S. (1956), ‘Unpublished Boyle Papers Relating to Scientific Method’, Annals
of Science, 12: 63–73.
Wood, P. B. (1980), ‘Methodology and Apologetics: Thomas Sprat’s History of the Royal
Society’, British Journal for the History of Science, 13: 1–26.
2
Robert Boyle had influence: influence on his peers, influence on his readers,
influence on the practice of natural philosophy, influence on the philosophical
nomenclature of his day and influence on the institutions with which he
interacted. The range and depth of this influence is a measure of his greatness.
Moreover, Boyle influenced others who would eventually become greater still
and whose legacy would eclipse his own. Among them is the philosopher John
Locke (1632–1704) who was five years Boyle’s junior. This chapter documents
the important ways in which Boyle’s life and thought impacted on Locke,
providing an assessment of the extent to which the Locke we know today was
shaped by Boyle.
The question as to the extent and nature of Boyle’s influence on Locke is a
matter of scholarly disagreement, and it is hoped that this chapter will go some
way to advancing our understanding of the issues. There are two matters at
stake, both of which pertain to natural philosophy. First, there is Locke’s attitude
to the principles of Boyle’s corpuscularian hypothesis. It is clear that Locke used
this hypothesis, but it is not clear that he accepted it and this gives rise to an
obvious dilemma. Second, there is the question as to whether at any point in his
intellectual development Locke accepted the existence of causal agents – over
and above God, angels and possibly souls – that act non-mechanically. It has
been argued that early on he did and that this set him in opposition to Boyle, but
that later he came around to Boyle’s ‘austere mechanism’.1
Lines of influence can be difficult to establish in the history of philosophy
and the history of science and medicine. The difficulty is compounded in
seventeenth-century England when the intellectual culture did not put a
premium on precision in identifying sources and naming polemical opponents.
Locke is a case in point. For example, Locke is famous for the ways in which he
40 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
1. Biographical intersections
Locke had met Boyle by 1658, for there are entries deriving from Boyle in Locke’s
earliest medical notebook that were almost certainly made in 1658, including
an observation on the medicinal value of drinking one’s own urine attributed to
‘M[r]B[oyle]’, which later appeared in Boyle’s Usefulness of Experimental Natural
Philosophy (LL 465).4 This is consistent with what we can glean from Boyle’s first
Boyle’s Influence on Locke 41
for example, they served on the committee for the ‘considering of and directing
experiments’ of the Royal Society after Locke became a Fellow in November 1668
(Birch 1756: 328). However, the manuscript evidence of their interactions in the
period from 1667 to 1675 is far thinner than that of their time in Oxford.
The second period of more intense involvement occurred between Locke’s
return from his travels in France in May 1679 and his exile to the Netherlands in
September 1683. Interestingly, Locke’s manuscript notes relating to Boyle from
this period have a less deferential, more familiar air. In 1681, Locke commented
on a draft of Boyle’s The Christian Virtuoso.6 Their mutual interactions also
concerned chymical medicine, natural philosophy and matters pertaining to
the New Testament. During this time Boyle pulled together his Memoirs for a
Natural History of Human Blood which, while dedicated to Locke, only appeared
after Locke had slipped across the Channel in the wake of the Rye House Plot.
The third period of close involvement between the two virtuosi occurred
between Locke’s return from the Continent in February 1689 and Boyle’s death
on 31 December 1691. Again, the manuscript record reveals their mutual interest
in chymical medicine. It was during this time that Boyle’s health began to fail
and that he sought Locke’s assistance in the preparation of A General History of
the Air for the press.
Of course, one should not assume that during his absences from England,
Locke was disengaged with Boyle. He corresponded with him, he acted as
an intermediary for him and he reviewed the Latin edition of Boyle’s Specific
Medicines (1686) in the Bibliothèque universelle while in the Netherlands in
1686. Likewise, in the two years after Boyle’s death, Locke was busy dealing with
Boyle’s chymical papers, in accordance with Boyle’s will, and with seeing two of
his posthumous works through the press. That Locke maintained a keen interest
in Boyle’s writings and his thought is evident in the fact that he recommends that
his works be read in Some Thoughts Concerning Education (1693) and in the fact
that he acquired Richard Boulton’s edition of Boyle’s works in 1699.
2. Books
Locke had a large personal library of over three thousand books and he owned
more books by Boyle than by any other author.7 These included nearly all of
Boyle’s writings on natural philosophy and medicine. But Locke was not merely
an owner of Boyle’s books, in some cases he was involved in the process of their
composition. Boyle allowed Locke to read some of his books in manuscript
Boyle’s Influence on Locke 43
before publication. For instance, in addition to the draft of Boyle’s The Christian
Virtuoso (1690), there is clear evidence that he had access to material that
eventually found its way in to Boyle’s most Helmontian work, his Usefulness of
Experimental Natural Philosophy (1663).8 And it is well known that Locke saw
through the press both Boyle’s posthumous A General History of the Air (1692) –
in which he included a number of items of his own – and (at least) the second
volume of Medicinal Experiments (1693, LL 459).9 If we add to this Boyle’s
Memoirs for a Natural History of Human Blood (1684) which was dedicated to
and apparently solicited by Locke, then Locke seems to have been more closely
involved in the composition of Boyle’s books than any other person, apart from
Henry Oldenburg.
Furthermore, Boyle gave Locke copies of some of his books and Locke
reciprocated.10 Boyle lent books by third parties to Locke and borrowed books and
journals from him. Boyle also recommended many books by others to Locke and
Locke frequently recorded Boyle’s assessment of the book or the author. Likewise,
Locke borrowed books from third parties and lent them to Boyle and discussed
Boyle’s books with his friends. For example, a comment on Boyle’s Colours (1664,
LL 469) to Isaac Newton elicited Newton’s famous description of his dangerous
experiment of looking directly at the Sun.11 Finally, in his own books and writings,
Locke discussed and recommended some of Boyle’s books to his readers. In fact,
Locke referred to Boyle in three of his published works. He speaks of Boyle as one
of the great ‘Master-Builders’ in the famous underlabourer passage in the ‘Epistle
to the Reader’ of the Essay (Essay, 9). In Some Thoughts Concerning Education, he
recommends the reading of Boyle’s works as representative of those writers who
have ‘imploy’d themselves in making rational Experiments and Observations’
rather than commencing with ‘barely speculative Systems’ (Locke 1989: 248). And
he refers to Boyle twice in his Second Reply to Stillingfleet: first, with reference to
Boyle’s Notion of Nature (1684, LL 470) and second in reference to his discoveries,
aligning him with Galileo, Bacon and Newton (Locke Works, 4: 364–5, 402).12
It is safe to say then that there was a very strong bibliographic strand to their
friendship. In Locke’s case this mutual interest in books was stronger than with
any other of his friends and acquaintances.
We turn next to Boyle’s and Locke’s notebooks and papers. Locke had access
to Boyle’s papers by 1660, perhaps earlier, and over the years Boyle sent Locke
44 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
various items, including material pertaining to his natural histories and drafts of
his works. Boyle’s lists of queries or articles of inquiry for natural histories that are
found among Locke’s papers provide valuable evidence both for our knowledge
of Locke’s involvement in the formation of a number of Boyle’s natural histories
and for evidence of the evolution of those natural histories.13 They include heads
for a natural history of diseases and heads on flame and fire (Boyle 2005: 33–6).
More importantly, however, Boyle appointed Locke (along with Dr Edmund
Dickinson and the chymical physician Daniel Coxe) to examine his chymical
papers on his death. Locke had copies made of over two hundred pages and
these have proven crucial for our understanding of the development of Boyle’s
chymistry, and in particular, the influence of the American émigré George
Starkey.14 Likewise, some of Locke’s papers are found among the Boyle Papers,
including his recipe for Mercury of antimony which was given to Boyle ‘sub
sigillo’ (under seal).15
In addition to this sharing of their papers, there are well over three hundred
references to Boyle among Locke’s notebooks, journals and books. These entries
derive from two sources: first, there are entries deriving from Locke’s reading
of Boyle’s published works and, second, there are entries that derive from Boyle
himself. Locke’s ‘Boyle entries’ fall roughly into six categories: there are chymical
notes, medical notes, bibliographical notes, notes recommending authors or
natural philosophers, notes about firsthand interactions with Boyle and queries
to ask of Boyle. Of course, there are many miscellaneous entries as well. Given
the sheer volume of this material, even a summary survey of these entries is
beyond the scope of this chapter. The best that can be offered here is a sampling
to illustrate Locke’s record of his engagement with Boyle to whet the reader’s
appetite.
Let us begin with an example of a bibliographic note from 1679. In a
memorandum book, Bodl. MS Locke f. 28, p. 127, the last in a list of five queries
for Boyle is this:
This entry is revealing of their mutual interest in travel literature (an essential
constituent of natural history) as well as the depth of Locke’s reading of Boyle’s
writings.
A second query of interest is the following: ‘Boyle enquire of him a way to
preserve insects for Mr [William] Charleton’ (Bodl. MS Locke f. 28, p. 107).
Locke received an answer because he wrote in his journal on 3 October 1681,
‘To preserve any insect put it in a litle box & fill the box with the fumes of
Brimstone 9 or ten times & it will imbalme them Mr Boyle’ (Bodl. MS Locke
f. 5, p. 130). As for direct experimental observations, Locke wrote in his journal
on 4 June 1679,
Saw with Mr Romer16 when he was here at Mr Boyles a limpid liquor as cleare
as rock water that turned skie colour only by admission of the aire, it began to
change colour on the surface & soe dessended into the body of the liquor by
blewish streaks. (British Library Add. MS 15642, p. 97)
Finally, on Sunday 6 July 1679, perhaps after attending church with Boyle,
Locke recorded in his journal: ‘ἐν οἱς 2 Pet 3.16 is amongst the points treated
of by St Paul Mr Boyle’ (British Library Add. MS 15642, p. 113). Locke is
referring, somewhat elliptically, to the earlier ἐν οἱς in verse 13 of 2 Peter 3 in
the Greek New Testament to which the apostle Peter refers a few verses later in
verse 16. The entry is a good example of their mutual interest in the Greek New
Testament.17 All four of these ‘Boyle entries’ are indicative of the closeness of
their friendship.
4. Experimental philosophy
Having summarized the many connections between Boyle and Locke with
regard to books, notebooks and papers, we now turn to substantive areas of
overlap in the thought of Boyle and Locke for which there is evidence of Boyle’s
influence. We begin with experimental philosophy. This new approach to the
study, practice and writing of natural philosophy was pioneered by Boyle from
the late 1650s. Boyle, of course, was not its only practitioner, but he was the most
important one and, together with Robert Hooke, developed the methodology of
experimental philosophy with a sophistication not found in other writers before
the end of the seventeenth century. More importantly, there is clear evidence that
his understanding, advocacy and practice of experimental natural philosophy
had a direct influence on Locke.
46 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
But as I cultivated Chymistry not so much for itself, as for the sake of Natural
Philosophy, & in order to it; so most of the Experiments I devis’d & pursu’d,
were generally such as tended not to multiply Chymical Processes or gain
the Reputation of having store of difficult & Elaborate ones; but to serve for
Foundations, & other useful Materials for an Experimental History of Nature; on
which a solid Theory may in process of time be superstructed. (Works, 12: 365)19
Boyle is saying that he does not pursue chymistry for its own sake but in order
to provide materials for a history of nature that will eventually provide the
foundation on which to build a solid natural philosophical theory. That theory
will be demonstrated from natural philosophical principles.
Locke imbibed this approach to natural philosophy in the mid-1660s. He shows
familiarity with the nascent experimental philosophy in his many comments on
his reading of Boyle’s early writings and Henry Power’s Experimental Philosophy
(1664) in Bodl. MS Locke f. 14, a notebook he used between c.1659 and c.1666–7.
Locke’s early medical essays ‘Anatomia’ (1668) and ‘De arte medica’ (1669)
exemplify the anti-speculative sentiment of the experimental philosophers,20 but
Boyle’s Influence on Locke 47
we need no other knowledge for the attainment of those ends [being happy
in this world and the next] but of the history and observation of the effects
and operations of natural bodies within our power, and of our duties in the
management of our own actions as far as they depend on our wills, i.e. as far
also as they are in our power. One of those is the proper enjoyment of our bodies
and the highest perfection of that, and the other of our souls, and to attain both
those we are fitted with faculties both of body and soul. Whilst then we have
abilities to improve our knowledge in experimental natural philosophy. (Locke
1997: 264, underlining added)
Of course, by this time Locke had been involved in Boyle’s history of the air and
was fully apprised of his method of natural history. All of this would have been
reinforced when Locke read the draft of the first part of Boyle’s The Christian
Virtuoso in 1681 which contains his most sustained discussion of the persona
of the Christian experimental philosopher.21 It is hardly surprising then that we
find the method of experimental philosophy endorsed in the first edition of the
Essay (1690).
The emphases on experiment and observation, natural history and the danger
of systems with their ‘precarious principles’ encapsulate Boyle’s experimental
philosophy. So too does Locke’s emphasis on testimony four chapters later in
Essay IV. xvi. In fact, there are parallels between Locke’s treatment of testimony
and Boyle’s sustained discussion of the subject in The Christian Virtuoso. In
that work, Boyle, in introducing the subject of testimony, tells us that ‘when …
48 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
the surest and safest way is to have no opinion at all till he has examined, and
that without any the least regard to the opinions or systems of other men about
it. For example, were it my business to understand physic, would not the safer
and readier way be to consult nature herself, and inform myself in the history
of diseases and their cures; than espousing the principles of the dogmatists,
methodists or chymists, to engage in all the disputes concerning either of those
systems, and suppose it to be true, till I have tried what they can say to beat me
out of it? (Locke Works, 3: 270, underlining added)
in its favour and against the scholastic theory of qualities and forms (we will
examine one of these below).22 In Excellency and Grounds of the Mechanical
Hypothesis (1674, LL 442), he provides a suite of philosophical arguments for
the superiority of the principles of the corpuscular hypothesis: they are simpler,
more parsimonious and more intelligible than their rivals.23 And in both The
Sceptical Chymist (1661) and the accompanying essay to its second edition,
Producibleness of Chymical Principles (1680), he provides a host of arguments
based on the comparative plausibility of his theory over prominent rival chymical
principles, such as Paracelsus’ tria prima. The diffident Boyle would not presume
to claim that any of these arguments were knock-down arguments against his
rivals and for corpuscularianism. Yet he remained enormously optimistic that a
definitive science of nature would take something like this form.
Was Locke cognizant of all of this? And if so, how did he respond? The
short answer is ‘Yes’: he was aware of the details from very early on, and
he acknowledged the utility and explanatory efficacy of the corpuscular
hypothesis (I am varying the terms to reflect the rich nomenclature that Boyle
introduced) and even deployed it himself. Corpuscular matter theories were
undergoing a revival in the seventeenth century and Boyle was certainly not
Locke’s only source for this approach to matter and its qualities.24 Both Daniel
Sennert and Joan Baptiste van Helmont were corpuscularians and they were
important influences on Locke.25 Yet, as Locke set about reading Boyle’s early
natural philosophical works in depth in the early 1660s, he encountered easily
the most sustained and nuanced exposition and defence of the doctrine from
the period.
For example, we noted above that to date only one reference to Boyle’s Forms
and Qualities has been found among all of Locke’s notebooks and papers. This
might suggest that the work was not of great importance for Locke. However,
it is worth examining this entry in detail for what it tells us about his exposure
to Boyle’s claims about the relation between his corpuscular theory and his
chymistry. The entry, made within weeks of the book’s publication in 1666, occurs
as an addendum to an entry from the German chymist Johann Schard, whom
Locke had recently met on his trip to Cleves. Locke records Schard’s recipe for
Crystals of Antimony and then writes, ‘This is Boyle’s menstruum peracutum, see
Origin of Formes, p. 351 66’ (Bodl. MS Locke f. 25, p. 313, Latin entry). This is
a non-trivial reference, for, as Lawrence Principe has shown, Boyle’s menstruum
peracutum, which is linked to the second and third ‘keys’ of the pseudonymous
Basil Valentine, is one of his most important and revealing chymical substances.26
Boyle believed that by using this menstruum, he had transmuted gold into
50 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
white silver, and – this is the point of interest for us – he gave a clear and explicit
corpuscular introduction to the rationale for undertaking this experiment:
That Locke picked up the connection between Schard’s recipe and Boyle’s
menstruum peracutum shows the extent to which Locke was familiar with Boyle’s
chymistry and his appreciation of the importance of this substance for Boyle.
That it is presented by Boyle as an argument for the corpuscular hypothesis is
not mentioned by Locke but could hardly have escaped his notice.
Locke clearly found Boyle-style corpuscular explanations plausible, for in his
early Drafts of the Essay of 1671, he argues, ‘had we but senses that could discover
to us the particles of water their figure site motion &c … we should as well know
the very modus or way whereby cold produces hardness & consistency in water’
(Draft A, §15, Locke 1990, 31).27 His point is that knowledge of the nature of the
particles of water would give us knowledge of the cause of phenomena such as
freezing. However, Locke’s only known treatment of Boyle’s own corpuscular
explanations is to be found in his 1686 review of the Latin translation of Boyle’s
Of the Reconcileableness of Specifick Remedies with the Corpuscular Philosophy
(LL 468) which appeared in the Bibliothèque universelle et historique. Locke
frames his discussion in the following manner. After dismissing the ancients’
appeals to occult qualities he claims (quoting from the (at times loose) English
translation in John Dunton’s The Young-Students-Library),
It was but in this latter Age, that People began to Discourse according to the
Rules of Geometry, and to explain by Properties; by which we clearly conceive
the different Effects of Bodies, the most universal Properties of Body and
Extension, Figure and Motion. And whereas Bodies do not always act by their
whole Bulk, but sometimes by their insensible Particles, it is necessary to speak
of the Figure and Motion of these Particles. There have been an infinite number
of Conjectures made upon these little Bodies, and some have made it their
endeavour to draw hence Consequences, not only for Natural and Experimental
Philosophy, but also for Medicine. (Locke 1692: 184)
two short Dissertations, That the common Opinion concerning Specificks, is not
at all incompatible or inconsistent with the Modern Philosopher’s Thoughts of
the Operation of the insensible Particles of Bodies’ (Locke 1692: 184). He then
gives some of Boyle’s experimental evidence:
The Blood impregnated with certain Particles may become a proper Menstruum
to dissolve the morbifick Matter, as Water impregnated with Sal Armoniac is
proper to dissolve Brass [sic. Copper] and Iron; and all such Menstruums act by
their Figure, Bigness or Solidity, or by some other such like sensible Property,
which is manifestly included in our Notion of a Body, and not by certain
sensible Qualities of [sic. as] their Humidity and Acidity. An infinite number of
experiences persuade us that this is so. (Ibid., 185)
the Ideas of primary Qualities of Bodies, are Resemblances of them, and their
Patterns do really exist in the Bodies themselves; but the Ideas, produced in us by
these Secondary Qualities, have no resemblance of them at all. There is nothing
like our Ideas, existing in the Bodies themselves. They are in the Bodies, we
denominate from them, only a Power to produce those Sensations in us: And
what is Sweet, Blue, or Warm in Idea, is but the certain Bulk, Figure, and Motion
of the insensible Parts in the Bodies themselves, which we call so. (Essay II. viii.
15; see also §§10, 17)
another, which will afford us a fuller and clearer discovery of the necessary
Connexion, and Co-existence, of the powers, which are to be observed united
in several sorts of them. This at least is certain, that which ever Hypothesis
be clearest and truest, (for of that it is not my business to determine,) our
Knowledge concerning corporeal Substances, will be very little advanced by
any of them, till we are made to see, what Qualities and Powers of Bodies
have a necessary Connexion or Repugnancy one with another; which in the
present State of Philosophy, I think, we know but to a very small degree. (Essay
IV. iii. 16)
I think the Systems of Natural Philosophy, that have obtained in this part of
the World, are to be read, more to know the Hypotheses, and to understand
the Terms and Ways of Talking of the several Sects, than with hopes to gain
thereby a comprehensive, scientifical, and satisfactory Knowledge of the Works
of Nature: Only this may be said, that the Modern Corpuscularians talk, in most
Things, more intelligibly than the Peripateticks, who possessed the Schools
immediately before them. (Locke 1989: 247–8)
This, in my view, goes a long way to resolving the ostensible tension suggested
by those commentators who question how Locke can both regard the task of
determining the truth of the corpuscular hypothesis as beyond the remit of the
Essay, and at the same time deploy it in his actual philosophizing in that work.31
Boyle’s Influence on Locke 53
Locke never unreservedly embraced the corpuscular hypothesis, but he did use
it because he agreed with Boyle that it was the most intelligible hypothesis on
offer and he could scarce conceive how we could come up with one that gave
‘fuller and clearer’ explanations of the qualities of bodies.
6. Chymical medicine
We can be certain that while Locke acquiesced in the principles of the corpuscular
hypothesis on the grounds of their intelligibility, he was never fully convinced
of their truth. But this does not exhaust the issues of philosophical interest that
pertain to his writings on natural philosophy and especially chymical medicine.
One recurring issue for Locke was the modus operandi by which the insensible
particles that constituted chymical substances, pathogenic agents, and animal
bodies brought about their effects. The default position on this question for a
mechanical philosopher or corpuscularian, like Boyle, was that all change at
the submicroscopic level is brought about through the contact of corpuscles in
motion: there are no non-mechanical causes and, apart from human souls, that
is, no non-material causal agents.
This, however, did not preclude Boyle from positing qualities that were
intermediate causes, such as the spring of the air, which would ultimately be
explained using corpuscular principles.32 Yet, Boyle went further than this in
so far as he posited theoretical entities and this move gave rise to an unresolved
tension in his thought. When he could not explain a phenomenon such as
generation, he appealed to seminal principles, but when he tried to explain their
mode of operation he either reverted to speculative mechanical explanations or
gave up and declared his nescience.33 Locke faced the same dilemma.
Perhaps the most interesting way in to the manner in which Locke grappled
with this problem is through his theory and practice of chymical medicine and
it is worth digressing to set out just what chymical medicine entailed before
turning to the question of submicroscopic causal agents. All the evidence shows
that from the late 1650s Locke equipped himself as a chymical physician, as
distinct from a Galenic one. (In doing so he was taking a similar position to
that of Boyle.34) The manner in which he developed his understanding of physic,
that is, therapeutic medicine, was in terms of the production and application of
chymical remedies.
Locke’s training in chymical medicine was broadly Helmontian. The
particular approach to chymistry that he learnt from Boyle, Peter Stahl and his
54 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
Alkahest: Or a menstruum like it dissolvd crud antimony, & when drawn of[f]
left christall of very great efficacy in physic … Mr Boyle (Bodl. MS Locke f. 25,
p. 301)
Sulphur of copper is combustible burns with a green flame, there are two ways of
making it one per alkahest & the other without it this Mr Boyle has seen. (Ibid.,
p. 315)
It is clear that in the mid-1660s Locke accepted the existence and efficacy of the
alkahest. He also accepted Boyle’s commitment to the possibility of transmutation
of metals. We have seen one example of Boyle’s commitment to this in his
preamble to the menstruum peracutum. Another, this time dealing explicitly
with Helmontian matter theory, is found in his Producibleness of Chymical
Principles from years later in 1680. Boyle was attempting experimentally to test
van Helmont’s claim that water is the primordial element. In doing so he relates
a report of another experiment:
and little conveyed through that pipe a pound of Quicksilver into the candent
Retort, they obtained four ounces of Water, and lost in spite of their care two
ounces of matter (whatever it were,) the remaining part of the pound having
been elevated in the forme of Mercury. … he told me, that his friend and he
poured both their distilled Mercury and their Water into a kind of China cup,
and though it were in June, left it open in a Garret for two or three dayes, upon a
Presumption his friend had that this Mercuriall Water thus ordered would turne
a good part of the Quicksilver into it’s own nature, and so multiply it selfe upon
it. But when they came to visit their Cup againe, they were much surprized to
find their Water all gone, and that the greatest part thereof was turn’d againe into
Mercury. (Works, 9: 109)
It may well be that the ‘sober Physitian’ and his friend were Locke and the
Helmontian physician David Thomas, for we know that they were experimenting
together in June 1666.36 Be that as it may, the salient point here is that in 1680
Boyle is still committed to transmutation and testing the veracity of Helmontian
theory. Then at some point a decade later Boyle entrusted to Locke the first
of three ‘periods’ for his secret recipe for the Sophic Mercury. The other two
periods he gave to Isaac Newton. Locke wrote to Boyle on 25 September 1691, ‘I
have water, I have vessels, I only want soap to be at work’ (Locke Corr., 4: 321).37
By this he meant that he had the cleansing alloy for the internal purification
of mercury, the first step in the process of producing the Sophic Mercury. It
is clear from this, and Locke’s subsequent exchange with Isaac Newton on the
three parts of the recipe for the Sophic Mercury, that Locke continued to believe
in transmutation and that this belief was framed in terms of the combination
of Helmontian and mercurialist chymistry that he had learned from Boyle and
Stahl in the 1660s.
Let us return then to the question of causal agency. It was in the context of his
medical formation, c.1666, that Locke penned a short essay positing a seminal
theory of some diseases entitled ‘Morbus’. Such theories were common among
chymical physicians and reflected the influence of van Helmont, and in Locke’s
case it was a ‘more rationall’ alternative to the Galenist and Paracelsian theories.
In his discussion of how the ‘seminal ferments’ operated such that they could
turn an egg into a chick or enable grafted branches to produce different fruit,
Locke admitted that he had no idea of their mode of operation: ‘[h]ow these
small & insensible ferments, this potent Archeus works I confesse I cannot
satisfactorily comprehend’ (Walmsley 2000: 391).
Now there is a striking continuity between this claim in ‘Morbus’ and both
claims by Boyle and passages in Drafts A, B and C of Locke’s Essay and the
56 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
Essay itself. Just as Boyle claimed of generation that these effects ‘depend …
upon an internal principle, but the difficulty consists in conceiving how that
internal principle produces its effects’ (Works, 2: 192, underlining added),
so Locke would claim in the Essay and its drafts that substances like eggs
and cherries are ‘producd in the ordinary course of nature by an internal
principle’, but that we cannot ‘comprehend’ or perceive how it works (Draft
A, §16, Locke 1990, 32, underlining added).38 Note that both Boyle and
Locke use the term ‘internal principle’ and that Locke consistently uses the
examples of the egg and fruit. Like Boyle, Locke was never able to get beyond
the claim of nescience when it came to explaining certain operations at the
submicroscopic level.
When it came to macro-phenomena, such as inexplicable events, there
was another option: one can always appeal to a divine cause. Thus, in his 1681
comments on the draft of Boyle’s Christian Virtuoso, in the context of a comment
by Boyle on phenomena (that in the published version he claimed) ‘cannot be
justly expected or pretended from the mechanical powers of matter’ (Works,
11: 316), Locke says such phenomena could never ‘have place in the settled
constitution of the universe without the extraordinary interposition of a divine
power’ (Anstey 1998). Then, in the first edition of the Essay he claims that all
body–body interactions are ‘by Impulse, and nothing else. It being impossible to
conceive, that Body should operate on what it does not touch’ (Essay1 II. viii. 11).
When Locke modified this passage in response to an objection by Stillingfleet
concerning Newton’s gravity, he also made other changes to the Essay, such as at
Essay4 IV. x. 19, which confirm that he continued to believe, in spite of gravity,
that we can only conceive of material causes in terms of the collisions of bodies
in motion.39
It must be conceded, therefore, that there is no evidence that Locke ever
countenances non-material causal agents, apart from God and angels. In spite
of the discovery of universal gravity, he consistently claims that he cannot
conceive of any mode of causal interaction between material bodies apart from
impact. And this brings us back to the corpuscular hypothesis. For Pierre Coste’s
translation of the term ‘corpuscularian Hypothesis’ at Essay IV. iii. 16 in the
1700 French edition of the Essay is ‘l’hypothese des Philosophes Materialistes’
which is accompanied by a marginal note claiming the materialists are those
‘who explain the effects of nature by the sole consideration of the size, figure
and movement of the parts of matter’ (Locke 1700: 696). That Locke did not
object to this gloss on Boyle’s term is further evidence that his views on this issue
remained consistent throughout.
Boyle’s Influence on Locke 57
7. Conclusion
Where then does this leave us when it comes to summing up Boyle’s influence
on Locke? One of the striking things about Boyle’s engagement with Locke is
the lack of open discussion of philosophy narrowly construed. There is nothing
resembling the metaphysical or epistemological content of the Stillingfleet
correspondence or, say, Locke’s letters to Philipp van Limborch on the unity of
God and the nature of space.40 Nor is there any evidence of Locke discussing the
contents of the Essay with Boyle.
There is no doubt that Locke became and remained a chymical physician
under the influence of Boyle. There is no doubt that Locke became an advocate
of experimental philosophy with its method of natural history and prioritizing
of experiment and observation over speculative theory in large part because of
Boyle. And there is no doubt that Locke found the corpuscular hypothesis to
be the most intelligible on offer because of his familiarity with Boyle’s writings.
Locke conceived of his major work, the Essay, as the work of an underlabourer,
removing rubbish that lies in the way to knowledge rather than that of a master
builder, like Boyle, leaving monuments to posterity (Essay, 9–10). Yet, even in
this Locke can be construed as having a conception of his project that dovetails
with that of Boyle. The Essay itself can be regarded as following a ‘Historical,
plain Method’ (Essay I. i. 2) analogous to that of Boyle. Locke even speaks
of ‘experimenting and discovering’ in ourselves knowledge and the power of
voluntary motion in a way that is analogous to how we ‘experiment, or discover’
cohesion in external bodies (Essay II. xxiii. 32). Thus, in the Essay, introspection
becomes the means by which we gather the materials for an experimental natural
history of the understanding. Boyle himself intimated as much, though in a late
writing that remained unpublished during his lifetime:
Might this reflect Boyle’s reading of Locke’s Essay? We will probably never
know. We can be sure, however, that Locke continued to believe that it was
chymists like Boyle, that is, the ‘Philosophers by fire’, who had the best chance of
advancing our knowledge of the inner natures of things. For, in a telling change
to the second edition of the Essay added after Boyle’s death, and most probably
58 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
with Boyle in mind, Locke claimed in the paragraph in which he mentions the
corpuscularian hypothesis:
Notes
I should like to thank Michael Hunter and J. R. Milton for comments on an earlier
version of this chapter.
1 See Milton (2001), Walmsley (2000, 2016). For the contrary view, see Anstey
(2002a) and Jacovides (2017: 8).
2 Catalogue numbers for books in Locke’s library are from Harrison and Laslett
(1971) and are prefixed ‘LL’.
3 Bodleian Library (hereafter Bodl.) MS Locke f. 25, p. 313; Locke Corr. 4: 285.
4 Compare the entry ‘Obstructio’, Bodl. MS Locke e. 4, p. 59 with Boyle’s Works,
3: 385.
5 Boyle, ‘Some Observations and Directions about the Barometer’, Philosophical
Transactions, no. 11, 2 April 1666 (LL 2302), Works, 5: 504–7, at 506.
6 See Anstey (1998).
7 Harrison and Laslett (1971, 13). Harrison and Laslett list sixty-two separate titles,
though these include titles of individual essays that were published together. See LL
413–73.
8 British Library Add. MS 32554, pp. 101, 238–40, 247 is a transcription of an essay
on Balsam of Sulphur addressed to Boyle’s nephew, Richard Jones. See Usefulness of
Natural Philosophy, Works, 3: 393–4.
9 This was first pointed out in Stewart (1981, 39–40).
10 Boyle gave Locke Languid Motion (LL 445), the Latin edition of A Continuation
of New Experiments Touching the Spring and Weight of the Air (LL 447) and Of
Effluviums (LL 453). Locke sent Boyle (via Edward Clarke) a copy of the Abrégé of
the Essay and the Essay itself. See Locke to Edward Clarke, 2 March 1688, Locke
Corr., 3: 389 and ibid., 8: 455.
11 Newton to Locke, 30 June 1691, Locke Corr., 4: 288–90.
12 Boyle’s Spring of the Air is also recommended in Elements of Natural Philosophy,
but the authorship of this work is problematic. See Locke Works, 3: 313 and Milton
(2012).
Boyle’s Influence on Locke 59
13 See Bodl. MS Locke c. 42 (part 1), pp. 266–7 (flame and fire), ibid., p. 98 (diseases),
Bodl. MS Locke f. 19, pp. 272–3, 302–3 (blood).
14 See Bodl. MS Locke c. 44 and Starkey (2004), 3–4 and 15–31.
15 Royal Society Boyle Papers 26, fol. 102.
16 Ole Rømer (1644–1710), the Danish astronomer who was the first to calculate the
speed of light.
17 See also Locke’s journal entry made eleven days earlier on 25 June 1679 (British
Library Add. MS 15642, p. 106): ‘Lent Mr Boyle Toinard’s Sheets’, that is, the sheets
of Nicolas Toinard’s unpublished harmony of the Gospels, posthumously published
as Evangeliorum Harmonia (1707) which Locke had interleaved. See LL 2934.
18 See Anstey and Hunter (2008).
19 See also Hunter (2000a, 155).
20 See Dewhurst (1966, 79–93). Dewhurst wrongly attributes these essays to Thomas
Sydenham. For Locke’s authorship of the essays, see Anstey and Burrows (2009).
21 For an exploration of this theme, see Nuovo (2017).
22 He attacks Daniel Sennert’s theory of subordinate forms in the second edition of 1667.
23 For further discussion, see Anstey (2019).
24 See Lüthy, Murdoch and Newman (2001).
25 For Sennert and van Helmont’s influence on Boyle, see Newman (1996, 2006) and
Newman and Principe (2002). For van Helmont’s influence on Locke, see Anstey
(2010 and 2011, ch. 9) and for Sennert’s influence on Locke’s conception of the
structure and scope of medical theory and practice, see Biblioteca Marciana MS
Latin VII, 22.
26 See Principe (1990, 1998: 80–9). For Locke’s notes from c.1666 on Valentine’s
keys from Valentine 1658 (LL 3035), see Bodl. MS Locke d. 9, pp. 135–7. See also
Meynell (2002: 182–9).
27 For further examples from Drafts A and B and detailed analysis, see Downing
(2001).
28 For this use of ‘instanced in’ elsewhere in Locke, see Of the Conduct of the
Understanding, Locke Works, 3, 211–12. For Locke and corpuscular pessimism, see
Anstey (2011, ch. 3).
29 Locke does quote this passage in the Stillingfleet correspondence, Locke Works,
4: 359.
30 For Boyle’s famous lock-and-key example and the examples of the solubility of
silver and gold, see Forms and Qualities, Works, 5: 309–10. It is worth pointing out
that at the end of the examples of silver and gold, Boyle alludes to his menstruum
peracutum, ibid., 311.
31 See, for example, Downing (2001: 515). For an interpretation of Locke and
corpuscularianism that starts from the assumption of a tension between an
agnostic and a dogmatic attitude to corpuscularianism, see Kochiras (2017).
60 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
Works cited
Manuscript sources
Biblioteca Marciana MS Latin VII, 22
Bodleian Library MS Locke c. 42
Bodleian Library MS Locke c. 44
Bodleian Library MS Locke d. 11
Bodleian Library MS Locke e. 4
Bodleian Library MS Locke f. 5
Bodleian Library MS Locke f. 14
Bodleian Library MS Locke f. 25
Bodleian Library MS Locke f. 27
Bodleian Library MS Locke f. 28
British Library Add. MS 15642
British Library Add. MS 32554
Royal Society Boyle Papers 26
Other references
Anstey, P. (1998), ‘The Christian Virtuoso and John Locke’, On the Boyle, 2.
Anstey, P. (2002a), ‘Robert Boyle and Locke’s “Morbus” Entry: A Reply to J. C.
Walmsley’, Early Science and Medicine, 7 (4): 358–77.
Anstey, P. (2002b), ‘Boyle on Seminal Principles’, Studies in History and Philosophy of
Biological and Biomedical Sciences, 33 (4): 597–630.
Anstey, P. (2010), ‘John Locke and Helmontian medicine’, in C. Wolfe and O. Gal
(eds), The Body as Object and Instrument of Knowledge: Embodied Empiricism in
Early Modern Science, 93–117, Dordrecht: Springer.
Boyle’s Influence on Locke 61
Anstey, P. (2011), John Locke and Natural Philosophy, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Anstey, P. (2017), ‘Newton and Locke’, in E. Schliesser and C. Smeenk (eds),
The Oxford Handbook of Newton, Oxford Handbooks Online: http://www.
oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199930418.001.0001/
oxfordhb-9780199930418-e-8.
Anstey, P. (2019), ‘Robert Boyle and the Intelligibility of the Corpuscular Philosophy’,
in A. Vanzo and P. R. Anstey (eds), Experiment, Speculation and Religion in Early
Modern Philosophy, 36–57, New York: Routledge.
Anstey, P., and J. Burrows (2009), ‘John Locke, Thomas Sydenham, and the Authorship
of Two Medical Essays’, Electronic British Library Journal, 3: 1–42.
Anstey, P., and M. Hunter (2008), ‘Robert Boyle’s “Designe about Natural History” ’,
Early Science and Medicine, 13 (2): 83–126.
Birch, T. (1756), The History of the Royal Society of London, vol. 2, London: A. Millar.
Boyle, R. (1999–2000), The Works of Robert Boyle, M. Hunter and E. B. Davis (eds), 14
vols, London: Pickering & Chatto.
Boyle, R. (2005), Robert Boyle’s ‘Heads’ and ‘Inquiries’, M. Hunter (ed.), London: Robert
Boyle Project, Occasional Paper No. 1.
Chalmers, A. (2017), One Hundred Years of Pressure: Hydrostatics from Stevin to
Newton, Cham: Springer.
Dewhurst, K. (1966), Dr. Thomas Sydenham (1624–1689): His Life and Original
Writings, London: Wellcome.
Downing, L. (2001), ‘The Uses of Mechanism: Corpuscularianism in Drafts A and B of
Locke’s Essay’, in C. Lüthy, J. Murdoch and W. R. Newman (eds), Late Medieval and
Early Modern Corpuscular Matter Theories, 515–34, Leiden: Brill.
Harrison, J., and P. Laslett (1971), The Library of John Locke, 2nd edn, Oxford:
Clarendon Press.
Hunter, M. (2000a), ‘Self-Definition through Self-Defence: Interpreting the Apologies
of Robert Boyle’, in Robert Boyle (1627–1691): Scrupulosity and Science, 135–56,
Woodbridge: Boydell.
Hunter, M. (2000b), ‘Boyle versus the Galenists: A Suppressed Critique of
Seventeenth-Century Medical Practice and Its Significance’, in Robert Boyle (1627–
1691): Scrupulosity and Science, 157–201, Woodbridge: Boydell.
Javovides, M. (2017), Locke’s Image of the World, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Kochiras, H. (2017), ‘Locke’s Philosophy of Science’, in E. N. Zalta (ed.), The Stanford
Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2017 Edition), <https://plato.stanford.edu/
archives/win2017/entries/locke-philosophy-science/>.
Locke, J. (1692), ‘Review of Robert Boyle’s De specificorum remediorum, in John
Dunton, The Young-Students-Library, 184–7, London: John Dunton. First published
in Bibliothèque universelle et historique, 2, 1686: 263–77.
Locke, J. (1700), Essai philosophique concernant l’entendement humain, trans. Pierre
Coste, Amsterdam: Henri Schelte.
62 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
Locke, J. (1823), The Works of John Locke, 10 vols, London: Tegg. Abbreviated as
Locke Works.
Locke, J. (1975), An Essay concerning Human Understanding, P. H. Nidditch (ed.),
Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1st edn 1690. Abbreviated as Essay. Different editions are
indicated by subscripts, e.g., Essay1.
Locke, J. (1976–85), The Correspondence of John Locke, 8 vols, E. S. de Beer (ed.),
Oxford: Clarendon Press. Abbreviated as Locke Corr.
Locke, J. (1989), Some Thoughts Concerning Education, J. W. Yolton and J. S. Yolton
(eds), Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1st edn 1693.
Locke, J. (1990), Drafts for the Essay concerning Human Understanding and Other
Philosophical Writings, vol. 1, Drafts A and B, P. H. Nidditch and G. A. J. Rogers
(eds), Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Locke, J. (1997), Locke: Political Essays, M. Goldie (ed.), Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Lüthy, C., J. Murdoch and W. R. Newman (2001), ‘Introduction: Corpuscles, Atoms,
Particles and Minima’, in C. Lüthy, J. Murdoch and W. R. Newman (eds), Late
Medieval and Early Modern Corpuscular Matter Theories, 1–38, Leiden: Brill.
Meynell, G. G. (2002), ‘Locke and Alchemy: His Notes on Basilius Valentinus and
Andreas Cellarius’, Locke Studies, 2: 177–97.
Milton, J. R. (2001), ‘Locke, Medicine and the Mechanical Philosophy’, British Journal
for the History of Philosophy, 9 (2): 221–43.
Milton, J. R. (2012), ‘Locke and the Elements of Natural Philosophy: Some Problems of
Attribution’, Intellectual History Review, 22 (2): 199–219.
Newman, W. R. (1996), ‘The Alchemical Sources of Robert Boyle’s Corpuscular
Philosophy’, Annals of Science, 53 (6): 567–85.
Newman, W. R. (2006), Atoms and Alchemy: Chymistry and the Experimental Origins of
the Scientific Revolution, Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Newman, W. R., and L. M. Principe (2002), Alchemy Tried in the Fire: Starkey, Boyle,
and the Fate of Helmontian Chymistry, Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Nuovo, V. (2017), John Locke: The Philosopher as Christian Virtuoso, Oxford:
Clarendon Press.
Principe, L. M. (1990), ‘The Gold Process: Directions in the Study of Robert Boyle’s
Alchemy’, in Z. R. W. M. von Martels (ed.), Alchemy Revisited, 200–5, Leiden: Brill.
Principe, L. M. (1998), The Aspiring Adept: Robert Boyle and His Alchemical Quest,
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Pyrard, F. (1679), Voyage de François Pyrard, de Laval, contenant sa navigation aux Indes
Orientales, Maldives, Moluques, & au Brésil, Paris: Louis Billaine, 1st edn 1611.
Starkey, G. (2004), Alchemical Laboratory Notebooks and Correspondence, W. R.
Newman and L. M. Principe (eds), Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Stewart, M. A. (1981), ‘Locke’s Professional Contacts with Robert Boyle’, The Locke
Newsletter, 12: 19–44.
Toinard, N. (1707), Evangeliorum Harmonia Græco-Latina, Paris: Andreae Cramoisy.
Boyle’s Influence on Locke 63
Valentine, B. (1658), Basilius Valentinus: His Last Will and Testament, London: W. B. for
T. Davis.
Walmsley, J. C. (2000), ‘Morbus–Locke’s Early Essay on Disease’, Early Science and
Medicine, 5 (4): 366–93.
Walmsley, J. C. (2016), ‘Peter Anstey on Locke’s Natural Philosophy’, Locke Studies,
16: 167–94.
3
Boyle’s Chemistry
Antonio Clericuzio
member of the Hartlib Circle) on the young Robert Boyle’s chemical studies
(2002).
It is apparent that Boyle’s intellectual career was incremental, showing no
dramatic ruptures. His early studies, and notably his collaboration with the
Hartlib Circle, can hardly be overestimated. Utilitarian aspirations played an
important part in his scientific endeavours and spurred much of his chemical
and alchemical investigations. When he moved to Oxford, Boyle added new
themes to his previous research and did not put an end to his relationships with
the Hartlibians. He played a central role in the Oxford scientific community
giving a strong impulse to chemical research. Like the Paracelsians and Jean
Baptiste van Helmont, Boyle insisted on the usefulness of chemistry to medicine
and was active in the preparation of new powerful remedies. In addition, he
pursued the study of human physiology in terms of chemical reactions and
thoroughly explored the composition of blood and respiration. He kept
working on nitre and took issue with the theory of aerial nitre put forward by
most of Oxford physiologist. One of his tasks during the Oxford years was to
question the so-called hypostatical principles. To this end, he devised a number
of experiments to show that fire did not separate the ultimate constituents of
bodies, culminating with the publication of The Sceptical Chymist in 1661.
The relationship between Boyle’s chemistry and mechanical philosophy
has proved somewhat of a thorny issue. Thomas Kuhn claimed that Boyle’s
mechanical philosophy was the major source for his emphasis, in chemistry,
on structure, configuration and motion. The mechanical philosophy brought
about his rejection of explanations in terms of inherent characteristics of the
ultimate corpuscles. For this reason, he concluded, Boyle’s views had little or
no influence on the development of chemistry (1952: 19). This interpretation
has been challenged by a number of scholars who have shown that Boyle did
not espouse Descartes’ rigid mechanism and often explained chemical reaction
by resorting to chemical corpuscles, that is, concretions of corpuscles endowed
with chemical and not just mechanical properties. Thus, Boyle’s chemistry was
not incompatible with the existence of chemical species (Clericuzio 2000: 129–
48; Banchetti 2012: 221–34; Newman 2014: 63–77).
As a new and more sophisticated understanding of alchemy has emerged
in the last decades, Boyle’s alchemical pursuits are no longer seen with
embarrassment. The study of his papers devoted to the transmutation of metals
have shown that Boyle pursued alchemical investigations throughout his career
and saw his effort to manipulate metals as an integral part of his research on the
chemical composition of bodies.
Boyle’s Chemistry 67
1. Early career
Boyle’s early chemical studies took shape in the context of the Hartlib Circle
and continued during his stay in Oxford, where he played a central role in the
local flourishing scientific community. As we shall see, his intellectual career,
and notably his chemical studies, had an incremental character, showing no
significant discontinuity.3 Before moving to Oxford, Boyle shared the Paracelsian
and Helmontian commitment to make chemistry the key to the investigation of
natural phenomena and of living organisms. From the outset, Boyle’s chemical
research was closely linked to his effort to provide an experimental foundation
to the corpuscular theory.
When Boyle started his contacts with the Hartlibians (1646), most members
of the group pursued chemical investigations in order to produce new medicines
and to improve husbandry. As attested by a letter to Benjamin Worsley of 1646,
Boyle shared the latter’s commitment to agricultural chemistry (Correspondence,
1: 43).4 The first part of Usefulness, largely written, according to Boyle, when
he ‘was scarcely above 21 or 22 years old’, that is, 1648–9 (Works, 3: 195)
provides some clues to his early readings, which included books on philosophy,
botany, medicine and chemistry. Young Boyle was familiar with a number of
(al)chemical texts, including those of Angelo Sala, Basil Valentine, Alexander van
Suchten (Works, 3: 207–8).5 As we gather from Hartlib’s ‘Ephemerides’, in 1649
Boyle became acquainted with the works of Etienne de Clave, who combined the
chemical principles with the corpuscular philosophy.6
Boyle’s investigation of natural philosophical and chemical matters was by no
means confined to book reading. In a letter of 19 March 1647 to Hartlib he stated
that he was eager to improve Mersenne’s instruments ‘to discover the weight
of the air’ (Correspondence, 1: 54). Boyle’s early experimental work included
chemistry too, as shown by his letter to Worsley of 27 February 1647, where he
referred to ‘time and paines’ he spent experimenting in his chemical laboratory
(ibid., 48–9). He was eager to provide his laboratory with an improved furnace
(likely one produced on the Continent), but, very much to his disappointment, it
arrived ‘crumbled into as many pieces, as we into sects’ (Boyle to Lady Ranelagh,
6 March 1647, ibid., 50). It is however very unlikely that this setback put an
end to Boyle’s experiments. Indeed, the making of new medicines was part
of Boyle’s chemical labour. As he wrote to Hartlib from Stalbridge on 8 May
1647, ‘I often divert myself at leisure moments in trying such experiments, as
the unfurnishedness of the place, and the present distractedness of my mind,
will permit me’ (ibid., 1: 60). In the same letter Boyle refers to an epistle he
68 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
it is one thing to bee a great master of experiments another thing to bee a great
master of the reason which is in Nature for these experiments, for as I am not
convinced that all things are made meerly out of ordinary water alone by cause
his liquor Alkahest seemes to resolue them soe. (HP 42/1/26A–27B)
Worsley’s objections to van Helmont’s water theory were similar to those Boyle
voiced in The Sceptical Chymist. The quest for the material principle of bodies
was clearly at the center of debates in the Hartlib Circle. The arguments deployed
by Worsley prompted a reply from Clodius, who vindicated van Helmont’s water
theory.13 A skilled chemist from Germany, after travelling through the German
states and the Low Countries, in 1652 Clodius settled in London, joined the
Hartlib Circle and established a laboratory in the house of Hartlib, his father-
in-law. Clodius prepared a number of chemical remedies based on the writings
of Jean Baptiste van Helmont and forwarded some of them to Boyle, who
declared himself his disciple in this matter.14 In a letter to Clodius of April/
May 1654, Boyle thanked him for sending ens veneris saccharinum, mercurius
vitae, antimonial preparations, and the so-called van Helmont’s Drif, namely, a
mineral medicine endowed with a fermentative power, being able to sedate the
Archeus (Correspondence, 1: 166).15
A further contact of Boyle, Starkey stands out for his experimental skills
and for his unconditional support to the Helmontian attacks against traditional
medicine. A graduate from Harvard, Starkey established contacts with the
Hartlib Circle soon after arriving in England in 1650. He impressed Hartlib’s
associates for his chemical expertise and for his thorough knowledge of van
Helmont’s works. In 1651 and 1652 he collaborated and corresponded with
Robert Boyle on alchemical and pharmaceutical matters. His letters to Boyle
dealt with the volatilization of alkalis, and notably the making of volatile tartar,
Boyle’s Chemistry 71
worms, rickets and fevers (Works, 3: 500–5).18 The preparation was based on
van Helmont’s description of the so-called ‘Butler stone’ – a stone owned by
the Irishman Butler – that performed extraordinary cures by radiation, without
diminution in its weight (1648a: 584–96).19 When preparing this medicine,
Boyle and Starkey followed hints contained in van Helmont’s Ortus Medicinae
and decided to begin the process with vitriol (copper sulphate). Though Boyle
was somewhat sceptical about the extraordinary power van Helmont believed
Butler’s stone possessed, he deemed Ens Veneris a most effective drug: for many
years he kept sending it to some of his correspondents. One of the reasons why
Boyle promoted this drug was its low cost. Therefore, he maintained that it could
be used as a medicine for the poor:
Ens Veneris will not cure chronical diseases but is very excellent for any other
diseases as agues feavers headache French pox etc and is Medicina Pauperum
because for 5 shillings so much may be prepared with it as may serve 100 poore
people. (‘Ephemerides’, 1653, HP 28/2/72b)
Boyle corrected with Salt of Tartar – possibly following suggestions from Starkey
(Works, 13: 252–7). 21
Boyle believed in the medical virtues of Paracelsus’ electrum (arsenic melted
with copper), as well as in the therapeutical power of van Helmont’s ring, made
with the electrum. In The Usefulness Boyle reported that a boy was cured by van
Helmont’s amulet. The boy, who, according to his father had been bewitched
and refused food, was cured by means of van Helmont’s electrum minerale
immaturum which was applied as an amulet around his neck – performing its
cures at a distance (Works, 3: 422). Boyle kept an open mind on van Helmont’s
controversial weapon-salve (and on the sympathetic powder), though he did
not subscribe to the theories contained in van Helmont’s tract on those cures,
centered on the power of imagination. Boyle suggested to one virtuoso (possibly
Hartlib) the use of the powder of sympathy for the cure of ulcers in the bladder.
In this case, Boyle reported, the sympathetic powder was successfully applied
to the ulcerous matter and operated at a distance. This action was for Boyle the
outcome of corpuscles’ effluvia (Works, 3: 431).
There is however a difference between van Helmont’s account of magnetic
cures and transplantations, and the one given by Boyle. While for van Helmont
the sympathetic cure was the outcome of attraction produced by the power of
imagination, Boyle explained its action at a distance by means of subtle and
invisible effluvia of particles.
In Usefulness Boyle spelled out his own view of the human body, by putting
forward a synthesis of mechanical and iatrochemical theories. Human bodies –
he stated – were not to be conceived (in the manner of Descartes) as simple
machines, but rather as complex engines in which chemical reactions were as
important as the motions, size and positions of the constituent parts (Works,
3: 310–11; 435). The key factors for the understanding of physiology were,
according to Boyle, ferments and fermentation, and spirits (Works, 3: 321). As
we shall see, Boyle saw chemistry as the key to the understanding of physiology.
and Frank 1980: 50–1).22 During the twelve years of his stay, Boyle played a
leading role in Oxford science, giving impulse to chemical studies. He kept his
contacts with the Hartlibians, shared projects to promote useful knowledge and
continued to research the topics he had investigated in the previous years. In
1657 he started a correspondence with Henry Oldenburg who provided him
with a flow of information on chemical matters, notably on Continental chemical
books and chemists, including the German Johann Joachim Becher. The latter
moved to England in 1679 and collaborated with Boyle. In 1659 Boyle brought
to Oxford Peter Stahl, a chemist from Alsace (whom Hartlib had recommended
to him), to act as his operator and to teach chemistry on the High Street, in
the house of the apothecary John Crosse – where Boyle had his lodging. Stahl’s
Oxford classes attracted a number of people, including Christopher Wren, Ralph
Bathurst, John Wallis, Richard Lower, Thomas Millington and John Locke.
Boyle took active part in the Oxford investigations of digestion, blood
circulation and respiration. In Oxford, Ralph Bathurst stood out for his
innovative investigations of physiology and endorsed van Helmont’s theory that
an acid ferment (fermentum acidum) secreted from the walls of the stomach was
responsible for digestion.23 Like the Helmontians and Bathurst, Boyle argued
that heat was no digestive agent.24 He shared van Helmont’s view that digestion
was a chemical process produced by some acidic substance (Works, 3: 306). He
articulated his explanation of the way fermentation brings about the assimilation
of food in living organisms as follows:
For in fermentation, the Sulphurous (as Chymists call them) Active and the
Spirituous parts of Vegetables, are much better loosened, and more intirely
separated from the grosser and clogging parts, in most Mixts, then they are by
the vulgar ways of Distillation, wherein the Concrete is not opened by previous
Fermentation. And these nobler parts being incorporated with our Aliments,
are with them received freely, and without resistance carryed into the mass of
Blood, and therewith, by circulation, conveyed to the whole body where their
operation is requisite. (Works, 3: 355)
Vital heat, respiration and blood were the focus of the Oxford physiologists’
investigations. In his 1654 lecture on respiration, Bathurst claimed that
the main use of the inspired air was to provide animals with what he styled
pabulum nitrosum, that is, nitrous spirit, a volatile salt contained in the air that
was responsible for the life of plants and animals – a view that was initially
formulated by Michael Sendivogius. Bathurst’s lecture spurred the Oxford
research on aerial nitre, which became the focus of John Mayow’s work. Since
Boyle’s Chemistry 75
the late 1640s, Boyle had paid close attention to Worsley’s projects for the
production of niter. As we gather from his Work-diary for 1655, Boyle tested
Starkey’s method for multiplying nitre and worked with Clodius on the artificial
production of saltpetre (Work-diary 12 January 1654/5, BP 8, fol. 142). Boyle
thoroughly investigated the uses of saltpetre as a reagent and as a fertilizer,
researched its medical properties and tested the theory claiming that nitrous
spirit was the agent of life. In 1654–6, he set out to explore the composition of
nitre (i.e. its double nature, fixed and volatile) and explained it in corpuscular
terms. He published his experiments on nitre in Certain Physiological Essays
(1661), discussed below in the fourth paragraph.
Boyle did not question the view that the volatile niter was contained in the
air and identified the former with the volatile parts of saltpetre. For Boyle, air
possessed both mechanical and chemical properties. He was convinced that by
means of solid experimental evidence he had established the physical properties
of air, notably the spring, but was somewhat uncertain about its chemical
properties. He kept exploring this topic throughout his career. In Suspicions
about the Hidden Qualities of the Air (1674), we read that ‘there is scarce a more
heterogeneous body in the world’ than air, which is ‘a confus’d Aggregate of
Effluviums’ and has a ‘dissolving, or at least a consuming power on many Bodies’
(Works, 8: 121–2). In the General History of the Air (published posthumously by
Locke in 1692), we read that air is impregnated with saline corpuscles, including
those of marine salt, nitrous, aluminous and vitriolic salts (Works, 12: 31). He
described the action of air on bodies both as a mechanical action, performed
by the ‘Aerial Corpuscles, some hitting and some rubbing themselves every
minute against those particles of expos’d Bodies’, and as a chemical reaction
brought about by the sulphurous and saline particles therein contained. The
substances that impregnate air – he wrote – ‘give it a greater affinity to Chymical
Menstruums more strictly so called’ (Works, 8: 123).
Though no powerful solvent, air – given its quantity – can act on bodies
exposed to it (Works, 8: 121–3).25 He performed a series of experiments to identify
the salts that impregnate air, testing substances that change colour when exposed
to air (Works, 12: 36–7; 139–42). Furthermore, he aimed to assess the influence
of air in chemical reactions. He noticed that having dissolved silver in aquafortis
(nitric acid), and having precipitated it with spirit of salt (hydrochloric acid),
the matter looked white, but after exposure to air it became dark and almost
black, while the subjacent part was white. In Experiments Touching Colours
(1664), Boyle surmised that ‘a soluble salt’ contained in the air was responsible
for the colour change (Works, 4: 143–4).26 He heated copper filings with vinegar
76 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
in a closed glass flask, and he failed to notice any apparent reaction. But having
poured the liquor and the copper filings into a flat glass, he saw that ‘the Filings
exposed to the Air changed Colour and became of a greenish Blew; whilst those
that were under the Liquor manifested no Change of Colour’ (Works, 12: 140).27
It has to be stressed that Boyle, who observed that metals gained in weight when
heated in air, maintained that the gain was not due to air, but to the absorption
of fire corpuscles – which passed even through the glass (Essays of the Strange
Subtility … of Effluviums, Works, 7: 325–33).
Experiments with the air pump provided Boyle with a good deal of information
about animal respiration and convinced him that one of the uses of respiration
was the carrying away of ‘the recrementitious steams that are separated from the
mass of Blood in its passage through the Lungs’ (Works, 6: 248).28 He noticed
that ‘the Ventilation and Depuration of the Blood’ were not the sole functions of
inspired air (Works, 1: 286). Like Willis and Lower, Boyle admitted that inspired
air contributed something to blood, yet he was committed to assess how this
happened and what substance entered the blood. He took into account the
Paracelsian view that air contained a kind of quintessence that restored the vital
spirits. Yet, he put forward some objections to this theory. First – he said – the
theory was rather asserted than proved. Second, he maintained that ‘it seems
not probable that the bare wont of the Generation of the wonted quantity of vital
Spirits, for less than one minute, should within that time be able to kill a lively
Animal, without the help of any external violence at all’ (Works, 1: 287). Third,
he noticed that the spirits of blood were subtle and unctuous particles and of
‘a very differing Nature from that of the lean and incombustible Corpuscles of
Air’ (Works, 1: 282). He surmised that one of the functions of inspired air was to
‘cherish the vitall flame residing in the heart’, but – he noticed – this was not ‘free
from difficulties’, as it was not clear yet how air could get into the animals’ blood
and ‘how in case it could, it were able to increase the heat’ (Works, 1: 288–9).
Boyle was convinced that the role of air in the body was somehow related to
combustion and tested the ‘Relation between air and flamma vitalis in animals’,
as the title of his 1672 tract reads. He had no doubts that air was necessary
for maintaining flame and animals alive, yet, he was aware of the differential
sensitivity of flame and animals to air, as shown by the trial with animals that
outlived the flame when air was evacuated from the air pump (Works, 7: 117–21).
His concern was to explore the relationship of air to blood. He thoroughly
investigated the chemical composition of blood, which in fact had been the focus
of van Helmont’s research and was a key concern within the Oxford scientific
community. For van Helmont, the vital spirit of blood was a volatile salt produced
Boyle’s Chemistry 77
in the left ventricle of the heart by the local ferment (1648a: 183–4). Willis
spelled out his view of blood composition in his tract on fevers, maintaining that
it contained spirits, the most active corpuscles, sulphur and salt. Spirits cause
the fermentation that occurs in blood as it does in other liquors, like wine and
beer. In turn, Willis wrote, fermentation brings about the vital heat (1659: 12).
Whereas Willis adopted a speculative approach and made extensive use of
chemical analogies to explain biological phenomena, Boyle conducted detailed
experiments in order to assess the composition of blood and its relationship to
air. Since the 1660s he pursued research on the chemical composition of blood.
Like Carlo Fracassati in Italy and the Oxford physiologists, Boyle put different
substances into warm sheep’s blood. In 1664 he reported to the Royal Society
that volatile salts, like spirit of sal ammoniac, spirit of hartshorn and spirit of
urine (all containing ammonium hydroxide) ‘render the blood florid, and keep
it uncongealed and sweet, as long as one pleases, heightening also the colour’
(Birch 1756–7: 1: 508).
Boyle kept investigating the composition of blood and much of the material
included in Memoirs for the History of Humane Blood (1684) originated from the
experiments he performed when in Oxford. His research programme on blood
was very ambitious: he aimed at establishing the quantity of blood in the body,
the difference between arterial and venal blood, the specific gravity of blood and
of the two distinct parts into which blood naturally separates, that is, serous and
fibrous components.29 His main goal was however to assess blood composition
and the chemical properties of the substances he had obtained by distillation,
namely, oils, volatile salts and phlegm; he also tried to establish their respective
quantities. By distilling dried human blood he obtained volatile parts, including
spirit, a little phlegm, white salt, a coloured oil and thick oil. He identified the
clear liquor separated by distillation as spirit ‘because it was fully satiated with
Saline and Spirituous parts’ (Works, 10: 28).30 Like van Helmont, he claimed that
spirit of human blood was one of the noblest volatile alkali. He declared that
spirit of blood ‘is totally composed of Volatile Salt and Phlegm’. The latter was
not pure water as it was ‘still impregnated with some Particles of Oil and perhaps
also with some volatile Salts’ (Works, 10: 44).
In 1668 Boyle moved permanently to London and kept investigating the
relation between human blood and air. As we have seen, Hooke and the Oxford
physiologists (notably Mayow) claimed that volatile nitre was the substance
communicated to the blood.31 Boyle provided experimental support to the view
that there is ‘a great cognation or affinity (for I know not well what name to give
it) between the spirit of human blood and the air’ (Works, 10: 63). Boyle pursued
78 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
a series of experiments with spirit of human blood and tested the nitro-aerial
theory that most of his Oxford colleagues advocated. He stated that a variety
of salts were contained in the air, and nitre was just one of them, adding that it
was not so abundant in the air as some physiologists believed. Furthermore, he
pointed out that spirits of nitre ‘being so far from being refreshing to the Nature
of Animals, that they are exceeding corrosive’ (Works, 12: 32). The experiments
to be found in the History of Human Blood provided further evidence to
undermining the volatile nitre theory. He wrote that, as chymists maintained,
there was ‘a manifest hostility’ between spirit of human blood and acid spirits.
This is what happened when he mixed spirit of human blood with strong spirit
of nitre. He noticed a ‘conflict’ generating a ‘great quantity of thick white Fumes’
(Works, 10: 65).
Boyle kept investigating the medical uses of the spirit of human blood, which
he identified as a volatile alkali. He noticed that spirit of human blood dissolved
some substances, coagulated and precipitated others (Works, 10: 57–8). He
stressed that spirit of human blood ‘is like to have notable operations upon the
Humane Body and afford Medicines of great Efficacy in many of its Diseases’
(Works, 10: 66) and therefore he recommended to employ it both internally and
externally especially to cure a series of nervous system diseases.
For Boyle, spirit (like other substances distilled from the blood) was not
to be conceived of as a simple and homogeneous substance. This brings us to
consider Boyle’s justly famous rejection of the chemical principles and his effort
to produce new chemical classifications.
Boyle dealt with the Aristotelian elements and the chemical principles in a
tract entitled ‘Reflexions on the Experiments Vulgarly Alledged to Evince the
4 Peripatetique Elements, or ye 3 Chymicall Principles of Mixt Bodies’. It was
written in the mid-1650s and was published by Marie Boas Hall in 1954 as a
first draft of The Sceptical Chymist. Most of Boyle’s arguments came from van
Helmont (Boas 1954).32 Boyle maintained that the substances that fire analysis
yields were not pre-existing in the mixed body but are actually produced by
the fire. Boyle similarly questioned the Paracelsian view that fire can separate
mixed bodies into their ultimate components, that is, salt, sulphur and mercury,
to which some chemists added water and earth. Following van Helmont, Boyle
maintained that salts, oil and spirits extracted from compound bodies show ‘a
Boyle’s Chemistry 79
great disparity, either to our senses, or in their operations’ (Boas 1954: 162). These
arguments reappeared almost unaltered in the published version of The Sceptical
Chymist. A large portion of Boyle’s ‘Reflexions’ was devoted to the examination
of van Helmont’s theory of water as the material principle. Boyle remarked that
van Helmont’s main arguments to support this theory were based on the alleged
extraordinary operations of the Alkahest, which in fact nobody had been able
to produce. Nonetheless, Boyle did not deny that ‘a liquor may be found which
may much outdoe all our corrosif menstrua’ (Boas 1954: 165). In his view, the
Helmontian theory of water appeared to be confirmed by chemical analysis of
plants that yielded a great deal of water, as well as by the famous Helmontian
willow-tree experiment. For van Helmont, this experiment demonstrated that,
as the earth maintained its original weight unaltered, then the willow tree
must have sprung from the water used for moistening the earth during the
period of the experiment (five years). Thus van Helmont concluded, all natural
bodies (not just vegetables) were made of water (Webster 1966). Boyle did not
subscribe to the Helmontian water-theory entirely. He questioned the view that
metals and minerals could be generated from water. In addition, according to
Boyle, the status of water could only be assessed after a good deal of chemical
experiments had established whether water was indeed (as van Helmont had
claimed) a simple and elementary substance – a view he unambiguously rejected
in The Sceptical Chymist. It is however noticeable that in ‘Reflexions’ Boyle did
not question the role of seminal principles in the production of natural bodies.
In ‘Reflexions’ Boyle discussed the ‘willow-tree experiment’ and – echoing van
Helmont’s theory – stressed the generative power of the seminal principles.33
The Sceptical Chymist, arguably Boyle’s most famous work, was published
in the form of a dialogue. Boyle took inspiration from classical precedents
and presented his dialogue as a model of civility, a conversation among
gentlemen. His work pursued a twofold end: to undermine the chymists’ (and
the Aristotelians’) doctrines of the ultimate constituents of bodies and to raise
chymistry from the rank of a purely operative practice by showing that it was
part of natural philosophy. Boyle noticed that some natural philosophers
harboured suspicions against chymistry, which they saw as a purely practical
art, and against chymists, whom they considered illiterate empiricks. Boyle
aimed at turning chymistry into a branch of natural philosophy. To achieve this
goal, he pursued a reform of chymistry, notably the theory of principles and
the current terminology.34 One of his targets were the chemical textbooks, such
as Beguin’s very popular Tyrocinium Chymicum, which – for Boyle – failed to
provide proper philosophical interpretation of chymical experiments.
80 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
and the crystal forms as a means to identify a substance in a mixture and to test
its purity (Boas 1958: 127–34).
The reform of chemical classification and terminology played an important
role in Boyle’s agenda. This was a topic Boyle addressed in the appendix to the 2nd
edition of The Sceptical Chymist (Producibleness of Chemical Principles, 1680),
which he decided to publish since he found that most chymists and physicians
still adopted the doctrine of principles. The new edition was meant to include
four new sections, but he only published the first one, aimed to show that what
chymists called principles (i.e. simple and incorruptible substances) were in
fact produced by the action of fire (Works, 9: 23–4).35 There he complained
that the chymists’ current classification was based on a limited number of
characteristics. They grouped together a variety of different substances under
the same ‘family’, blurring essential distinctions. Chymists called salts different
substances because they were easily dissoluble in water and affected ‘the Palat
with a sapor, whether good or evil’. Boyle recognized different kinds of salts,
‘some being fixt, some volatile, some Acid and some Urinous, &c.’ (Works,
9: 33).36 Spirits were likewise a confusing category. Chymists called spirits ‘any
distill’d Volatile liquor that is not insipid, as is Phlegm, or inflammable, as Oyle’
(Works, 9: 52). In fact, they had no clear notion of what spirits were, as they put
under the same category substances having different and often ‘quite contrary
nature’, such as acid ones (as spirit of nitre), alkaline spirits (as spirit of urine)
and vinous or inflammable spirits (Works, 9: 52–66). This was also the case with
Sulphur, which included at least three differing substances, that is, oils, ardent
spirits and common Sulphur. He complained that chymists gave the name of
oil to substances that displaced very different characteristics, as organic oils,
and oil of vitriol on the grounds that they did not mingle with water (Works,
9: 67–77).
The acid/alkali theory did not escape Boyle’s criticism. The theory, originating
from van Helmont, was later advocated by the famous Leyden professor Sylvius
(Franciscus de le Boë), who applied it to almost all physiological processes,
claiming that all diseases were the outcome of excess of acidity or of alkalinity.
Otto Tachenius, a German chymist who lived in Venice, and François de
Saint’André, a physician from Caen, maintained that all chymical substances
were to be divided into two categories, that is, acidic and alkaline, which were
said to react with effervescence. Taste was a way to identify acid and alkalis as
well as the effervescence they produced. Boyle pointed out that all acids turned
the blue syrup of violets (and other vegetable substances) red and all alkalis
turned it green. Furthermore, he found that some substances caused no colour
82 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
change. He classified the latter as neutral. So he argued that what he called ‘the
duellist’ theory failed to recognize that there were substances that were neither
acidic nor alkaline. Furthermore, he argued that the division of all substances
into acid and alkali was arbitrary as it was possible to classify salts according
to other properties. Finally he claimed that alkaline salts differed under many
respects (Works, 8: 409–19).
And I am apt to think that if the meaning of the words, Form, Life, Soul, Animal,
Vegetative, and some few other termes were clearly defined and agreed on, a
great part of the perplexing Controversies that are agitated about subordinate
Forms… would appear to be Disputes about Words or Termes. (Works, 5: 481)
still could not account for. Some phenomena – he argued – were ‘deduc’d from
the more obvious and familiar Qualities or states of Bodies, such as Heat,
Cold, Weight, Fluidity, Hardness, Fermentation, & c., though these themselves
do probably depend upon those three universal ones’ (Works, 2: 21). Boyle
very seldom evoked the shapes of particles to explain the sensible qualities.
He rather referred them to the change of textures, which in turn were the
outcome of the continuous interactions of corpuscles. Boyle’s investigation of
cold – and notably the interpretation of chemical experiments he produced to
study cold – elucidated his attitude towards the reductionism of mechanical
philosophers. Boyle took issue with Descartes’ theory that ether and eel-like
particles were the cause of water expanding when frozen, as well as with
Gassendi’s view that cold was produced by ‘frigorific atoms’, that is, atoms
having the form of a tetrahedron with sharp edges and slow motion (Works,
4: 329; 381). Boyle argued that cold had a privative nature and criticized the
widespread notion of primum frigidum, namely the view held by chymists and
natural philosophers that a distinct substance produced cold.40 He took pain
to produce experimental evidence to reject Gassendi’s claim that nitre was the
primum frigidum (Works, 4: 376–81). Boyle showed that saltpetre could yield
both cold and heat – according to the substances it reacted with. The evidence
was provided by a series of endothermic (ammonium nitrate with water) and
exothermic reactions, which he interpreted as changes of textures. He showed
that saltpetre mixed with water produced cold, but it produced heat when mixed
with oil of vitriol (sulphuric acid). Then he mixed water, sal ammoniac and oil
of vitriol, finding that they produced not cold, but heat. Cold – he stated –
was not produced by one single substance, but by the interaction of different
substances, being the outcome of the changes of their textures (Works, 8: 331–
42). Boyle’s experiment with nitre as contained in Certain Physiological Essays
and his correspondence with Baruch Spinoza (via Oldenburg) on this topic
provide further evidence for his non-reductionist view of chemical change.
Boyle maintained that by distillation he had analysed nitre into spirit of nitre
and fixed nitre. In his view, nitre was no simple substance and he saw these
two products of analysis as two chemically distinct substances. By recombining
them, he obtained the same nitre. By contrast, Spinoza claimed that the two
parts into which nitre was analysed were not different substances, but just the
fixed and the volatile parts of nitre, something like water and ice. Boyle held a
different view. He described the experiments with nitre as a chemical change
brought about by corpuscles endowed with distinct chemical natures. Indeed,
he maintained that he succeeded to obtain the same nitre by combining spirit
Boyle’s Chemistry 85
of nitre with salt of tartar, instead of fixed nitre, as they had the same chemical
nature, being both of them lixiviate salts (Clericuzio 1990).
In order to understand the relationship of chemistry to corpuscular
philosophy in Boyle’s work, it is necessary to consider the notion of chemical
corpuscles, which in turn is related to the hierarchy of corpuscles. The simplest
particles, which were rarely broken and remained unchanged in nature, brought
about primary clusters of corpuscles. In Forms and Qualities he argued,
there are also Multitudes of Corpuscles, which are made up of the Coalition of
several of the former Minima Naturalia; and whose Bulk is so small, and their
Adhesion so close and strict, that each of these little Primitive Concretions or
Clusters (if I may so call them) of Particles is singly below the discernment of
Sense, and though not absolutely indivisible by Nature into the Prima Naturalia
that composed it, or perhaps into other little Fragments, yet, for the reasons
freshly intimated, they very rarely happened to be actually dissolv’d or broken,
but remained entire in a great variety of sensible Bodies, and under various
forms or disguises. (Works, 5: 326)
Boyle often referred to corpuscles of the second order, that is, clusters of the
simplest ones, as being endowed with chemical, and not just physical properties.
Such chemical corpuscles played a central part in his explanations of chemical
reactions.
It is to be stressed that Boyle did not rule out the existence of simple and
homogeneous substances, which in fact might have been established by means
of newly devised experiments. He elucidated the point as follows:
I will not peremptorily deny, but that there may be some Cluster of Particles,
wherein the Particles are so minute, and the Coherence so strict, or both, that
when Bodies of Differing Denominations, and consisting of such durable
Cluster, happen to be mingl’d, though the Compound Body made up of them
may be very Differing from either of the Ingredients, yet each of the little Masses
or Clusters may so retain its own Nature, as to be again separable, such as it was
before. (Works, 2: 272)
The Chymist’s Salt, Sulphur, and Mercury themselves were not the first and most
simple Principles of Bodies, but rather primary Concretions of Corpuscles, or
Particles more simple than they, as being endowed with the first, or most radical
(if I may so speak) and most Catholic Affections of simple bodies, namely, Bulk,
Shape and Motion, or Rest; by the different Conventions or Coalitions of which
86 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
minutest portions of matter are made those differing Concretions that Chymists
name Salt, Sulphur, and Mercury. (Works, 8: 401)
When dealing with the chymical principles, Boyle gave mercury a special
status, taking into serious consideration the hypothesis that metals contained
mercury, though he cast doubts on the view that substances commonly called
mercury were simple and homogenous, as they often differed the one from
the other. It is however remarkable that he did not deny that metals contained
mercury. This seemed to be confirmed by the fact that mercury easily
amalgamated with other metals – possibly because it had a kind of cognation
with mercuries of other metals. Moreover, he said, it is likely that mercury was
the cause of the gravity of metals, though he noticed that gold was heavier than
common mercury. He surmised that the mercury contained in metals was ‘more
ponderous than common mercury’ (Works, 9: 94). When dealing with the status
of mercury Boyle took into serious consideration the experiments to be found
in alchemical texts, notably those of the pseudo-Lull. This brings us to consider
Boyle’s alchemical pursuits.
5. Alchemical investigations
about metals and chymical procedures. As we have seen, Boyle criticized the
alchemists’ obscurity and advocated free scientific communication, as attested
by his first published work (Works, 1: 3–12). His attitude to secrecy was
however not univocal. He invoked free communication of chemical processes as
related to the investigation of the constituents of mixed bodies, yet, he excused
adepts for concealing information about the opus, and oftentimes he turned to
secrecy both in public and in private papers. He was careful to avoid divulging
knowledge that could be employed for dangerous purposes. Occasionally, he
refrained from communicating secrets on medical and chemical matters when
he received information about processes and materials on condition that he
did not disclose them. When dealing with chrysopoeia, he often provided
incomplete information about preparations and materials, thereby following the
alchemical technique of concealment, namely, the dispersion of knowledge, and
(in private papers) used codes to veil the chrysopoetic content.42
Whereas in the past historians were silent about, or strove to excuse,
Boyle’s alchemical pursuits, we are now in a better position to understand
Boyle’s alchemy. Old prejudices about alchemy have been abandoned and the
experimental contents of much of the alchemical texts have been elucidated by
a number of historians. It is however appropriate to see what kind of alchemical
research Boyle practiced and which were the motivations behind his lifelong
alchemical pursuits.
As other aspects of Boyle’s chemical research, the transmutation of bodies,
notably of metals, was consistent with his corpuscular theory of matter. He
repeatedly argued that the transmutation of metals was ultimately brought about
by a change of texture (Works, 5: 332). Boyle followed two kinds of explanations
of the supposed transmutations, one strictly mechanical, that is, resorting to
the ‘catholick affections’ of simplest particles of matter, the other (which he
employed more often) resorting to chemical corpuscles. This is apparent if we
turn to what he wrote of the transmutation made by means of the menstruum
peracutum, a powerful solvent he prepared by distilling aqua fortis with butter
of antimony. This solvent, he reported, transmuted gold into silver. For him,
gold, as other metals, was a compound and the solvent separated what he called
the anima auri (soul of gold, i.e. the alchemists’ sulphur of gold) leaving a white
powder as a residue that Boyle fused into a white metal he identified as silver.
Boyle explained the operations of the menstruum as follows:
however the Chymists are wont to talke irrationally enough of what they call
Tinctura Auri, and Anima Auri; yet, in a sober sense, some such thing may be
admitted … there may be some more noble and subtle Corpuscles, being duely
88 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
conjoyn’d with the rest of the Matter, whereof Gold consists, may qualifie that
Matter to look Yellow… yet these Noble Parts may either have their Texture
destroy’d by a very piercing Menstruum, or by a greater congruity with its
Corpuscles, then with those of the remaining part of the Gold, may stick more
close to the former, and by their means be extricated and drawn away from the
latter. (Works, 5: 420–1)43
When Boyle referred to the tinctures of metals, or to the ‘tinging parts’ of gold and
to their congruity with the parts of the menstruum, he referred to compounded
corpuscles, having chemical, not just mechanical properties.
As Principe has pointed out, Boyle distinguished two ways of pursuing the
chrysopoeia, namely, ‘universal’ and ‘particular’ transmutations. According
to a well-established alchemical tradition, the universal transmutations were
produced by the philosophers’ stone, capable of transmuting any metal into
gold. The Lapis could have been augmented in quantity (the alchemist could
have multiplied it) and in quality (i.e. its transmuting power). Particular
transmutations, by contrast, did not require the philosophers’ stone, but
different substances (particularia), that were not so difficult to prepare. The
power of particularia was limited as they could only transmute silver into gold
and only a comparatively small amount of metal. The philosophers’ stone acted
by projection, whereas particulars were generally ground, digested or fused with
the metal to be transmuted. This distinction helps explain Boyle’s statement as
contained in Forms and Qualities:
I speak not here of projection, whereby one part of an Aurifick Powder is said to
turn I know not how many 100 or 1000 parts of an ignobler Metal into Silver or
Gold … because, though Projection includes Transmutation, Transmutation is
not all one with Projection, but far easier than it. (Works, 5: 422)
Boyle spelled out his reasons for dealing with alchemy by stressing that the
artificial transmutation of bodies was ‘the rarest and difficultest production’,
as well as ‘one of the noblest and usefullest effects of humane skill and power’
(Works, 5: 429). Echoing Francis Bacon, he extolled the transmutations as they
enhanced natural philosophy and had utilitarian relevance. The transmutation
of metals – he believed – would potentially improve our knowledge of the origin
and structure of metals. Boyle saw alchemy as consistent with the philanthropic
ideals and his utilitarian attitude to knowledge he pursued throughout his career.
Boyle thought that alchemy (the one requiring particularia) was a way to employ
the poor. As we read in one of his unpublished alchemical papers: ‘[particulars]
being skillfully wrought, even in small quantitys may enable a poor and
Boyle’s Chemistry 89
6. Conclusion
Notes
6 Hartlib Papers (hereinafter as HP) 28/1/32A and 28/1/56B. For Etienne de Clave,
see Clericuzio (2000: 42–7).
7 The tract was published anonymously in Chymical, Medicinal and Chyrurgical
Addresses made to Samuel Hartlib, London, 1655, repr. in Works, 1.
8 Boyle’s letter to his sister Katherine is in Boyle, Correspondence 1: 82–3. The aim
and contents of this tract are very similar to those of the first five essays of The
Usefulness. In the unpublished ‘Essay of the Holy Scriptures’ (which appears in
the 1650 list of Boyle writings and contains subsequent additions dating after
1651), Boyle provides the reader with a retrospective account of his early career,
maintaining that he had been ‘noe lazy nor niggardly votary to Vulcan’ and had
thoroughly investigated the book of nature (Works, 13: 203).
9 Sendivogius maintained that rain takes from the air a vital force and joins it to
the sal niter of the earth. According to Sendivogius, from water of dew it would
be possible to extract the saltpetre of philosophers. Newman and Principe
(2002: 209–13).
10 Worsley died about the same time as Henry Oldenburg in 1677. Lady Ranelagh
wrote to Robert Boyle as follows: ‘I can’t, My Brother, but condole with you the
remove of our true honest ingenious friends in their severall ways Dr Worsley
& Mr Oldenburg since it has pleased god to call them hence soe soone one after
another. … They each of them in their way diligently served their generation &
were friends to us.’ (Lady Ranelagh to Boyle, 11 September 1677, Correspondence,
4: 454). For Worsley, see Leng (2008).
11 For Worsley’s visit to the Netherlands, see Leng (2008: 35–7).
12 For the mercurialist theory of transmutation, see Newman (1994: 148).
13 ‘And for the doctrine of which you state you have not been convinced … Helmont
depicts it as the very basis of his philosophy, i.e., the fact that everything is made
from water that is the material principle, and it is possible for everything to be
dissolved again into water. For, until now, no-one has questioned the definition
of elements as those substances into which things are ultimately dissolved, and
from which things are compounded. And so, if you are unable to reduce water into
any other substance, water will be the material principle’. Clodius (to Worsley),
undated, HP 42/1/36a–37b. Clodius followed the ‘mercurialist’ alchemical school,
maintaining that the ‘sophic mercury’ can be obtained from quicksilver. See his
letter of 4 July 1654, possibly to Worsley, HP 16/1/7A–B. Cf. Newman and Principe
(2002: 249).
14 Clodius is often referred to as ‘Doctor C’ in Boyle’s Usefulness, in connection
with Helmontian remedies. See Boyle Works, 3: 341, 348. Newman and Principe
conjecture that Clodius borrowed heavily from Starkey for chemical preparations
(Newman and Principe 2002: 262–6). We are less confident that this was the case
since Boyle (who was well informed about Starkey’s work) credited Clodius for the
chemical remedies the latter sent him.
92 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
15 Van Helmont maintained that Drif acted specifically on the Archeus without any
quantitative loss or substantial change. It was obtained from sea salt and ens veneris.
God destined for the medical care of the wretched and the poor. See ‘Butler’, van
Helmont (1648a: 595–6). Mercurius vitae was Antimony oxychloride, a powerful
emetic and laxative.
16 For Starkey’s life and chemical work, see Newman (1994) and Newman and
Principe (2002). In their book Newman and Principe have thoroughly explored
Starkey’s experimental chemistry, which they described as ‘laboratory practice
guided by the methodical application of theoretical principles and direct
observation’ (p. 111). For Starkey’s letters to Boyle and his laboratory notebooks,
see Starkey (2004).
17 Boyle’s query was on the sulfur of antimony mentioned by van Helmont’s ‘In verbis,
herbis, et lapidibus est magna virtus’, van Helmont (1648a: 577).
18 See Newman (1994: 71–2; 75).
19 Van Helmont became familiar with Butler when the latter was detained at Vilvorde.
Information on Butler’s life is to be found in Katherine Ranelagh’s letter to Hartlib of
5 April 1659. Katherine Ranelagh’s letter is in the James Marshal and Marie-Louise
Osborn Collection, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University.
Document 38. A transcription of the letter can be found in the Hartlib Papers.
20 There were two laudanums of Paracelsus, one was red oxide of mercury, the other
was made with chloride of antimony, aloes, rose-water, saffron and ambergris. The
recipe for the laudanum given by Oswald Croll was a compound tincture of opium.
21 ‘An Essay on turning Poisons into Medicines’ was never published. Oldenburg’s
notes from this essay survive in Royal Society MS 1, fols 74–88. It is now published
in Works, 13: 239–57. It is mentioned in a letter from Oldenburg to Boyle of 29
August 1657, see, Oldenburg, 1, pp. 133–5.
22 Edmund Dickinson was appointed (with Daniel Coxe and John Locke) to inspect
Boyle’s chemical papers after his death.
23 Bathurst maintained his view of digestion in his 1651 disputation, see Frank
(1980: 107).
24 ‘and it seems a mistake to imagine (how many soever do so) that Heat must
needs be the Efficient of all the changes the matter of our Aliments may happen
to undergoe in a humane body: where there are Streiners, and Solvents, and new
Mixtions, and perhaps Ferments, and diverse other powerfull Agents, which by
successively working upon the assumed matter, may so fashion and qualifie it, as, in
some cases, to bring the more disposed part of it to be not unlike even fossile Salts
or other mineral substances’ (Works, 3: 319).
25 In Essays of the Strange Subtility … of Effluviums (1673), Boyle maintained that
the invisible particles of bodies swimming in the air retain their ‘distinct and
determinate natures’ (Works, 7: 277).
Boyle’s Chemistry 93
26 The same experiment is to be found in General history of Air (Works, 12: 39).
We now know that the colour of silver chloride changed because it was exposed
to light.
27 Hooke claimed that air was the universal solvent of all sulphureous bodies. See
Frank (1980: 137).
28 ‘New pneumatical experiments about respiration’, Philosophical Transactions, 5,
2011–31, 2035–56 (8 August and 12 September 1670).
29 Boyle paid special attention to gravimetric tests both in chymistry and in medicine.
In Medicina hydrostatica (1690) he stressed the utility of assessing specific gravity
in examining drugs, Works, 11: 223.
30 For the composition of, and the material related to, Boyle’s History of Human Blood,
see Knight and Hunter (2007).
31 See Frank (1980: 207–8; 221–45).
32 For the date of its composition, see Clericuzio (1994: 79–80).
33 ‘I must admire the strange power of the formative power of the seeds of things,
which doe not only fashion the obsequious matter according to the exigency of
their owne natures, and the parts, they are to act; but doe also dispose and change
the matter, they subdue, as to give it a consistency, which it seemed incapable of
admitting’ (Boas 1954: 167).
34 Certain Physiological Essays, Works, 2: 85: ‘There are many Learned Men, who
being acquainted with Chymistry but by report, have from the Illiterateness, the
Arrogance and the Impostures of too many of those that pretend skill in it, taken
occasion to entertain so ill an opinion as well as of the Art as of those that profess
it, that they are apt to repine when they see any Person capable of succeeding in
the study of solid Philosophy, addict himself to an Art they judge so much below
a Philosopher, and so unserviceable to him: Nay, there are some that are troubled
when they see a Man acquainted with other Learning countenance by his Example
sooty Empiricks, and a Study which they scarce fit for any but such as are unfit for
the rational and useful parts of Physiology.’
35 The other three were: the uncertainty of the common analysis made by distillation,
the various effects of fire according to the ways of employing it, doubts whether
there be any elements in the sense vulgarly received.
36 See also pp. 33–51. On the seventeenth-century theories of salts, see Roos (2007).
37 For De Clave, see Clericuzio (2000: 42–4).
38 Meinel (1988), Clericuzio (2000: 28–9), Newman (2006: 99–100).
39 It is to be noticed that he did adopt the reductionist strategy when explaining
fluidity and firmness, see Newman (2006: 204–6).
40 ‘The dispute, which is the Primum Frigidum, is very well known among Naturalists;
some contending for the Earth, others for the Water, others for the Air, and some of
the Moderns for Nitre’. Experiments Touching Cold (Works, 4: 364).
94 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
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IL: University of Chicago Press.
Pagel, W. (1982), Joan Baptista van Helmont: Reformer of Science and Medicine,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Principe, L. (1998), The Aspiring Adept: Robert Boyle and His Alchemical Quest,
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Roos, A. M. (2007), The Salt of the Earth: Natural Philosophy, Medicine, and Chymistry
in England, 1650–1750, Leiden: Brill.
Rowbottom, M. E. (1955), ‘The Chemical Studies of Robert Boyle and His Place in the
History of Chemistry’, PhD diss, University of London.
Starkey, G. (2004), Alchemical Laboratory Notebooks and Correspondence, W. R.
Newman and L. Principe (eds), Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Van Helmont, J.-B. (1648a), Ortus medicinae, Amsterdam: Kösel.
Van Helmont, J.-B. (1648b), Opuscula medica inaudita, Amsterdam: L. Elzevir.
Webster, C. (1966). ‘Water as the Ultimate Principle of Nature: The Background to
Boyle’s Sceptical Chymist’, Ambix, 13: 88–105
Webster, C. (1975), The Great Instauration, London: Duckworth.
Willis, T. (1659), De febribus in Diatribae duae, London: Thomas Roycroft.
4
Foreword
1. Boyle’s character
filling a large and deep glass to a convenient height with fair water, we plac’d
in it another deeper glass, shap’d like a Goblet or Tumbler, that it might be
the fitter for swimming; and having furnish’d it first with Ballast, and then,
for merryment sake, with a wooden Deck, by which a tall Mast, with a Sayle
fasten’d to it, was kept upright; we fraughted with wood, and by degrees pour’d
Sand into it, till we had made it sinck just to the Tops of certaine conspicuous
marks, that we had fasten’d on the outside of the Glass to opposite parts thereof.
(Works, 5: 231)3
Five features of Boyle’s character shine through and strongly affect his
epistemological stance: he was honest, abstemious, cautious, confidently humble
and pious. From his earliest youth, Boyle, like Matilda’s aunt, ‘had kept a strict
regard for truth’. Referring to himself in the third person in his unpublished
juvenile autobiography (BP 37.170r–184v, with some misordering.; transcribed
in Hunter 1994), he tells us that his father commended him for
his Veracity: of which … he would often give him this Testimony; that he never
found him in a Lye in all his Life time.4 And indeed Lying was a Vice both so
contrary to his nature & so inconsistent with his Principles, that as there was
scarce any thing he more greedily desir’d then to know the Truth, so was there
scarce any thing he more perfectly detested; then not to speake it. Which brings
into my Mind a foolish Story I have heard him jeer’d with, by (his Sister,) my
Lady Ranalagh; how she having given strict order to have a Fruit-tree preserv’d
for his sister in Law, the Lady Dungaruan, then big with Childe; he accidentally
comming into the Garden & ignoring the Prohibition, did eate halfe a score of
them: for which being chidden by his sister Ranalagh; (for he was yet a Childe5)
& being told by way of aggravation, that he had eaten halfe a dozen Plumbs; Nay
truly Sister (answers he simply to her) I have eaten halfe a Score. So perfect an
Robert Boyle’s Epistemology 99
enemy was he to a Ly, that he had rather accuse himselfe of another fault, then
be suspected to be guilty of that. (BP 37.173v; Hunter 1994, 4–5)
He was abstemious. The Rev. John Ward said of him, about 1673,
Mr. Boyl never drinks any strong drink: hee every morning eats bread and butter,
with powder of eyebright6 spread on the butter. His supper is water-gruel and a
couple of eggs: his dinner is mutton, or veal, or a pullet, or walking henne, (as
hee calls them,) which goe to the barne door when they will. (Quoted Maddison
1969, p. 186n)
Perhaps you will wonder … that in almost every one of the following Essays
I should speak so doubtingly, and use so often, Perhaps, It seems, ’Tis not
improbable, and such other expressions as argue a diffidence of the truth of the
Opinions I incline to, and that I should be so shy of laying down Principles, and
sometimes of so much as venturing at Explications. But I must freely confess to
you … that having met with many things of which I could give my self no one
probable cause, and some things of which several Causes may be assign’d so
differing, as not to agree in any thing unless in their being all of them probable
enough, I have often found such Difficulties in searching into the Causes and
Manner of things: and I am so sensible of my own Disability to surmount those
Difficulties, that I dare speak confidently and positively of very few things,
except of Matters of fact. And when I venture to deliver any thing by way of
Opinion, I should, if it were not for meer shame, speak yet more diffidently than
I have been wont to do. (Works, 2: 19)
This Hypothesis of our Authors does to me, I confess, appear liable to such
Exceptions, that though I dislik’d that of his Adversaries, yet I should not
imbrace his, but rather wait till time and further Speculation or tryals should
suggest some other Theory, fitter to be acquiesc’d in then this; which seems to
be partly precarious, partly unintelligible, and partly insufficient, and besides
needless. (Works, 3: 30)
100 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
Boyle was pious and confidently humble. Aubrey refers to him as ‘The
Honourable Robert Boyle, Esq., that profound Philosopher, accomplished
Humanist, and excellent Divine, I had almost sayd Lay-Bishop’ (Aubrey 1957,
‘Boyle’).8 After Boyle’s death, Burnet wrote,
he had the purity of an angell in him, he was modest and humble rather to a
fault. He despised all earthly things, he was perhaps too eager in the pursute of
knowledge, but his aim in it all was to raise in him a higher sense of the wisdome
and glory of the Creator and to do good to mankind, he studied the Scripture
with great application and practised universall love and goodnes in the greatest
extent possible, and was a great promoter of love and charity among men and a
declared enemy to all bitternes and most particularly to all persecution on the
account of religion. (Foxcroft 1902: 464, quoted Maddison 1969: 185)9
Burnet was right, Boyle was humble: he really did think that he was not
particularly clever, nor was it likely that he would unlock any deep secrets of
nature. However, he was confident enough in his own ability to believe that
others were also unlikely to: his humility came from his recognition of his
humanity, not from his feeling particularly inferior to others, and indeed he did
not feel so, either by birth or by attainment.10
For Boyle, scientific knowledge is of a piece with our general knowledge of the
universe; it attaches seamlessly to our theological knowledge. ‘I do not think
the Corporeal World’, he wrote, ‘nor the Present State of Things, the Only or
the Principal Subjects, that an Inquisitive Man’s Pen may be worthily employed
about’ (Works, 11: 285). He constantly invoked the two books metaphor, and
though for him the ‘Booke call’d Scripture’ was paramount, we also gain insight
into the nature of God by studying the book of nature, indeed, ‘the World is the
great Book, not so much of Nature, as of the God of Nature, which we should
find ev’n crowded with instructive Lessons, if we had but the Skill, and would
take the Pains, to extract and pick them out’ (Works, 5: 39).11
Both types of knowledge are limited, partly by our historical circumstances,
partly by our nature – we are as humans limited in what we can know by
reason of our limited faculties: ‘to complaine that we cannot comprehend some
Misteries is to repine that we are but men’ (BP 36.48r, BOA: 115). Thus (i) there
are undoubtedly things knowable in themselves which are, however, too difficult
Robert Boyle’s Epistemology 101
for us to comprehend.12 Further, (ii) it is quite possible that the world was not
made for us but for the angels, so there is no reason to think that we could
unaidedly discover all the truths available to superior created intellects:
if God be allowed to be, as indeed he is, the Author of the Universe, how will
it appear that He, whose Knowledge infinitely transcends ours, and who may
be suppos’d to operate according to the Dictates of his own immense Wisdom,
should, in his Creating of things, have respect to the measure and ease of Humane
Understandings; and not rather, if of any, of Angelical Intellects, so that whether
it be to God, or to Chance, that we ascribe the Production of things, that way
may often be fittest or likelyest for Nature to work by, which is not easiest for us
to understand. (Works, 3: 257)
It follows at once that the simplicity of a theory need not necessarily commend
it. Moreover (iii) it may be that there are truths which we can comprehend when
they are explained to us, but which we could never discover on our own:
how will it be prov’d that the omniscient God … can exhibit Phænomena by no
wayes, but such as are explicable by the dim Reason of Man? I say, Explicable,
rather then Intelligible; because there may be things which though we might
understand well enough, if God, or some more intelligent being then our own,
did make it his Work to inform us of them, yet we should never of our selves
finde out those Truths. (Works, 3: 257)
There are also truths which remain above our reason, such as whether or
not physical lines are infinitely divisible. Bivalence (which Boyle accepts
unquestioningly) assures us that one of the contradictory claims is true, but
’tis plain to those, that have, with competent Skill and Attention, impartially
examined this Controversy, that the side that is pitched upon, whichsoever it
be, is liable to be exposed to such Difficulties, and other Objections, as are not
clearly answerable; but confound and oppress the Reason of those that strive to
defend it. (Works, 11: 341–2)
There are things above reason just as there are things above imagination.13
Additionally, we have a tendency to rely on imagination rather than reason,14
and a tendency too to be swayed by the vicious aspects of our character.15
Again, we have a tendency to leap to theories: to attempt to generalize too
soon and on too little evidence.16
uneasie to make them sensible, that one of the considerablest services that they
could do Mankind, were to set themselves diligently and industriously to make
Experiments and collect Observations, without being over-forward to establish
Principles and Axioms, believing it uneasie to erect such Theories as are capable
to explicate all the Phænomena of Nature, before they have been able to take
notice of the tenth part of those Phænomena that are to be explicated.
And after noting that ‘it is sometimes conducive to the discovery of truth, to
permit the Understanding to make an Hypothesis, in order to the Explication of
this or that difficulty, … by examining how far the Phænomena are, or are not,
capable of being salv’d by that Hypothesis’, Boyle goes on to urge that nonetheless
natural philosophers should
forbear to establish any Theory, till they have consulted with … a considerable
number of Experiments in proportion to the comprehensiveness of the Theory
to be erected on them. And in the next place, I would have such kind of
superstructures look’d upon only as temporary ones, which though they may
be preferr’d before any others, as being the least imperfect, or, if you please, the
best in their kind that we yet have, yet are they not entirely to be acquiesced in,
as absolutely perfect, or uncapable of improving Alterations. (Works, 2: 13–14)
3. Revealed knowledge
Despite the limitations on human knowing, God’s goodness is such that there
are truths available to us – including scientific truths – which we could not have
come to know otherwise than by revelation. Boyle, it is worth remembering,
wanted a complete picture of the universe. For him this involves as complete
a knowledge of God and the creation as is possible – a knowledge which lies
outside the realm of natural philosophy but explains its possibility – and within
the realm of natural philosophy, as complete an account, without recourse to
God, as possible.17 Boyle was interested both in what an earlier age called God’s
potentia ordinata (God’s ‘ordinary and general Concourse’, for Boyle, Works,
10: 457) and his potentia absoluta. Revealed truth has a part to play in both
aspects. After all, ‘The last and correctest Edition of the law of nature is the
Gospel’ (BP 5.96, BOA: 243). Revelation gives us:
1) truths which we could not otherwise acquire such as the order and time
of the Creation of the World and of the first man and woman, the certain
history of Adam’s fall & the other Transactions that preceeded the universal
Robert Boyle’s Epistemology 103
yet perswaded I am, that the favor of God does (much more then most Men are
aware of) vouchsafe to promote some Mens Proficiency in the study of Nature,
partly by protecting their attempts from those unlucky Accidents which often
make Ingenuous and Industrious endeavors miscarry; and partly by making
them dear and acceptable to the Possessors of Secrets, by whose Friendly
Communication they may often learn that in a few Moments, which cost the
Imparters many a Years toyl and study; and partly too, or rather principally,
by directing them to those happy and pregnant Hints, which an ordinary skill
and industry may so improve as to do such things, and make such discoveries
by virtue of them, as both others, and the person himself, whose knowledge is
thus encreased, would scarce have imagin’d to be possible: And in effect, the
104 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
chiefest of the Secrets that have been communicated to me, the Owners have
acknowledg’d to me to have been attain’d, rather, as they were pleas’d to speak,
by accidental Hints, then accurate Enquiries: confessions of this nature I have
divers times met with in the Writings of the more Ingenious of the Chymists,
and of other Naturalists. (Works, 3: 276)
How do we know that we can rely on revelation? Boyle was clear that there
are spurious as well as genuine revelations, and clear too that it is reason that
judges the acceptability of a revelation, even when the revelation is of something
above reason. How does reason judge that some revelations are acceptable, and
which are they? The answer comes in two stages, in both of which the scientific
‘virtuoso’ has an advantage over other inquirers. First we must prove that there
is a God. Then we must see how that God reveals himself. Boyle thinks that
we have at least three good methods at our command for demonstrating God’s
existence, though he does remark that he will not attempt to convert convinced
atheists, partly because their vicious characters make them unamenable to
conviction, partly because the arguments are not strong enough.18 The first, on
which I shall not dwell, involves a fairly standard kind of design argument.19 The
other two are more interesting.
the very notion we have of spirits in general, is, to me, no small argument how
little we really and particularly know of them. For though superficial considerers
take up with the vulgar definition, that a spirit is an immaterial substance,
yet that leaves us exceedingly to seek, if we aim at satisfaction in particular
enquiries. For it declares rather what the thing is not, than what it is; and is as
little instructive a definition, as it would be to say, that a curve line is not a strait
one. … The operations of spirits upon bodies and vehicles, and much more upon
one another, we are in the dark about. (Works, 12: 474–5)21
Robert Boyle’s Epistemology 105
We need, then, a superior power, and it seems reasonable enough to let this
be God. Boyle’s slightly younger contemporary John Locke pointed out that
there is an alternative: God could have superadded the power to think to ‘some
Systems of Matter fitly disposed’ (to human bodies, for example).22 However, for
Locke this requires divine intervention as much as the corporeal/incorporeal
interaction does, and so in either case we have evidence for God’s existence.
confound his understanding; since the most abstruse and perplexing Attributes,
such as selfe-existence, Eternity, selfe-motion, &c. must necessarily belong
either to God or to matter; and if he will not ascribe them to the Deity, he must
doe it to the despicablest Atome. And sure tis less inconvenient in Philosophy
to admit one Being to be endowed wth Properties that we cannot perfectly
comprehend, then to allow many millions of Beings, each of them endowed wth
some such Attributes and Propertyes; and with some others of which no reason
can possibly be given, how it came by them. For in effect the Epicurean makes
his Atomes so many little gods: And we can noe more give our understandings
satisfaction about the perplexing Difficulties that incumber the notion of an
eternally Existent Being, when tis affirm’d of an Atome, then we can when tis
ascrib’d to God. (BP 2.7, BOA: 341)
It is, then, reasonable, Boyle thought, to accept that there is a God. This being
so, we may ask: what truths are knowable about God? Boyle was pretty clear
that human beings (and perhaps particularly divines) get a lot of things wrong
about God:
I do not think my self obliged to have the same regard and respect for the
explications, that the schoolmen and many other divines give us of the mysteries
of Christianity, that I have for the Articles themselves; since for the mysteries
I have the divine authority of the revealer, who can oblige my faith to assent
even to dark truths; but for the expositions and consequences, I have but human
authority: and though clearness is not always necessary to divine mysteries, yet
Robert Boyle’s Epistemology 107
Isn’t it better, Boyle asked, to find out what God says he is, than what humans
say he is? Isn’t God the best authority about the nature and wishes of God?
But how shall we find out God’s view of God? Boyle thought it reasonable to
suppose, having established independently that there is a God, that God will have
revealed such truths about himself as he wishes us to know. Thus we should look
to an instituted religion for the truth about God. But which instituted religion?
That is the function of miracles: they let us discover which instituted religion
is the correct one. Of course until we are ‘duely satisfyed that the Miracles
themselves are Divine and not Diabolical’, we must ‘in reason refrain from
acknowledgeing them’. But, he added,
for this examination I take only the General Principles of Natural Reason &
Religion, which teaching me antecedently to all particular Revelations, That
there is a God; That he is, & can be, but One; That [he] is Just, Wise, Good,
Gracious &c.; and That he has the Care and Government of Humane Affairs; if a
Supernatural Effect be wrought to authorize a Doctrine that plainly contradicts
these Truths, I cannot judge such a Miracle to be divine, and therefore am not
bound to suffer my selfe to be swayed by it. But if the Revelation backd by a
Miracle proposes nothing that contradicts any of these Truths, taught us before
hand by right Reason; & much more if it proposes a Religion that illustrates and
confirms them; I then thinke my selfe oblig’d to admit both the Miracle, and the
Religion it attests. (BP 7:121–2, BOA: 294)26
What religion does it attest? when Boyle came to investigate the miracles on
offer, it turned out, by what can only be thought of as a fortunate coincidence,
that the ones which were intrinsically the most convincing were precisely those
which grounded the faith in which he had been brought up: Christianity’s
miracles are superior to those of other faiths, and so the Christian revelation is
the one we should accept.27
Boyle’s arguments, it may be felt, do not really make the case. The miracles
which purportedly uphold religions other than the Christian do not really get
even a mention, let alone a hearing. This neglect was, however, common at the
time. Slightly later, Locke was to write,
Of such who have come in the name of the one only true God, professing to
bring a law from him, we have in history a clear account but of three, viz. Moses,
Jesus and Mahomet. For what the Persees say of their Zoroaster, or the Indians of
their Brama (not to mention all the wild stories of the religions farther east)28 is
108 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
Locke did not consider the argument that the very existence of the Koran is
itself a miracle (in view of the disparity between it and what might reasonably
have been expected of its author in the absence of divine inspiration), but Boyle
had already taken explicit, if somewhat smug, notice of the point:
the Saracens press’d with their Religions being destitute of attesting Miracles,
will not scruple to reply, That though there were no other Miracle to manifest
the Excellency of their Religion above that taught by the Prophets, yet the
Alcoran it Self were sufficient, as being a Lasting Miracle that transcends all
other Miracles. How Charming its Eloquence may be in its Original, I confesse
my self too unskilfull in the Arabick Tongue, to be a competent Judge; my other
Studies and Distractions having made me forget most of the little Knowledge,
I had once acquir’d of that flourishing Language. … but the Recent Translations
I have seen of it in French, and (as to divers of it, in) Latin, elaborated by great
Scholars, and accurate Arabicians, by making it very Conformable to its Eastern
Original, have not so rendred it, but that Persons that judge of Rhetorick by
the Rules of it current in these Western Parts of the World, would instead of
extolling it for the Superlative, not allow it the Positive Degree of Eloquence;
would think the Style as destitute of Graces, as the Theology of Truth. (Works,
2: 452–3)
Boyle, then, felt himself equipped with a Deity who could not only supply
the theoretical underpinning necessary for the scientific endeavour, but a Deity
about whom quite a bit was known, and one who, as we have already seen, might
well have dropped us a few hints about scientific secrets. But now, given all this,
what can we hope to know about the world, and how can we discover it?
4. Scientific knowledge
From the time of Grotius’ Truth of the Christian Religion (1624) at least, and
probably earlier, theologians had been operating with a notion of moral
Robert Boyle’s Epistemology 109
reasonable to suppose, that, though each Testimony single be but probable, yet
a concurrence of such Probabilities (which ought in Reason to be attributed
to the Truth of what they jointly tend to prove) may well amount to a Moral
certainty, i. e. such a certainty as may warrant the Judge to proceed to the
sentence of death against the Indicted party.
To apply these things, now to the Christian Religion: If you consider, with
how much approbation from discerning Men that judicious Observation of
Aristotle has been entertain’d, where he says, that ’tis as unskilful and improper
a thing to require Mathematical Demonstrations in Moral Affairs, as we take up
with Moral Arguments in matters Mathematical;34 you will not deny, but that
those Articles of the Christian Religion that can be prov’d by a Moral, though
not by a Metaphysical or Physical, Demonstration, may without any blemish to
a Man’s Reason be assented to; and that consequently (by vertue of the foregoing
Considerations) those other Articles of the Christian Faith, that are clearly and
legitimately deducible from the so demonstrated Truths, may likewise without
disparagement be assented to. (Works, 8: 281–2)35
Elsewhere Boyle expands on the third sort of evidence and makes it clear that
it has applicability outside the sphere of religion:
In his own mind at least, Boyle neither wanted nor needed an answer such as
Descartes’ to the sceptic.37 This view was thoroughly in tune with the temper of
Robert Boyle’s Epistemology 111
the times. Boyle’s friend Locke had produced a very similar pragmatic answer to
the sceptic, and the much more systematic Leibniz was in agreement. Moreover,
as van Leeuwen has shown, this pragmatic answer is a fairly direct application to
science of the theological solution to the sceptical problem.
I turn now to the relation between theory and experiment in Boyle. Like all of
us, Boyle used the term ‘hypothesis’ in a number of different ways. Here are
three of the most common. First, he used it of very general world views: this is
perhaps the most common occurrence of the term in his writings. He refers, for
example, to the Cartesian hypothesis, the Epicurean hypothesis, the corpuscular
hypothesis and so on. Second, he used the term for more detailed hypotheses
within the framework of a general hypothesis: in his case within the framework
of corpuscularianism. Thus he mentions the hypothesis that cold is caused by
frigorific atoms, for example, or that the spring of the air is caused by particles
that themselves have a spring. On the negative side, he considered the hypothesis
that a vacuum is impossible. Third, he used the term for particular hypotheses or
predictions about how certain experiments will turn out: that a pendulum will
behave differently in air and in vacuo,38 that doubling the pressure on a quantity
of gas will halve the volume, and so on. Indeed, he speaks of the air’s having
weight and a spring as a hypothesis which can be used to explain observed
results (Works, 3: 30). This latter was, of course, a hypothesis which was very
quickly confirmed. At this point it is worth noting the interest and commitment
Boyle brought to each of these notions.
(Works, 2: 87). But the general corpuscular hypothesis must be accepted because
it is the only one that has any chance of providing us with an explanation we can
understand:
the indefinite divisibility of Matter, the wonderful efficacy of Motion, and the
almost infinite variety of Coalitions and Structures, that may be made of minute
and insensible Corpuscles, being duly weighed, I see not why a Philosopher
should think it impossible, to make out, by their help the Mechanical possibility
of an corporeal Agent, how subtil, or diffus’d, or active soever it be, that can be
solidly proved to be really existent in Nature, by what name soever it be call’d
or disguis’d. … if an Angel himself should work a real change in the nature
of a Body, ’tis scarce conceivable to us Men, how he could do it without the
assistance of Local Motion; since, if nothing were displac’d or otherwise mov’d
than before, (the like hapning also to all external Bodies to which it related,) ’tis
hardly conceivable, how it should be in it self other, than just what it was before.
(Works, 8: 109–10)
I take it to be certain that all things come about through certain intelligible
causes, or causes which we could perceive if some angel wished to reveal them
to us. And since we may perceive nothing accurately except magnitude, figure,
motion, and perception itself, it follows that everything is to be explained
through these four.39
And Huygens in 1679 felt that there was quite general agreement on the matter:
[it is] accepted by almost all modern philosophers that it is only the figure and
motion of the corpuscles of which all things are composed that produces all the
admirable effects we see in nature. (Huygens to Paul Pellisson, 15 August 1679,
in Huygens 1899, 8: 198)
Not only was the corpuscular hypothesis the one that could provide
understandable explanations, it could also accommodate any possibly acceptable
competing hypothesis:
From the fore-going Discourse it may (probably at least) result, That if, besides
Rational Souls, there are any Immaterial Substances (such as the Heavenly
Intelligences, and the Substantial Forms of the Aristotelians) that regularly are
to be numbred among Natural Agents, their way of working being unknown to
us, they can but help to constitute and effect things, but will very little help us to
conceive how things are effected; so that, by whatever Principles Natural things
Robert Boyle’s Epistemology 113
on the one side I think the Arguments which Helmont and others draw from the
Providence of God, for the curableness of all Diseases are not very cogent, and
somewhat irreverent … on the other side, I am not much convinc’d by the grand
Argument alleadg’d against Paracelsus, and the Chymists, that hold all Diseases
to be in their own Nature curable; namely, That they themselves, many of them
(no nor even their very Master) lived not to the Age attain’d by many Strangers
to Chymistry.
For this, That many of them … died young enough, and … by Sickness … is
a much stronger Objection against the Men, then against their Opinion; for it
infers indeed plausibly, that they had not such Remedies as they boasted of …
114 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
but concludes not, that no such Remedies can be prepar’d by any other. (Works,
3: 345–6)
instead of dividing the operations of God, here below, into two sorts only,
natural and supernatural; I think we may take in a third sort, and divide the
same operations into supernatural, natural in a stricter sense, that is mechanical,
and natural in a larger sense, which I call supra-mechanical. (Works, 12: 477)
Miracles provide us with a paradigm case of things which are both non-
mechanical, and non-generalizable, but there are various phenomena which are
non-mechanical but nonetheless lawlike. That looking at a red object in standard
conditions gives rise to a conscious sensation of redness is law-like, but not
mechanically explicable. There are ‘laws of union between the soul and body’,
‘freely, and arbitrarily established’ by God (Works, 12: 479).42 Boyle also points
out that the various tales of witches and communion with evil spirits would, if
they were true (which he thinks is a logical possibility), provide us with another
set of non-mechanical law-like phenomena:
That the Supernatural things, said to be perform’d by Witches and Evil Spirits,
might, if true, supply us with Hypotheses and Mediums whereby to constitute and
prove Theories, as well as the Phænomena of meer nature, seems tacitely indeed,
but yet sufficiently, to be acknowledg’d, by those modern Naturalists, that care
not to take any other way to decline the Consequences that may be drawn from
such Relations, than sollicitously to shew, that the Relations themselves are all
(as I fear most of them are) false, and occasion’d by the Credulity or Imposture
of Men. (Works, 8: 278–9)
This Notion may perhaps be somewhat further explain’d, by conceiving the Air
near the Earth to be such a heap of little Bodies, lying one upon another, as may
be resembled to a Fleece of Wooll. For this (to omit other likenesses betwixt
them) consists of many slender and flexible Hairs; each of which, may indeed,
like a little Spring, be easily bent or rouled up; but will also, like a Spring, be still
endeavouring to stretch it self out again. For though both these Haires, and the
Aerial Corpuscles to which we liken them, do easily yield to externall pressures;
yet each of them (by vertue of its structure) is endow’d with a Power or Principle
of self-Dilatation …
There is yet another way to explicate the Spring of the Air, namely, by
supposing with that most ingenious Gentleman, Monsieur Des Cartes, That
the Air is nothing but a Congeries or heap of small and (for the most part) of
flexible Particles; of several sizes, and of all kinde of Figures … according to
this Doctrine, it imports very little, whether the particles of the Air have the
structure requisite to Springs, or be of any other form (how irregular soever)
since their Elastical power is not made to depend upon their shape or structure,
but upon the vehement agitation … which they receive from the fluid Ether that
swiftly flows between them …
By these two differing ways … may the Spring of the Air be explicated …
I shall for the most part make use of [the former] in the following Discourse: yet
I am not willing to declare peremptorily for either of them, against the other.
(Works, 1: 165–6)
It is clear that Boyle was not gripped by the question of which of these
two hypotheses was correct:44 he was interested, however, in what the actual
experimental result was, regardless of the underlying hypothesis.45 And that
result he was willing to defend against the attacks of others based on their faulty
hypotheses. This was the point that people like Linus and Hobbes seem never to
have come to grips with.
Boyle’s interchange with Spinoza over the existence of the vacuum is relevant
in this connection. On 3 April 1663, Oldenburg wrote a letter to Spinoza much
of which was taken up with Boyle’s careful refutation of Spinoza’s theoretical
objections by means of experimental observations (Hall and Hall 1966, 2.37–40,
40–3). In the course of the letter Oldenburg wrote, ‘Nor does the author see that
the necessity for that very fine matter, which you also postulate, is proved by any
phenomenon; but that it is assumed only from the hypothesis that a vacuum is
an impossibility’ (Hall and Hall 1966, 2.38, 41). Oldenburg went on to observe,
Our Boyle is one of those who are distrustful enough of their reasoning to wish
that the phenomena should agree with it. Moreover, he remarks that there is a
116 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
He continued,
he replies that he has made use of the Epicurean principles, which have it that
motion is innate in the particles, for it was necessary to use some hypothesis
to explain the phenomenon. Although he uses it to maintain his own opinion
against the chemists and the schoolmen, showing that the facts can be well
accounted for on that hypothesis, he does not, for that reason, make it his own.
(Hall and Hall 1966, 2.38–9, 42)
When I further said that the particles of niter in the larger pores are surrounded
by a finer matter, I inferred this, as he notes, from the impossibility of a vacuum;
but I do not know why he calls this an hypothesis since it clearly follows from the
fact that nothing has no properties. (Hall and Hall 1966, 2.88, 93)
Oldenburg wrote back (4 August 1663) to say that Boyle was aware of, but
unconvinced by, this argument: ‘As regards the reasoning which you advance
to deny the existence of a vacuum, Boyle says that it is known to him & he has
seen it before, but by no means assents to it’ (Hall and Hall 1966, 2.102, 103). In
other words, Boyle was not really interested in arguing the point from Spinoza’s
perspective: the experimental results were in, and Spinoza’s ‘hypothesis’ could be
left to fend for itself.46
I mean The rational Faculty endowed but with its own Congenit or Common
Notions and Idea’s, and with Popular Notices; that is, such as are common among
men, especially those that are any thing Learned. But now, the Virtuosi I speak
of … make a much greater and better use of Experience in their Philosophical
Researches. For they consult Experience both frequently and heedfully; and,
not content with the Phænomena that Nature spontaneously affords them, they
are solicitous, when they find it needful, to enlarge their Experience by Tryals
purposely devis’d; and ever and anon Reflecting upon it, they are careful to
Conform their Opinions to it; or, if there be just cause, Reform their Opinions
by it. So that our Virtuosi have a peculiar Right to the distinguishing Title that is
often given them, of Experimental Philosophers. (Works, 11: 292)
to those that think it strange, that among my other Experiments about Mettals &
Minerals, I have not produc’d those gainful Ones that Chymists call Particulars;
it may I hope suffice to represent, that being a Batchelor, & through God’s
bounty furnish’d with a competent Estate for a young’r Brother, and freed
from any ambition to leave my Heirs rich; I had no need to pursue Lucriferous
Experiments. To which I so much prefer’d Luciferous Ones, that I had a kind
of ambition (which I now perceive to have been a vanity) of being able to say,
that I cultivated Chymistry with a disinterest mind; neither seeking nor scarce
careing for, any other advantages by it, than those of the Improvement of my
own knowledg of nature, the gratifying the Curious & the Industrious; and the
Acquist of some useful helps to make good & uncommon Medicins. (Boyle
Letters, 1.108r, 1.131r. reprinted in Works, 12: 365 & n)49
Boyle was then, as a scientist, very cautious about either accepting or rejecting
both observational claims and what he often refers to as particular hypotheses.
118 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
when once a Man is in the right way of making Inquiries into such subjects,
Experiments and Notions will reciprocally direct to one another, and suggest
so many things to him, that if I were now to begin this work again, and had
Cold, and fitly shap’d Glasses, and Instruments, with other Accommodations
at command, there are divers parts, on which my Inlargements would not
perchance be much Inferiour to what is Already extant there, if they did not
much Exceed it. But besides That, I have other work enough, and that of a
quite other Nature upon my hands; the Truth is, that I am plainly Tired with
writing on this subject, having never handled any part of Natural Philosophy,
that was so Troublesome, and full of Hardships, as this has proved. (Works,
4: 222)50
At one time Boyle drew up a pair of tables to indicate the types of experiment
he felt would most aptly exhibit the interaction between hypothesis and
experiment. As M. B. Hall has remarked, Boyle ‘was far more interested in
methodical thinking when it was a question of experiment than he was when it
was merely a question of writing a book’ (Boas 1958, 139).
Robert Boyle’s Epistemology 119
not … so nice, as to decline dissecting Dogs, Wolves, Fishes, and even Rats and
Mice, with my own Hands. Nor, when I am in my Laboratory, do I scruple with
them naked to handle Lute and Charcoal. (Works, 3: 211)
Boyle thought it was not only possible, but in some cases desirable also, to
collect facts in the absence of any theory whatever. Perhaps he was deceiving
himself, but that at least is what he said, apparently sincerely. Moreover, we find
him constantly lamenting the lack of what he called ‘histories’, that is, collections
of what Hacking calls pre-theoretical facts. Boyle felt that histories of almost
Robert Boyle’s Epistemology 121
every important quality were lacking, and set out to begin to fill some, at least,
of these gaps:
it was not my chief Design to establish Theories and Principles, but to devise
Experiments, and to enrich the History of Nature with Observations faithfully
made and deliver’d; that by these, and the like Contributions made by others,
men may in time be furnish’d with a sufficient stock of Experiments, to ground
Hypotheses and Theories on. (Works, 3: 12)
and again,
whether we have treated of the Nature and Origine of Forms and Qualities
in a more comprehensive way then others, whether we have by new and fit
Similitudes, and Examples, and other means rendred it more intelligible then
they have done, whether we have added any considerable number of Notions
and Arguments, towards the compleating and confirming of the propos’d
Hypothesis, whether we have with reason dismissd Arguments unfit to be relyd
on, and whether we have propos’d some Notions and Arguments so warily, as
to keep Them from being lyable to Exceptions or Evasions, whereto they were
obnoxious as others have propos’d them, whether (I say) we have done all or any
of these in the first or Speculative part of this Treatise, we willingly leave the
Reader to judge: But in the second or Historical part of It, perhaps he will be
invited to grant, that we have done that part of Physicks, we have been treating
of, some little service: since by the Lovers of real Learning, it was very much
wish’d, that the Doctrines of the new Philosophy (as tis call’d) were back’d by
particular Experiments; the want of which I have endeavour’d to supply, by
annexing some, whose Nature and Novelty I am made believe will render them
as well Acceptable as Instructive. (Works, 5: 295–6)
Boyle’s admiration for Pascal was clearly sincere, but it was admiration
for the mathematician, not for the experimenter, and indeed, since Pascal’s
‘experiments’ were ‘more ingenious than practicable’, Boyle went on to give a
number of his own.52
7. Boyle’s Law
Most of us, I suppose, were taught at school that Boyle’s Law held for ideal
gases, and could be summarized as PV = k, where k is a constant, and P and
V are pressure and volume respectively.53 Well, that is Boyle’s Law, because the
physicists tell us it is, and it’s their discipline. But it is not what Boyle took himself
to have established.
As background, we note that Boyle was arguing specifically against a Jesuit
scientist, Franciscus Linus, who claimed, not that ordinary atmospheric air
does not have any pressure (a spring), but that its pressure was not sufficiently
powerful for it to do all the things it does in fact do. So Boyle decided on an
experiment to show the way in which, as we would say, the pressure and the
volume of the air vary, when the air is, in Boyle’s words, either ‘compressed or
dilated’.
He and his assistant, presumably Robert Hooke, made a J shaped tube and
began to make a few measurements, but ‘were hindered from prosecuting the
tryal at that time by the casual breaking of the Tube’ (Works, 3: 58).54
Robert Boyle’s Epistemology 123
Subsequently they made another, larger, better piece of apparatus and taking
particular care that the measurements should be accurate, tested the hypothesis
‘that supposes the pressures and expansions to be in reciprocal proportion’
(Works, 3: 59). The results are set out, with misprints, in two tables, and Boyle’s
conclusion was that the experimental findings matched the predicted results
very well in the case of compression, less well in the case of rarefaction. Boyle
suggested that the divergence from the expected result in the case of rarefaction
may have been due to ‘some little aerial bubbles in the quicksilver’ (‘so easy is it
in such nice experiments to miss of exactness’, he added.)
Now, what did Boyle take himself to have shown? First, that there is, as a
matter of experimental fact, a spring to the air: this is not in the sense in which
Boyle understands the term, any longer an hypothesis: it is now obvious from
the experimental results: what explains, or purports to explain this fact will be
a theory or an hypothesis, but the result itself is in no sense an hypothesis, and
the fact that Boyle continued to refer to it as a ‘spring’ certainly doesn’t make it
one. As Boyle said,
Shapin and Schaffer (1985) suggest that Boyle ‘did not clearly discriminate
between the air’s spring and pressure as hypothetical causes of experimental
facts and as matters of fact in their own right’, but as they go on to note, for
Boyle, ‘their real existence had been proved by experiment, and he entertained
no doubt on that score’ (p. 50).
Second, Boyle takes himself to have shown that, for atmospheric air, within
the limits of his experimental set-up, ‘the pressures and expansions [are] in
reciprocal proportion’, or, as we would say, pressure and volume vary inversely.
He doesn’t take himself to have shown anything more than this. He does remark
that further experiments may show that the relationship holds outside the
124 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
till further tryal hath more clearly informed me, I shall not venture to determine
whether or no the intimated Theory will hold universally and precisely, either
in Condensation of Air, or Rarefaction: all that I shall now urge being, That
however, the tryal already made sufficiently proves the main thing for which
I here alledge it; since by it ’tis evident, that as common Air when reduc’d to
half its wonted extent, obtained near about twice as forcible a Spring as it had
before; so this thus-comprest Air being further thrust into half this narrow
room, obtained thereby a Spring about as strong again as that it last had, and
consequently four times as strong as that of the common Air.
Thus Boyle’s Law, for Boyle, was not a universal generalization about ideal
gases: it was a strictly limited claim about common or atmospheric air. Boyle
did add that
there is no cause to doubt, that if we had been here furnisht with a greater quantity
of Quicksilver and a very strong Tube, we might by a further compression of
the included Air have made it counter-balance the pressure of a far taller and
heavier Cylinder of Mercury. (Works, 3: 60)
But he did not claim that the same ratio between pressure and volume would
hold in such more extreme cases. Nor did he claim that there are no limits to the
possible compression. It is worth stressing that Boyle had this limited view of his
result, for Shapin and Schaffer (1985) suggest that
The work Boyle undertook in reply to Linus was … done … with a specially
constructed J-shaped tube in which pressures higher than atmospheric could be
attained. Using this apparatus Boyle showed that if he compressed air twice as
strongly as usual he could produce twice as strong a spring. He concluded that
the process could go on indefinitely, so that there were no limits to the power of
the air’s spring. (pp. 168–9)55
But Boyle was quite happy not to draw such conclusions, simply because his
experiments didn’t allow that kind of jump. There are other important ways in
which he thought that generalizations about nature might fail of universality. He
had a very healthy notion of the complexity of the world and thought that the
Creator had really done rather well if things went more or less as planned. This is,
I think, one of the strong differences between Boyle’s views on these matters and
those of more mathematically inclined scientists such as Descartes or Leibniz56
Robert Boyle’s Epistemology 125
or, come to that, Newton. Cudworth had pointed out that there appear to be
‘Errors and Bungles’ in the design of the world (1678, 1.3.4, pp. 149–50),57 and
Boyle was inclined to agree. Boyle had an acute sense of the difficulties to which
even apparently simple experiments could give rise, and perhaps in consequence
had more sympathy than stricter theologians for the problems which universe
construction might involve, even for the Almighty. For example, after having
noted that ‘the Power as well as Wisedom of the Great Creator’ is shown by the
solar system’s having been completely orderly ‘for many Ages; during which no
Watch for a few hours, has gone so regularly’, despite the ‘Wonderful … quantity
of Motion’ and ‘stupendiously rapid Motions’ involved, his own constant
intellectual honesty led him to note that the universe as a whole does not seem
to be behaving quite so regularly:
Though the pious Boyle would have been horrified to think of himself as
patronizing God, it is clear that he thought God had done an acceptable, even if
not a perfect, job. As Daniel Beck remarks in a slightly different context, ‘Sprat’s
view of God as a Latitudinarian gentleman on his country estate has appeared
once again’ (Beck 1986: 144).
Boyle also entertained the possibility that laws of nature might fail of universal
application since God might simply have decided that in other solar systems
(say) the laws of motion might themselves be different, or the matter on which
they act might be different. He even suggested that we have some experimental
evidence that makes such possibilities more than merely logical:
if we grant, with some modern Philosophers, that God has made other Worlds
besides this of ours, it will be highly probable that he has there display’d His
manifold Wisedom, in productions very differing from those wherein we here
admire it. … Now, in case there be other Mundane Systemes (if I may so speak)
besides this visible one of ours, I think it may be probably suppos’d that God
may have given peculiar and admirable instances of His inexhausted Wisedom
in the Contrivance and Government of Systemes, that for ought we know may
be fram’d and manag’d in a manner quite differing, from what is observ’d in that
part of the Universe, that is known to us.
126 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
The Primordial System of the Universe, or the great and Original Fabrick of the
World; was, as to us, arbitrarily establish’d by God. Not that he created things
without accompanying, and as it were regulating, his Omnipotence, by his
boundless wisdom; and consequently did nothing without weighty reasons: but
because those reasons are à Priori undiscoverable by us: … the only reason we
can assigne, is, that it pleas’d God at the begining of things, to give the world
and its parts that disposition. (BP 9.60r. MS 185:29 with the same content is
reprinted in BOA: 143)
Thus it is not surprising that, from Boyle’s point of view, a priori speculation
was unlikely to be useful, and global theories should be advanced, if at all,
but tentatively. As far as the deep structure of the world goes, we should be
content with plausible hypotheses, so long merely as they are intelligible, that
is, mechanical. What was of interest, and what went beyond mere plausibility,
was the everyday business of finding results that could be turned to practical
purpose: producing what certainly appeared to be a vacuum, and finding that it
could preserve food, for example.59 What was of almost no interest to Boyle was
system building; what was of considerable interest was fact finding.
Notes
A version of this paper was given in March 1991, at the annual International
Conference for Philosophy of Science in Dubrovnik; a later version was given at a
joint session of the Canadian Society for the History and Philosophy of Science and
the Canadian Society for the Study of European Ideas in May 1991. I am grateful
to members of the audience on both occasions for helpful suggestions. I have also
benefitted from a number of conversations with Margaret Osler on Boyleana and
related seventeenth-century matters.
1 As might be expected, opinions vary. My remark occupies the middle ground.
Thus More (1944) tells us that despite being favoured by his teachers ‘the boy did
not become a prig’, and goes on to speak, somewhat bizarrely, of Boyle’s ‘innate
Robert Boyle’s Epistemology 127
manliness’ (p. 28). On the other hand, Dean (1959), discussing Theodora, finds
‘Boyle’s … prurient self-righteousness … acutely distasteful’ (p. 558).
2 Not quite all. Besides Dean’s downright dislike, already noted, a tone of irritation
pervades Shapin and Schaffer (1985), but most readers are more sympathetic.
It should be mentioned, too, that Shapin and Schaffer (1985) offer an ingenious
account of the reason for Boyle’s scientific style.
3 Boyle is offering this ‘physical’ experiment to confirm the Archimedean result
because … a Truth, which is one of the main and usefullest of the Hydrostaticks,
and may be of so much importance to Navigation, has not yet (that I know of)
been attempted to be demonstrated otherwise then upon Paper: it will not be
amiss, for the satisfaction of such of those whom it may concern, as are not
vers’d in Mathematical Demonstrations, to add an Experiment which I made
to prove it Mechanically; as exactly as is necessary for the satisfaction of such
persons.
Although he was enjoying himself, Boyle was making two important points: all
past results should be checked and replicated whenever possible, even those
vouched for by giants; and second, physical experiments are necessary in addition
to mathematical demonstrations, for as Boyle remarked on the same occasion,
‘Experiments that are but speculatively true, should be propos’d as such, and may
oftentimes fail in practise; because there may intervene divers other things capable
of making them miscarry, which are overlook’d by the Speculator, that is wont
to compute only the consequences of that particular thing which he principally
considers’ (Works, 5: 224).
4 This is a less all-embracing tribute than it might seem. Boyle was sent off to Eton
‘at somewhat past the Eighth yeere of his Age’ and stayed there ‘not much beneath
Foure Yeares’, at which time his father ‘tooke him absolutely away’ (BP 37.174r,
177r; Hunter 1994 5, 10). Almost immediately however he and his brother Francis
left for the continent in the care of a tutor. Since Boyle’s father died while Boyle
was still abroad, he knew Boyle only as a young child. However, given what we
know of Boyle’s life and character there seems no reason to doubt either the lasting
correctness of his father’s early assessment or his own somewhat self-congratulatory
self-assessment.
5 Boyle tells this story as though it happened before he went away to Eton on 9
September 1635. Boyle’s brother Richard and his wife were in Dublin at the time,
having arrived in Ireland 14 September 1634. Lady Dungarvan gave birth to her
first child in 1636. If we assume the incident occurred in August or early September
of 1635, Boyle would have been 8, his sister Katherine 20.
6 Eyebright is the popular name of the plant Euphrasia officinalis. Tinctures of the
herb are astringent and if applied to the eye can cause redness, itching and swelling.
The Oxford English Dictionary quotes Salmon (1671, III, xxii, p. 399): ‘Eye bright …
strengthens the head, eyes and memory, clears the sight.’ Boyle suffered from bad
128 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
eyesight throughout his life. At the very beginning of his scientific career he tells
us that he suffered from a ‘distemper’ in his eyes which prevented him ‘not onely
to write my self so much as one experiment, but even to read over myself what
I dictated to others’ (Works, 1: 145).
7 Boyle has Carneades’ remark, regarding van Helmont’s claim to have a universal
solvent: ‘I cannot but say on this Occasion what (you know) our Friend Mr. Boyle
is wont to say, when he is askt his Opinion of any strange Experiment; That He that
hath seen it hath more Reason to beleeve it, than He that hath not’ (Works, 2: 244).
And indeed, we find Mr. Boyle saying the same thing concerning reports of
locating metals by dowsing with hazel rods: ‘But of this Experiment I must content
my self to say, what I am wont to do when my opinion is ask’d of those things which
I dare not peremptorily reject, and yet am not convinc’d of; namely, that they that
have seen them can much more reasonably believe them than they that have not’
(Works, 2: 69).
8 Michael Hunter has pointed out to me that Aubrey was quoting from Anthony
Walker’s funeral sermon for Boyle’s sister, Mary Rich, Countess of Warwick.
9 There is in fact some reason to suppose that Boyle’s own views were not, for the
England of his time, strictly orthodox.
10 Boyle was pleased with his station in life. As a young man he wrote (referring
to himself as Philaretus), ‘To be such Parent’s Son, & not their Eldest, was
a Happinesse that our Philaretus would mention with greate expressions of
Gratitude; his birth so suiting his Inclinations & his Desseins, that had he been
permitted an Election, his Choice would scarce have alter’d God’s Assignement.
For as on the one side a Lower Birth, wud have too much expoz’d him to the
Inconveniences of a meane Discent; which are too notorious to need specifying;
soe on the other side, to a Person whose Humor indisposes him to the distracting
Hurry of the World; the being borne Heire to a Greate Family, is but a Glittering
kind of Slavery; whilst obliging him to a Publick & entangled course of Life to
suport the Credit of his Family & tying him from satisfying his dearest Inclinations,
it often forces him to build the Advantages of his House upon the Ruines of
his owne Contentment. … But now our Philaretus was borne in a Condition,
that neither was high enuf to prove a Temptation to Lazinesse; nor low enuf to
discourage him from aspiring’ (BP 37.170v; Hunter 1994: 2–3).
Concerning his scientific achievements he remarks that he has ‘been look’d
upon as no undiligent Cultivator of Experimental Philosophy’ (Works, 11: 284),
and elsewhere describes himself as one ‘who has made the Indagation of Nature
somewhat more than a Parergon, and having by a not-lazie nor short Enquiry
manifested, how much He loves and can relish the Delight It affords, has had
the good Fortune to make some Discoveries in it, and the Honour to have them
Publickly, and but too Complementally, taken notice of by the Virtuosi’
(Works, 8: 9).
Robert Boyle’s Epistemology 129
11 Boyle sometimes adds a third book, the book of conscience (see e.g. BP 8.123), but
in the main he stays with the more common dichotomy.
12 Boyle makes this point in a number of places and discusses the whole matter
at length in such works as The Reconcileableness of Reason and Religion (Works,
8: 233–313) and A Discourse of Things above Reason (Works, 9: 361–424). Boyle
offers as an example of the kind of thing he has in mind the ‘Controversy about
the endless Divisibility of Quantity’ suggesting that, although one of the opposing
opinions must be true, we are unlikely to find out which. There are, he suggests,
many such cases, in which each of two contradictory positions ‘is maintainable
by such Arguments, as very Learned and Subtle Men do both Acquiesce in, and
Enforce, by loading the Embracers of the opposite Opinion, with Objections they
cannot directly answer’ (Works, 11: 341).
13 It should be remembered that for Boyle imagination was neurophysiological
in nature and as such involved definite limitations. In addition to cases such as
Descartes’s chiliagon, there are, for example, things which are literally too big for us
to imagine, and things which are too small (Works, 3: 221; BP 6.307–8, BOA: 56).
I have discussed this point at slightly greater length in MacIntosh (1983) and
MacIntosh (1991).
14 ‘[W]e are so accustomed from our Infancy to employ our Imagination, when we
would conceive things, that most men find it very uneasy, and therefore thinke it
impossible, to frame any conceptions that are not Phantasms. And when we strain
to exercise acts of pure Intellection, we thinke our thoughts want somewhat, that
ought, as it was wont, to accompany them’ (BP 2.146; 7:162; BOA: 253).
15 ‘[N]ot only desperately wicked men as such, but the generality of men (I had almost
added as they are men) are subject to an inbred Temptation upon the account of
selfe Love’ (BP 6.303–4; BOA: 54), and again, more strongly: ‘Philosophers are
subject to humane frailties in general, & not only so, but to personal weaknesses &
defects, as Lazynes, Envy, Ambition, Arrogance, Hatred &c They often contradict
one another, and not seldom themselves. Th many of them, have been actually
mistaken, & some of them grossly so’ (BP 9.34).
16 This problem had already been noticed by Bacon: ‘[T]he Empirical school of
philosophy gives birth to dogmas more deformed and monstrous than the
Sophistical or Rational school. For it has its foundations not in the light of
common notions (which though it be a faint and superficial light, is yet in a
manner universal, and has reference to many things), but in the narrowness and
darkness of a few experiments’ (New Organon, in Bacon (1857, 1.174–5); English
translation, 4.65).
17 The exception to this would be an account of human cognition and human action.
That would require reference to God: ‘The Rational Soul or Mind of Man, as it is
distinct from the sensitive Soul, being an immaterial Spirit; is a substance of so
Heteroclite a kind, in reference to things so vastly differing from it as mere Bodies
130 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
are, that since I could neither, without injuring it, treat of it promiscuously with the
Corporeal Works of God, nor speak worthily of it, without frequently interrupting
and disordering my Discourse by Exceptions, that would either make it appear
intricate, or would be very troublesome to you or any other that you may think fit
to make my Reader; I thought I might, for others ease and my own, be allow’d to
set aside the considerations of it in the present Treatise: And the rather, because
all other parts of the Universe being, according to the receiv’d Opinion, the Works
of Nature, we shall not want in them Subjects more than sufficiently numerous,
whereon to make our Examen. Though I shall here consider the World but as the
great System of things Corporeal, as it once really was, towards the close of the
sixth day of the Creation, when God had finish’d all his material Works, but had
not yet Created Man’ (Works, 10: 452). However Boyle was in fact very pessimistic
about the possibility of our explaining human cognition (see e.g. Works, 12: 475–6).
18 See e.g. BP 2.63–4, BOA: 283–5; BP 6.301, BOA: 52–3. I have discussed Boyle’s
views on this matter at greater length in MacIntosh (1991).
19 See e.g. Works, 11: 293: ‘[T]he Experimental Philosophy giving us a more clear
discovery, than Strangers to it have, of the divine Excellencies display’d in the
Fabrick and Conduct of the Universe, and of the Creatures it consists of, very much
indisposeth the mind, to ascribe such admirable Effects to so incompetent and
pitiful a Cause as Blind Chance, or the tumultuous Justlings of Atomical Portions
of senseless Matter; and leads it directly to the acknowledgment and adoration
of a most Intelligent, Powerful and Benign Author of things, to whom alone such
excellent Productions may, with the greatest Congruity, be ascrib’d.’
Or again, ‘I must needs acknowledge, … that when with bold Telescopes, I survay
the old and newly discovered Starrs and Planets that adorn the upper Region of
the World; and when with excellent Microscopes I discern in otherwise invisible
Objects the unimitable Subtlety of Nature’s Curious Workmanship; And when, in
a word, by the help of Anatomicall Knives, and the light of Chymicall Furnaces,
I study the Book of Nature, and consult the Glosses of Aristotle, Epicurus,
Paracelsus, Harvey, Helmont, and other learn’d Expositors of that instructive
Volumne; I find my self oftentimes reduc’d to exclaim with the Psalmist, How
manifold are thy works, O Lord? in wisdom hast thou made them all’
(Works, 1: 85–6).
20 Other favourites are the equality between denumerable infinities and their
denumerably infinite supersets, and the apparent, though incomprehensible,
coexistence of human freedom and divine prescience.
21 Locke was equally aware of our ignorance concerning the operation of the
Cartesian soul, ‘He that considers how hardly Sensation is, in our Thoughts,
reconcilable to extended Matter; or Existence to any thing that hath no Extension
at all, will confess, that he is very far from knowing what his Soul is’ (Locke 1975,
4.3.6).
Robert Boyle’s Epistemology 131
32 This certainty, Locke remarked, ‘is not only as great as our frame can attain to, but
as our Condition needs’ (Locke 1975, 4.11.8).
33 Correcting the printed ‘causes’ to the ms. reading ‘cases’ (BP 2.113).
34 ‘Our discussion will be adequate if it has as much clearness as the subject-matter
admits of: for precision is not to be sought for alike in all discussions, any more
than in all the products of the crafts’ (Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, 1094b12–14,
in Aristotle 1984).
35 In manuscript Boyle wrote but eventually decided to omit the following: ‘Wee may
indeed wish that about matters that doe soe nearly concerne us we had soe much
evidence to make our determinations by as might enable us to answer fully all
obiections & scruples. But tho we may wish this: yet we must [not] always expect it,
nor think resolutions Unreasonable or Precipitate that are made upon inducements
that are not soe clear & satisfactory as such an Evidence would be’ (BP 2.114. The
ms. has ‘must always expect it’).
36 Note that Boyle’s ‘personal experience’ is Blundeville’s universal experience. For a
further discussion of Boyle on moral certainty, see Rogers (1966).
37 This point is argued persuasively and at length in van Leeuwen (1970), though
van Leeuwen does make one important slip in his discussion. He offers evidence
that Boyle believes, concerning each knowledge claim, that it may be false, but
sums this up by saying, ‘Boyle seems, then, to recognize as a real possibility that
all knowledge … may in fact be false’. This move from ∀x◊Fx to ◊∀xFx (where x
ranges over knowledge claims, and F is the semantic operator ‘it is false that’) is
fallacious, and is not Boyle’s.
Robert Boyle’s Epistemology 133
exhibits the reverse effects when thawed, but no ‘Element or Hypostatical Principle
can be prov’d to get into or out of this seal’d Glass’. See also, for example, his
account of why the Copernican hypothesis is to be preferred to that of Ptolemy
(Works, 12: 436).
42 For an important and ingenious argument to the conclusion that such lawlike
connections leave physicalism at a loss see Crane (1991).
43 To some extent this was true of Descartes as well: ‘[I]t suffices if I have explained
what imperceptible things may be like, even if perhaps they are not so. And
although perhaps in this way it may be understood how all natural things could
have been created, it should not therefore be concluded that they were in fact so
created. For just as the same artisan can make two clocks which indicate the hours
equally well and are exactly similar externally, but are internally composed of
an entirely dissimilar combination of small wheels: so there is no doubt that the
greatest Artificer of things could have made all those things which we see in many
diverse ways. And indeed I most willingly concede this to be true, and will think
that I have achieved enough if those things which I have written are only such that
they correspond accurately to all the phenomena of nature, whether these effects
are produced by the causes I have explained or by others. And indeed this will also
suffice for the needs of everyday life’ (Descartes 1983, Pt. 4 204, p. 286).
Descartes refers in the same section to Aristotle’s view that ‘[w]e consider a
satisfactory explanation of phenomena inaccessible to observation to have been
given when our account of them is free from impossibilities’. (The reference is to
Aristotle, Meteorology, 344a5–8 in Aristotle 1984.)
Certainly Boyle felt that he and Descartes were at one on this issue: ‘[B]ut that
severe Philosopher Monsieur Des Cartes himself somewhere says, that he scarce
thought, that he understood any thing in Physiques, but what he could declare by
some apt Similitude; of which, in effect, he has many in his Writings; [As, where
he compares the Particles of fresh Water, to little Eels; and the Corpuscles of Salt
in the Sea-water, to little rigid Staves; and where, after the Stoicks, he compares the
Sense of Objects by the intervention of Light, to the Sense that a blind Man hath of
Stones, Mud, &c. by the intervention of his Staff.] To which I shall add, That proper
Comparisons do the Imagination almost as much Service, as Microscopes do the
Eye; for, as this Instrument gives us a distinct view of divers minute Things, which
our naked Eyes cannot well discern; because these Glasses represent them far more
large, than by the bare Eye we judge them; so a skilfully chosen, and well-applied,
Comparison much helps the Imagination, by illustrating Things scarce discernible,
so as to represent them by Things much more familiar and easy to be apprehended’
(Works, 11: 287–8, square brackets in original).
Descartes sometimes took a stronger position, however. Morrison (1989:
61) draws our attention to Descartes to Mersenne, 11 March 1640: ‘As far as physics
Robert Boyle’s Epistemology 135
is concerned, I believed that I knew nothing at all if I could only say how things
might be, without being able to prove that they could not be otherwise’ (Adam and
Tannery 1964, 3:39).
44 Nor was he moved by the question, whether and to what extent macro properties
can be explained by postulating corpuscles with the same properties writ
small, though he flirts with the problem both when discussing the hypothetical
‘frigorifick’ atoms, about which he is clearly sceptical, and when discussing the
emanative properties Epicurean atoms must have.
45 Compare his suggestion that any of three very different corpuscular hypotheses
about cooling will serve to displace the Aristotelian explanation: ‘[W]hen the
Liquor is remov’d from the fire, this acquir’d Agitation must needs by degrees be
lost, either by the avolation of such fiery Corpuscles as the Epicureans imagine to
be got into heated Water, or by the Water’s communicating the Agitation of its Parts
to the contiguous Air, or to the Vessel that contains it, till it have lost its surplusage
of Motion, or by the ingress of those frigorifick Atoms, wherewith (if any such be
to be granted) the Air in these Climates is wont to abound, and so be reduc’d into
its former Temperature: which may as well be done without a substantial Form’
(Works, 5: 345).
46 There is, however, more to be said on this matter. For an ingenious defence of
Spinoza’s position, see Bennett (1984, ch. 4).
47 Locke’s dubiety is well-known. (For an interesting discussion, see Mackie 1976,
ch. 3.) Here is a less well-known figure, Richard Burthogge, on the matter: ‘I infer
… that human knowledge (at least for the most part) is but Intentional, not Real;
and that we have no Perception of any thing, (In any degree to speak of,) just as it
is in its own Reality and being. … for example, as to Water; we have no knowledge
of it by all, or any of our senses, what really it is in it self, just as it is, and absolutely
speaking; for we are utterly ignorant (otherwise than by Conjecture) of the
Magnitude and size of the little parts that compose it; Ignorant of their figure and
shape; and Ignorant also of the kind, and degree of motion they have; all this we are
Ignorant of, and yet this is all that is Real in Water (Burthogge 1694, 1.3.2, 66–7).
48 Rom Harré has pointed out that Boyle was a realist on Hacking-esque
grounds: ‘Boyle in the Origin of Forms and Qualities … argues for corpuscularian
realism by trying to show that mechanical manipulations mechanical
manipulations of the invisible particles brings about visible changes in properties of
materials’ (Harré 1989: 56–7).
49 Boyle was also acutely aware that ‘advantage’ was a term to be used with care.
Making the point that iron is of more use than gold, he wrote, ‘For though it [the
Invention of Extracting Gold and Silver out of the Oar, with Mercury] have vastly
enrich’d the Spaniards in the West Indies, yet ’tis not of any solid advantage to the
World; no more than the Discovery of the Peruvian and other American Mines;
136 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
by which (especially reckoning the multitudes of unhappy men, that are made
miserable, and destroyed in working them,) Mankind is not put into a better
condition than it was before’ (Works, 8: 62).
50 Hooke agreed with the methodological point which, he suggested, is a Baconian
one: ‘I judge there is noething conduces soe much to the advancement of
Philosophy as the examining of hypotheses by experiments & the inquiry into
Experiments by hypotheses, and I have the Authority of the Incomparable Verulam
to warrant me’ (Hooke to Brouncker, June 1672, in Newton 1959, 1: 202).
51 This is a common theme in Boyle. For example: ‘[T]hough I freely confess to you,
that I think the generation of Hail difficult enough to be solidly explicated; yet
I scruple not to reject the receiv’d doctrine about it, for several reasons’ (Works,
4: 475).
52 For further discussion of Pascal’s views concerning experiment, see Arnold (1989a,
1989b) and Dear (1990).
53 In the mid-nineteenth century James Joule demonstrated that, given certain
assumptions about the number, size and random motion of molecules, if we
identify the pressure P on the wall of any vessel containing a gas with the force per
unit area exerted by the molecules in their collisions with the container, we can
2
Nm0 v
then prove PV =
3
where N is the number of molecules in the container, m0 is the mass of each
2
molecule, v is the mean-square speed of the molecules and V is the volume of the
2
container. If we further assume that v remains constant when the temperature
of the gas remains constant, then this formula expresses Boyle’s law, for all
the quantities on the right-hand side of the equation are constant. For further
discussion of the interrelation of idealization and actuality in Boyle’s Law after
Boyle’s time, see Harré (1989) and Savitt (1993).
54 Such mishaps were not uncommon in Boyle’s real world laboratory. Here is another
example: ‘Some time after the foregoing Account had been written, when I came to
look upon the Liquor (which in the mean time had been several times viewed, and
appeared to retain its motions) I found to my trouble, that some body’s impertinent
curiosity and heedlessness had crackt the lower part of the Earthen Pot; at which
overture the Liquor, tho’ not the Scum, was run out: which had put a period to our
Observations, but that, foreseeing, that such an Accident might happen, I had long
before taken out some spoonfulls of the Liquor, and kept it close stopt in a Vial’.
[Later, Boyle took it out of the vial and put it in a ‘China cup’ to gratify the curiosity
of a foreign minister ‘and that of some ingenious men there present’. He put] ‘the
Vessel into divers postures in a Window, the better to discover the true cause of
this Phænomenon; but whilst I was busy about this, which ingrossed my attention,
Robert Boyle’s Epistemology 137
a mischance overturned the Cup, and by throwing down the Liquor, put an end to
my speculation’ (Works, 9: 451).
55 It should be noted, however, that Shapin (1988: 36) points out explicitly that Boyle
does indeed ‘not venture to determine, whether or no the intimated theory will
hold universally’.
56 For Descartes, see Osler (1985); for Leibniz see Okruhlik (1985) and McRae (1985).
57 Cudworth opted for a ‘Plastic Nature’ intervening between God and the world in
order, inter alia, to explain away these apparent defects in the design.
58 Compare Works, 8:122: ‘[T]he very small knowledge we have of the structure
and constitution of Globes so many thousands or hundreds of thousands of
miles remote from us, and the great ignorance we must be in of the nature of the
particular Bodies, that may be presum’d to be contained in those Globes … may
keep it from being unreasonable to imagine, that some, if not many, of those Bodies
and their effluxions may be of a nature quite differing from those we take notice
of here about us, and consequently may operate after a very differing and peculiar
manner.’
59 See e.g. A Continuation of New Experiments, Physico-Mechanical, touching the
Spring and Weight of the Air, and Their Effects. The Second Part, where Boyle, after
reporting on a series of experiments on preserving a variety of foodstuffs in vacuo,
remarks, ‘All these Experiments about the preservation of Aliments, what great use
they may be of for the transporting of Fruits, Venison, or other Flesh from places
far remote to great Cities, and for the affording better nourishment to Mariners,
I leave to the Reader to judge’ (Works, 9: 255).
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Robert Boyle’s Epistemology 139
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140 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
Consider Aristotle’s example of the statue: the bronze is the material cause, since
it explains that from which the statue comes to be. The shape of the bronze is the
formal cause, since it explains why it is, for example, a statue and not a table. The
efficient cause is the knowledge and movements of the sculptor, the source of
change that brought the statue into existence. The final cause is the statue itself,
that for the sake of which the entire process is aimed.
Aristotle’s ‘doctrine of the four causes’ (as it is frequently labelled) was closely
tied to his hylomorphism. This is (roughly) the view that physical objects are
substances that are compounds of form and matter. Each natural object is a hunk
of matter with a form that makes it what it is; it makes it this particular kind
of substance as opposed to some other. Thus, nature consists of hylomorphic
substances (compounds of matter and form), and scientific knowledge of them
comes via explanations that appeal to the four causes.
142 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
namely, that all bodies are made up of one kind of material substance that is both
extended in space and impenetrable. While this may not seem to be a substantial
thesis, it is worth noting that not all Scholastic thinkers held it. Rather, many
believed that there were four different kinds of fundamental matter (earth, air,
fire and water – the four ‘elements’).3 But for Boyle, since the matter of all bodies
is exactly the same, we need to look for other modes (‘accidents’) of matter when
it comes to the task of distinguishing one body from another.
Among these modes of matter, motion is particularly important for Boyle:
That motion, not belonging to the essence of matter … and not being originally
producible by other accidents as they are from it, may be looked upon as the first
and chief mood or affection of matter. (Works, 5: 333)
The point Boyle made here about motion is crucial for our purposes, since it is
motion that does a lot of the efficient causal work in Boyle’s world. The motion
that matter exhibits is imposed externally upon it (by God – more on that later);
it does ‘not belong to the essence of matter’. In other words, motion is not a
property that ‘follows from’ or is necessarily linked to the essence of matter in the
way that (say) the property of being extended follows from the essence of matter.
Note also Boyle’s claim that motion is the most fundamental of all mechanical
‘affections, for nothing can produce motion except other motion, though motion
can produce other ‘accidents’ or properties (e.g. motion can cause changes in
shape and texture). In this sense, motion is the most fundamental mode of
matter, that is, ‘the chief mood or affection of matter’.
When God adds motion to matter, the motion divides that matter into parts
and fragments, thus creating little particles of matter, particles too minute to be
sensed by us. As a result, the world is ultimately constructed out of tiny bits of
matter, each endowed with the familiar mechanical properties:
Whence it must necessarily follow that each of these Minute Parts, or minima
Naturalia (as well as every particular Body made up by the Coalition of any
number of them,) must have its Determinate Bigness or Size, and its own Shape.
And these three, namely Bulk, Figure, and either Motion or Rest … are the three
Primary and most Catholic Moods or Affections of the insensible parts of Matter.
(Works, 5: 333)
Boyle emphasized that even the tiniest bits of matter do not differ mechanically
from the macroscopic ones of ordinary experience, for they too are hunks
of matter endowed with size, shape and motion. Nature is corpuscularian
‘all the way down’ (as it were), and it is partly in virtue of the interactions of
144 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
Boyle held that the notions employed by the mechanist are so clear and
intelligible that the explanations that include these terms must be acceptable
even to the Aristotelian. After all, mechanism employs notions of structural
properties grounded in empirical observation and utilized in common-sense
discourse about ordinary objects. Boyle’s point, then, is that no matter what
framework one endorses, one has to admit that mechanism employs clear and
intelligible notions.
Another advantage Boyle cites also involves tacit criticisms of
Aristotelianism: ‘In the next place, I observe that there cannot be fewer
principles than the two grand ones of Mechanical philosophy – matter and
motion’ (Works, 8: 105). Mechanism makes use of only two principles, matter
and motion, through which natural phenomena can be explained. Clearly,
Boyle thinks it is a virtue of a good scientific framework that it employs as
few fundamental principles as possible, and fans of Occam’s Razor will agree.6
His criticism here of the Aristotelian natural philosophy is that it makes use of
too many irreducible explanatory principles. The use of forms in explanations
of natural phenomena meant that there was a real entity corresponding to
each sensory quality: roses are red because they have the form of redness – a
real quality – and this real quality cannot be reduced to matter and motion.
‘Substantial Forms, Real Qualities, and the like [are] Un-mechanical Principles
and Agents’ (Works, 8: 107). Boyle takes this Aristotelian approach to entail
an ontologically bloated explanatory framework, and on that score, an
inferior one.
146 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
Nor can we conceive any principles more primary than matter and motion.
… Neither can there be any physical properties more simple than matter and
motion, neither of them being resoluble into any things whereof it may be truly,
or so much as tolerably, said to be compounded. (Works, 8: 105f.)
In calling them ‘primary’, Boyle seems to mean that matter and motion are
first in production (so to speak). That is, they are the tools that produce
everything else in the world, as all the endless diversity in nature is the causal
result of the activity of matter and motion. And matter and motion are ‘simple’
in the sense that they cannot be reduced to anything else. That is, they are not
composed of other things into which they may be broken down or analysed.
Consider again the second-order property of texture. Presumably it can be
resolved into its primary constituents as an arrangement of corpuscules with
a certain size and shape, a resolution that can be carried no further then
these simple constituents.7 Texture is therefore not simple in the way that
matter and motion are, the fundamental principles at which all explanations
must end.
Finally, Boyle argued at length that the mechanical explanatory framework
is comprehensive (Works, 8: 106ff.). In calling the mechanical principles
‘comprehensive’, Boyle meant that, despite there being few of them, they can
be used to explain all physical phenomena. In this connection, he took aim at
Aristotelians who grant that mechanical principles may be useful for explaining
the operations of sensible bodies, but ‘who will not admit, that these Principles
can be apply’d to the hidden Transactions that pass among the minute Particles
of Bodies’, and therefore they ‘refer to … Substantial Forms, Real Qualities, and
the like’ (Works, 8: 107). Whether the subject matter is the insensible particles in
chemical transactions or planetary motion, mechanical principles can provide
the explanations, for in the end, all such subjects, Boyle held, reduce to matter
in motion.8
Understood in its historical context, this claim of comprehensiveness was
bold, for the idea that the same explanatory principles apply throughout all of
nature, from terrestrial to celestial, was of course, a relatively novel hypothesis,
one whose confirmation would not arrive until Newton’s Principia in 1687.
But Boyle famously made this point a number of times and often employed
an analogy with the alphabet – again, with a thinly veiled criticism of those
Aristotelians (and Chymists) who disagree:
Robert Boyle on Explanation 147
I am apt to look upon those who think the Mechanical Principles may serve
indeed to give an account of the Phenomena of this or that particular part of
Natural Philosophy, … but can never be applied to all the … things Corporeal;
I am apt, I say, to look upon those, otherwise learned, men, as I would upon
him, that should affirm, that, by putting together the letters of the Alphabet, one
may indeed make up all the words to be found in one Book, … but that they can
by no means suffice to supply words to all the Books of a great Library. (Works,
8: 106–7)
Boyle’s point was that from very few primary mechanical qualities, one can
generate many kinds of phenomena by way of compounding them in various
sizes, shapes and degrees of motion. His use of the alphabet is somewhat
instructive: even though there are only a small number of letters, one can
generate from them countless sentences and books in virtue of their shape and
by manipulating their relative position to one another. Boyle saw the richness
of the mechanical philosophy in a similar way: it posits a small number of basic
explanatory principles that can generate explanations of natural phenomena
by appeal to the size, shape and relative position of the parts of matter. In this
scheme, traditional material and formal causes have no place. Matter and motion
do all the work, and they do the work via mechanical efficient causal impact.
In putting forth a rigorous mechanical worldview, Boyle was eager to show
that it did not lead to atheism. Many seventeenth-century thinkers believed that
mechanism wreaked of Epicurean atheism.9 Boyle went out of his way at times
to distance himself from Epicurus on this point (cf. Works, 5: 353f.). Boyle’s
mechanism is a thoroughly religious one, and he believed that the mechanical
ways of nature, far from leading to atheism, strongly vindicated traditional
religious belief. According to Boyle, the fact that the world is mechanically
ordered as described above is evidence of an intelligent designer. In support
of this, he often compared mechanical nature to the clock at Strasbourg
Cathedral: just as anyone who examines the ‘wheels, springs, weights, and other
pieces of which the engine consists’ will conclude that the celebrated clock was
produced ‘by the skill of an intelligent and ingenious contriver’ (Works, 3: 259),
so Boyle believed it was reasonable to infer that nature – since it is also a big
mechanical machine that Works: by the size, shape and motion of bodies – was
designed by a divine mechanical genius.10 And so, Boyle’s mechanical worldview
was closely tied to a picture of creation and divine providence:
and settle the laws according to which the motions and actions of its parts upon
one another should be regulated. … And thus in this great automaton, the world
(as in a watch or clock), the materials it consists of being left to themselves could
never at the first convene into so curious an engine: and yet, when the skillful
artist has once made and set it a-going, the phenomena it exhibits are to be
accounted for by the number, bigness, proportion, shape, motion, rest, coaptation,
and other mechanical affections. (Works, 5: 354)
This integration of mechanism and divine providence was partly what led
Boyle to believe that, in addition to explaining things through their efficient
mechanical causes, we could explain them through final causes or the goals and
purposes of God. ‘God having an Understanding infinitely Superior to that of
Man, … we may rationally be suppos’d to have framed so Great and Admirable
an Automaton as the World, and the subordinate Engines compriz’d in it for
several Ends or Purposes’ (Works, 10: 566). As we shall see, this made Boyle’s
final causes of a different nature than those found in the Aristotelian tradition.
Boyle began the ‘Preface’ to his Disquisition about the Final Causes of Natural
Things (1688) by underscoring the importance of studying final causes (or a
teleological study of nature): ‘There are not many Subjects in the whole compass
of Natural Philosophy, that better deserve to be Inquired into by Christian
Philosophizers, than That which is Discours’d of in the following Essay’ (Works,
11: 81). Clearly, he thought the study of final causes was important, and the
breadth and depth of the ensuing discussion testifies to its importance for Boyle.
For example, the text is replete with reports of experimental observations and the
(often) teleological conclusions to be drawn from them. 11 Boyle distinguishes
four kinds of final causes that one might find in the natural world (Works,
11: 87), and some comments on each might help illuminate Boyle’s vision.12
human and animal corporeal ends than any other type of end. In this case, Boyle
makes extensive use of his favourite example: the eyeball, which according to
Boyle, is ‘little fitted for almost any other Use in the Body’ other than seeing
(Works, 11: 126).13 He draws on the work of various anatomists, who show to his
satisfaction that organs such as the liver, the heart, the kidneys and the spleen are
all fitted for unique uses (Works, 11: 126ff.). Moreover, the parts of the human
body are fitted together in symmetrical ways (two eyes, two hands and so on)
that are suited for the purpose of preservation and dominion over nature (Works,
11: 126; cf. 113). Boyle’s point with respect to all of these examples (and the
following ones) is that the relevant bodily parts can be explained and understood
by reference to their purpose: the eyeball is constructed in such a way for the
purpose of seeing.
Mental ends have to do with those natural arrangements that benefit the
mind. Boyle had less to say in the Disquisition about mental ends, but in other
writings he is more forthcoming. For example, in the early Aretology (1647),
Boyle writes about how the process of becoming ‘Privy Counsellors of Nature,
and conscious of all her Secrets’ is one of the pleasures of the mind (Ethics: 29).
The idea is that nature aims to provide circumstances to enlighten and delight
the mind, and this is a claim that Boyle would repeat throughout his career.
In the Usefulness of Natural Philosophy (1663), in the midst of discussing the
‘pleasantness of Natural Philosophy’, he notes that the ‘Study of Physiologie is
not only Delightful, as it teaches us to Know Nature, but also as it teaches us in
many Cases to Master and Command her’ in a way that is quite pleasing to the
mind (Works, 3: 211). Some empirical evidence that nature does so aim for this
mental end can be found ‘in the Delight Children take to do many things … that
seem to proceed from an Innate Propensity to please themselves in imitating or
changing the productions of Nature’ (Works, 3: 212). Indeed, Boyle reports that
he himself has found working with ‘dead and stinking Carkases’ more pleasing
to the mind than going to courts and libraries (Works, 3: 201). Lest one think
that only the scientist can discover mental ends, Boyle reports in the Disquisition
itself that ‘if the Innocent Delight of Man is intended’, nature has provided
diverse flowers, singing birds, and peacock trains (Works, 11: 144).
from certain kinds of human corporeal ends (Works, 11: 87). In this case too,
Boyle draws on his own laboratory work, as well as that of others, and cites
numerous examples of how parts of animals serve their unique purposes: frogs
have transparent eyelids for the purpose of seeing while jumping through
areas of dense plants; fish, Boyle has observed, have appropriate eyes for their
environment; moles have feet appropriate for digging and so on.
imposed from without. Moreover, as we have seen, it is clear that Boyle wished
to banish Aristotelian forms or internal natures in favour of a mechanical view
of nature, according to which there is only inert matter with motion extrinsically
imposed upon it. That is, he wished to banish immanent final causality (or
immanent teleology) from his philosophy. Those in the Aristotelian tradition
who believed in such immanent final causality held that natural objects have
an innate tendency – an immanent active power of their own that they have in
virtue of their form – to realize a certain end. On this conception, the relevant
object itself strives for an end and is not merely the inert instrument used to
attain another agent’s end. Since Boyle rejected Aristotelian forms and powers
in favour of mechanism, he ipso facto rejected immanent causality in favour of
extrinsic causality.
This much is clear, and there appears to be scholarly consensus on the matter.
What is less than clear is whether Boyle was successful at ridding his philosophy
of nature of immanent causality. Osler (2001b) has argued that he was not
successful:
appears to add another ingredient to the creation recipe over and above mere
matter and motion. He often claims that God created ‘seminal principles’, or
‘seeds’, and these are entities with special powers.17 He claims, for example, that
with respect to some of the parts to which God imposes motion, ‘some were
so curiously contriv’d as to be fit to become the Seeds, or Seminal Principles, of
Plants and Animals’ (Works, 10: 469; my emphasis). Boyle does not go on to
explain these seminal principles after writing this, but Osler (2001b) sees in his
employment of seminal principles a form of immanent finality. She writes,
I think, that the wise Author of Nature … did more particularly contrive some
portions of that Matter into Seminal Rudiments or Principles … and others into
the Bodies of Plants and Animals: one main part of whose Contrivance, did,
as I apprehend, consist in this, That some of their Organs were so fram’d, that,
… some Juicy and Spirituous parts of these living Creatures must be fit to be
turned into Prolifick Seeds, whereby they may have a power … to propagate
their Species. (Works, 5: 354; cf. 8: 104)
Robert Boyle on Explanation 153
I do not think it improbable what the Learned Gassendus had taught, and what
Mr. Hobbs here teaches, that the Restitution of bent Springs may proceed from
a certain Endeavour or Motion in their internal Parts (left from the time of their
Compression or Extension) which when the Impediment is remov’d, makes every
Part resume its former place, and thereby makes the Whole restore itself. (Works,
3: 122f.; my emphasis).
There are not many Subjects in the whole compass of Natural Philosophy, that
better deserve to be Inquired into by Christian Philosophizers, than That which
is Discours’d of in the following Essay. For Certainly it becomes such Men to
have Curiosity enough to Try at least, Whether it can be Discover’d, that there
are any Knowable Final Causes, to be Consider’d in the Works of Nature. Since,
if we neglect this Inquiry, we live in danger of being Ungrateful, in Overlooking
those Uses of Things, that may give us Just Cause of Admiring and Thanking
the Author of them, and of Losing the Benefits, relating as well to Philosophy as
Piety, that the Knowledge of them may afford us. (Works, 11: 81)
Clearly, when it comes to teleological study, Boyle thought the stakes were high.
His remarks here are not merely promotional fluff.23 In addition to insisting
that knowledge of nature must include knowledge of efficient mechanical
causes, he sincerely believed that there were dire consequences for neglecting
a study of final causes. In fact, he developed a systematic line of reasoning that
incorporated precisely those ‘dangerous’ consequences referred to in the above
passage.
Boyle tells us in the passage quoted above from the preface that there are
three consequences for neglecting the pursuit of final causes:
Analysis of the texts Boyle offered in support of these three claims shows that
his views on causality intersected with his theology, science and value theory in
a way that made a significant, if often unnoticed, philosophical contribution.
But even though his views must stand as significant philosophical
contributions, Boyle’s methodology in the Disquisition is substantially different
than those employed in the standard ‘system-building’ philosophical texts of the
time (e.g. Descartes’ Meditations, Leibniz’s Monadology, or Spinoza’s Ethics).24
156 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
in the World, though every Peruser may read the existence of a Deity, and be in
his degree affected with what he sees, yet he is utterly unable to descry there those
subtler Characters and Flourishes of Omniscience, which true Philosophers
are sharp-sighted enough to discern. The existence of God is indeed so legibly
written on the Creatures, that … even a perfunctory Beholder, that makes it not
his Business, may perceive it. But that this God has manifested in these Creatures
a Power, a Wisdom, and a Goodness worthy of himself, needs an attentive and
diligent Surveyor to discover. (Works, 3: 235–6)
in such a way that motivates veneration (cf. Works, 11: 118; 10: 193). Even
in his early scientific phase, Boyle claimed that ‘there is a greate Disparity
betwixt that generall lazy Idea we commonly have of his Power and Wisdome;
& the distinct, rationall & affecting Notions of those Attributes, which are
formed by an attentive inspection of the creatures in which they are most
legible; & which were made cheefly for that very End’ (Works, 13: 162). It
is, of course, the latter sort of understanding that the natural philosopher
possesses, an understanding that there are ‘sensible representations’ of God
in nature,
Here and elsewhere Boyle seems to make a noteworthy claim: the natural
philosopher does not simply recognize that there are reasons for devotion, but
indeed the ‘impressions’ made upon such a person ‘springs’ him to devotion.
Boyle seems to think that motives for religious devotion are ‘internal’ to a proper
natural philosophical understanding of the world. That is, the natural philosopher
who understands the divine representations in nature via a teleological study
also is one who is motivated to devotion. It might be that Boyle believed there
is an intrinsic connection between a teleological understanding of nature and
motivation for religious devotion.25 Indeed, such passages may suggest that the
natural philosopher who possesses a deep teleological understanding of nature,
yet is not ‘sprung’ to devotion, is a natural impossibility.26
Whatever Boyle’s view on that matter, note that his analysis went further, for
in some passages we learn precisely for what we should be grateful. We should
in the first place, according to Boyle, be grateful for God’s having created us
as natural philosophers. This involves gratefulness for a number of things. He
notes in the Excellency of Theology (1674) that ‘[o]bjects are as well requisite
as Faculties’ when it comes to acquiring knowledge. ‘Wherefore God having
as well made the World, as given Man the Faculties whereby he is enabled to
contemplate it; Naturalists are as much obliged to God for their Knowledge’
(Works, 8:41). In making natural philosophers, God not only endowed them
with rationality but also provided a proper object of study, namely the realm of
natural objects. Moreover, in a curious (and perhaps humorous) passage from
158 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
that same work, Boyle claims that humans should be grateful that they were
created in an environment where they are not objects of study:
For by God’s endowing of none but Man here below with a Reasonable Soul;
not onely he is the sole visible Being that can return Thanks and Praises in the
World, and thereby is oblieged to do so, both for himself and for the rest of the
Creation; but ’tis Mans advantage, that God has left no other visible Beings in the
World, by which he can be studied. (Works, 8: 41)
Thus, Boyle believed that a teleological study of nature reveals not only that
there is a powerful and wise being but that natural philosophers owe that being
gratitude for providing the conditions that make such knowledge and veneration
possible.27
In short, teleological science reveals that God is due veneration for creating
the actual world’s epistemic conditions. These conditions include the reign of
scientific law and the human capacities that permit a teleological study of nature.
And so, given these connections between an experimental study of nature,
the discovery of final causes, the discovery of representations of God’s
attributes and the sincere veneration such discoveries necessarily motivate in
the natural philosopher, Boyle concluded that we are obligated to engage in
natural philosophy, for our failure to do so would ‘frustrate and Disappoint
the Author of it’ (Works, 13: 150). Here is Boyle’s reasoning: Boyle believed
it to be morally incumbent upon a person receiving benefits to inquire into
the motive and character of the benefactor, and the neglect to do so in this
case by refusing to study natural philosophy, ‘is not onely not to use him as a
Benefactor, but as if we meant to punish him (so to speak) for having oblieged
us, since we so abuse some of his Favours, as to make them Inducements to
our Unthankful Disregard of his Intentions in the rest’ (Works, 8: 41). Boyle
was so convinced of the connections between teleology, theology, and the
relevant moral obligation that for him, to study nature just is to satisfy a moral
obligation (since, presumably, it is a way to avoid ‘abusing his favours’) and it
just is a form of worship: it is what he called the ‘Philosophical Worship of God’
(see Works, 3: 278).28
Thus, we are now in a position to see why he held the second of the
‘dangerous consequences’ noted at the beginning of this section, the claim that
a failure to investigate final causes puts one ‘in danger of being Ungrateful’
(Works, 11: 81): the failure to investigate final causes is a failure to engage in
philosophical worship, which in turn is to fail to meet a moral obligation to God
to avoid abusing God’s favours.
Robert Boyle on Explanation 159
Clearly, the story thus far is not without philosophical problems. The claim
that one ought morally to engage in natural philosophy is implausible on the
face of it, for it suggests that those (unlike Boyle, who had access to a laboratory)
who are not in a position to engage in natural philosophy are morally negligent.
Perhaps Boyle thought that only those who have the means to study nature are
morally required to do so in order to benefit humanity with useful discoveries
and the knowledge of God’s greatness.29 But even so the plausibility of the claim
and line of reasoning that led him to it are clearly subject to objection.
However curious we might find Boyle’s reasoning thus far, note that we are
not at the end of it. Recall that the third consequence of neglecting to pursue
final causes is that one loses benefits having to do with philosophy and piety
(Works, 11: 81). Indeed, he believed that the study of nature – philosophical
worship – delivers the greatest benefit of all: human happiness.
In the Usefulness of Natural Philosophy, Boyle indicated that he accepts what
many moral philosophers before him accepted: ‘as the Understanding is the
highest faculty in Man, so its Pleasures are the highest he can naturally receive’
(Works, 3: 201). And with respect to ‘the Delightfulness of the study of Natural
Philosophy’, it is true ‘That those pleasing truths it teacheth us, do highly gratifie
our intellectual Faculties’ (Works, 3: 202). Following a long tradition, Boyle
maintained that the intellectual pleasures were superior to the sensual ones, and
he made this point in many of his writings. Accordingly, he held that the pursuit
of natural philosophy affords a person some of the highest pleasures available.
In the Excellency of Theology (1674), speaking specifically of the ‘contemplative’
natural philosopher, Boyle wrote that
the Contemplator, we are speaking of, does in all the Wonders of Nature discover,
how wise, and potent, and bountiful that Author of Nature is, … and when he
makes greater discoveries in these Expresses and Adumbrations of the Divine
Perfections, the delightfulness of his Contemplation is proportionately increas’d.
(Works, 8:59; cf. 3: 212)
[W]hen we duly consider the very differing ends, to which many of God’s
particular Works:, especially those that are Animated, seem design’d … we
cannot but think it highly probable, That so Wise, and so Benign a Being, has not
left his noblest visible Creature, Man, unfurnish’d with means to procure his own
Welfare, and obtain his true End, … And since Man is endowed with Reason,
which may convince him, … that God is both his Maker, and his continual
Benefactor; … since, (farthermore) finding in his own Mind … a Principle
that dictates to him, That he owes a Veneration, … to the Divinely Excellent
Author of his Being, and his continual and munificent Benefactor; … and since,
lastly, his Reason may convince him, That his Soul is Immortal, and is therefore
Capable, as well as Desirous, to be everlastingly Happy, after it has left the Body;
he must in reason be strongly inclin’d to wish for a Supernatural Discovery of
what God would have him Believe and Do. … And thus the Consideration
of God’s Providence, in the conduct of things corporeal, may prove, to a well
dispos’d Contemplator, a Bridge, whereon he may pass from Natural to Reveal’d
Religion. (Works, 11: 303; Boyle’s emphasis)
Notice that Boyle’s reasoning here summarizes the interpretative line urged
in this section. He begins by citing the final causes in nature and how created
things are designed for their respective ends. It is reasonable to infer from these,
he argues, that God has established conditions for humans (‘noblest visible
Creatures’) to achieve their ultimate end. And since reason, upon a careful
study of nature, motivates one to engage in veneration to God (via ‘a Principle
that dictates to him, That he owes a Veneration’), coupled with the fact that one
wishes for one’s own eternal happiness, one naturally wishes for God to reveal
(or provide a ‘supernatural discovery’ of) what it is that one should do in order
to secure such happiness. And it is at this point, Boyle suggests, that we are in the
realm of revealed theology.
In short, a teleological investigation of ‘the conduct of things corporeal’ leads
the natural philosopher (as the ‘Bridge’ for the ‘well dispos’d Contemplator’) to
his highest end: eternal happiness.
Finally, notice that according to this reasoning, natural philosophy may
not be an end in itself. For as we have just seen, it is the ‘Divine Truths’ that
Robert Boyle on Explanation 161
are the ultimate goal, for they ‘are of a much higher and nobler Order’. So, the
picture that emerges is one according to which natural philosophy leads one to
knowledge of the divine, which in turn gives pleasure to the natural philosopher
and motivates (‘strongly inclines’) her to engage in revealed theology in order
to learn how to secure eternal bliss. This is essentially what Boyle wrote in the
Excellency of Theology:
Man’s End and Happiness consist of the exercise of his noblest Faculties on the
noblest Objects. And surely the seat of Formal Happiness being the Soul, and
that Happiness consequently consisting in the Operations of her Faculties; as
the Supreme Faculty of the Mind is the Understanding, so the highest Pleasures
may be expected from the due Exercise of it upon the sublimest and worthiest
Objects. … For, the chief Objects of a Christian Philosophers Contemplation,
being as well the Infinite Goodness, as the other boundless Perfections of God,
they are naturally fitted to excite in his mind an ardent love of that adorable
Being, … [T]he contentment afforded by the assiduous discovery of God and
Divine Mysteries, has so much of the affinity with the Pleasures, that shall make
up mens Blessedness in Heaven it self, that they seem rather to differ in Degree
rather than Kind. (Works, 8: 45; second emphasis mine)
Thus, the most valuable aspect of natural philosophy for the ‘Christian
Philosopher’ is that it heightens one’s awareness of the most noble ‘object’,
namely, God and his perfections. It is this awareness, Boyle wrote, that naturally
incites in us adoration, true pleasure and is at least partly constitutive of eternal
happiness.
Note Boyle’s claim that the link between God’s perfections, qua objects of
knowledge, and the human mind is such that happiness is ‘naturally’ caused,
suggesting again that things were designed in this way and that true knowledge
of God’s perfections necessarily makes one happy. That is, happiness is internal
to a knowledge of God. This claim sits well, of course, with Boyle’s claim
(discussed earlier) that motivation for divine worship is internal to a teleological
understanding of the world. The claim also meshes with the two Boyleian
universal ends noted earlier: the primary one of manifesting those perfections
and the secondary one of providing benefits for humans (in this case, the benefit
of being happy). In fact, Boyle goes so far in the above passage as to suggest that
the happiness afforded by means of natural philosophy is something akin to a
taste of the beatific vision, for the two ‘differ in degree rather than in kind’. Indeed,
Boyle should be understood at his word when he claimed in the Disquisition to
believe that one loses benefits having to do with philosophy and piety when one
fails to pursue final causes (Works, 11: 81).
162 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
But taking Boyle at his word when it comes to the importance of final causes also
serves to underscore the fact that his relationship with the Aristotelian tradition
is anything but straightforward. He rejected the doctrine of the four causes in
favour of a mechanical framework for scientific explanation; but he retained two
of those four causes in his own philosophy and seems to have redefined a third,
formal causes, in mechanical terms.30 He rejected the Aristotelian ontology that
the four causes were intended to subsume; but he struggled to rid his mechanical
world view of Aristotelian active principles and immanent finality. He argued
for a teleological worldview that is in ways reminiscent of Aristotle; but when
he made the study of that mechanical teleology, the bridge between natural
theology, on the one hand, and revealed theology and human happiness on
the other, he made that teleological world view an offering of his own. Along
the way, Boyle emerged as a systematic philosopher whose views on causality
intersected with the theology, science and value theory of the time and left a
major contribution to early modern philosophy.31
Notes
6 Boyle was clearly a fan of Occam’s Razor, and he occasionally appealed to it when
touting the advantages of mechanical principles over Aristotelian principles. See,
for example, Works, 7: 159.
7 As noted by Nadler (1998: 527).
8 But see Clericuzio (1990) for possible exceptions. In his classic article on
the relationship between Boyle’s chemistry and his corpuscular philosophy,
Clericuzio argues that Boyle did not subordinate his chemistry to his mechanical
principles and that he was reluctant to believe that chemistry could be explained
mechanically. See Clericuzio (1990). The relationship between Boyle’s experimental
science and his theoretical writings on the virtues of mechanism is a controversial
topic. See Chalmers (1993), Anstey (2002), Chalmers (2002), Pyle (2002).
9 For example, the Cambridge Platonists Henry More and Ralph Cudworth typically
argued that if mechanistic principles were not supplemented by non-mechanical
spiritual agents – ‘hylarchic principles’ or ‘plastic natures’ or a ‘spirit of nature’ –
that animate matter, a materialistic atheism might be the result. See More (1662)
and Cudworth (1678).
10 The reasoning here, of course, is a sketch of an argument from analogy. In
seventeenth-century England, it was a popular way of arguing for the existence of
intelligent design, especially for those espousing a mechanical world view. Boyle
found considerations about ‘the excellent Contrivance of the great System of the
World’ to provide ‘one of the best and most successful Arguments to convince
Men that there is a God’ (Works, 11: 94). A century later, Hume pointed out in his
Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion that the reasoning relies on the premise
that like effects prove like causes, and he used this fact to subject the reasoning to
scathing criticism.
11 In addition to these experimental observations, many portions of Boyle’s
Disquisition are devoted to arguing against the Cartesians, who held that final
causes are unknowable and thus irrelevant to scientific inquiry, and against the
Epicurians, who held that there are simply are no final causes in nature. Shanahan
(1994) discusses Boyle’s arguments against the Cartesians. For a discussion of
Boyle’s arguments against Epicurean atheism, see J. J. MacIntosh (1991). For an
interesting discussion of the history and composition of the Disquisition, see Davis
(1994).
12 I present them in the reverse order that Boyle presented them. This should not
distort Boyle’s intentions in any way, for although he presents them in one order, he
discusses them in another (or perhaps in no discernible order at all). It is perhaps
not surprising that in the preface to the Disquisition, Boyle writes that he had ‘more
Regard to some Other Things, than to the Symmetry of the Parts whereof this Tract
consists’, and that hopefully ‘if the Materials be Good and Solid, they will easily,
in so Learned an Age as This, find an Architect, that will Dispose them in a more
164 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
Artful Way, than I was either at Leisure or Sollicitous to do’ (Works, 11: 83). Despite
that he had worked on the Disquisition for many years, in the end he apparently
found it to be an unorganized manuscript.
13 Davis (1994) has shown that Boyle influenced and was influenced by Robert
Hooke’s study of the eyeballs of flies in his Micrographia (1665). Indeed, each
thinker seems to reference the other in his work, and Davis shows, by drawing on
handwriting analysis, that Hooke commented on an early draft of the Disquisition.
14 Boyle was cautious throughout his career when it came to drawing teleological
conclusions about the celestial realm, and unlike many of his contemporaries, he
was not fully prepared to acknowledge purposefulness in the regular orbiting of the
celestial realm. Notice how cautious he is in the Usefulness of Natural Philosophy:
‘perhaps it will be no great venture to suppose that at least in the Creating of the
Sublunary World, and the more Conspicuous Stars, two of God’s Principal Ends
were, the Manifestation of His own Glory, and the Good of Men’ (Works, 3: 215;
my emphasis). As we are about to see, Boyle believed these to be the two great
universal ends of creation, and yet even with respect to these, due to the lack of
observational data, he could not get himself to include the celestial realm. Likewise,
in the Free Inquiry Into the Vulgarly Received Notion of Nature, Boyle does not
‘deny that there are divers things – as the number and situation of the stars, the
shapes and sizes of animals, etc. – about which even a philosopher being asked can
say little, but that it pleased the author of the universe to make them so’ (Works,
10: 450).
15 The Disquisition was published in 1688, a year after Newton’s Principia was
published. Boyle died in 1691, just before Newton’s accomplishments gradually
became appreciated. Thus, as passages such as this indicate, he was unaware of
how far Newton had advanced our understanding of the celestial bodies and the
‘system of the world’. This is true despite that he received a presentation copy of the
Principia from Edmund Halley. See the letter of 5 July 1687 from Halley to Newton
in Newton (1960, 2: 481). It is worth noting in passing that Newton did see his own
work as vindicating the search for final causes.
16 With respect to Boyle’s claim that one of the universal ends is the manifestation
of God’s glory, Sargent (1995) writes, ‘So that his reader would not think that this
proposition was merely “affirmed gratis”, Boyle subjoined a number of instances
from scientific practice where these attributes of God were manifest’ (92).
17 The classic discussion of Boyle on seminal principles is Clericuzio (1990).
A thorough and more recent coverage is Anstey (2002). Clericuzio argues that
Boyle rarely explained chemical phenomena and seminal principles in mechanical
terms, and that therefore he was not a thoroughgoing mechanist. Similarly, Henry
(1986) offers the interpretation that Boyle recognized intrinsically active matter
whose motion is not the result of redistribution through mechanical impact.
Robert Boyle on Explanation 165
Anstey (2002), on the other hand, provides evidence that Boyle always held out
hope for a purely mechanical world view, according to which motion is always the
result of redistribution through impact and is not intrinsic to the nature of matter.
18 See for example Carlin (2012).
19 Clericuzio (1990: 586). On some accounts, such as that of McGuire (1972),
the powers exhibited by matter are identified with the divine will – a form of
occasionalism. This view is controversial. For discussions, see Jacobs (1994),
Shanahan (1988) and Anstey (2002: 158ff.).
20 See Carlin (2012).
21 It is not entirely clear (to me at least) that all seventeenth-century natural
philosophers understood ‘endeavour’ (conatus) in the same way. For a discussion
of how the idea was employed in Descartes, see Garber (1992: 218ff.). For a
discussion of the idea in Spinoza, see Della Rocca (1996). See also Carlin (2004) for
a discussion of its use in Leibniz. Osler also briefly discusses Hobbes’ employment
of the idea in his Elements of Philosophy. See Osler (2001b: 166–7).
22 It is worth noting that in an unpublished appendix to the Disquisition, Boyle
explicitly cited the spring of the air as an example of a phenomenon that awaits
further reduction:
There are a great many things of which we may have some knowledge, and
discourse to one another rationally & usefully; which yet cannot with any
convenience be immediately deduc’d from the First and simplest Principles;
namely, Corpuscles and Motion: but must be deriv’d from subordinate
Principles; such as Gravity, Fermentation, Springiness, Magnetism, &c.
(Works, 13: 169; my emphasis)
Here the point seems to be that further research is needed to reduce springiness
to its mechanical composition and not that springiness is an irreducible non-
mechanical immanent power.
23 As I argued in Carlin (2011).
24 This is not surprising, since it is well known that Boyle rejected ‘system
building’ in natural philosophy of the sort done by the Cartesians and others.
See Correspondence, 3: 171; Works, 2: 14; 8: 82ff.; 11: 304. For discussion, see,
for example, Kaufman (2007). Kaufman (2007) plausibly suggests that Boyle’s
emphasis on experiment and aversion to system building ‘apriorism’ ‘accounts
both for his relative neglect by contemporary historians of philosophy and for
the overwhelming amount written on Boyle by historians of science’ (184).
Indeed, all of the numerous discussions of Boyle’s experimentalism seem to be
from historians of science, and different approaches are available. For example,
Shapin and Schaffer (1985) focus primarily on the social and political context
in which Boyle advocated for experimentation. Sargent (1994, 1995) focuses on
166 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
Works cited
Anstey, P. (2002), ‘Boyle on Seminal Principles’, Studies in the History and Philosophy of
Biological and Biomedical Sciences, 33: 597–630.
Aristotle (1941), Physics, trans. R. P. Hardie and R. K. Gaye, in R. McKeon (ed.), The
Basic Works of Aristotle, 213–394, New York: Random House. Cited by Bekker
number.
Aristotle (1941), Metaphysics, trans. W. D. Ross, in R. McKeon (ed.), The Basic Works of
Aristotle, 681–926, New York: Random House. Cited by Bekker number.
Boyle, R. (1991), The Early Essays and Ethics of Robert Boyle, J. T. Harwood (ed.).
Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press.
Boyle, R. (1999–2000), The Works of Robert Boyle, M. Hunter and E. B. Davis (eds), 14
vols. London: Pickering & Chatto. Cited by volume and page number.
Boyle, R. (2001), The Correspondence of Robert Boyle, M. Hunter, A. Clericuzio and L.
M. Principe (eds), 6 vols. London: Pickering & Chatto. Cited by volume and page
number.
Carlin, L. (2004), ‘Leibniz on Conatus, Causation, and Freedom’, Pacific Philosophical
Quarterly, 85: 365–79.
Carlin, L. (2011), ‘The Importance of Teleology to Boyle’s Natural Philosophy’, British
Journal for the History of Philosophy, 4 (19): 665–82.
Carlin, L. (2012), ‘Boyle’s Teleological Mechanism and the Myth of Immanent
Teleology’, Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, 43: 54–63.
Chalmers, A. (1993), ‘The Lack of Excellency of Boyle’s Mechanical Philosophy’, Studies
in History and Philosophy of Science, 24: 541–64.
Chalmers, A. (2002), ‘Experiment vs. Mechanical Philosophy in the Work of Robert
Boyle: A Reply to Anstey and Pyle’, Studies in History and Philosophy of Science,
33: 187–93.
Clericuzio, A. (1990), ‘A Redefinition of Boyle’s Chemistry and Corpuscular
Philosophy’, Annals of Science, 47: 561–89.
Cudworth, R. (1678), The True Intellectual System of the Universe, London: Richard
Royston.
Davis, E. B. (1994), ‘Parcere nominibus’: Boyle, Hooke, and the Rhetorical
Interpretation of Descartes’, in M. Hunter (ed.), Robert Boyle Reconsidered, 157–75,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Della Rocca, M. (1996), ‘Spinoza’s Metaphysical Psychology’, in D. Garrett (ed.),
The Cambridge Companion to Spinoza, 192–266, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Des Chene, D. (1996), Physiologia: Natural Philosophy in Late Aristotelian and Cartesian
Thought, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Garber, D. (1992), Descartes’ Metaphysical Physics, Chicago, IL: University of
Chicago Press.
168 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
Henry, J. (1986), ‘Occult Qualities and the Experimental Philosophy: Active Principles
in Pre-Newtonian Matter Theory’, History of Science, 24: 335–81.
Hunter, E. (1995), ‘How Boyle Became a Scientist’, History of Science, 33: 59–103.
Jacobs, S. (1994), ‘Laws of Nature, Corpuscules, and Concourse: Non-occasionalist
Tendencies in the Natural Philosophy of Robert Boyle’, Journal of Philosophical
Research, 19: 373–93.
Kaufman, D. (2007), ‘Locks, Schlocks, and Poisoned Peas: Boyle on Actual and
Dispositive Qualities’, Oxford Studies in Early Modern Philosophy, 3: 153–98.
MacIntosh, J. (1991), ‘Robert Boyle on Epicurean Atheism and Atomism’, in M. Osler
(ed.), Atoms, Pneuma, and Tranquility: Epicurean and Stoic Themes in European
Thought, 197–219, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
McGuire, J. E. (1972), ‘Boyle’s Conception of Nature’, Journal of the History of Ideas,
33: 523–42.
More, H. (1662), A Collection of Several Philosophical Writings, London: James Flesher.
Nadler, S. (1998), ‘Doctrines of Explanation in Late Scholasticism and in the
Mechanical Philosophy’, in D. Garber and M. Ayers (eds), The Cambridge History of
Seventeenth-Century Philosophy, 513–53, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Newton, I. (1960), The Correspondence of Isaac Newton, H. Turnbull (ed.),
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Osler, M. (1996), ‘From Immanent Natures to Nature as Artifice: The Reinterpretation
of Final Causes in Seventeenth-Century Natural Philosophy’, The Monist,
79: 388–407.
Osler, M. (2001a), ‘How Mechanical Was the Mechanical Philosophy? Non-Epicurean
Aspects of Gassendi’s Philosophy of Nature’, in C. Luthy, J. Murdoch and W. R.
Newman (eds), Late Medieval and Early Modern Corpuscular Matter Theories, 423–
39, Leiden: Brill.
Osler, M. (2001b), ‘Whose Ends? Teleology in Early Modern Natural Philosophy’, Osiris,
16: 151–68.
Pyle, A. (2002), ‘Boyle on Science and the Mechanical Philosophy: A Reply to
Chalmers’, Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, 33: 171–86.
Sargent, R.-M. (1994), ‘Learning from Experience: Boyle’s Construction
of an Experimental Philosophy’, in Robert Boyle Reconsidered, 57–78,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Sargent, R.-M. (1995), The Diffident Naturalist: Robert Boyle and the Philosophy of
Experiment, Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Shanahan, T. (1988), ‘God and Nature in the Thought of Robert Boyle’, Journal of the
History of Philosophy, 26: 547–69.
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in M. Hunter (ed.), Robert Boyle Reconsidered, 177–92, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Shapin, S., and S. Schaffer (1985), Leviathan and the Air Pump: Hobbes, Boyle and the
Experimental Life, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
6
Boyle on Qualities
Laura S. Keating
the first part is straightforward, there is little consensus on the second. My goal
here is not so much to settle the debates but to provide an interpretation of
Boyle’s doctrine and goals that makes the questions involved in the debates less
pressing. In Section 1, we begin by considering the received notion of quality as
presented by Boyle himself in identifying his explanandum. I argue that we no
longer use the concept Boyle is using. In Section 2, we consider three positions
Boyle holds about qualities that are grounded independently of his doctrine,
although they are presented with it: his rejection of so-called ‘real qualities’,
his rejection of the assumption that any quality must have a first subject in
which it inheres and his acceptance of Descartes’s account of the sensible
qualities in the Principles of Philosophy. This will help set up Boyle’s goals in
giving a philosophical account of the origin of qualities. At the end of Section
4, I address the question of the ontological status of sensible qualities for Boyle,
and in Section 5, I conclude by discussing the consequences of Boyle’s doctrine
for the concept of quality.
1. Qualities as explananda
In Origin of Forms and Qualities (hereafter Forms and Qualities), Boyle appears
conflicted about the general notion of a quality. In the Preface, Boyle faults
Aristotle for not including qualities in his Physics, ‘since Qualities doe as well
seem to belong to Naturall Bodies Generally consider’d, as Place, Time, Motion,
and those other things, which upon that account are wont to be Treated of in the
Generall part of Natural Philosophy’ (Works, 5: 299). This suggests that Boyle
takes the general notion of a quality to be well-defined enough to pick out a kind
of entity for theoretical study in the philosophy of nature. But, after affirming the
logicians’ and Aristotle’s conception of quality as a kind of accident as opposed
to substance, he complains that no one has been able to define further what a
quality is in distinction from other accidents (Works, 5: 315). Boyle himself does
not propose to remedy that situation and states that he will ‘Declare what I mean
by Qualities, rather by Examples, then Definitions’ (Works, 5: 314).3
What are his examples? After making the point above, Boyle explains that
qualities ‘being immediately or reductively the Objects of sense, Men generally
understand pretty well what one another mean’ when specific examples are
given, ‘As to say, that the Tast of such a thing is Saline or Sowr’ (Works, 5: 314).
The tastes of things are examples of sensible qualities, that is, the qualities
that are the proper objects of our sense modalities. Other sensible qualities
Boyle on Qualities 171
include light, colour, odour, sound (Works, 5: 316), heat, cold, smoothness and
roughness (Works, 5: 321–2). Boyle discusses many other qualities that are not
sensible qualities in that strict sense, and which fall into a number of different
received types. For example, in Forms and Qualities, in listing the qualities
produced from the white of an egg in the production of a chick, Boyle mentions
other ‘Qualities, that are wont to be distinguish’d from Sensible ones’ such as
fluidity, consistency, hardness, flexibility, springiness, toughness, unfitness to be
dissolved in cold water and ‘some Occult Properties as Physicians observe’, that
is, various medicinal properties of young birds to treat various illnesses (Works,
5: 383). In the essay on Nitre, under ‘other Observables’ (Works, 2: 101), he lists
inflammability, evaporation, being sparkling, the shape of the body (e.g. the
shape of the crystals of saltpetre formed) and being corrosive or not (Works,
2: 101–11). In An Introduction to the History of Particular Qualities (Particular
Qualities), he describes the last as an instance of those qualities that ‘have bin
principally introduc’d and taken notice of by means of Chymicall Operations
and Experiments’ and so may be called ‘the Chymicall Qualities of things’
(Works, 6: 268).4 Here Boyle notes that by these operations
Other such examples that he includes under qualities are the Spirit of Nitre
filling a stopped vial with red fumes if put in the sun, and a needle attracting
other needles when it is close to a loadstone (Works, 6: 271–2).5
While not proposing a general definition of qualities, Boyle does indicate,
in the passages above and in other places, the content of the general concept of
quality he is using to identify his explananda. Qualities are accidents with three
characteristics: they are
With regard to the first feature, as noted above, Boyle describes qualities as ‘being
immediately or reductively the objects of sense’. Accordingly, he most commonly
172 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
refers to qualities as part of ‘the Phenomena of Nature’.6 Boyle says that he will
explain how mechanistic principles may produce ‘a much vaster multitude of
Phaenomena, and among them of Qualities, then one that does not consider
the matter attentively would imagine’ (Works, 6: 275). In Reflections upon the
Hypothesis of Alcali and Acidum, he talks of providing an account of ‘both the
Qualities of Bodies and the rest of the Phaenomena of Nature’ (Works, 8: 409).
Boyle’s gloss on ‘the Phenomena of Nature’ is that it is the name ‘the generality
of Philosophers, as well as other Men’ call ‘the Changes that are observ’d in …
all the Mundane Bodies’ (Works, 10: 467). Accordingly, qualities as phenomena
are essentially observable, even if only in some cases by their effects (as in the
case of occult qualities). In the Possibility of the Resurrection, Boyle describes the
laws of nature as that ‘according to which all the Phaenomena of Qualities are
regulated’ (Works, 8: 312).7
With regard to the second characteristic, in the Sceptical Chymist, Boyle
describes qualities as
that upon whose Account the Corporeal Substance they belong to receives its
Denomination, and is referr’d to this or that particular sort of Bodies; so that if it
come to lose, or be depriv’d of those Qualities, though it ceases not to be a Body;
yet it ceases from being that kind of Body as a Plant, or Animal, or Red, Green,
Sweet, Sowre, or the like. (Works, 2: 272)
In Forms and Qualities, Boyle writes that it is ‘Qualities, that difference particular
Bodies’ (Works, 5: 418). For ‘turning an acid salt into an Alkaly’ (Works, 5: 411),
Boyle talks of showing how something ‘exhibited all the Phaenomena of an Alkaly’
(Works, 5: 412). Of gold, Boyle wonders what ‘may qualifie that Matter to look
Yellow, to resist Aqua fortis, and to exhibit those other peculiar Phaenomena,
that discriminate Gold from Silver’ (Works, 5: 421). And in an essay on effluvia,
he refers to ‘the Phaenomena’ of Salts (Works, 7: 277).
But qualities are not only observable attributes, they are also causes. At the
beginning of the Preface to Forms and Qualities, Boyle cites the causal nature
of qualities in explaining why understanding their nature is ‘one of the most
Important and Usefull that the Naturalist can pitch upon for his Contemplation’.
We rely on the senses for our knowledge of bodies and ‘it is by their Qualities,
that Bodies act Immediately upon our Senses’. Further, it is ‘by vertue of those
Attributes likewise, that they act upon Other bodies, & by that action produce
in Them, & oftentimes in Themselves those Changes, that sometimes we call
Alterations, and sometimes Generation and Corruption’ (Works, 5: 298).
Referring to qualities generally, Boyle notes that ‘we see that the Actions of Bodies
Boyle on Qualities 173
upon one another are for the most part (if not all) immediately performed by
their Qualities or Accidents’ (Works, 5: 351).8 Qualities may be active or passive
causal attributes. This is the force of Boyle’s remark above that chymical qualities
include ‘powers to act on other bodies or dispositions to be wrought on by them’
(Works, 6: 268). Finally, Boyle adds that it is by our knowledge of qualities that
we have been able to control nature: it is from what experience ‘hath taught Us,
of these differing Qualities of bodies, that we are enabled, by a due application of
Agents to Patients, to exercise the little Empire, that we have either Acquir’d or
Regain’d over the Creatures’ (Works, 5: 298).
In sum, for Boyle, as an explanandum, a quality is an observable,
differentiating, causal attribute of a body. Boyle describes the ordinary person
of his time as holding that ‘Natural Things for the most part operate by their
Qualities, as Snow dazzles the Eyes by its Whiteness, and Water scatter’d into
drops of Rain falls from the Clouds upon the account of its Gravity’ (Works,
5: 324). Fire melts wax by its heat; the coldness of air may freeze water. Thus, in
his project to explicate qualities, Boyle conceives a quality to be both essentially
something we observe – they constitute the phenomena of nature – and a means
by which a body acts or operates.
For us, raised as we are on talk of electromagnetic radiation and molecular
reactions, while I may remark that the whiteness of the snow is blinding me, if
pressed to further articulate that causal process, I will make reference to a quite
different causal process at the micro level, not snow’s observable whiteness. To
a large extent this is exactly what Boyle wants natural philosophers to learn to
do. But, whereas for us causal powers are not part of our concept of observable
qualities, they still are for Boyle. To stay in Boyle’s frame of mind, it is important
here at the start to recognize that Boyle maintains that received conception of
qualities as observable causal attributes even once he has explained them in
terms of the mechanical affections of parts of matter.
To emphasize this point,9 it is helpful here to consider what it is for Boyle to
reduce a quality to mechanical principles and to recognize that for him this does
not involve reconceiving qualities as non-causal phenomena nor as causal non-
phenomena. At the end of the early tract on firmness and fluidity, Boyle explains
that for those two qualities that are such that ‘every sensibly big Body in the
Universe seems indow’d with one or other of them’, he had
to the deduction of those effects of Qualities from such general and obvious
affections of matter; as Bigness, Motion, and Figure, which even the Hermetical
Writers have hitherto contented themselves to refer to Salt, Sulphur, Mercury,
and the like. (Works, 2: 203)
the most satisfactory to the Understanding, wherein ’tis shewn how the effect is
produc’d by the more primitive and Catholik Affections of Matter, namely, bulk,
shape, and motion, yet are not these Explications to be despis’d, wherein particular
effects are deduc’d from the more obvious and familiar Qualities or states of Bodies,
such as Heat, Cold, Weight, Fluidity, Hardness, Fermentation, &tc. Though these
themselves do probably depend upon those three universal ones formerly nam’d.
For in the search after Natural Causes, every new measure of Discovery does both
instruct and gratifie the Understanding, though I readily confess, that the nearer
the discover’d Causes are to those that are highest in the scale or series of Causes,
the more is the Intellect both gratify’d and instructed. (Works, 2: 21)
Boyle stresses that he still allows explanations given by physicians and others
‘only either from secondary Qualities, or from the more particular Properties of
Mixt Bodies’ rather than from ‘Atoms or their Affections’ (Works, 2: 22). While
the latter will
afford the most satisfaction to those speculative Wits that aim but at the
knowledge of Causes; so I think that the other sort of men may very delightfully
& successfully prosecute their ends, by collecting and making Variety of
Experiments and Observations, since thereby learning the Qualities and
Properties of those particular Bodies they desire to make use of. (Works, 2: 23)
Boyle on Qualities 175
that there are in Natural Bodies store of real Qualities, and other real Accidents,
which not onely are no Moods of Matter, but are real Entities distinct from it,
and, according to the doctrine of many modern Schoolmen, may exist separate
from all Matter whatsoever. (Works, 5: 308)
Second, Boyle argues that taking the qualities of a body to be such real
qualities would lead to the absurdity ‘that a Body may have almost an Infinite
Number of New Real Entities accruing to it, without the Intervention of any
Physical Change in the Body its self ’ (Works, 5: 311). Here the problem for the
proponent of real qualities is not the incoherence of separable accidents but the
implicit assumption that ‘every thing men are wont to call a Quality must needs
be a Real and Physical Entity’ (Works, 5: 314). Boyle notes how the observable
causal attributes of a body may be increased by the creation of a new solvent or
reagent. If such causal attributes of a body are each a distinct real quality, then
the body could gain an innumerable number of such entities without any change
in its matter. Boyle argues that this absurdity is avoided only if one holds that
causal attributes are relational, that is, that they belong to a body due to ‘Certain
Respects’ (Works 5: 310) the body stands in to others due to their respective
physical make-up.13 Thus, gold being distinguished from silver in being soluble
in aqua regia, a new-found solution, did not create a new entity in gold. Rather,
gold remains in its nature as it was before the creation of that solution (Works,
5: 310–11).
Finally, Boyle finds it inconceivable and unaccountable how such matter-
independent qualities could serve as causes of changes in material bodies. In
considering how a liquor can take on some of the qualities of an immersed body,
Boyle suggests that small parts of the body must break off into the liquor and
remarks that this will ‘be readily granted by those that conceive not, how one Body
should communicate to another a solitary and naked Quality, unaccompanied
by any thing Corporeal to support and convey it’ (Works, 7: 245). Similarly, Boyle
rejects approaching electrical phenomena as ‘the Effects of a meer Quality’, for
such qualities are ‘inexplicable’ (Works, 8: 513). The issue is the conceivability
or intelligibility of one material thing producing a change in another by means
of an attribute whose nature is not itself dependent on matter. Consistent with
this standard for intelligibility, in Forms and Qualities, Boyle concludes his own
account of qualities by emphasizing how ‘the Qualities, we here speak of, do so
depend upon Matter that they cannot so much as have a Being but in and by it’
(Works, 5: 322). In what sense Boyle takes qualities to be dependent on matter
and in bodies will be addressed in Section 4 below.
Boyle takes the Peripatetics to use this assumption to argue for substantial forms
over and above the four elements: they argue ‘that there is a determinate number
of Ingredients of compounded Bodies from whose mixture and proportion
many Qualities must be deriv’d, and those that cannot, must be resolved to flow
from a higher Principle’ (Works, 6: 269). In Chymist’s Doctrine of Qualities, he
takes the Chymists to use the assumption to argue that if a quality ‘is not to be
derived’ from salt or mercury, then ‘it must needs be derivable from the third, as
Sulphur’ (Works, 8: 393), or that some quality must be explained by their three
since it is not by the Peripatetics’ four.
The issue here is whether a body exhibiting a certain quality is directly
indicative of how the body is materially constituted. Boyle states, ‘To make
which argumentation valid, it must be proved (which I fear it will never be)
that there are no other wayes, by which those Qualities may be explicated, but
by a determinate number of Material Principles, whether four or three’ (Works,
8: 393). Boyle’s point here is logically independent of his Mechanical Hypothesis
for it makes no assumption about the actual constitution of bodies.15 For Boyle,
the only thing that follows from a body exhibiting some quality is that the body
has a constitution that enables it in a world such as ours to produce the effects
ascribed to the quality. Thus, Boyle pries apart the question (i), what must a
body be like to have a certain quality?, from the question (ii), how is a body
materially constituted? To answer (i), one has to study how the effects of a
quality are produced and Boyle thinks one needs to do that empirically.16 Boyle
takes the Aristotelians and Chymists to connect those two questions so that the
mere fact that a body exhibits a certain quality directly entails it having a certain
material or formal constitution. For Boyle, although one might be able to isolate
a substance-type as something with a certain set of causal attributes, one cannot
infer anything essential about the particular constitution of the substance on the
basis of that.17 Thus, persuaded of Boyle’s point, one could reject the approach
to qualities taken by Aristotelians and Chymists, but stay agnostic about the
178 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
Up till now I have described this earth and indeed the whole visible universe as if
it were a machine: I have considered only the various shapes and movements of
its parts. But our senses show [exhibent] us much else besides – namely colours,
smells, sounds and such-like; and if I were to say nothing about these it might
be thought that I had left out the most important part of the explanation of the
things in nature. (1644: 279)
1. The mind is of such a nature ‘that the mere occurrence of certain motions
in the body can stimulate it to have all manner of thoughts which have no
likeness to the movements in question … A sword strikes our body and
cuts it; but the ensuing pain is completely different from the local motion
of the sword or the body that is cut – as different as colour or sound or
smell or taste. We clearly see, then, that the sensation of pain is excited in
us merely by the local motion of some parts of our body in contact with
another body; so we may conclude that the nature of our mind is such that
it can be subject to all the other sensations merely as a result of other local
motions’ (Principles IV, 197, 1644: 284).
2. The sense modalities result from the fact that through motion produced
in each sense organ ‘the soul or mind that is closely joined to the brain
is affected in various ways, corresponding to the various different sorts
of movements. And the various different states of mind, or thoughts,
which are the immediate result of these movements are called sensory
perceptions, or in ordinary speech, sensations’ (Principles IV, 189,
1644: 280).
Boyle on Qualities 179
The first three will be presented in this section and the last two in Section 4. In
giving these accounts, Boyle also introduces several ontological categories. I will
present those as they are introduced by him.
180 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
In Particular Qualities, Boyle states that qualities derive from ‘11 very generall
Affections of Matter, which with itselfe make up 12 Principles of Variation in
Bodies’ (Works, 6: 275). I explicitly number these principles below. Boyle begins
with the category of substance: (1) the Universal Matter. This is that out of
which all bodies are made, ‘by which I mean a Substance extended, divisible,
and impenetrable’ (Works, 5: 305).25 The eleven other principles are all affections
of matter and so not able to exist apart from it. The first of these, the most
fundamental source of qualities, is (2) local motion. Boyle argues that
because this Matter being in its own Nature but one, the diversity we see in
Bodies must necessarily arise from somewhat else, then the Matter they consist
of. And since we see not, how there could be any change in Matter, if all its
(actual or designable) parts were perpetually at rest among themselves, it will
follow, that to discriminate the Catholick Matter into variety of Natural Bodies,
it must have Motion in some or all its designable Parts. (Works, 5: 305–6)26
In characterizing matter and motion in this context, Boyle uses two ontological
notions: primitiveness or simplicity and primacy. First, matter and motion are
each primitive; they cannot be resolved into each other or anything simpler.27
Further, while God is the primary cause, motion ‘seems to be indeed the Principl
amongst Second Causes, and the Grand Agent of all that happens in Nature’
(Works, 5: 306).28 Second, both matter and motion are most primary, that is,
while not arising from each other or other things (except perhaps God), all else
in nature is dependent on them. Thus, putting these two points together, even
though motion is an affection of matter and not able to exist without it, it is
itself a fundamental principle and the source of all the other accidents of matter
(including qualities), for it does not belong ‘to the Essence of Matter, (which
retains its whole Nature, when ’tis at Rest,) and not being Originally producible
by other Accidents as they are from It, may be look’d upon as the First and chief
Mood or Affection of Matter’ (Works, 5: 333).29
In the next step, Boyle explains how with motion in place, the bearers of the
affections of matter include not only matter itself but also the finite masses of
matter that come into being via motion. Here, Boyle begins to address together
the emergence of the affections of matter, the emergence of bodies, and the
nature of a body considered in itself. Once there is both matter and motion,
it will follow both, that Matter must be actually divided into Parts, that being
the genuine Effect of variously determin’d Motion, and that each of the primate
Fragments, or other distinct and entire Masses of Matter must have two
Attributes, its own Magnitude, or rather Size, and its own Figure or Shape. And
Boyle on Qualities 181
Let us break the three accounts apart. First, with regard to the account of the
emergence of the affections of matter in general, Boyle deduces that, in dividing
matter, motion must give rise to the existence of two new affections: (3) bulk or
size and (4) shape or figure. The ontological necessity by which these affections
come to exist is due to the essence of the universal matter together with its being
finite as the result of division by motion.30 Given this, considered generally,
motion as an affection of matter has primacy over size and figure. With the de
facto existence of motion, any individual finite mass of matter must not only
have some determinate shape or size, but also (5) motion or rest. Boyle states that
(3)–(5) ‘are the most primary and simple affections of matter’ (Works, 6: 274).31
Second, as a first step in his account of the emergence of observable bodies,
Boyle notes that we know from experience, including the experiments of the
Chymists, that finite matter not only involves large observable masses of matter,
but that such masses are divisible into much, much, smaller parts.32 It then
follows from the above, that even those insensible parts that are undivided must
also have a determinate size, shape and either motion or rest. Thus, Boyle says
(3)–(5) are the ‘three Essential Properties of each entire or undivided, though
insensible part of Matter’.
This leads to the account of the intrinsic nature of any piece or mass of matter.
Boyle’s main focus here is those insensible parts: (3)–(5) are the ‘three Primary
and most Catholick Moods or Affections of the insensible parts of Matter,
considered each of them apart’ (Works, 5: 333; italics added). Thus, Boyle says that
‘if we should conceive, that all the rest of the Universe were annihilated, except
any of these entire and undivided Corpuscles … it is hard to say what could
be attributed to it, besides Matter, Motion (or Rest,) Bulk, and Shape’ (Works,
182 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
5: 315). But Boyle also notes above that ‘the biggest Masses of the Universal
Matter are likewise endowed each with its peculiar Bulk and Shape’ and will
either be in motion or rest.
In the next step, Boyle introduces three new affections: ‘But now there
being actually in the Universe great Multitudes of Corpuscles mingled among
themselves, there arise in any distinct portion of Matter, which a number of them
make up, two new Accidents or Events’, namely, how a corpuscle is relative to the
‘stable Bodies about it’: (6) posture, ‘whether Erected, Inclin’d, or Horizontal’,
and (7) order, ‘the manner of their being so plac’d, as one besides another, or
one behind another’.33 Further, there also arises (8) texture: ‘And when many
Corpuscles do so convene together as to compose any distinct Body, as a Stone,
or a Mettal, then from their other Accidents (or Modes) and from these two
last mention’d, there doth emerge a certain Disposition or Contrivance of Parts
in the whole, which we may call the Texture of it’ (Works, 5: 316).34 The term
‘texture’ is to express that ‘many of these fragments, being associated into one
Mass or Body, have a certain manner of existing together’ (Works, 6: 274).
Here again Boyle presents together the three accounts above. First, with
regard to the emergence of the affections of matter, Boyle describes (6)–(8)
as affections that ‘will necessarily follow’ when different insensible parts of
matter ‘are consider’d together’ (Works, 5: 333). Given that posture and order are
affections of matter, not all affections of matter are intrinsic to or literally inhere
in a mass of matter. As we will see in the next section, a body’s qualities will be
dependent on (3)–(5) as well as (8), so texture, as an affection of matter, has
primacy with respect to qualities, but it is dependent on (3)–(7). None of (6)–(8)
are inseparable affections of matter since they only pertain to conventions of
pieces of matter. Further, not pertaining to undivided pieces of matter, textures
are less catholic affections of matter than (3)–(5). Second, with regard to the
emergence of bodies, with textures, we get the emergence of compounded
concretes of various sizes as well as observable bodies. Third, with regard to the
nature of any body considered in itself, Boyle says of (3)–(8) that they ‘are the
Affections that belong to a Body, as it is consider’d in itself, without relation to
sensitive Beings, or to other Natural Bodies’ (Works, 5: 334).
In Particular Qualities, Boyle goes on to give three other affections of matter
that pertain to bodies in this narrower sense of masses of the universal matter
constituted by textures: (9) pores, (10) effluviums and (11) mixture or composition.
Pores are empty pockets or spaces within the corpuscular arrangements of
particles of matter constituting a body, due primarily to the irregularity of the
shapes of the corpuscles or to their large size. (Boyle discusses pores in his
Boyle on Qualities 183
The main ontological point is that the textured body as it is isolated from other
bodies is insufficient to account for the existence of qualities and insufficient
to account for a body as a bearer of qualities.38 Thus, qualities for Boyle are not
ontologically identical or reducible to textures in and of themselves.39 Boyle does
say with regard to pieces of matter with (3)–(5), ‘the Coalition of any competent
number of these parts is sufficient to constitute a Natural Body endow’d with
divers sensible Qualities’ (Works, 5: 329). To avoid making him inconsistent,
we must hold that he meant this only assuming (12): an existing background of
various other modified matter, at rest or motion, and the laws of motion.
Boyle’s account above is one of the ontological emergence of three things
even before qualities have been introduced. First, for the affections of matter
184 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
in general: both matter and motion must exist for there to be finite pieces of
matter, and once those exist there will be determinate sizes, shapes, motion and
rest. If there is only one piece of matter there is no posture or order. If multiple
particles of matter exist but do not convene with a posture and order, there is no
texture. In a body constituted by a certain texture of corpuscles, there may also
exist pores, mixture or composition, and, in certain conditions, effluvia. Finally,
with the laws of motion, there are operations of matter in motion and an overall
composition of the universe. As we will see in the next section, qualities emerge
with the last in place and the de facto existence of sensitive beings to which
phenomena are exhibited or displayed. Second, for the ontological constitution
of the parts of matter, bodies emerge as textured congeries of particles of the
universal matter, where those undivided particles only bear size, shape, and
motion or rest. Third, for the intrinsic nature of a body, in addition to having a
constitutive texture (most likely with pores and a certain composition), since it
is a mass of matter, it will have its own shape and size and will be in motion or
rest.40
After deducing the affections of matter and of finite masses of matter and
the nature of a body considered in itself, the task for Boyle, in essence, is to
explain how bodies come to exhibit accidents in addition to those affections.
For while we do see various machines operating only in terms of such affections
of matter, we observe bodies exhibiting many other means of operating such
as heat, cold, sound, fixedness, and magnetism.41 What is the origin of those
additional, observable, causally efficacious accidents we call ‘qualities’ and what
is in corporeal nature and bodies themselves when they exhibit them? Boyle
gives a succinct answer to these two questions at the end of his presentation of
his doctrine of qualities in Forms and Qualities,
if we fancy any two of the Bodies about us, as a Stone, a Mettal, &tc. to have
nothing at all to do with any other Body in the Universe, ’tis not easy to
conceive, either how one can act upon the other, but by Local Motion (of the
whole Body, or its Corporeal Effluvia;) or how by Motion it can do any more,
then put the Parts of another Body into Motion too, and thereby produce in
them a Change of Scituation and Texture, or of some other of its Mechanical
Affections: though this (Passive) Body being plac’d among other Bodies in a
World constituted as ours now is, and being brought to act upon the most
Boyle on Qualities 185
We must consider each Body, not barely as it is in itself an entire and distinct
portion of matter, but as it is a Part of the Universe, and consequently plac’d
among a great Number and Variety of other Bodies, upon which it may Act,
and by which it may be acted on, in many waies, (or upon many Accounts,)
each of which Men are wont to Fancy, as a distinct Power or Quality in the
Body, by which those Actions, or in which those Passions are produc’d. For
if we thus consider Things, we shall not much wonder, that a Portion of
Matter, that is indeed endow’d but with a very few Mechanical Affections, as
such a determinate Texture and Motion, but is plac’d among a multitude of
other Bodies, that differ in those Attributes from it, and one another, should
be capable of having a great Number and Variety of Relations to those other
Bodies, and consequently should be thought to have many Distinct Inhaerent
Qualities, by such as look upon those several Relations or Respects it may have
to Bodies without it, as Real and Distinct Entities implanted in the Body it self.
(Works, 5: 313)
Boyle’s account of qualities here is that with (12) in place, according to the laws of
motion, bodies will be able to produce changes in other bodies by their motion
or the motion of their parts, or to undergo certain changes themselves in their
mechanical affections. It is the ‘many waies, (or upon many Accounts,)’ that a
body acts that we take to be individual powers or qualities in the body. As we saw
in Section 1, a power or quality conceived as an accident of the body is that by
which a body acts or is acted on by another in a certain way. Boyle’s claim here
is that with (12) in addition to (1)–(11), a body will exhibit or be endowed with
causal attributes, but this causal agency of a body is wholly constituted by the
mechanical relations, or congruities and incongruities (Works, 5: 310), in which
the body stands, which, when motion occurs, result in the body producing a
change in another body.
The debate in the literature here concerns whether Boyle is claiming that in
bearing a quality a body not only has its intrinsic mechanical affections, but also
relational or dispositional properties, and that it is in bearing the latter rather
Boyle on Qualities 187
than merely the former that the body bears a quality. At the heart of the debate
is to what extent Boyle admits into his ontology or into his natural philosophy
relations or dispositional properties over and above either (3)–(5) and (8) or
(1)–(12). One side42 takes such an admission as violating Boyle’s mechanistic
reduction of qualities to corpuscular structures; the other side43 takes that
admission of relations to be clearly and explicitly supported by texts such as the
one above in which Boyle refers to powers and qualities as ‘several Relations or
Respects’ a body may have to another. Peter Anstey (2000: 106–7) has concluded
that the texts cited by each side show an unresolved and unresolvable tension in
Boyle.44
The import of this tension is lessened if we take Boyle’s main aim in natural
philosophy to be to show that he can account for qualities while admitting local
motion as the only active principle in nature. The contrast that concerns Boyle
is not the intrinsic versus the relational for, as we saw above, he admits into his
philosophical account of the affections of matter the relations of posture and
order. Nor is it merely the contrast between mechanical and the non-mechanical
features or accidents. Rather, what concerns Boyle is the contrast between causal
agency that is mechanically constituted and that which had long been taken
not to be, that is, the causal agency of qualities. On this interpretation, Boyle
may, without confusion or violation of his own principles, attribute mechanical
relations to objects to account for their observed causal agency, because what
grounds such relation-based agency is still only local motion.
The other, more difficult, issue is the ontology of Boyle’s account of sensible
qualities.45 In Forms and Qualities, Boyle gives this account after presenting (8),
textures. Boyle begins,
And if we should conceive all the rest of the Universe to be annihilated, save
one such Body, suppose a Mettal or a Stone, it were hard to shew, that there is
Physically anything more in it then Matter, and the Accidents we have already
named. But now we are to consider, that there are de facto in the world certain
sensible and rational Beings, that we call Men, and the body of Man having
several of its external parts, as the Eye, the Ear, &c. each of a distinct and peculiar
Texture, whereby it is capable to receive Impressions from the Bodies about it,
and upon that account it is call’d an Organ of Sense, we must consider, I say,
that these Sensories may be wrought upon by the Figure, Shape, Motion, and
Texture of Bodies without them, after several waies, some of those external
bodies being fitted to affect the eye, others the ear, others the nostrils, etc. And
to these Operations of the Objects on the Sensories, the Mind of Man, which
upon the account of its Union with the Body perceives them, giveth distinct
188 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
Names, call the one Light or Colour, the other Sound, the other Odour, &c.
And because also each Organ of Sense, as the Eye, or the Palat, may be it self
differingly affected by External Objects, the Mind likewise gives the Objects of
the same Sense distinct Appellations, calling one colour Green, the other Blew,
and one tast Sweet, and another Bitter, &c. Whence Men have been induc’d to
frame a long Catalogue of such Things as, for their relating to our Senses, we call
Sensible Qualities. (Works, 5: 316)
With this Boyle has given an account of how the explananda, the sensible
qualities, come into being. The difficult and controversial question is what
exactly has come into being here that are the sensible qualities?
According to the passage above, in the corporeal world, there are a variety of
bodies as well as the sensory organs of human beings, each with their specific
texture of parts with particular sizes, shapes and motions. Given their respective
mechanical affections, the laws of motion are such that external bodies with
certain mechanical structures may produce specific mechanical changes in those
sensory organs (see also Works, 5: 310). But that is not yet sufficient for a body
to be endowed with a sensible quality. For bodies to actually possess sensible
qualities there must exist ‘the Perceptive Faculty’ and, following Descartes’s
conception of the mind and body, that requires a mind being united to such a
corporeal body with parts that may be affected by other corporeal bodies acting
on its sense organs in a certain way (Works, 5: 319). In his subsequent accounts
of heat and cold, Boyle distinguishes sensible and non-sensible conceptions of
each. For example, he distinguishes the sensible quality of cold from ‘such a
Negation or immunition of motion, as though it operates not perceivably on
our senses, does yet upon other bodies’ (Works, 8: 342). For a body to actually
bear a sensible quality, that body must operate ‘perceivably on our senses’. Thus,
Boyle says that ‘usually by Cold is meant that which immediately affects the
sensory of him that pronounces a body Cold’ (Works, 8: 341–2; italics added).
A person pronounces a body cold when it is perceived as causing that sensation
in virtue of which a body is called ‘cold’. The causal event, then, that is the origin
of sensible qualities is not just a body by motion affecting the sense organs, but a
body so operating on the senses that there results a perception in and by a mind
of that body as having a certain sort of efficacy with regard to him or herself
as a sensitive being. What is being registered by the mind in such a perception
is that a body bears an accident with a certain causal efficacy for the mind via
the sense organs, for example, a cold-tactile-sensation producing accident or
a red-visual-appearance producing accident. Following Descartes, Boyle holds
that the variety of such perceived causal attributes of corporeal bodies directly
Boyle on Qualities 189
corresponds to the variety of sensations arising in the mind upon certain specific
motions being produced in the sense organs. Thus, Boyle explains above how
there are two axes of variation in sensible qualities corresponding to which
organ is affected and to how a specific organ is affected. From the former arises
the different types of sensible qualities, ‘Light or Colour’, ‘Sound’ and ‘Odour’;
from the latter arises ‘the Objects of the same Sense’, such as green or blue for
colour and sweet or bitter for taste. Also, following Descartes, Boyle goes on to
note that we usually misconceive that causal attribute of the body, taking it to be
something in addition to the body’s matter, such as a real quality, or something
resembling our sensation. But that misconception is not part of the origin story
itself.
Thus, for Boyle, sensible qualities emerge when there are minds united
to bodies such that external objects acting on certain parts of our bodies by
mechanical means result in our having perceptions of bodies as having a certain
causal efficacy with regard to ourselves as sensitive beings. As we saw in Section 1,
Boyle maintains the received conception of bodies acting by means of their
accidents. For him, our being aware of some object operating on us involves
being aware of an accident possessed by the object by means of which the object
acts.46 These perceived accidents that are the objects of our senses are sensible
qualities.
An advantage to this interpretation of Boyle’s account of sensible qualities
(as presupposing the received notion of sensible qualities as observable, causal,
accidents) is that it can account for Boyle saying in the origin account above that
what is named by such terms as ‘Colour’ and ‘Green’ and ‘Blue’ are ‘Things’ that
are so related to our senses; it is those ‘Things’ that he thinks we intend to refer
to using our name for sensible qualities and which are the objects of the senses.
A contrary view is that for Boyle what we are aware of and name above is a body
being such as to cause certain sensations in us, that is, not a feature of the body
that acts on us but the body standing in a certain causal relation to us. On that
dispositionalist interpretation, our concepts of sensible qualities are concepts
of a body being such as to cause certain observable effects. But that is not what
Boyle says above. Such a dispositionalist reading ignores the fact that Boyle still
holds a substance-accident ontology where qualities or powers are conceived to
be accidents by means of which a body acts, even at the level of the phenomena.
Understanding Boyle to be working with a conception of this perceived causal
efficacy of a body as a perceived causal accident of a body also makes some sense
of Boyle’s statements, in the context of giving his origin story, that what we name
by our sensible quality terms are perceptions. For example, at the end of the first
190 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
part of Forms and Qualities, Boyle notes how bodies may produce impressions
on our sense organs and states that ‘the Perceptions of these Impressions are by
men call’d by several Names, as Heat, Colour, Sound, and Odour’ (Works, 5: 334).
Also, at the end of his account in Particular Qualities, he points out that the
various affections of matter ‘may produce a distinct Impression on the Organ,
and a correspondent perception in the Discerning Faculty; many of which
Perceptions, especially if distinguished by proper names [such as sound], belong
to the List of particular Qualities’ (Works, 6: 278). For Boyle, when a sensible
quality is exhibited by a body, it is that conceived causally efficacious accident of
the body that is perceived by the mind in that specific kind of perception, and
so is the object that makes that perception the specific kind of perception that
it is. But, in addition, the exhibited sensible quality is also the attribute of the
body that is essentially causally operative in our having that kind of perception.
The body exhibiting a sensible quality and the mind having a certain perception
are essentially co-occuring. Thus, Boyle adds concerning cold, that ‘sometimes
also it is taken (which is perhaps the more Philosophical sense) for a perception,
made in and by the mind, of the alteration produced in the Corporeal Organs by
the operation of that, whatever it be, on whose account a body is found to be cold’
(Works, 8: 342; italics added). This is not to deny that for Boyle it is the nature
of the particular sensation produced that makes a perception, for example, a
perception of the sensible quality of cold. Boyle supposes that in having that
sensation, we perceive an accident (of a body) that is sufficient for producing
that sensation in us. A body’s having a sensible quality is a matter of it exhibiting
the possession of an accident in virtue of which it operates ‘perceivably on our
senses’.
A consequence of this is that a body’s bearing a sensible quality is not
ontologically reducible to what is going on in the corporeal world when a body
exhibits one, for a certain sensation must also be produced in a perceptive faculty.
This fact is not a problem for Boyle, since his goal as a natural philosopher does
not require him to give an ontological reduction of sensible qualities to matter
and motion, but just to show that what is in the corporeal world when bodies
exhibit sensible qualities is just matter and motion. The efficacious accidents
existing in corporeal nature when, for example, snow exhibits whiteness are just
the mechanical affections of pieces of matter existing in certain relations of order
and congruity or fit to another body (a sense organ) and put in a certain kind of
motion.47
Thus, I do not think that Boyle tries to specify the ontological status of
sensible qualities over and above the dualistic origin story above.48 That is, he
Boyle on Qualities 191
does not further clarify the status of qualities as the objects of our perceptions, as
the phenomena of nature, beyond the origin story itself. In an earlier attempt to
understand Boyle, I argued that sensible qualities are perceptual effects produced
in perceivers (Keating 1993). I do not think that is right if that is taken to mean
the mental acts of sensing by the mind. Sensible qualities are what are displayed
or exhibited to us by bodies only through those acts.49 In raising the issue of
the ontological status of sensible qualities, Anstey asks, ‘What is the relation
between the sensations or perceptions in the mind and the sensible qualities?
And where on this causal chain are the sensible qualities located?’ Anstey lists
the causal chain between body and sensation to consist of 5–6 items: the object,
the medium, the sense organ, the nerves, some part of the brain and then the
immaterial mind (2000: 74). From what I said above, the relation between certain
perceptions in the mind and sensible qualities is a phenomenal causal relation.50
Sensible qualities for Boyle, as exhibited causal attributes constituting part of the
phenomena of nature are the explananda and as such are not on Anstey’s list.
That list contains the ontological basis upon which sensible qualities emerge as
the phenomena of nature.
Notes
1 Boyle also calls this philosophy the ‘Corpuscular Philosophy’ and ‘Particularian
Philosophy’ (Works, 5: 393). While this may suggest that it is the very small bodies
that are explanatory, as we will see below it is actually the mechanical affections of
the bodies that are causally efficacious.
2 In the Sceptical Chymist, through the voice of Carneades, Boyle hints at his
solution to understanding forms: ‘I Consider that if it be as true as ’tis probable,
that Compounded Bodies Differ from One Another but in the Various Textures
Resulting from the Bigness, Shape, Motion, and contrivance of their smal parts.
It will not be Irrationall to conceive that one and the same parcel of the Universal
Matter may by Various Alterations and Contextures be brought to Deserve the
Name, somtimes of a Sulphureous, and sometimes of a Terrene, or Aqueous Body.
And this I could more largely Explicate, but that our Friend Mr. Boyle has promis’d
us something about Qualities, wherein the Theme I now willingly Resign him’
(Works, 2: 255).
3 At the beginning of the Particular Qualities, Boyle also declines to give a general
definition, noting that ‘quality’ has been used in several different senses, but that
‘by the subsequent Discourse it will sufficiently appear in which of the more usuall
of those significations we employ that Terme’ (Works, 6: 267). Kaufman (2006: 154)
also notes this approach by Boyle.
4 See also Works, 8: 326; there he also lists electricity and magnetism as occult
qualities.
Boyle on Qualities 193
36 Works, 5: 313, 318, and 321. I cite the first and third passages in Section 4.
37 Anstey (2000), Pasnau (2011), and Kaufman (2006) make this very clear, something
I did not do in a prior paper (Keating 1993: 308).
38 See also Particular Qualities: ‘in reference to the Production of Qualities, a Body
is not to be considered barely in it selfe, but as ’tis placed in, and is a portion
of the Universe’ (Works, 6: 281), and Excellency of the Mechanical Hypothesis: a
body ‘has also many capacities of acting and suffering upon the score of the place
it holds among other Bodies in a World constituted as ours is’ (Works, 8:106).
See also Works, 8: 401. Boyle talks of this in detail in Cosmical Qualities (Works,
6: 287–315) and Usefulness II, 2 (Works, 6: 512ff.). Boyle notes that even the shape
of crystals may be dependent on the nature of the environment (Works, 7: 30–2).
In the later work on effluvia, Boyle lists six ways in which effluvia can operate,
where the last is ‘By the Fitness and Power they have to make themselves be
assisted, in their Working, by the more Catholick Agents of the Universe’ (Works,
7: 258).
39 Alexander (1985) argues that Boyle does make that identification. Those who deny
that also include Anstey (2000), Kaufman (2006) and Pasnau (2011).
40 Commentators often remark that Boyle is sometimes intending to refer to
determinables in talking of the affections of matter, and other times to refer to the
determinate affections of corpuscles. An alternative way to phrase that point is, as
I have done here, as Boyle presenting together both a theory of the emergence of
the affections of matter considered generally and of the affections of finite masses of
matter of increasing complexity.
41 Works, 8: 106–7.
42 Alexander (1985) and Pasnau (2011).
43 Jackson (1929), Curley (1972), O’Toole (1974), Mackie (1976), Kaufman (2006).
44 Downing (2011: 129n48) agrees with Anstey ‘that in the end Boyle’s metaphysical
commitments here are not as precise as we might like’.
45 Given Boyle’s conception of qualities as ‘immediately or reductively the objects of
sense’, the broader issue is the ontological status of the phenomena of nature. Here
I will just address the issue of the status of sensible qualities.
46 This leads one to think of Locke’s explication of the concept of power in Essay,
II.xxi.1–3, and II.xxii.11: ‘Power being the Source from whence all Action proceeds,
the Substances wherein these Powers are, when they exert this Power into Act, are
called Causes’.
47 Locke comes to mind here too: ‘I confess Power includes in it some kind of relation,
(a relation to Action or Change) … And sensible Qualities, as Colours and Smells,
etc. what are they but the Powers of different Bodies, in relation to our Perception,
etc. And if considered in the things themselves, do they not depend on the Bulk,
Figure, Texture, and Motion of the Parts?’ (Essay, II.xxi.3).
196 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
48 Perhaps this is what Boyle is implying in his refusal to define quality in general or
to define specific qualities, versus giving an account of the causes of their effects in
terms of mechanisms.
49 Here one is led to think of Locke’s tortured use of ‘quality’ and ‘idea’ in talking of
the observed nature of bodies.
50 One is reminded of John Searle’s emphasis on the existence of what he calls
‘intentional causation’: ‘you take it for granted that what you are perceiving is what
causes your subjective perceptual experience … [W]hen you hear a strange and
unexpected sound, you take it for granted that the auditory event in the subjective
perceptual field was caused by a sound in the objective perceptual field…in every
case you simply take it for granted that the subjective experience is caused not
just by any objective state of affairs but by the very one that you are perceiving’
(2015: 126–7). While I am doubtful of this claim, it captures well the Aristotelian
phenomenology framing discussions of sensible qualities in Boyle’s time.
Works cited
Alexander, P. (1985), Ideas, Qualities and Corpuscles: Locke and Boyle on the External
World, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Anstey, P. (2000), The Philosophy of Robert Boyle, New York: Routledge.
Anstey, P. (2011), John Locke & Natural Philosophy, New York: Oxford University Press.
Anstey, P. (2013), ‘The Theory of Material Qualities’, in P. Anstey (ed.), The
Oxford Handbook of British Philosophy in the Seventeenth Century, 240–60,
New York: Oxford University Press.
Boyle, R. (1999–2000), The Works of Robert Boyle, M. Hunter and E. B. Davis (eds),
14 vols, London: Pickering & Chatto.
Curley, E. M. (1972), ‘Locke, Boyle, and the Distinction between Primary and
Secondary Qualities’, Philosophical Review, 81: 438–64.
Descartes, R. (1641), Fourth Set of Replies, in trans. J. Cottingham, R. Stoothoff and
D. Murdoch, The Philosophical Writings of Descartes, vol. 2 (1984), pp. 154–78,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Descartes, R. (1644), Principles of Philosophy, in The Philosophical Writings of Descartes,
vol. 1 (1985): 177–291, trans. J. Cottingham, R. Stoothoff and D. Murdoch,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Des Chene, D. (1996), Physiologia: Natural Philosophy in Later Aristotelian and
Cartesian Thought, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Downing, L. (2011), ‘Sensible Qualities and Material Bodies in Descartes and Boyle’, in
L. Nolan (ed.), Primary & Secondary Qualities: The Historical and Ongoing Debate,
109–35, New York: Oxford University Press.
Boyle on Qualities 197
Before we dive into Boyle’s critique of substantial forms, it will be helpful to say
a bit more about prime matter. The Aristotelian natural philosophy argues that
without a substantial form, matter would not be a substance and it would not
have any properties because it would have no essence, that is, there would be
nothing to supply it with any of the powers of its kind because it has no kind.
Boyle, along with the other mechanists, rejects this view and argues that matter
is a substance all on its own with its own essential properties:
So that now we have found out, and must admit three Essential Properties of
each entire or undivided, though insensible part of Matter, namely, Magnitude,
(by which I mean not quantity in general, but a determin’d quantity, which we
in English oftentimes call the Size of a bodie,) Shape, and either Motion or Rest.
(Works, 5: 307)
Far from admitting prime matter, Boyle insists that matter is a substance
that is extended, that is, has size and shape and can be at rest or put into
motion.6 In fact, as we shall see in Section 3 below, it is because of the nature
of matter that Boyle brings us closer to bridging the gap between what we
now understand as physics and chemistry. However, before we can do justice
to this innovation, we must first see how Boyle argues for his natural kind
realism.
Boyle’s polemics against substantial forms in the Origne of Formes and
Qualities (hereafter Forms and Qualities) contains a series of layered critiques:
First, That I see no necessity of admitting in Natural things any such substantial
Forms, Matter and the Accidents of Matter being sufficient to explicate as much
of the Phænomena of Nature, as we either do or are like to understand. The
next, That I see not what use this puzling Doctrine of substantial Forms is of
in Natural Philosophy; the Acute Scaliger, and those that have most busied
themselves in the Indagation of them, having freely acknowledg’d … That the
true Knowledg of Forms is too difficult and abstruse to be attain’d by them …
third, which is, That I cannot conceive, neither how Forms can be generated, as
the Peripateticks would have it, nor how the things, they ascribe to them, are
consistent with the principles of true Philosophy, or even with what themselves
otherwise teach. (Works, 5: 340)
While all of these premises deserve careful evaluation, for the sake of brevity
we shall focus most of our attention on premise (4) and touch only lightly on
(1)–(3), and only insofar as they are relevant to our main concern, that is, Boyle’s
natural kind realism based on corpuscular forms.
Boyle’s rejection of (1) is rather brief and takes the form of a challenge to his
Scholastic opponents:
First then they thus argue. Omne Compositum substantiale (for it is hard to
English well such Uncouth Terms) requirit materiam & formam substantialem,
ex quibus componatur. Omne corpus naturale est compositum substantiale. Ergo
&c.8 In this Syllogisme some do plausibly enough deny the Consequence, but for
brevities sake, I shall rather choose to deny the Minor, and desire the Proposers
to prove it. For I know not any thing in Nature that is compos’d of Matter, and a
Substance distinct from Matter, except Man. (Works, 5: 343)
are the primary explanatory concepts and so his aim is to reduce all natural
phenomena to matter and motion. Indeed, on his view, nothing but matter
and motion can explain purely natural phenomena: ‘to say, that … Effects are
perform’d by the substantial Forms of the respective Bodies, is at best but to tell
me, what is the Agent, not how the Effect is wrought’ (Works, 5: 352). In essence,
Boyle is arguing that appeals to substantial forms fail to provide an adequate
explanation of natural phenomena because how the form does its work remains
mysterious. For example, in Notion of Nature he put it thus, ‘For to explicate a
Phænomenon, it is not enough to ascribe it to one general Efficient, but we must
intelligibly shew the particular manner, how that general Cause produces the
propos’d Effect’ (Works, 10: 558). And again in the Excellency of the Mechanical
Hypothesis:
These, I say, when they tell us of such indeterminate Agents, as the Soul of the
World, the Universal Spirit, the Plastic Power, and the like; though they may in
certain cases tell us some things, yet they tell us nothing that will satisfie the
Curiosity of an Inquisitive Person, who seeks not so much to know, what is the
general Agent, that produces a Phænomenon, as by what Means, and after What
Manner, the Phænomenon is produc’d. (Works, 8: 108)
if the proposed [explanatory] Agent be not intelligible and physical, it can never
physically explain the Phænomena, so if it be intelligible and physical, it will
204 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
It seems that the two important features that make the explanatory agent
intelligible are that they are physical and their properties are among those
familiar properties of matter.12 These two components allow for an adequate
explanation of how an effect is wrought by an agent simply because we are
already familiar with material objects and how they operate on one another.
At no point does Boyle require that an intelligible explanation of ‘how’ include
a complete account of causation, only that the account appeal to physical
entities and familiar processes, for example, collisions, motion and so on. We
can now see why he concludes that the operations of immaterial forms on
physical corpuscles would not yield intelligible explanations but mechanical
explanations would.
Concerning premise (2), one of the internal consistency problems Boyle
singles out for critical treatment is the inability of the Scholastic theory to
consistently hold on to the doctrine of prime matter as inert and to insist that
the matter produces the form in cases of generation. According to Boyle, the
Scholastics claim that when a generated body comes into existence, in the case
of reproduction, for example, the newly created offspring must either acquire
its substantial form from the matter out of which it was produced, or it must
be created ex nihilo at the time of generation. Boyle finds the latter option
unacceptable because it requires God to perform innumerable miracles at
each moment. As for the former option, Boyle says that the common opinion
among Scholastics is that matter is partly eductive, in that the efficient cause
extracts the form from the matter itself, and partly receptive, in that it has
the power to receive the new form. But, says Boyle, since the Scholastics do
not accept the view that the form was preexistent within the matter, and that
there is no conceivable way for matter to produce (or educe) an immaterial
being, there is no adequate explanation of the origin of the new form (Works,
5: 340–2).
Before turning to premise (4), I should point out that Boyle’s critique of
the Scholastic natural philosophy also applies to their accounts of essential
definitions and taxonomical practices. I shall begin by looking at his criticism of
their taxonomical practices. By his lights, the concept of substantial form in the
Scholastic tradition yields an arbitrary theory of classification:
if You ask Men what they mean by a Ruby, or Niter, or a Pearl, they will still
make You such Answers, that You may clearly perceive, that whatever Men
Boyle’s Natural Kind Realism 205
talk in Theory of Substantial Forms, yet That, upon whose account they really
distinguish any one Body from others, and refer it to this or that Species of
Bodies, is nothing but an Aggregate or Convention of such Accidents, as most
men do by a kind of Agreement (for the Thing is more Arbitrary than we are
aware of) think necessary or sufficient to make a Portion of the Universal Matter
belong to this or that Determinate Genus or Species of Natural Bodies. (Works,
5: 323)
His point is that the Scholastics are theoretically committed to the view that
substantial forms distinguish bodies into their natural species and genera, but
the Scholastics do not (and cannot) appeal to the unobservable substantial
forms in their classification practices. The result is that the Scholastics classify
according to non-theoretical criteria established by convention. Boyle’s
argument in the Forms and Qualities is that this arbitrary practice ought to be
replaced by a philosophically and empirically sound one. He makes a similar
claim in the Sceptical Chymist, where he argues that the inadequate accounts of
the Aristotelians and chymists would be greatly improved if they took advantage
of the explanations available in the mechanical hypothesis. Their unwillingness
to appeal to mechanical principles, Boyle argues, results in their giving ‘us but a
very imperfect account of the Origine of very many mixt bodies’ (Works, 2: 232).
The arbitrariness of Scholastic classificatory practices is a theme that Boyle
repeats in several places in Forms and Qualities:
It was not at randome, that I spoke, when, in the foregoing Notes about the Origine
of Qualities, I intimated, That `twas very much by a kind of tacit agreement that
Men had distinguish’d the Species of Bodies, and that those Distinctions were
more Arbitrary than we are wont to be aware of. For I confesse, that I have not
yet, either in Aristotle, or any other Writer, met with any genuine and sufficient
Diagnostick and Boundary, for the Discriminating and limiting the Species of
Things. (Works, 5: 356)
species that identifies both the genus and essence of that species. The result of
this process is a ‘real definition’. A real definition, according to the Aristotelian
tradition, is one that accords with the hierarchy of natural kinds and identifies
the essence of the species or genus, for example, ‘man is the rational animal’
(reason being the essence of the species, animal being the genus).
A nominal definition, by contrast, is a pseudo-definition that identifies the
members of the species or genus but fails to capture the essence, for example
‘man is a featherless biped.’ All humans might be featherless and bipedal, but that
is not what makes us humans; and there could be another species of featherless
bipeds that we have not yet discovered. To be a real definition, it must pick out
the essence of the species, and the essence is provided by the substantial form.
In the case of humans, the rational soul is our substantial form and it is both
what causes us to be humans and to exhibit rationality. For this reason, humans
are essentially rational but only accidentally featherless and bipedal. So, a true
science of nature for Aristotle and the Scholastics consists of real definitions and
not mere nominal ones.
By the time Boyle wrote Forms and Qualities, a standard criticism of the
Scholastic science was that four centuries of effort had only produced one real
definition (which Boyle refers to as a ‘substantial definition’): ‘Man is the rational
animal.’ But this failure – Boyle insists – is rooted in the Aristotelian ontology:
We are now ready to take up premise (4), that is, the claim that substantial forms
are unnecessary in natural philosophy because anything they were posited to
explain can be done by appeal to matter and its qualities.14 An interesting feature
of Boyle’s positive account is that he claims that species deserve to be sorted in a
specific way: there are ‘a vast Multitude of Portions of Matter endow’d with store
enough of differing Qualities, to deserve distinct Appellations; though for want
of heedfulnesse and fit Words, Men have not yet taken so much notice of their
lesse obvious Varieties, as to sort them as they deserve, and give them distinct
and proper Names’ (Works, 5: 332). By employing terms like ‘heedfulness’, ‘fit’,
‘deserve’ and so on, he implies that if we were to pay careful attention to the
properties of bodies, we could accurately sort things into their natural classes. In
other words, nature’s hierarchy is empirically accessible to us so long as we are
careful and attending to the proper features of material substances.
In Forms and Qualities, Boyle argues that the difficulties which beset the
Scholastic doctrine of natural species can be avoided by redefining ‘forms’. This
is the point of the second-half of the first edition15 of Forms and Qualities; he is
explaining what, on the corpuscular hypothesis, forms are. This is also why he
states his target thusly: ‘the summe of the Controversy betwixt Us and the Schools
is this: whether or no the Forms of Natural things (the Souls of Men alwaies
excepted) be … true substantial Entities, distinct from the other substantial
Principle of Natural Bodies, namely Matter’ (Works, 5: 340). In his rejection of
substantial forms, Boyle sees the need to replace them with something that can
play all of the roles of a form, that is, account for the substantial unity of bodies,
account for natural kinds and cause the observable qualities of bodies. Indeed,
on his account, forms are material and that the Scholastic mistake was to not
allow for material forms in the first place:
Indeed, if [the Scholastics] would admit the Form of a Natural Body to be but
a more fine and subtle part of the Matter … then the Eductive Power of Matter
might signifie something; and so it might, if with us they would allow the Form
to be but a Modification of the Matter; for then it would import but that the
Matter may be so order’d or dispos’d by fit Agents, as to constitute a Body of such
a sort and Denomination. (Works, 5: 341)
Here Boyle brings his corpuscular solution to the problem of eduction and natural
kinds into contact with his critique of substantial forms. Forms, for Boyle, are
naturally repeated material structures of bodies that determine their kind. We
208 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
also see Boyle emphasizing that the form is nothing distinct from the matter (in
its particular arrangement) that makes up the body. Moreover, he insists that the
philosophical problems he has identified in the Scholastic claim that matter has
an ‘eductive capacity’ and can ‘educe’ the form is solved by postulating a material
form. Matter does not magically educe an immaterial form that somehow
bestows unity, properties and an essence on the object. Rather, matter has its
own properties, and a structure of material components can play all three of
the roles of a formal cause. In other words, matter constitutes a ‘form’ for Boyle,
in that when it is ordered in specific structures, it can do all of the work for the
corpuscular natural philosophy that substantial forms did for the Scholastics.
Concerning substantial unity, Boyle says relatively little apart from his claim
that material structure is sufficient to account for the unity of aggregate bodies
in the Notion, that divers Learned men have of an Ens per Accidens, namely, that
tis That which consists of those things, quae non ordinantur ad unum, it may
be said, That though we do not admit substantial Forms, yet we need not admit
Natural Bodies to be Entia per Accidens; because in them the several things
that concur to constitute the Body, as Matter, Shape, Scituation, and Motion,
ordinantur per se et intrinsece to constitute one Natural Body. (Works, 5: 344)16
Later on, he adds that substantial unity is also aided by the close proximity of
the constituent parts: ‘the contrivance of conveniently figur’d parts, and in some
cases their juxta-position … be sufficient’ (Works, 5: 350). In other words, the
mechanical affections of the matter suffice, on this view, to order a body into a
unified whole.17
One of the philosophical problems associated with this view is how particles
cohere to create a unified body. As Locke would later put it in his An Essay
concerning Human Understanding, if a body is ‘nothing, but the cohesion or
continuity of solid, separable, moveable Parts’ (2.4.5) and we have no explanation
of how these parts bond together, then we cannot account for the unity of bodies
mechanically. For example, if the claim is that bodies bond because there are little
hooks on the corpuscles that grip onto the hooks of other corpuscles, then the
question of how the hooks cohere (as opposed to break up) must be answered.18
For this reason, Locke argues that we are as much in the dark about cohesion of
corpuscles as we are about how a soul thinks:
Tis as easie for him to have a clear Idea, how the Soul thinks, as how Body is
extended. For since Body is no farther, nor otherwise extended, than by the
union and cohesion of its solid parts, we shall very ill comprehend the extension
of Body, without understanding wherein consists the union and cohesion of its
Boyle’s Natural Kind Realism 209
for the Form of a Natural Body, being according to us, but an Essential
Modification, and, as it were, the Stamp of its Matter, or such a convention
of the Bigness, Shape, Motion (or Rest,) Scituation and Contexture, (together
with the thence resulting Qualities) of the small parts that compose the Body,
as is necessary to constitute and denominate such a particular Body. (Works,
5: 353)
Notice the two claims here. First, form consists in corpuscular form,20 which not
only includes the corpuscular structure but the resulting properties necessary
to classify it. Second, these material structures and resulting properties are
sufficient to constitute class membership. Elsewhere, he reiterates this view:
since those Qualities … do themselves proceed from those more Primary and
Catholick affections of Matter, Bulk, Shape, Motion or Rest and the Texture
thence resulting, why may we not say, that the Form of a Body … doth likewise
consist in such a Convention of those newly nam’d Mechanical Affections of
Matter, as is necessary to constitute a Body of that Determinate kind. And so,
though I shall for brevities sake retain the word Forme, yet I would be understood
to mean by it, not a Real Substance distinct from Matter, but onely the Matter
it self of a Natural Body, consider’d with its peculiar manner of Existence
[corpuscular structure], which I think may not inconveniently be call’d either its
Specifical or its Denominating State, or its Essential Modification, or, if you would
have me express it in one word, its Stamp: for such a Convention of Accidents is
sufficient to perform the Offices that are necessarily requir’d in what Men call a
Forme, since it makes the body such as it is, making it appertain to this or that
Determinate Species of Bodies, and discriminating it from all other Species of
Bodies whatsoever. (Works, 5: 324)
210 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
so when a Body comes to lose all or any of those Accidents that are Essential,
and necessary to the constituting of such a Body, it is then said to be corrupted
or destroy’d, and is no more a Body of that Kind, but looses its Title to its former
Denomination. Not that any thing Corporeal or Substantial perishes in this
Change, but onely that the Essential Modification of the Matter [its corpuscular
structure] is destroy’d. (Works, 5: 329)
Again later, he says that the properties of bodies result from the essential form. It
is an ‘essential form’ because without it, the body would not have the properties –
and species class – it in fact has. Thus, like his Scholastic counterparts, all these
forms and their properties are essential in analogous ways:
But neither in this, nor in any kind of Corruption is there any thing substantial
destroy’d … but onely that special connexion of the Parts, or manner of their
Coexistence [corporeal structure], upon whose account the Matter, whilst it was
in its former state, was, and was call’d, a Stone or a Mettal, or did belong to any
other Determinate Species of Bodies. (Works, 5: 335)
We see here again that in both generation and corruption, corpuscular structure
is all there is, and nothing more, that is, an immaterial form, is added or lost
in these processes. This frequent appeal to ontological parsimony is one of
the striking features of his polemic and it is all in service of premise (4), that
substantial forms are unnecessary in natural philosophy.
One might think, however, that this rejection of substantial forms in favour of
corpuscular forms might lead to some philosophical difficulties. For example, if
all there is to a natural kind is a material structure then how do we get repeated
material structures without the guidance of an immaterial form? A related
problem is ‘why is the world not populated by an infinite array of corpuscular
forms?’ The short answer to both questions is ‘God’. But to see the long answer,
Boyle’s Natural Kind Realism 211
we shall have to look more closely at how Boyle addresses the question of how
nature achieves hard-edged kinds. And as we shall see, Boyle does not think that
the infinite potential of matter to be rearranged to create an infinite amount of
possible structures implies that there are no natural species. As long as there are
repeated corpuscular structures in nature, and as long as similar structures result
in similar properties, there will be discoverable natural kinds. Moreover, Boyle
argues that artificially produced substances (such as vitriol, i.e. sulfuric acid) that
share their qualities with a naturally occurring substance are structurally similar
to their natural counterparts, and so they are members of the same natural kind.
This is his entire reason for discussing the results of his experiments with vitriol;
nature continues to regularly produce instances of natural kinds by means of
mechanical reconfigurations of corpuscular structures.
I will pitch, for the illustration of the Mechanical Production of Forms, upon
Vitriol. For since Nature her self, without the help of Art, does oftentimes
produce that Concrete, (as I have elsewhere shewn by Experience,) there is no
reason why Vitriol, produc’d by easie Chymical Operations, should not be look’d
upon as a Body of the same Nature and Kind. (Works, 5: 360)
And indeed, since to every Determinate Species of Bodies, there doth belong
more than One Quality, and for the most part a concurrence of Many is so
Essential to That sort of Bodies, that the want of any of them is sufficient to
exclude it from belonging to that Species: there needs no more to discriminate
212 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
sufficiently any One kind of Bodies from all the Bodies in the World, that are not
of that kind…And I suppose it would be thought a Man’s own fault, if he could
not distinguish a Needle from a File, or a Key from a pair of Scissors, though
these being all made of Iron, and differing but in Bigness and Shape, are less
remarkably diverse then Natural Bodies, the most part of which differ from each
other in far more Accidents then Two. (Works, 5: 323–4)
His conclusions are threefold. First, members of a kind share many properties,
which are individually necessary and jointly sufficient to rank it within its
kind. These essential properties are grounded in the corpuscular structure
of the objects. Thus, distinctions between kinds are grounded in corpuscular
structure. Second, these kinds are discernible; just as it would be ‘a man’s own
fault’ if he could not distinguish between keys and scissors, he would be equally
blameworthy if he failed to distinguish between a bat and a bird, or gold and
iron pyrite. Finally, objects of differing natural classes typically differ in many
observable properties, that is, there are hard edges between at least some kinds.
Just as what distinguishes a file from a needle are such noticeable properties
as size, shape and configuration which are grounded in the differing physical
composition of the items, what differentiates gold from iron pyrite is also a
sizeable set of conspicuous properties grounded in their differing corpuscular
structures.
Boyle’s use of iron tools is important to his argument by analogy. Although
a key and scissors are both tools composed of iron, they differ in both physical
structure and, therefore, in their essential properties. By analogy, instances of
different natural kinds (though they are both composed of matter) with different
arrangements of their constituent matter produce different properties. What
makes a key not a pair of scissors just is the differing configurations of their
constituent iron. In like manner, what makes iron pyrite not gold just is their
different corpuscular configurations. What establishes the boundaries between
kinds are corpuscular forms.
This reading is further supported by Boyle’s mathematical example where he
discusses how his theory accounts for gaps in essential properties among kinds.
The example concerns comparing the ways the properties of two distinct kinds
of geometrical figures differ: ‘though Sphæres and Parallelopipedons differ but in
Shape, yet this difference alone is the ground of so many others, that Euclid and
other Geometricians have demonstrated, I know not how many Properties of
the one, which do no way belong to the other’ (Works, 5: 323). From the fact that
all the properties of a sphere and a parallelepipedon follow from their structure,
Boyle’s Natural Kind Realism 213
or essences, it further follows that these two figures of distinct essential natures
are going to exhibit a large number of diverging properties. How spheres and
parallelepipedons differ is in essential mathematical structure, these differences
in structure manifest themselves in their different essential properties. Again,
Boyle is illustrating that what accounts for the relevant essential properties
among substances is the configuration of their matter. Given that these objects
possess distinct essential properties resulting from their structures, it follows
that their essential properties map out natural gaps between kinds. The same
goes for material objects.
Finally, for Boyle, unlike the problematic substantial definitions for the
Scholastics, the mechanical account of forms allows for an empirically
respectable taxonomy of species:
That is to say, on Boyle’s view, definitions of species are possible, not by producing
what the Scholastics call ‘real definitions’ but by producing definitions of species
that appeal to the essential properties – grounded in corpuscular structure –
that discriminate that class of body from all others. Given the above analogies
between the differing structures and properties of different species of material
and mathematical objects, it is clear that Boyle is arguing that the observable
differences among properties provide insight into the deep-structural, or formal,
differences among kinds.
So, while Boyle does reject substantial forms, he does not reject formal
causes. Indeed, on his model, all of the functions of form are performed by
natural corpuscular structures. And by his lights, it is God’s creation that orders
the matter into kinds and regularly produces them:
I do not at all believe, that either these Cartesian Laws of Motion, or the Epicurean
causal Concourse of Atoms, could bring meer Matter into so orderly and well
contriv’d a Fabrick as This World; and therefore I think, that the wise Author of
Nature did not onley put Matter into Motion, but when he resolv’d to make the
World, did so regulate and guide the Motions of the small parts of the Universal
Matter, as to reduce the greater Systems of them into the Order they were to
continue in; and did more particularly contrive some portions of that Matter
into Seminal Rudiments or Principles, lodg’d in convenient Receptacles, (and
214 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
as it were Wombs,) and others into the Bodies of Plants and Animals. (Works,
5: 353–4)
God’s creation of the world not only included the creation of matter and its
affections, it also included initiating regular types of motions that help constitute
a mechanical natural order. In so doing, Boyle suggests, God also created the
conditions for the regular production of organisms. It is God’s creation of the
regularities in matter and motion that create the hierarchy of natural kinds and
produces the ‘well contrived fabric’ of nature.
In referring to the universe as a ‘well-contrived fabric’, Boyle is indicating that
he rejects the randomness of the Epicurean ‘swerve in the void’ as a kind of blind
causation, which he (and his contemporaries) took to imply atheism. Rather,
Boyle insists that God is the first cause of all reality and that his construction
of an orderly physical reality guarantees that there is regularity in nature and
a hierarchy of natural kinds. Thus, referring back to our earlier concern, even
though matter is infinitely changeable, there are natural regularities that were
put into place by divine action that structure nature in an orderly (non-random)
way. In this way, Boyle inserts God’s action into nature to play one of the roles
of substantial forms; God is the one who imposes order on the matter. However,
Boyle does not think that God imposes order on an individual basis; this
would involve God in constant miracles, and as we saw in his polemic against
substantial forms, that would be objectionable. Rather, Boyle sees the role of
God as initiating the conditions in nature that regularly result in an orderly
fabric. In this way, he avoids involving God directly in the mundane activity of
the physical world, while still employing God in supplying the natural order that
substantial forms were meant to provide.
As we saw above, Boyle’s natural kinds are set up as a natural hierarchy and are
founded in physical structures. This opens up the question of how the corpuscles
contribute to the overall structure and resulting qualities of the bodies they
comprise. That is to say, he has spoken a great deal about natural kinds among
corpuscles, chemicals and even about plants and animals, but his view on the
relationship between the physics of the small material particles, endowed with
primary qualities like size, solidity, shape and mobility, and the causally rich
worlds of chemistry and biology remains to be seen. Of course, there is too
Boyle’s Natural Kind Realism 215
much to say about this issue for us to do it justice here, but we can say a few
things that relate to the varieties of natural kinds in Boyle.
In Book II §§i–vii of his Novum Organum, Francis Bacon gives a version of
corpuscular species realism by redefining the concept of ‘formal cause’ as both
the material structure of bodies and the laws that govern the natural effects
of these structures that accounts for their species and genus membership. For
example, in II.ii he says, ‘For though nothing exists in nature except individual
bodies which exhibit pure individual acts [powers] in accordance with law …
It is this law and its clauses which we understand by the term Forms’ (Bacon
2000: 103). And later in II.iii: ‘But he who knows forms comprehends the unity
of nature in very different materials’ (ibid.). These Baconian forms, as they
consist of both the structured particles of matter and the powers of material
bodies, divide nature into two classes of material structures: the elements (what
he calls ‘major associations’) and the genera and species of natural bodies (his
‘minor associations’):
Bacon takes it that smaller, more general material structures convene to create
larger – and more sparse – bodies, and given the ‘law and its clauses’ that
correlate powers to these structures, these bodies have their natures and belong
to a species or genus due to both their structure and the causal powers of their
constituent parts.
As we know, Boyle too accepts that corpuscular structure is an important
component of a material formal cause, however, there are other similarities
as well. For example, Boyle builds up a natural hierarchy from the most basic
particles. And, similarly to Bacon’s natural kinds, this hierarchy results in an
increasing degree of physical complexity at each level.21 On Boyle’s theory, the
basic components of matter are not materia prima, but what he calls minima
naturalia:22
That there are in the World great store of Particles of Matter, each of which is too
small to be, whilst single, Sensible; and being Entire, or Undivided, must needs
216 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
both have its Determinate Shape, and be very Solid. Insomuch, that though it
be mentally, and by Divine Omnipotence divisible, yet by reason of its Smalness
and Solidity, Nature doth scarce ever actually divide it; and these may in this
sense be call’d Minima or Prima Naturalia. (Works, 5: 325–6)
That there are also Multitudes of Corpuscles, which are made up of the Coalition
of several of the former Minima Naturalia, and whose Bulk is so small, and their
Adhæsion so close and strict, that each of these little Primitive Concretions or
Clusters (if I may so call them) of Particles is singly below the discernment of
Sense, and though not absolutely indivisible by Nature into the Prima Naturalia
that compos’d it, or perhaps into other little Fragments, yet, for the reasons
freshly intimated, they very rarely happen to be actually dissolve’d or broken,
but remain entire in great variety of sensible Bodies, and under various forms or
disguises … we see that even Grosser and more compounded Corpuscles may
have such a permanent Texture. (Works, 5: 326)24
4. Conclusion
What we have seen is that Boyle’s rejection of the Scholastic substantial forms
paved the way for him to demonstrate that corpuscular formal causes – understood
as corpuscular structures – could play all the roles in the mechanical natural
philosophy that substantial forms in Scholastic philosophy had but without
saddling the new science of mechanism with immaterial forms. Corpuscular
forms account for natural kinds, the substantial unity of material substances,
and cause the observable qualities and properties of the substance. Moreover, it
allows for essential definitions in ways that the substantial forms could not. And
218 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
each of these benefits of his theory count as arguments for rejecting substantial
forms: immaterial forms can be replaced by material ones.
The corpuscular forms of Boyle also play an important role in the history of
the debate over natural kinds. Boyle’s question of how nature – without the aid
of substantial forms – can organize physical reality into a hierarchy of kinds is
still an important question, not just in philosophy but in biology, chemistry,
psychology and the social sciences.28 Boyle’s contribution not only provides
a fecund and provocative suggestion for how to account for kinds but also of
how to connect experimental and observational data to the theory. So, Boyle’s
account of natural kinds is worthy of careful examination in its own right.
Furthermore, there are also instrumental reasons for looking at Boyle’s position
carefully. An important philosophical legacy of Robert Boyle is how his account
of natural kinds laid the groundwork for one of the most enduring discussions
of the epistemology, semantics and metaphysics of scientific taxonomies in John
Locke’s An Essay concerning Human Understanding. John Locke was a close
friend and associate of Boyle who assisted him in his laboratory in Oxford.
And although this is controversial territory, I read Locke’s Essay as containing a
series of arguments criticizing Boyle’s version of natural kind realism.29 And so,
by my lights (and, perhaps regardless of one’s interpretation of Locke’s account
of kinds), getting Locke’s contribution to the discussion on classification and
natural kinds right also means that we must understand Boyle’s contribution to
realist theories of natural kinds. In sum, Boyle is a key figure in the seventeenth-
century debate over natural kinds who deserves scholarly attention.
Notes
1 By the time of Robert Boyle, the term ‘Scholastic’ came to refer to a method of
teaching and learning within the Christian universities in Europe that included
reconciling Christian theology with Aristotelian and Neoplatonic thought. The
method of learning in the Scholastic tradition focused on dialectical reasoning
and disputations to expand knowledge and to resolve contradictions. Boyle also
uses the term ‘Peripatetic’, which refers generally to all followers of Aristotelianism.
Because ‘Scholastic’ refers generally to individuals within a Christian Neo-
Aristotelian tradition, the term ‘Peripatetic’ is sometimes used to refer to non-
Christian Aristotelians. For the sake of simplicity, in this chapter we will use these
three terms interchangeably (which Boyle sometimes does) and we will primarily
use the term ‘Scholasticism’ and its various forms when referring to the main target
of Boyle’s arguments.
Boyle’s Natural Kind Realism 219
9 There are three highly general categories of explanation that are relevant to Boyle
in this context: (i) causal explanation, where to explain how an effect arises from a
cause is to give a description of the causal process such that all of the links are fully
understood; (ii) ontological explanation, where we explain how an effect arises from
its cause by identifying the relevant entities and mechanical processes (impact,
rubbing, etc.) connecting the cause to the effect and giving experimental evidence
that such entities and processes are involved in producing that type of effect and
(iii) analogical explanation, where one appeals to the kinds of explanans (what does
the explaining) invoked in either ontological or causal explanations and attributes
them by analogy to another set of explananda (what is explained). The important
difference between (i) and (ii) is that, whereas (i) includes a description of the
causal processes that produce the effect (so that knowing the nature of the bodies
involved, and the natures of the causal connections that obtain, one could deduce
the effect; that is, it is a kind of scientia), (ii) only concerns the relevant objects and
the description of their relative motions. In what follows, I shall be referring to
ontological explanations as Boyle’s preferred account of intelligible explanation.
10 See Anstey, 2000, pp. 54–8.
11 See also Christian Virtuoso (Works, 12: 422).
12 In the Excellency of the Mechanical Hypothesis, Boyle points out that questions of
mind-body interaction must also be answered by appeal to mechanical principles,
which indicates that what makes those actions of the soul on the body intelligible is
that they are physical effects (Works, 8: 116).
13 The expression ‘rerum natura’ refers to the nature of things as they are in reality
(independently of human ideas); a ‘compositum’ is just a composite being, i.e. made
out of two substances.
14 For another argument for this premise, see Newman (2006: 166–9).
15 This only applies to the first edition. The second-half of the second edition of Forms
and Qualities is a critique of Sennert’s doctrine of subordinate forms. I thank Peter
Anstey for this reminder.
16 An ‘ens per accidens’ (plural ‘entia per accidens’) is an accidental substance, that
is, a being that lacks true unity or is a mere aggregate, e.g. a flock of sheep. The
opposite of an accidental being is an ‘ens per se’ (a being in itself), e.g. a human
body is unified and functions as an internally organized substance and not as
a mere collection of parts. Thus, the quotation could be read as saying: ‘in the
Notion, that divers Learned men have of an accidental entity, namely, that tis That
which consists of those things, which are not organized together, it may be said, That
though we do not admit substantial Forms, yet we need not admit Natural Bodies
to be accidental entities; because in them the several things that concur to constitute
the Body, as Matter, Shape, Situation, and Motion, are intrinsically designed in
themselves to constitute one Natural Body.’
Boyle’s Natural Kind Realism 221
24 By the time he writes Of The Atomicall Philosophy (c.1652–4), and certainly when
he wrote The Sceptical Chymist (1661), Boyle had adopted a notion of atoms that
are divisible by God but still function atomically ‘those primitive and simple Bodies
of which the mixt ones are said to be composed, and into which they are ultimately
resolved’ (Works, 2: 220). On his view, an atom (or to use his most influential term,
‘element’) is an insensibly small particle of matter that cannot be decomposed by
any chemical means. For more on this definition of ‘atom’ or ‘element’, see Newman
(2009). In the Forms and Qualities Boyle says, ‘…the Shape of Vitriol [crystals]
depends upon the Textures of the Bodies, wherof it is compos’d’ (Works, 5: 368),
indicating that shaped corpuscular concretions could account for crystalline
structures.
25 See The Sceptical Chymist, Works, 2: 230.
26 See Newman, 2009. This concept of a corpuscular atom made up from minima
and exhibiting more complex qualities than the minima alone is also part of Pierre
Gassendi’s account of ‘molecules’. For more on this, see Clericuzio, 2000.
27 See Clericuzio, 2000, p. 117. A problem with Boyle’s view that we cannot take
up here is how he could possibly connect the physics of the minima to produce
a theory of chemistry wherein a ‘richer’ range of qualities results from a more
complex structure. If shapes, solidity, orientation and texture are all the resources to
draw on, then it becomes a little more difficult to say how the chemical properties
of acids, bases, salts, metals, etc., are the result of just the physical qualities of the
constituent parts.
28 For some excellent collections of articles on these issues, see Helen Beebee and
Nigel Sabbarton-Leary (2010) and Alexander Bird, Brian Ellis and Howard Sankey
(2012).
29 For my views on Locke and Boyle, see my (2005), (2007) and (2016). For an
excellent argument contrary to mine, see Peter Anstey’s (2011), chs 10 and 11.
Works cited
[T]he Knoledg of the Ethics, (I mean Ethicks Iudiciusly and Practically written,)
is, tho not absolutely Necessary, yet extreamely helpefull, to the Practice of Vertu.
… Tho the Intellect is not able to compel the Will, yet is it very powerful in
persuading it. And the greater liht the Vnderstanding giues the Will, the better
is the Will able to discern the Louelines of Vertu and Deformity of Vice: and by
consequent the More it is brouht to affect the one and detest the other. … Hence
Diuinity ↑by some,↓ has been not vnfitly termed, an Affectiue Science: because
tho it reach to Contemplation, <it> ends in Practice, the Consideration of the
Glory of God, kindling in vs a Zeale vnto it. (Boyle 1991: 54–5)
Robert Boyle’s overarching moral philosophical concern was with the practice
of virtue. From this perspective, ethics and divinity were facets of the same
enterprise, since they were practical guides to the cultivation of virtue, piety
and devotion. The passage above is from his youthful Aretology, written in the
latter half of the 1640s, at a time when he was also engaged in collecting his
volume of Occasional Reflections, where he started to explore the idea of the
pious use of natural observations. In that volume, he wrote that even though
books of dogmatic or controversial divinity may offer solid theory, they remain
barren and ineffectual, whereas books of practical divinity (like his own) are
‘florid and pathetical’ and can thus help form the ‘devout Christian’ (Works,
5: 48). Some twelve odd years later, when he composed the Style of Scriptures and
organized his reflections on ‘Scripture-Morals’, that is, on the role of Scripture
as the best practical guide to the good life (Works, 2: 432, 434), he dismissed
all ‘Systems of ethics’ on the same grounds that he had the books of dogmatic
theology: definitions, divisions, distinctions and syllogisms do not make a man
virtuous, and ‘the Actual Possession of one Virtue, is preferrable to the bare
speculative Knowledge of them all’ (Works, 2: 436).
226 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
The first part of this chapter will survey Boyle’s early views on moral-religious
self-government and their sources.5 We will also note that some of the key
themes of Boyle’s mature thought are present in these early views, especially
those pertaining to the pious task of the experimental student of the natural
world. That task remains linked to the early project of self-government. The
second part will describe another important link between the early and the
mature Boyle: the notions of duty and service, which organize Boyle’s views on
the relationship between man and his Creator.
(Mt. 22: 37; Boyle 1991: 108). Integrity and sincerity together make ‘a Perfect
hart’ (Boyle 1991: 102). Perseverance or constancy encourages us to persist
in the way of virtue, despite discouragements (Boyle 1991: 114). Among
Boyle’s possible sources for this triad of the heart are texts from all Protestant
quarters: Alsted mentions sincerity and constancy as properties of the virtues
(Alsted 1630: 1251b); Robert Bolton lists integrity and sincerity, to which he
adds spiritual growth and self-denial, as features required for the conversion of
the whole man (Bolton 1638: 311–13); Lancelot Andrewes has the whole triad
of sincerity, integrity and perseverance, which he derives from a reading of the
first commandment (Andrewes 1630: 187, 190–6).8
The presence of the ‘heart’ in Boyle’s early conception of felicity and virtue
should be understood as a shortcut to an integrative view of the person
undergoing moral and spiritual work: that work involves not simply the heart,
but the ‘mind and heart’ – in other words, the whole array of man’s cognitive,
volitional and affective capacities, seen as intertwined inner powers that are
responsible for both the purged and the sinful state of the soul. In what follows
we will pursue this theme through Boyle’s views on the ingredients of sin and the
regimen of remedial practices.
In the Aretology, Boyle follows Alsted in designating the will as the subject
of moral virtue and the passions as its object (Boyle 1991: 12–13; Alsted
1630: 1241b–1243b), with the consequence that the moral life consists mainly
in the regulation of the passions in conformity with the Aristotelian laws of
moderation, towards the acquisition of virtuous habits (Boyle 1991: 93–8).9
Boyle culls from Alsted and the Protestant humanist literature on the passions
of his time a ‘Morall Pentagone’ to fortify our reason against the unruly passions,
which includes such often rehearsed techniques as the suppression of the ‘first
motions’ of a passion, the avoidance of occasions for passions, reflection on the
true value of things and on the dangers of falling prey to passions, the putting
off of the translation of a passion into action and the salutary work of contrary
passions (Boyle 1991: 23–5). A comparable list of ‘antidotes’ is in his essay ‘Of
Sin’, composed around the same period, but here there is an additional sense of
anxiety and urgency that comes with the framing of the moral work as a ‘spiritual
warfare’, in keeping with the Protestant devotional literature, often with Puritan
accents. The ‘first motions’ are now ‘first suggestions’ in a scale of sin seconded
by the devil.10 The avoidance of occasions is also present, but is accompanied by a
singling out of the vice one is especially prone to (one’s ‘darling sin’),11 a warning
against evil company12 and one against idleness as the key enabling condition
of sin.13 Reflection on the beauty of virtue and the deformity of sin parallels the
Boyle’s Moral Philosophy 229
reflection on the true value of things, but again there are additional accents: such
reflection should ideally incite us to the love of virtue, but it often does not, since
we are depraved creatures, and therefore it will be rewards and punishments, as
well as a sense of shame, that will more likely help us. Added to these are such
recommendations as the meditation on ‘the four last things’ (death, judgement,
heaven and hell), especially on the certainty of death and punishment,14 and the
discovery and study of the seductive methods of the devil, followed by a long
reflection on the numerous types of excuses men use in order to persist in their
sins (Boyle 1991: 149–66). There is hardly any distinction in these early texts
between ‘passions’, ‘vices’ and ‘sins’, but the latter term is the most prominent. It
is to Boyle’s moral psychology of sin that we now turn.
despite clear proofs of its truth) – one frequent ‘case of conscience’ among the
Protestants, with which the two divines would have been more than familiar.
The scruple and answer turn on a distinction between blasphemous ‘suggestions’
(which do not by themselves constitute the sin and are probably explainable in
medical terms as effects of bodily distempers) and the ‘full intention’ of the will,
which is the necessary element of the sin and which alone will attract divine
punishment. None of those who doubt whether they have committed the sin can
be guilty of such full intention. But the torment of conscience can be alleviated by
rejecting, rather than by disputing with, the suggestions (Hunter 2000: 88–91).
Another core theme of the interviews is that of vows, or oaths. Boyle
entertained a typically Protestant aversion to vows.16 According to his own
confession, in 1680 he had refused the presidency of the Royal Society because
of ‘great (and perhaps peculiar) tenderness in point of oaths’ (ibid., 76). In the
late 1640s he had already formulated the issue as an extension of his discussion
of the will as the main thing required by God in his service. Oaths or vows about
indifferent matters are to be avoided as infringements of our Christian liberty:17
by taking them, we will turn omissions into sins when they are not so in their
nature, thus adding to the sins resulting from our breaking of God’s explicit laws;
moreover, the devil is most active in diverting us from pious exercises when our
engagements to perform them are the greatest (Boyle 1991: 220). In the 1691
interviews, the topic is reformulated in terms of suggestions and consent. A vow,
the two divines reassure Boyle, requires a full and deliberate consent of the will
in addition to the ‘flashy Emanations’ of the mind. Again, just as in the case of
the great sin, if someone doubts whether they have committed themselves to a
vow thus understood, they cannot be bound to the performance of the putative
vow, since full intention does not make room for doubt (Hunter 2000: 88, 91).
The consent of the will features again in Boyle’s discussion of kinds of actions
in the Aretology (Boyle 1991: 36–44), which is also a noteworthy instance of the
use he made of his sources. Boyle’s theme here is willing and unwilling actions,
modelled on the Aristotelian discussion of voluntary and involuntary actions
(Nicomachean Ethics III.1–5) and drawing on Alsted’s section on moral actions
(Alsted 1630: 1336a–1339b). Boyle discusses only the unwilling actions, of
which he identifies two species: by constraint and by ignorance. The unwilling
actions by constraint are either merely so, when the cause is external and violent
(e.g. when a person grabs my hand and forces me to strike my father with it), or
mixed, in which an external cause concurs with my will (e.g. when I allow my
arm to be cut off in order to save my body) (Boyle 1991: 36–7). The particularity
of Boyle’s discussion is the way he derives questions from this material. For
Boyle’s Moral Philosophy 231
example, he asks, whether evil may be done so that good may come out of it?
(the answer involves a distinction between grievous evils and sinful evils; the
latter should never be committed); or, whether actions done when seduced by
pleasure are to be considered constrained or not? (the answer is negative, since
the will is by nature the mistress of the affections, therefore if the will becomes
enslaved to the sensitive appetite, it is its fault, so the action in this case will be
voluntary; likewise in the case of actions forced by great promises and terrible
threatening) (Boyle 1991: 38–9). Boyle’s approach is spelled out towards the end
of the section, where he tells us that the ‘Doctrine of Willingness and Constraint’
is a very useful part of ethics, since it points to the various natures and conditions
of our actions and therefore teaches us to ‘judge cleerly of many Particular Cases’
(Boyle 1991: 44). In other words, it is a useful tool in casuistry.18
Indeed, the questions Boyle identifies are all such that would fit into a manual
of cases of conscience. Alsted had also included a section of quaestiones in his
chapter, but his list looks much more like a pedagogical exercise in digesting
theoretical points into classroom question-and-answer material (e.g. whether
the intellect is the principle of moral actions; or, whether a mixed action is to
a greater extent free or forced) (1630: 1337b–1338a). However, Alsted’s list
also includes two questions with casuistic potential, which Boyle rehearses
in his own text under the rubric of unwilling actions by ignorance: whether
ignorance can excuse a committed fault, which involves the question whether
ignorance renders an action involuntary (in both authors the answer comprises
a distinction between ignorance of right and ignorance of fact; only the latter is
involuntary, on condition the ignorance be unaffected and the act be followed
by repentance) (Alsted 1630: 1338a; Boyle 1991: 39); and, whether actions done
out of anger or drunkenness are to be considered involuntary (both authors
answer that they are voluntary, since passions are in our power to moderate, so
the principle of action is internal to us) (Alsted 1630: 1338a; Boyle 1991: 40–1).
The general import of these casuistic questions is to establish when and under
what circumstances the consent of the will is involved, which is also to establish
responsibility and thus praise or blame.
1.3. Thoughts
Besides consent, the other key component of sin is constituted by ‘thoughts’ –
which is the topic of Boyle’s essay on ‘The Doctrine of Thinking’. At the beginning
of the text, Boyle makes it clear that he is interested not in the ‘Nice and Perplext
speculations’ but rather in the ‘Practicall Part’ of this doctrine, which has to
232 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
do with the regulation and improvement of thoughts (Boyle 1991: 185). Boyle
is drawing here on a distinct theme of Protestant practical divinity, especially
of the Puritan variety, which at times generated a subgenre of writings on the
‘government of thoughts’. This influence is visible in the sections of the text that
deal with ‘sinful thoughts’, ‘vain thoughts’ and their remedies. Such thoughts are
generally the product of the imagination. Thomas Godwin explains: the term is
used to designate the ‘first, more simple conceits, apprehensions that arise; those
fancies, meditations, which the understanding by the helpe of the fancy frames
within it selfe of things’; they are ‘musings onely in the Speculative part’ of the soul,
prior to the reasoning and deliberations of our intellects (Godwin 1638: 12–13;
cf. Reynolds 1640: 224). Such are the sinful thoughts which William Perkins
pinpoints with the help of Gen. 6:5 (‘the imaginations of the thoughts of man’s
heart were only evil continually’) (Perkins 1607: 13) – a biblical reference Boyle
rehearses, among others, in order to prove that thoughts can be sinful (Boyle
1991: 188). Conversely, thoughts are also the starting point of repentance: in
support of this, Boyle invokes Isa. 55:7 (‘Let the wicked forsake his way, and the
unrighteous man his thoughts’) (Boyle 1991: 188–9), while Perkins comments on
Eph. 4:23 (‘Be ye renewed in the spirits of your minds’) and consequently locates
the ‘thoughts and imaginations’ of man in the innermost part of man’s soul, the
‘mind and heart’, which is also the locus of renewal (Perkins 1607: 177). For
Robert Bolton, too, working on your ‘thoughts and imaginations’ is working on
your ‘heart’, which is one of the main precepts of the holy way (Bolton 1638: 88).
As an example of sinful thoughts, Boyle describes ‘Speculatiue Wickedness’,
which is building sinful scenarios in one’s imagination, coupled with
‘Memoratiue Wickedness’, which is rehearsing a sinful act again in one’s
memory (since this is with the approbation of our will, it is as much of a sin as
the first act) (Boyle 1991: 189).19 The second species of thoughts he deals with
at large are ‘vain thoughts’, which are again imaginative scenarios built around
vain, idle or unprofitable themes (his examples are devised in terms of stock-
characters such as the lover, the ambitious favourite, the vain female, the self-
conceited poet, he whose fortune falls short of his desire). He calls the themes
‘impossible, vnlikely or vseless suppositions’, or ‘hypotheses’, and the building
on them, ‘raving’, or ‘a Play or a Romance personated <acted> in the Brain/
Imagination’ (Boyle 1991: 192). The young Boyle had experienced the full force
of this tendency of the imagination; his ‘Philaretus’ records the fits of raving
prompted by the reading of romances, a ‘restless Fancy’ and a melancholic
disposition, and the difficulty of tempering the ‘Habitude of Raving’ ever after
(Boyle 1994: 8, 12).20
Boyle’s Moral Philosophy 233
One of the problems with raving is that it makes us waste time. Boyle comes
back on several occasions to the theme of the little ‘intervals’ or shreds of empty
time between various employments, which, if we were to add them up, would
amount to a considerable portion of our life that is simply misspent. To counter
this, Boyle recommends that we use these free moments to repeat things, to
reflect on an event, to dress up the plan for a treatise or letter, to make decisions,
to compose a short essay, or to engage in devout soliloquy or meditation (Boyle
1991: 194; cf. Boyle 1991: 240–1; Works, 13: 113, 126). This does not mean that
Boyle is against recreation (see Boyle 1991: 89–90, 192), but that he fears the
unengaged minutes or hours when our imaginations are prone to building their
own extravagant scenarios, with the help of the devil and of our own passions.
A second – and probably the core – trouble with raving is that its scenarios
are built on shaky grounds, that is the ‘impossible, unlikely or useless’ themes
Boyle identifies as the basis of vain thoughts. The scenarios themselves are not
incoherent, on the contrary, they are a prime example of ‘pursued Thoughts’
(Boyle 1991: 187), and in fact their coherence makes them all the more dangerous.
One key remedy against them will be therefore to change the theme, so that
the mind becomes anchored in a more solid foundation, such as is afforded
by a profitable (moral-religious) meditation. Boyle’s directions for engaging in
meditation or self-examination, to which we will return, are examples of this.
Third, raving thoughts are also expressions of the imagination’s tendency to
wander about; to regulate that, Boyle recommends ‘those studys that haue the
Power to fix the Thoughts’, such as geometry, arithmetic and algebra. Fourth,
raving is the first manifestation of one of the arch-sins of the Protestant mind,
idleness. The general remedy against idleness, especially when coupled with
solitude, is the choice and constant pursuit of a vocation or of a skill. Besides
these remedies, Boyle also recommends that we conceive all our thoughts lying
naked before the eye of God; that we reflect on the inconveniences of raving (not
only does it waste time, but it is a form of idolatry, it feeds vanity, it murmurs
against providence, it chains us to the world, and it misemploys our gifts); and,
if all else fails, that we resort to prayer (Boyle 1991: 193–6).21
Alongside the regulation of the passions and the spiritual warfare against
sin, the government of thoughts is for Boyle a moral practice subsumed under
the duty of purging the mind and heart of a Christian. He would have agreed
with Robert Bolton’s notion that such moral purging is a member of the ‘honour
and service’ owed to God. There is a service of works and a service of words,
but there is also a ‘Thought-service’, all the more valuable as it is more inward
(Bolton 1638: 90–1). According to Boyle, the purging is achieved though the
234 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
of our minds and hearts to our Creator does not. Let us now turn to this topic,
which Boyle places at the core of his conception of duty.
13: 104, 112). In other texts, the same idea is rendered by means of references
to the biblical parable of the talents (Mt. 25: 14–30): our virtues should answer
our given parts (Boyle 1991: 83); we should dedicate the gift of our knowledge to
public service (Works, 1: 5); if we simply abstain from evil without actively doing
good, we fail to improve our talent (Boyle 1991: 162); if we give in to raving,
we misemploy the gift of our active brains (Boyle 1991: 193); if we indulge in
idleness, we hide our talent (Boyle 1991: 237). Our duties, therefore, are to be
seen as ‘restitutions’ of gifts we have been liberally endowed with, rather than as
‘requitals’ of divine love (Works, 1: 102).
The reflection on gifts goes together with the topic of God’s ends in creation,
especially in the creation of man: the active doing of good is not only a way
of improving our talents but also the end of man’s creation (Boyle 1991: 162);
hiding your talent is falling short of the end of man, which is the glory of his
maker (Boyle 1991: 237). In other words, the end of our creation is God’s
service (Boyle 1991: 211–12), and the end of God in creating the world was
to communicate his goodness, therefore we must make ourselves worthy of it
and sacrifice our vices rather than our cattle for him; our virtuous behaviour is
thus an offering to God’s glory, whereby his will becomes the square of our lives
(Boyle 1991: 178–9). As we will see, the ‘gifts’ and the ‘ends’ of our creation taken
as grounds of our ‘worship, ‘service’ or ‘sacrifice’ will constitute the foundation
of Boyle’s natural religion. They will be able to do that because there is a sense in
which both gifts and ends can be understood as natural – where ‘nature’ needs to
be seen as provident nature, or nature as an emanation of divine bounty. This is
the rationale behind the double idea that there are natural endowments in man
that ground his morality and that those endowments are gifts the restitution
of which grounds his obligations towards his creator – in other words that the
Aristotelian virtues are also Christian duties.
Two other notions point to this understanding of ‘nature’: that of God’s image
in man and that of the seeds of virtues. Piety and reason constitute the divine
image in man, and the use of reason constitutes the excellence of man; as a
consequence, sin is not only offensive to God, as it denies him our service, but is
also acting against ‘the Dignity of a man’s Essence’ (Boyle 1991: 143). Conversely,
repentance is not only a Christian virtue but also a branch of moral justice, since
it acts as the only reparation not only of the injured deity but also of ‘a man’s
wrong’d Soule’ (Boyle 1991: 167). From this point of view, the mark of a true
religion is that it gives deity its glory and perfects the rational creature, that is
to say, tends to man’s dignity and happiness (Boyle 1991: 171). The notion of
‘God’s image’ allows for a conception of the ‘essence’ of man, understood as the
240 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
best activity of his endowments, and thus as ‘excellence’ or ‘dignity’, which acts
as a ground of morality alongside the will of God. Another way of putting this
is that there are in man relics of God’s image which take the form of native
principles of goodness, or ‘seeds of virtue’. This is the ‘law written in the heart’ of
Rom. 2: 14–15, which for Boyle includes the triad of the law of nature, synteresis
(the mind’s assent to the law of nature) and conscience, as well as such ‘natural’
or ‘half ’ virtues as pliability or willingness to learn and shamefacedness (Boyle
1991: 45, 124–5).
For the triad of law of nature, synteresis and conscience, Boyle follows Alsted
(1630: 1249).25 Another possible source are the Puritan tracts on conscience,
which may lie behind an idea not found in Alsted: that the law of nature engraved
in man’s heart was blotted by the wickedness of men, hence the need of its written
‘lineaments’ in the biblical Decalogue (Boyle 1991: 46; Perkins 1596: 14). Let us
note that Boyle will revise his position on the role of this particular Scriptural
text. While in the Aretology he mentions approvingly the rabbis deriving their
moral sentences from the Decalogue (Boyle 1991: 46), in the Style of Scriptures,
composed in 1661, he is no longer convinced about the foundational nature of
the Ten Commandments as suggested by the Jewish precepts issuing from it
or by the Christian ‘Conceit’ according to which ‘All the Precepts that relate to
any part of the whole Duty of Man, are by just Consequences deducible from
the Decalogue’. Instead, an ‘Inquisitive and concern’d Peruser’ of the Scriptures
will be able to extract the ‘Grand Principles and Maxims’ of ethics from the
whole text (Works, 2: 436, 440). Moreover, studying the Old Testament is not
really necessary, since ‘the Doctrine of the Gospel, together with the Light of
Nature, (which it Excludes not) but rather Supposes, contains all those Duties
which are absolutely Necessary to be perform’d by all Christians, in order to
Salvation’ (Works, 2: 441). The continuity of the light of nature with the Gospel
will be one central tenet of the natural religious Boyle. But before we open up
this theme, let us dwell some more on the topic of the Decalogue. Although
Boyle wavered about it, the way it was used to found ‘the whole duty of man’
in Protestant literature will prove influential for Boyle’s approach to the acts of
natural religion.
and identification of sin’ and as a ‘guide to godly living’ (Willis 2017: 235–6). The
latter defined the duties of a Christian; for example, Richard Greenham culled
the duties of faith, love, fear, obedience, prayer and thanksgiving from the First
Commandment and placed them at the foundation of all the other duties (ibid.,
193). The derivation of the Christian duties from the Decalogue was, however,
a catechistical practice among non-Puritan writers as well. In 1661, by using
the phrase ‘the whole duty of man’, Boyle was very likely referring to the Whole
Duty of Man (1658), written by Richard Allestree but published anonymously,
which became a primer of Anglican piety in Restoration England. In the Preface
the author explains how the particulars of our obedience to the will of God
may be achieved: some through the light of nature, to which the law written
in our hearts of Rom. 2:15 refers, and some through the light of the Scriptures,
as spelled out in the Ten Commandments, parts of Deuteronomy and Christ’s
Sermon on the Mount (Mt. 5–7; Allestree 1658: 2–3). In his Practical Catechisme,
Henry Hammond had also singled out the Decalogue and the Sermon on the
Mount among the sources of our duty (Hammond 1645: 52–3). His catechism
is in fact a long commentary on the latter, including the explanation of Mt.
5:17, which established the continuity between ‘the naturall or morall law’
and Christ’s teachings, where the latter perfected and ‘fulfilled’ the former
(Hammond 1645: 156–7). Allestree’s tract is an exposition of the duties rooted
in these sources. There are three main categories of duties, in conformity with
the Ten Commandments: duties to God (which include faith, hope, love, fear,
trust, humility, honour, worship and repentance), duties to ourselves (comprised
of humility, meekness, consideration, contentedness, diligence, chastity and
temperance) and duties to others (consisting of the various branches of justice).
But there are also earlier examples that fit even better Boyle’s thoughts on
the use of the Decalogue as the sole foundation of the Christian moral law.
Lancelot Andrewes’s Pattern of Catechistical Doctrine is entirely taken up with an
exposition of the Ten Commandments. Its 1650 (posthumous) edition features
on its frontispiece a new epigraph, which is the source of the phrase we are
tracing: ‘Fear God and keep his Commandments, for this is the whole duty of
Man’ (Eccl. 12.13). The unsigned preface to this edition tells us that the subject
of the book is ‘the Decalogue, or those Ten Words, in which God himself hath
epitomized the whole duty of Man’. It also comments on the law of nature as
substance of the Decalogue and its fulfilment in the law of Christ; and notes
that an insistence on the moral law, understood as ‘the very life and form of
[faith]’, is a necessary answer to the antinomianism and libertinism of those who
misunderstood the notion of Christian liberty (Andrewes 1650: Preface, n.p.).
242 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
The list of duties or ‘inward virtues’ derived from the First Commandment (the
duties to God) here include knowledge, faith, fear, humility, hope, prayer and
love (the latter branching into obedience and patience). A similar approach is
in Jeremy Taylor’s Rvle and Exercise of Holy Living (1650), the subtitle of which
refers to ‘the whole duty of a Christian’. The derivation from the biblical sources
is not spelled out, but the list of acts of devotions includes items similar to
Allestree’s. Boyle may have confronted these sources with the list of the ‘virtues
encompassed by [the virtue of] piety’ in Alsted’s Encyclopaedia, which are also
openly derived from the Ten Commandments (1630: 1265b–1266b).
I suggest that it is this literature that lies behind Boyle’s early lists of the duties
or acts of worship, which are the precursors of his lists of acts of natural religion
in the later texts. In ‘Of Piety’, the immediate worship of God includes love,
fear and trust as internal duties; prayer and thanksgiving as external acts (in
which we offer both body and soul as ‘a Liuing Sacrifice vnto God which is our
Reasonable seruice’, Rom. 12:1); and repentance. The indirect worship consists
of our virtuous behaviour towards men (Boyle 1991: 173–9). While worship is
the second member of piety, the first is constituted by the knowledge of God;
Boyle adds that this kind of knowledge should be such that it is not confined
to the brain, but displayed ‘out at the Hands’ and thus turned into the practice
of worship (Boyle 1991: 170). In summary, Boyle’s first list of acts of worship
includes knowledge of God, love, fear, trust, prayer, thanksgiving, repentance
and virtuous behaviour. It is entirely comparable to the lists based on the Ten
Commandments surveyed here, even if Boyle had reservations about the tracing
of all moral doctrine back to that biblical place. The highlighting of the law
of nature in our sources is also echoed in Boyle’s text: he tells us that here he
writes of piety not as a Christian virtue, but as a moral virtue that the heathens
themselves knew and practiced, simply on account of the light of nature (Boyle
1991: 169). In sum, my suggestion is that the theme of the divine gifts and ends
as grounds of human duties, together with that of the acts of devotion derived
from the First Commandment, provides the context in which Boyle’s views on
the grounds and acts of natural religion took shape.
one proof (alongside the consent of nations and the agreement of all religions)
that the belief in the existence of a deity is engraved in the hearts of men. This
is meant as a confutation of ‘atheists’ (Boyle 1991: 180–1). Seraphic Love speaks
of the divine attributes that can be gleaned from the inspection of the natural
world, uses the biblical quote that will be pervasive in the later natural religious
reflections (‘How manifold are thy works, O Lord!’, Ps. 104: 24) and refers the
reader to another ‘discourse’ (Works, 1: 85–6) – which is very likely ‘Of the Study
of the Book of Nature’, composed c.1649.
‘Study’ was meant, we are told, ‘for the first Section of my Treatise of Occasionall
Reflections’ (Works, 13: 147). It is thus an outcome of the meditational project
that was at the core of Boyle’s practical regimen and it fleshes out the sketchy
notes in Occasional Reflections on the improvement of reason and the affections
by means of the veneration, admiration, thankfulness and humiliation towards
God that the study of nature encourages (Works, 5: 34, 41–2) (a second early
list of acts of devotion). ‘Study’ is also a first variant of the first part of Boyle’s
Usefulness, published in 1663, but composed c.1652, several years after ‘Study’.
These texts are full articulations of the intimations in ‘Of Piety’ and Seraphic
Love. Their aim was to introduce the study of nature into the scheme of duties,
gifts and ends of creation that organized Boyle’s early reflections on the moral-
religious practice of a good Christian, which we have reviewed in Sections 2.1
and 2.2 above.26
‘Study’ and Usefulness are not only examples of extended devotional practice,
they also respond to the concern first expressed in ‘Of Piety’: the danger of
atheism. ‘Study’ has Boyle’s first mention of ‘natural divinity’ precisely in the
context of refuting ‘the atheists’ (Works, 13: 161; cf. Works, 3: 213, 235–6).
Anxiety about and confutations of atheism were widespread in early modern
England.27 One frequent strategy, which Boyle adopts, was to defend religion
on natural grounds. Two consequences ensue in Boyle’s case. One is that
natural philosophy oriented towards natural religious purposes replaces the
Decalogue as a source of anti-atheistic arguments: ‘But ‹in spite of› the Abolition
or expiring of the Judaicall Law; the Study of Nature gives the Advantage this
Institution levell’d at: for God has every where left such footsteps of himselfe;
that we can turn our Eyes ‹on› no Object; that dos not ‹movingly› (tho perhaps
silently) admonish us & mind us of our Duty’ (Works, 13: 165). The other is
the engagement in an exercise of amassing instances of the pious use of natural
studies across the pagan and the Christian histories of philosophy and religion.
Some of the authors are cited via Alsted in his chapter on piety and some via the
third chapter of Philippe Duplessis Mornay’s De veritate religionis christianae
244 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
liber (1583) in the English translation of 1617, which Boyle singles out among
his sources (further on Mornay’s influence on Boyle, see Davis’s chapter in this
volume).28
One function of these references is to provide a natural (i.e. non-revealed)
source for the core terms of the rationale of natural religion, which resumes
the scheme of duties, gifts and ends of the moral-religious writings. Here
is a sketch of this rationale: The ends of creation are the manifestation of
God’s glory and the good of men, a point on which the Psalms, the book
of Job, Isaiah, Seneca and Cicero concur (Works, 13: 149; 3: 213–17). That
means that men were created to be ‘Intelligent Spectators and Admirers’
(Works, 3: 214) of the world and as a consequence to offer the ‘sacrifice of
praise’ (Heb. 13: 15) to the creator on behalf of all the non-rational creatures
(Works, 13: 154, 203). From this point of view, nature is a temple, as Plutarch
and others have taught (Works, 13: 150–1; 3: 237–8). It follows that men are
possessed of such natural endowments as make worship possible. In other
words, there are gifts that constitute the ground of the obligation of worship,
alongside the attributes that God has expressed in creation. In the temple
of nature, men act as priests ‘ordain’d to celebrate Divine Service not only
in it, but for it’ (Works, 13: 151); significantly, Usefulness adds here ‘ordain’d
(by being / qualifi’d)’ (Works, 3: 238, my emphasis), thus strengthening the
component of gifts.
There are two such gifts: reason and desire. Reason is called ‘a Naturall
Dignity’ (Works, 13: 153; 3: 203), recalling the earlier ‘Dignity of a man’s
Essence’ (Boyle 1991: 143; v. Section 2.1 above). From the perspective of the
ends which they serve in this context, the acts of reason can be seen as acts of
piety (Works, 13: 155, cf. Works, 8: 50). Besides reason, man is ‘furnish’d’ with
desires and appetites; the end of these is probably ‘that for the Satisfaction of
all these various Desires, he might be oblig’d ‹with an inquisitive Industry› to
‹range›, anatomize & ransacke Nature, & ‹by that concern’d survey› come to a
more exquisite knowledge of the Workes of it; & consequently to a profounder
Admiration of the Omniscient Author’ (Works, 13: 156; 3: 237). The tandem
of reason and desire explains the difference between the ‘generall ‹lazy
Idea›’ of God’s attributes of power and wisdom and ‘the distinct, rationall
& affecting Notions of those Attributes, which are form’d by an attentive
inspection of the Creatures in which they are most legible; & which were
made cheefly for that very End’; here Galen and Aristotle are as helpful as
Scripture (Works, 13: 162–3; 3: 236). The distinction, we have seen, was first
introduced in Seraphic Love (v. Section 1.1 above); it will appear again in
Boyle’s Moral Philosophy 245
the Christian Virtuoso books (Works, 11: 295–7; 12: 483). A variant of this
is the notion expressed in the Excellency of Theology, that the knowledge
of God is (or should be) such that it issues in admiration, love, trust and
resignation (a third list of acts of devotion). Moreover, these virtues, taken
together as an expression of the joint work of reason and desire, constitute a
type of improvement of the mind that is both moral and intellectual (Works,
8: 47–8).
The Excellency of Theology was published in 1674 but composed in 1665. In
the early 1660s, Boyle was also working on his Free Inquiry into the Vulgarly
Receiv’d Notion of Nature, which he published in 1686. In this work he attacked
idolatrous conceptions of nature and developed a view of causation in the
natural world that was consistent with his conception of divine dominion
and of the ‘righteous conduct of the priestly philosopher’ (Ben-Chaim
2002: 58). While the mechanical efficient causes constituted the core of natural
philosophical explanation, Boyle also retained an interest in the Aristotelian
final causes and in 1688 he published the Disquisition about Final Causes. In
that text he reflected on the notion of the ends of creation, which he put to both
natural philosophical and natural religious use; as far as the latter is concerned,
he wrote that it was ‘Very Likely, that God design’d, by the great Variety of His
Works, to Display to their Intelligent Considerers, the Faecundity (if I may so
speak) of His Wisdom’ (Works, 11: 144) (see further Carlin’s chapter in this
volume). We can now appreciate the extent to which this was continuous with
Boyle’s early concerns.
In the context of his mid-career, the Excellency gives a tighter form to the
argument about the grounds of duty as service, used here to recommend the study
of theology rather than of nature. The argument as pertinent to the experimental
study of nature is already loosely present in ‘Study’ and Usefulness, as reviewed
above; the tighter form will emerge again in the Christian Virtuoso books, as we
will see. The argument in Excellency goes like this: we have an obligation to study
theology, it is one of our duties. There are two noteworthy grounds for this: one
is obedience, which proceeds from the ‘Will and Command of God’; however,
the study of theology would be a duty even in the absence of command, on
account of its intrinsic goodness. The second ground is gratitude, and proceeds
from God’s beneficence (here Boyle refers his reader back to Seraphic Love); for
example, we have been endowed with reason, and the world has been created as a
fit objet for inspection. Thus, gratitude grounds our duty to offer the ‘sacrifice of
praise’ by identifying and glorifying the attributes of God expressed in creation
(Works, 8: 38–41). In turn, gratitude is grounded in our gifts, the make-up of the
246 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
world and the fit between world and gifts (where the fit is a specification of the
ends of creation).
The Christian Virtuoso books offer a final variant of this argument, re-applied
to the experimental study of nature. Its formulation is now squarely philosophical,
as it loses the support of historical reflections. It also introduces the notion of
‘principles of natural religion’ into the scheme of duties, gifts and ends of the
earlier writings. The notion had been put forward in a manner similar to Boyle’s
use of it in John Wilkins’s Principles and Duties of Natural Religion, published
posthumously in 1675, a work drawing for some of its key arguments on John
Tillotson’s sermon of 1664. This sermon employs the phrase ‘principles of
religion’, while in a later sermon, of 1679, Tillotson uses ‘principles of natural
religion’ with the same meaning. I would like to note two things about these
texts, which constitute a pertinent context for understanding Boyle’s use of the
notions of ‘principles’ and ‘duties’ of natural religion.
The first is that besides principles of natural religion, both authors also talk of
two other types of principles: of nature and of reason. The principles of reason
have to do with rules for establishing the credibility of beliefs on the basis of
sufficient proof (Tillotson 1664: 26; Wilkins 1675: bk. I, ch. 1). The principles
of nature are described in the vocabulary of ‘gifts’ and ‘ends’. The core principle
of nature is the inclination towards self-preservation that every creature is
endowed with by God (Tillotson 1664: 4–5, 11; Wilkins 1675: 12, 214). The
endowment is meant to serve specific divine ends: it makes creatures ‘fitted for
those services to which they are designed in their creation’ (Wilkins 1675: 213).
The particular form this general natural principle takes in humans is the moral
principle that the specifically human faculty of reason, the preservation and
perfection of which constitute human happiness, is such that by it ‘[man] is
made capable of Religion, of apprehending a Deity, and of expecting a future
state of rewards and punishments’ (ibid., 18) – in other words, that the natural
principle (or gift) of reason is capable of discovering the principles and duties
of natural religion. Wilkins explicitly identifies the principles of nature and of
reason as ‘preparatory’ to the principles of natural religion (ibid., 38).
The second thing to note is that there is some measure of overlap between the
principles of religion and the duties. Tillotson identifies as ‘principles of religion’
both the standard list of such principles (the existence of God, the immortality
of the soul, the existence of a future life and the work of providence) and what
would normally be identified as duties: the ‘Knowledg, Faith, Remembrance, Love
and Fear’, which specify ‘the Whole duty of man’, the obligation to honour and
worship God and to maintain the peace and happiness of mankind (Tillotson
Boyle’s Moral Philosophy 247
1664: 3, 33; Tillotson 1679: 9–11). For Wilkins, the principles of religion are ‘a
belief and an acknowledgement of the Divine Nature and Existence’, the ‘due
apprehension of his Excellencies and Perfections’ and ‘Suitable Affections and
Demeanour towards him’ (Wilkins 1675: 40). The latter item is developed later
in the text into the set of duties that, we are told, ‘follow from’ the divine nature
and its perfections (ibid., 176): therefore it occupies the uncertain territory
between principles and duties. Wilkins enumerates and discusses adoration and
worship, faith and trust, hope and confidence, love, desire and zeal, reverence
and fear, and obedience.
Let me advance here that one possible reason for the overlap I have noted is
the inclusion of knowledge and belief among the acts of worship (instances of
which we have encountered in the literature on the Ten Commandments). On
the one hand, the existence of God, his providence and so on are the notions
or propositions that constitute the principles and can stand therefore as either
conclusions or premises of logical arguments. On the other, these notions or
propositions are beliefs not only in the sense of mental contents but also in the
sense of objects of acts of belief. If the focus is on the acts, the principles can be
ranged among the whole set of religious acts the practice of which constitutes the
duties.29 Moreover, it is the construal of the principles as acts of belief that allows
the derivation of the other duties from the principles: according to Wilkins, the
belief and ‘consideration’ of the divine attributes should be such that they do not
terminate in ‘meer speculation’ but influence the heart and affections, and thus
issue in the duties of adoration, faith and so on (ibid.).
Boyle’s approach to the principles and duties of natural religion is profitably
understood against this background. Its novelty is that it assigns to experimental
natural philosophy the major role in establishing the principles of natural religion,
which encouraged the emergence of a specific genre of natural theological
writing in the eighteenth century (Anstey 2017). But the framework, as I have
described it, remains the same. Like Wilkins and Tillotson, Boyle works with
the overlap between the principles as notions and the principles as acts of belief,
and the continuity between the cognitive and the affective dimensions of those
acts – a continuity he had already argued for in his earlier writings, as we have
seen. And, like them, he also works with the derivational line that goes from gifts
to principles to duties. The duties are the acts of natural religion, which in Boyle
are continuous with his earlier lists of acts of worship and devotion.
Boyle’s first principle of natural religion is the ‘firm Belief ’ in the existence
and attributes of God, which comes with the ‘consideration’ of the creatures,
or the ‘attentive and prying Inspection of inquisitive and well-instructed
248 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
Considerers’ (Works, 11: 295). The belief in question is not only firm but also
epistemic and affective at the same time, ‘a Rational and Affective Conviction’
(Works, 11: 297). The other two principles are (the belief in) the immortality
of the soul, with the ensuing expectation of a future everlasting state; and (the
belief in) divine providence. The duties stemming from these principles are
called ‘Acts of Natural Religion’ and they comprise a familiar list: veneration,
gratitude, humiliation, awe and reliance (Works, 11: 301). In part II of the
Christian Virtuoso, Boyle offers an alternative list which includes admiration,
celebration (an act of the ‘sacrifice of praise’ performed by the ‘priest of nature’),
humility, gratitude, love and trust; these acts or duties are also called ‘expressions
of piety’ and ‘religious virtues’ (Works, 12: 481, 483, 490). Parts I and II together
include three variants of an inferential chain meant to establish that the duties
are grounded in the principles, which are themselves premised on the gifts and
ends. Their substance is the following: man is endowed with reason, which, by
means of the contemplation of the make-up and ends of the creatures, can do
several things: it can form the belief of the existence and attributes of a maker
and benefactor (in other words, a belief of the principles of natural religion); it
can understand that it owes adoration to this maker and benefactor, which is
also to show obedience to the supreme law-giver; it can also understand that
this is to fulfil man’s true end; therefore, reason forms the conviction of the
obligation man is under to perform all the essential duties of natural religion
(Works, 11: 300–1, 303; 12: 496).
One of those duties was the formation of natural religious beliefs itself.
Another way of saying this is that the principles of natural religion are upheld by
epistemic virtues – a topic which deserves its own development.
One precedent to Boyle’s ‘docility’ and ‘modesty’ may be his own identification
of ‘pliability’ or the ‘willingness to learn’ as one of the ‘natural virtues’ in the
Aretology (Boyle 1991: 124). Another is Wilkins’s discussion of the ‘vertue of
Believing’ in the Principles and Duties (Wilkins 1675: 30). The principles of
religion, Wilkins writes, are morally, not absolutely, certain, with a reason: so that
we may be free – and therefore so that we can be tested and rewarded or punished –
in our believing (ibid., 29–30). What is tested is our freedom from prejudice,
our capacity for ‘impartial Consideration’ and therefore our teachability: ‘God is
pleased to propose these matters of belief to us in such a way, as that we might give
some Testimony of our teachable dispositions, and of our obedience by our assent
to them’ (ibid., 31–2). Wilkins supports this view with several biblical quotations,
in particular Acts 17:11 (‘they received the word with all readiness of mind’)
talking of the Bereans, who were ‘styled εὐγενέστεροι, more ingenuous, teachable
and candid, more noble than others’; as well as with a quote from Hugo Grotius’s
De Veritate Religionis Christianae (1627), talking of the Gospel as ‘a Touch-stone
to prove and try what kind of tempers men are of ’, in the precise sense of their
epistemic dispositions (ibid., 32–3; Grotius 2015: II. xix, 136).
For Boyle, as for Wilkins and Grotius, the work of knowledge – a work of
belief, acknowledgement, consideration – comes under moral assessment as
much as the work of the will and the affections does. From this point of view,
the principles of natural religion – if construed as acts of believing, not simply as
objects of belief – are at the same time duties of natural religion, as well as virtues
that will be both intellectual and moral. Boyle’s reflections on the epistemic
virtues in his late writings are continuous with the construal of the acts of
reason as acts of piety in his middle texts and, ultimately, with the government of
thoughts of his early essays. The practice of reflection on which they rest is also
an outgrowth of Boyle’s lifelong concern with self-examination, meditation and
consideration, as members of the practical morality of the pious Christian. That
morality was located both in the mind and the heart and blended rationality and
affectivity as the twin facets of the service to God. At the core of the service was
the Christian duty, which Boyle saw as rooted in the way man was bound to his
Creator through the gifts and ends of his creation.30
Notes
2 On this Scotist and Augustinian view of theology, and its adoption by Protestant
scholastics, see Burton (2012: 39–41). An ‘affective science’ commands interest
in rhetorical style: on this topic relative to Boyle’s early writings, see Harwood
(1991: liii–lxvii), Principe (1995).
3 See Morgan (1986: chs 4, 7), Todd (1987: chs 2, 6); Hambrick-Stowe (2008) on the
Puritans and Spurr (1991: ch. 6) on the Restoration churchmen. For the practical
devotional similarities between Puritan and conformist Protestants, see Ryrie
(2013: 6–8); the reservations in Willis (2017: 222–3) point rather to a difference in
degree of intensity.
4 On Boyle’s search for a moral and vocational identity in his early career, see
Maddison (1963), Oster (1993), Shapin (1994: ch. 4), Hunter (2000: ch. 2), Hunter
(2009: chs 4–6), Hunter (2015: ch. 2).
5 On the general framing of early modern moral philosophy around projects of self-
government, see Garrett (2012). For the relevance of this to early modern natural
philosophy, see Corneanu (2011).
6 For the moral voluntarism of the reformers as a Calvinistic legacy, against an
Augustinian and Scotist background, see Muller (2000: ch. 9).
7 On the two versions of this text (1648 and 1659) and the changes in style between
the early and the later version, see Principe (1994).
8 A possible antecedent is Bullinger’s 1533 commentary on Romans, where the
reading of Rom. 10: 10 highlights constancy, integrity and sincerity as features of
true faith: see Muller (2000: 163–4).
9 The only exception to the Aristotelian mean is the love of God, where excess is
part of the essence of the virtue: Works, 1: 71–3. For the same theme in Ames and
Grotius, see Kraye (1998: 1299).
10 On the transformation of Stoic ‘first motions’ into early Christian ‘first suggestions’,
see Sorabji (2000: chs 22–4); on the medieval ladder of sin that starts with
‘suggestions’, see Knuuttila (2004: 78–195).
11 The ‘darling sin’ also features in Aretology, Boyle (1991: 106–8). On this notion in
Puritan works of devotion, see Ryrie (2013: 57).
12 Further on evil company, see Boyle (1994: 6); Works, 13: 141–2; Works, 11: 360–1;
Bolton (1638: 73–80), cited in Boyle (1991: 152, n. 42).
13 Further on idleness, see Boyle (1991: 85–9, 238, 244–5); Bolton 48–50, 70–71.
14 For the meditation on the four last things, see e.g. Sibbes (1837 (1635): 108), Angel
(1659: 77).
15 Curiosity is not always dangerous, however: ‘Philaretus’ is a good example of the
positive use of ‘curiosity’ as driving motor of learning: Boyle (1994: passim); cf.
Works, 13: 200; 12: 433.
16 For examples of Protestant attitudes to oath-taking, see Ryrie (2013): 130; Boyle
(1991: 220, n. 37).
252 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
17 However, when at stake is the salvation of his soul, the vow and ‘Resolution of
Amendment’ Philaretus makes after his spiritual crisis is the only course of action
(Boyle 1994: 16).
18 For Boyle’s interest in casuistry, see Hunter (2000: ch. 4).
19 For ‘speculative wickedness’, see also Aretology, Boyle (1991: 103). Boyle did not
invent the term: it features in Godwin’s treatise with a general reference to how
the ‘divines’ use the term: Godwin (1638: 74). Bolton uses cognate terms, such as
‘speculative wantonness, ambition, revenge’: Bolton (1638: 72).
20 Cf. the very similar descriptions of wicked, vain and rambling thoughts in Bolton
(1638: 71), Godwin (1638: 50–1); Angel (1659: 27–50).
21 Cf. the only partly similar remedies in Bolton (1638: 88–94), which generally
follows Perkins (1607: ch. VIII, sect. 1–3), Cooper (1619: 54–9), Angel
(1659: 51–95).
22 Boyle finds a congenial antecedent in the Pythagoreans’ choice of the evening
for their mental exercises (Boyle 1991: 217). He also mentions approvingly the
Pythagoreans’ discipline of thoughts (Boyle 1991: 186). Cf. Alsted’s notes on the
‘examen Pythagoricum’ (1630: 1250a–b).
23 The right kind of motivation is yet another topic Boyle shares with the Reformed
thought of his time, especially with Protestant casuistry (Boyle 1991: 136, n. 4). For
further examples, see Boyle (1994: 16–17), Works, 1: 114.
24 Cf. Perkins (1618: 411ff.), Taylor (1650: 332–46). On the Protestant cluster of
repentance/self-examination/meditation, replacing the Catholic practice of
confession, see Ryrie (2013: 130, 396).
25 For Alsted’s theory of the remnants of prelapsarian perfection in man, see Hotson
(2000: 79–81). On the medieval tradition of thought about synderesis and the law of
nature lying behind the early modern developments, see Greene (1997).
26 Further on Boyle’s approach to the study of nature as a form of divine worship and
its various sources, see Fischer (1945), Fisch (1953), Sargent (1995: ch. 4), Ben-
Chaim (2002).
27 See Hunter (1995: ch. 12), Sheppard (2015: chs 1 and 2). For the presence of the
theme in scholastic natural theology, see Levitin (2014a).
28 Mornay’s work was among the most frequently cited titles in early modern anti-
atheistic tracts, alongside the similar works by Juan Luis Vives and Hugo Grotius
(Sheppard 2015: 52–3). In the 1680s, Boyle identified the works of Vives, Mornay
and Grotius as the models behind his own anti-atheistic natural theological project
(Works, 14: 280, 281). For Boyle’s use of the history of philosophy and religion, see
Levitin (2014b), Wojcik (2000).
29 The practical approach to natural religion in Boyle and Wilkins is as important as
their theoretical approach described in Mandelbrote (2007).
Boyle’s Moral Philosophy 253
30 I would like to thank Peter Anstey, Jan-Erik Jones, Edward Davis and Andreas
Blank for their thoughts on an earlier draft of this chapter. The resources
provided by the Honorary Fellowship of the Institute for Advanced Studies in
the Humanities at the University of Queensland have been quite helpful in its
composition.
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9
fruit which I seeke of my labour’ is to ‘confirme them that wauer, & to confute
them which go about to shake downe his doctrine’. He prayed God ‘to touch
our stonie harts with the force of his spirit, and with his owne finger to plant his
doctrine so deeply in them, as it may take roote and bring foorth fruit’ (ibid.,
sig. ***ii).
Mornay identified two main types of blasphemers. Some pursue pleasure so
utterly that it consumes them, leaving no time ‘to mount vp vnto God, but onelie
so much as to enter into themselues’, making them ‘strangers to their owne nature,
[and] to their owne Soules’. Crucially, Mornay saw this as ‘the verie welspring of
the Atheists, who (to speake rightlie of them) offend not through reasoning but
for want of reasoning; nor by abusing of reason, but by drowning of reason,
or rather by bemiring it in the filthie and beastlie pleasures of the world’. In
other words, they ignore God because the pursuit of vain pleasures has made
them blind to the truths of reason, whose faculty is impaired by their sin. Here
Mornay’s Calvinism shone forth brightly. Others ‘match their pleasures with
malice’, leading them to ‘ouerreach and betraie othermen, selling their freends,
their kinsfolke, yea and their owne soules, & not sticking to do anie euill, that
may serue their turne, neuer alledging or pretending honestie or conscience,
but to their owne profit’. What follows could have come straight from Boyle: ‘Of
such kind of stuffe are the Epicures made, who bicause they feele their minds
guiltie of so many crimes, do thinke themselues to haue escaped the Iustice and
prouidence of GOD by denying it.’ Once again, ‘of these we may say, that their
reason is caried away and ouermaistered’ by their worldliness. To these Mornay
added a third category – those who believe in a God who governs the world, an
immortal soul, ‘and that man ought to serue him’ – yet hold that each person
‘shall find saluation in his owne Religion’. Mornay concluded that such people
would determine religions other than Christianity to be false if they only used
their reason properly (ibid., sig. **iiii and verso). Boyle’s unpublished treatise
‘On the Diversity of Religions’ would display the same attitude (full Latin text
at BP 6, fols 279–91, partial English text at BP 5, fols 49–59; Works, 14: 235–64).
Frequently relying explicitly on Aristotle or implicitly on Thomas Aquinas
(never actually mentioned), Mornay made extensive use of pagan and Christian
humanistic sources, including Hermetic authors, in an effort to show doubters
that ‘the voice of nature is the voice of truth’ (Mornay 1587: sig. ***). When
advancing his version of Thomas’s cosmological argument, Mornay employed
language and concepts that can only have resonated with the young Boyle and
perhaps even showed him some years later how to bring the new science more
fully into the old conversation about God and nature, after he enthusiastically
Boyle’s Philosophy of Religion 261
Nay; for nothing moueth it selfe, and where things moue one another, there is
no possibilitie of infinite holding on; but in the end men must be faine to mount
vpto a first beginning, and that is a rest. As for example, from the hammer of
a Clocke wée come too a whéele, and from that whéele too another, and finally
too the wit of the Clockmaker, who by his cunning hath so ordered them, that
notwithstanding that he maketh them all too moue, yet he himselfe remoueth
not. (Mornay 1587: 5)
Elsewhere, Mornay spoke of the sky ‘as the great whéele of a Clocke’, amounting
to ‘the very instrument of tyme’, needing ‘a Worker that putteth him to vse, a
Clockkéeper that ruleth him, a Mynd that was the first procurer of his mouing’.
In the most striking passage, Mornay asserted the Clockmaker’s sovereignty
over the laws of nature, while pouring scepticism on the ability of the human
mind fully to fathom the depths of nature and the clockmaker’s mind. If ‘God
created Nature’, he asked,
is it not a straunge ouersight in you, that you will needes tye him to the lawes of
Nature, which is the maker of Nature? and measure the power and libertie of the
Clockmaker, by the subiection of the Clocke vnto him? Art thou not ashamed
to yéeld lesse preheminence to GOD, than thy King whom thou exemptest from
subiection to his lawes, because he is the maker of the lawes? I pray thée what a
thing were it, if thou shouldest vndertake but only to measure Nature by thyne
owne wit? What a number of tymes hast thou found thy wit to stumble at the
least things? How often hast thou found it against thy selfe? Now, if Nature goe
beyond the reach of thy wit, how farre shall the very maker of nature outgoe it?
(Ibid., 99 and 137)
As we shall see, identical thoughts expressed in similar language lay at the heart
of Boyle’s theology of creation.
We find another influence in Mornay’s sentiment, ‘euen in the Flye and the
Ant, the greatnesse of the Creator shineth forth more than in the very Heauen’,
considering ‘the very littlenesse of them, which in so small roome conteyneth
so many great things together’. Again employing mechanistic language, Mornay
262 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
the knowing of themselues, and consequently of God: or els they were some
persons growen quite out of kind, saped in wickednesse, and such as had defaced
their own nature in themselues; who to the intent they might practise all maner
of wickednes with the lesse remorse, haue striued to perswade themselues by
soothing their owne sinnes, that they haue no Soule at all, and that there is no
Iudge to make inquirie of their sinnes.
According to Mornay, even ‘the chiefe that men counted for Atheists’ in antiquity
‘rather skorned the Idolles and false Goddes of their tymes, then denyed the true
God’, leaving unresolved the obvious paradox in his title (Mornay 1587: 10–11).
If atheists were such an important target for his book, where were they?
Richard S. Westfall famously asked that very question about the proliferation of
natural theology in seventeenth-century England, not sixteenth-century France.
‘More than answering hypothetical atheists’, Westfall suggested, Boyle and some
of his fellow virtuosi ‘were trying to satisfy their own doubts’ about the religious
implications of the new science. They simply ‘nourished the atheists within
their own minds. Atheism was the vague feeling of uncertainty’ arising from
their own work. They clearly identified the ‘source of their anxiety’ as Epicurean
atomism. ‘Atheists were materialists’, and the rebirth of Epicurus’ ideas ‘after a
long sleep’ posed a formidable challenge to the virtuosi, who were committed
atomists themselves. They saw ‘the practical Epicureanism of Restoration
England’ manifest itself in the ‘moral laxity [that] was nearly always coupled
Boyle’s Philosophy of Religion 263
with it’, and they railed against it by arguing so vigorously and repetitiously for
evidence of design, rather than chance, in the material world (Westfall 1958: 145,
219, 108, 110).
Westfall’s analysis was substantially correct, and it applies no less to Mornay
than to Boyle and the virtuosi. The word ‘Epicures’ immediately follows
‘atheists’ in Mornay’s title, implying a meaningful distinction, apparently that
the Epicureans denied divine providence and judgement, but not necessarily the
existence of God or gods. Boyle and other English authors in the century after
Mornay saw things in precisely the same way. William Chillingworth’s sermon
on atheism from the 1630s is a case in point. Taking as his text Ps. 14:1 (‘The fool
hath said in his heart, There is no God’), he noted that the psalmist (traditionally
David) decries ‘they that have done abominable works’, asking, ‘Have all the
workers of iniquity no knowledge?’ According to Chillingworth, the fool ‘not so
much persuadeth himself in secret, that “there is no God:” but rather expresseth
so in his life, or in his affections’, behaviour he described as ‘practical atheism’,
terminology that was also familiar to Boyle (Chillingworth 1840: 550–1). In the
very first Boyle lecture from 1692, devoted to ‘The Folly of Atheism’, Richard
Bentley cited the same biblical text in reference to ‘those profane Persons, who,
though they do not, nor can really doubt in their Hearts the Being of God, yet
openly deny his Providence in the course of their lives’. Bentley was deeply
sceptical of genuine, ‘speculative Atheism’. The ‘innate Idea of God, imprinted
upon every Soul of Man at their Creation, in Characters that can never be
defaced’, meant that ‘really human Nature cannot be guilty of the Crime’ of
actually denying God’s existence (Bentley 1739: 2). A dozen years later, Samuel
Clarke’s Boyle lecture began by separating ‘All those who either are, or pretend
to be, Atheists’, into three groups. Some are just ‘extremely ignorant or stupid’,
not making ‘any just use of their natural Reason’, living lives ‘very little superior
to that of Beasts’. Others, being ‘totally debauched and corrupted’, have ‘defaced
the Reason of their own Minds’, habitually ‘mock and scoff at Religion’, and close
their ears ‘to any Reasoning which would oblige them to forsake their beloved
Vices’. The rest employ ‘Speculative Reasoning’ to ‘pretend’ that the arguments
against God’s existence are ‘more strong and conducive’ (Clarke 1739: 3).
Likewise, Oliver Cromwell’s brother-in-law, Bishop John Wilkins, associated
‘the Epicureans’ with a ‘gross error’ of the worst imaginable kind, ‘so very gross
and ignoble, as cannot be sufficiently despised, … extinguishing the very seeds
of honour and piety and virtue’, and reducing humans ‘to the condition of beasts’
(Wilkins 1675: 403–4). Consistent with the language in these examples, David
Berman showed that early modern Christians typically responded to sceptics
264 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
Significantly, his own lifelong struggle with religious doubts drove Boyle to
devote so much energy to answering putative atheists. Converted to Christianity
like Martin Luther in a violent thunderstorm, he resolved henceforth to pursue
piety, not from fear of divine judgement (his first impulse) but for ‘it’s owne
Excellence’. Within a few months, however, his faith was sorely tested. According
to his youthful autobiography, Boyle suffered serious depression while visiting
La Grande Chartreuse (the oldest Carthusian abbey) in ‘those Wild Mountaines’
near Grenoble. In a melancholy mood, temptation overcame him. The sadness
of the place, coupled with ‘st[r]ange storys & Pictures’ of St Bruno (founder of
the Carthusian order), gave rise to ‘such strange & hideous thoughts, & such
distracting Doubts of some of the Fundamentals of Christianity’, that the
adolescent Boyle actually contemplated suicide. He got past that episode without
further harm, ‘yet never after did these fleeting Clouds, cease now & then to
darken the clearest serenity of his quiet’. Those clouds, however, proved blessings
in disguise. Boyle ‘deriv’d from this Anxiety the Advantage of Groundednesse
in his Religion: for the Perplexity his doubts created oblig’d him <(to remove
them)> to be seriously inquisitive of the Truth of the very fundamentals
of Christianyty: & to heare what both Turkes, & Jewes, & the cheefe Sects of
Christians cud alledge for their severall opinions’ (Hunter 1994: 16–17).
Boyle certainly had frequent occasion to overcome such perplexities,
admitting in his early twenties, ‘of my own Private, & generally unheeded doubts
I could exhibit no short Catalogue’. Westfall correctly diagnosed that Boyle
was haunted by the spectre of atheism, but he failed to see the highly positive
role that doubt played in Boyle’s religious life. As Boyle put it with unusual
profundity, ‘He whose Fayth hath never had any Doubts, hath some cause to
Boyle’s Philosophy of Religion 265
Doubt whether he hath ever had any Fayth’ (Works, 13: 180–1; cf. the earlier
version of this aphorism in BP 44, fol. 95). That is why he wrote so much about
philosophy of religion. He sought to answer his own doubts by proving the truth
of Christianity, not least in order to advance godly piety over hedonism, for he
regarded impiety as ‘that greatest of all’ sins. Furthermore, by ‘committing to
Paper those thoughts that should occur to me’, he confessed, ‘I might thereby
as well contribute to my own satisfaction as to that of my Friends’. Since ‘there
is nothing that belongs to this life, that so much deserves our serious care as
what will become of us when we are past it’, the person who accepts or rejects
‘so important a thing as Religion, without seriously examining why he does it,
may happen to make a good Choice, but can be but a bad Chooser’ (Works,
8: 236, 238).
Born into an enormously influential family whose members often embodied
corrupt courtly mores, the young Boyle found plenty of vice and debauchery
indicative of impiety close at hand. His favourite sister and lifelong confidant,
the deeply pious Katherine, Viscountess Ranelagh, was married off at 15 to a
drunkard who studiously neglected his family. Their brother Francis was married
at 16 to Elizabeth Killigrew, who later bore an illegitimate child of Charles II, their
brother Roger eagerly accompanied Charles to various London dives and was
rumoured to have gonorrhea, while their brother Lewis also had venereal disease
(Shapin 1994: 138–9). To top it off, Robert himself sometimes accompanied his
Genevan tutor Isaac Marcombes to ‘the famousest Bordellos’ on the Continent,
‘out of bare Curiosity’, though he claimed to have ‘retain’d there an unblemish’t
Chastity, & still return’d thence as honest as he went thither. Professing that he
never found any such sermons against them, as they were against themselves’, he
found such experiences too disgusting for words. ‘The Impudent Nakednesse of
Vice’, he sniggered, ‘Description cannot reach, & the worst of Epithetes cannot
but flatter’ (Hunter 1994: 20). Little wonder that he carefully avoided marriage
himself and advised any woman contemplating it, ‘to deliberate much upon a
Choice she can probably make but once; and not needlesly venture to embarque
herself on a Sea so infamous for frequent Shipwracks, only because she is offer’d
a fine Ship to make the long Voyage with’ (Works, 10: 32).
Against some of his brothers and many others who lived for worldly pleasure,
Boyle self-consciously reflected on the need for a young person to find ‘a fit
Vocation’, because ‘A Convenient civil Calling’ that benefits others would be ‘a
sovveraigne Preservative agenst Idleness, (that mother of Vices) and an excellent
prevention of a world of Idle, Melancholick and exorbitant thouhts, and
un-warrantable Actions’. Not to cultivate ‘som honest particular Calling’ made
266 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
one ‘but an useless wastful Droane, and unworthy of the Benefits of Humane
Society’. If a gentleman ‘shal spend his whole stock of precius time in Carding,
Dicing, Hunting, revelling, Seeing of Plays, Reading of Romances, Powdring
his haire, Staring upon looking-glasses, courting of Ladys that he means not
to marry (not to mention what is worse) and in Sum make Vacation his only
Vocation’, God is not pleased (Boyle and Harwood 1991: 85, 88). Boyle’s own
exemplary life stood in the breach. Speaking from first-hand knowledge of his
generosity to the poor and the persecuted, Gilbert Burnet reminded those who
attended Boyle’s funeral that ‘His Charity to those that were in Want’ was ‘so very
extraordinary’, because ‘he considered himself as part of the Humane Nature,
and as a Debtor to the whole Race of Men’ (Hunter 1994: 20).
We find even higher praise in a long, exquisitely revealing letter from an
Italian Jesuit, Lorenzo Magalotti, who visited Boyle twice in the late 1660s. On
the second occasion, he remembered being ‘ill of a continuous fever for forty
days’. Boyle visited him unceasingly, ‘spending two or three hours’ with him
every day, and with ‘sweet words’ giving comfort, despite being ‘very busy’ with
other matters and under the weather himself. Magalotti was deeply moved by
this charitable gesture but even more by what he had witnessed on the streets of
‘the true measure’ of Boyle’s ‘desire to love God’. He assured Boyle that
your servants know it – your servants towards whom the zeal of your charity is
so tender that after your feeding of them no less with material bread than with
the milk of philosophy, they change the simplicity of their livery for doctoral
clothes, by employing (especially for the benefit of the poor) that treasury which
they have gathered up from the phials of your most noble foundry.
Magalotti ‘saw them running through London in the public squares with
extraordinary piety helping poor epileptics with the comfort of very powerful
remedies which they were accustomed continually to take with them for this
very purpose alone’. According to Magalotti, Boyle’s friends, the King, and
the Anglican Church also knew the magnitude of his virtue and love for God.
Indeed, ‘your zeal towards God (not the God of the philosophers, who would
search for Him with the light of natural reason alone, but the God worshipped
by Christians) is known not only in England where your many moral and
theological tracts have inflamed a similar ardour in others, but is known from
one end of the earth to the other’ (Correspondence, 4: 268; 266–72).
After this remarkable testimony, Magalotti tried to provoke a debate on various
points of Catholic theology. Before responding to points Boyle had apparently
made concerning church history, ecclesiology, vernacular translations of the
Boyle’s Philosophy of Religion 267
as a System of Truths, which ought to purifie the Hearts, and govern the Lives
of those who profess it; he loved no Practice that seemed to lessen that, nor
any Nicety that occasioned Divisions amongst Christians. He thought pure
and disinteressed Christianity was so Bright and Glorious a thing, that he was
much troubled at the Disputes and Divisions which had arisen about some lesser
Matters, while the Great and the most Important, as well as the most universally
acknowledged Truths were by all sides almost as generally neglected as they
were confessed.
It should now be clear that Boyle sought above all else to stimulate piety and
charity in others, enhancing their experience of the living God and encouraging
humble service to their fellow human beings. On all sides, however, he saw
scoffers living in open rebellion against God. Ultimately, unbelief lay behind
their sinful behaviour. Quoting Heb. 11.6, Boyle proclaimed, ‘He that will come
to God, that is, that would be religious, must believe that he is, and that he is
a rewarder of them that diligently seek him. And this is a truth that surpasses
all others, in regard of the influences it has upon mens lives’. Why ‘labour to
confirm the existence of a Deity, as if in a Christian country there could be any
such monsters as atheists or infidels’, Boyle rhetorically asked. Admittedly, in
long years of conversing ‘with no small variety of persons, who were suspected
to be unfavourable enough to religion’ he was still ‘not satisfied, that I have
met [even] two or three speculative and resolved atheists’, the same group
Samuel Clarke would identify as his third type of atheist in the early eighteenth
century (above). However, ‘the territory of infidelity is not by much so narrowly
circumscribed, as most men take it to be’. Although ‘there is little professed and
speculative atheism to be found amongst us, … there are too many that are but
baptised infidels, especially among the pretenders to the knowledge of nature,
that are little better than practical Atheists’ (Works, 12: 482, including the final
phrase that was deleted on MS 189, fol. 110v). Such had not ‘come to a settled
belief, that there is no Deity, and therefore may perchance abstain from some
gross, heinous, or unprofitable sins, for fear there should be one’. At the same
time, ‘they are not so fully persuaded’ of God’s existence, ‘to deny themselves
a much beloved, or very profitable sin, or undergo any considerable hardship,
or run any great danger’. They ‘rather take it for granted, that there is a Deity,
than truly believe it’. Boyle frankly had no interest in ‘a mere nominal deity’. If
‘even a very weak assent may keep a man from being a downright atheist, yet it
will not ordinarily suffice to make him a pious man’. Rather, one’s ‘piety, as well
as his other virtues, will usually be proportionate to the firmness of the assent
he gives to that fundamental article of religion, that there is a Divine Maker
Boyle’s Philosophy of Religion 269
and Ruler of the world’ (Works, 12: 482–3). ‘Natural religion’ is therefore ‘the
foundation, upon which revealed religion ought to be superstructed, and is as it
were the stock, upon which Christianity must be ingrafted. For though I readily
acknowledge natural religion to be insufficient, yet I think it very necessary’.
It is pointless ‘to press an infidel with arguments drawn from the worthiness’
of Christian doctrine and biblical miracles ‘if the unbeliever be not already
persuaded, upon the account of natural religion, that there is a God’ (Works,
12: 432–3).
That is why Boyle wrote A Disquisition about the Final Causes of Natural
Things (1688), in which he carefully identified and explained the types of design
inferences that natural philosophers might legitimately make, especially from
‘the Structure and Nature of Animals’, which evince ‘a far Higher and Nobler
Principle, than is Blind Chance’. He especially desired ‘that my Reader should
not barely observe the Wisdom of God, but be in some measure Affectively
Convinc’d of it’. Affectively: we must not miss the significance of that particular
adverb. Bare logical arguments for God’s existence were never enough for Boyle,
who wanted to inculcate in others the same deep emotive response to God
that he had cultivated and enjoyed for most of his life. To that end, it was ‘very
Conducive’ to pay careful attention to ‘some Particular Instances of the Divine
Skill, wherein it is Conspicuously Display’d’. It was particularly ‘the excellent
Contrivance of the great System of the World, and especially the curious
Fabrick of the Bodies of Animals, and the Uses of their Sensories, and other
parts’, that motivated people ‘to acknowledge a Deity, as the Author of these
admirable Structures’, resulting from ‘the Transcending Admiration, which
the attentive Contemplation of the Fabrick of the Universe and of the curious
Structures of Living Creatures, justly produc’d in them’. Boyle understood that
the ontological argument for the necessary existence of a most perfect Being
included ‘Boundless Wisdom’, but he thought the ‘General and Indefinite Idea
of the Divine Wisdom’ had limited spiritual traction. It did not ‘give us so great
a Wonder and Veneration’ for God’s wisdom than the activity of ‘Knowing and
Considering the Admirable Contrivance of the Particular Productions of that
Immense Wisdom’. Especially in that manner, Boyle believed, ‘Men may be
brought, upon the same account, both to acknowledge God, to admire Him, and
to thank Him’ (Works, 11: 130, 94, 145, 95).
As J. J. MacIntosh pointed out, Ralph Cudworth and ‘many other seventeenth-
century writers’ lacked enthusiasm for the ontological argument, which
Cudworth judged too subtle and easily doubted (BOA: 87–8). Boyle’s strong
preference for the teleological argument also reflected his voluntarist theological
270 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
orientation: God is best seen a posteriori in his freely created works, not a priori
in necessary truths embedded in the human mind (Davis 1994b). Furthermore,
pure reason could easily lead us astray, giving us for example ‘a clear notion of
a Myriagon, tho ’tis very like there is no such Figure really existent in the world’
(Works, 9: 413).
The extensive use of scientific information and reflections on the practice
of science in Final Causes and other apologetic works, such as The Christian
Virtuoso (1690), The Excellency of Theology (1674), Reason and Religion (1675)
and High Veneration to God (1685), betokens a sea change in Boyle’s approach
to his lifelong vocation of preaching piety and morality. Where his earliest
religious writings were exclusively humanistic in orientation and content, these
mature works drew heavily on what he had learned about the natural world and
the actual practice of science. He spelled this out in the preface to Reason and
Religion. After lamenting ‘a spreading and bold Profaneness’ against ‘the Concerns
of Religion’ in ‘the present Time’ (he apparently meant the Restoration), Boyle
said that he was most troubled to see that ‘this Impiety … was propagated in a
new way’, leading him to fear that even the most ‘learned Divines themselves,
would be much less fit than formerly to give a check to its progress’. Hitherto,
‘the generality of our Infidels’ would either ‘question the Historical part of the
Scriptures, and perhaps cavil at some of the Doctrine’, or else raise philosophical
objections based on Aristotle. In both cases, ‘Vives, Mornay, and Grotius, had
furnish’d Divines with good and proper Weapons’. Now things have changed,
because ‘our new Libertines take another and shorter way, (though I hope it will
not be a more prosperous one,) to undermine Religion’. Instead of attacking
‘the Historical or Doctrinal parts of Christian Theology, in such a way as
Jews, Pagans, Mahometans, would’, they ‘deny those very Principles of Natural
Theology’ on which Christianity and those other religions agree, ‘namely, the
Existence and Providence of a Deity, and a Future State’, on the basis of ‘the
Epicurean, or other Mechanical, Principles of Philosophy’. Thus, the old-style
apologetics of ‘good Humanists and Antiquaries’ would no longer work. Enter
Robert Boyle. As someone who was fully acquainted ‘with the Epicurean and
Cartesian Principles’, ‘very conversant with things Corporeal’, and ‘shakes off all
Authority (at least that is not infallible)’, he found himself unusually qualified to
answer the new generation of sceptics. Furthermore, ‘being but a Layman, I did
not think my self obliged to talk to them as out of a Pulpit, and threaten them
with Damnation unless they believ’d me, but chose to discourse to them rather
as to erring Virtuosi, than Wicked wretches’ (Works, 8: 236–40). In short, as he
said in ‘The Introduction to My Loose Notes Theological’, his design was ‘chiefly
Boyle’s Philosophy of Religion 271
to propose the truth of our Religion in a way suited to the Genius of this Age’
(Works, 14: 279).
At least one of these ‘new Libertines’ can be confidently identified as
philosopher Thomas Hobbes, a truculent materialist ‘whose hand was against
every body, & admir’d nothing but his owne’, in the words of John Evelyn
(Hunter 1994: 89). He and Boyle came to verbal blows in the early 1660s, when
Hobbes insulted the intellectual integrity of the virtuosi at the Royal Society
and hotly disputed Boyle’s interpretation of experiments with the air pump,
but religious disagreements were far more serious. In an illuminating passage
from his Examen of Mr. Hobbes’ Dialogus Physicus (1662), Boyle mentioned
‘the dangerous Opinions about some important, if not fundamental, Articles
of Religion I had met with in his Leviathan, and some other of his Writings’.
Boyle had reason to believe that Hobbes’s views ‘made but too great Impressions
upon divers persons’ who had high opinions ‘of Mr. Hobbs’s demonstrative way
of Philosophy’. Boyle believed, ‘it might possibly prove some service to higher
Truths then those in Controversie between him and me, to shew that in the
Physicks themselves his Opinions, and even his Ratiocinations, have no such
great advantage over those of some Orthodox Christian Naturalists’ (Works,
3: 111–12). Another specific target of Boyle’s apologetics was the radical Jewish
philosopher Baruch Spinoza, who was (like Hobbes) generally seen as an atheist
at the time. Although Spinoza’s name is absent from Boyle’s published works,
notes for an essay on miracles explicitly aimed at Spinoza survive among his
papers (BP 3, fols 102–3; BOA: 295–7; cf. BP 7, fols 105–17; BOA: 261–2, 263–7,
273–7; cf. Colie 1963: 193–202).
In Boyle’s hands, the centerpiece of the new science – the mechanical
philosophy – became a powerful ally for religion and a tool for silencing
sceptics such as Hobbes and Spinoza rather than a formidable challenge to
Christian beliefs. Quite possibly, Mornay’s theologically favourable reference
to the heavens as a ‘Clocke’ and God as the ‘Clockkéeper’ appealed to Boyle
even before he became a mechanical philosopher. Regardless, he customarily
spoke of the whole universe and its animate and inanimate parts in mechanical
terms, probably making more use of such metaphors than any other early
modern author. This came to a head in his sublime treatise on God, nature and
the mechanical philosophy, A Free Enquiry Into the Vulgarly Receiv’d Notion of
Nature (1686), where he famously compared the world to ‘a rare Clock, such
as may be that at Strasbourg, where all things are so skilfully contriv’d, that the
Engine being once set a Moving, all things proceed according to the Artificers
first design’. Not needing ‘the peculiar interposing of the Artificer, or any
272 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
Intelligent Agent imployed by him’, the various parts ‘perform their functions
upon particular occasions, by vertue of the General and Primitive Contrivance
of the whole Engine’ (Works, 10: 448).
It is easy to see how later thinkers could use such a conception of nature
to argue for a deistic, rather than Christian, God, but that would be far too
narrow a view of Boyle’s own theology of creation. Elsewhere, for example, he
used a different mechanical analogy to stress God’s constant activity within the
creation. ‘In reference to the whole Universe, and the Creatures it comprises, God
may be in some measure resembled by the Magnet, that sustains and pervades,
and governs or gives their due dispositions to the pieces of Steel it’s Influence
reaches to’ (BP 4, fol. 79d; erroneously identified as BP 4, fol. 78 on BOA: 158).
In Occasional Reflections on Several Subjects (1665), an early contemplative
work, he said, ‘if God should at any time withdraw his preserving Influence, the
World would presently Relapse, or Vanish into its first Nothing’, an adroit turn
of phrase echoing Augustine’s notion that ‘the universe will pass away in the
twinkling of an eye if God withdraws His ruling hand’ (Works, 5: 109; Augustine,
1: 117; cf. Works, 8: 23–4, 28). Consistent with this, ‘that irresistible Agent finds
as little more difficulty to produce the greatest changes among the Creatures,
than to produce the least; as I find it [no] harder to move the whole Arm of my
Shadow, than to move its little Finger’ (Works, 5: 109–10, my editorial insertion).
A further metaphor comes from his brilliant ‘Essay Containing a requisite
Digression concerning those, that would exclude the Deity from intermeddling
with Matter’ (1663), where Boyle compared the inner workings of nature with
the activity of writing, which requires ‘an Intelligent Agent. As the Quill that
a Philosopher writes with, being dipt in Ink, and then mov’d after such and
such a manner upon White Paper, all which are Corporeal things’, so ‘the Quill
would never have been mov’d after the requisite manner upon the Paper, had
not its motion been guided and regulated by the Understandings of the Writer’
(Works, 3: 259). In other words, a personal God actively directs the operations
of an impersonal machine of matter and motion. I endorse Timothy Shanahan’s
conclusion that Boyle was a ‘concurrentist’, a position intermediate between
deism and occasionalism developed by a number of Catholic theologians,
including Thomas Aquinas, Luis de Molina and Francisco Suarez. According
to Shanahan, Boyle ‘understood events in nature to involve immediate causal
activity on the part of both God and natural entities’, consistent with that
sophisticated theological view (Shanahan 1988: 564).
Divine guidance of brute matter was absolutely essential for Boyle.
Knowledge of ‘Intermediate Causes’ did not make ‘a First and Supreme Cause’
Boyle’s Philosophy of Religion 273
redundant, since ‘That Order of Things, by vertue of which these Means become
sufficient to such Ends, must have been at first Instituted by an Intelligent Cause’,
not ‘so Blind a Cause as Chance’. It was plainly irrational to think that ‘Stupid
Materials … without any Particular Guidance of a most Wise Superintendent’,
could ‘Frame Bodies so Excellently Contriv’d and Fitted to their respective
Ends’ (Works, 11: 150–1). In The Usefulness of Experimental Natural Philosophy
(1663), he offered this version of the popular modern fable about monkeys with
typewriters eventually producing a Shakespearean play:
And really it is much more unlikely, that so many admirable Creatures that
constitute this one exquisite and stupendous Fabrick of the World should be made
by the casual confluence of falling Atoms, justling or knocking one another in
the immense vacuity, then that in a Printers Working house a multitude of small
Letters, being thrown upon the Ground, should fall dispos’d into such an order, as
clearly to exhibit the History of the Creation of the World, describ’d in the 3 or 4
first Chapters of Genesis, of which History, it may be doubted whether chance may
ever be able to dispose the fallen Letters into the Words of one Line. (Works, 3: 253)
BOA: 272–3). Indeed, ‘among the several Proofes, that may be rationally offer’d
for the Christian religion, I thought none fitter than that drawne from Miracles’,
so their consideration ‘is an Employment that well deserves a great measure
of Attention’. Since ‘true Miracles are Operations Supernatural’, they are ‘more
sublime than the Objects of Naturall Philosophy’ and ‘of greater Importance to
us’, for ‘to have a right Judgement of Miracles & their consequences is of very
great moment, if not necessity, to direct us securely in makeing our Choyce of
Religion which is the importantist action of our Understanding’, involving not
only ‘the solid Happiness of the Soul in this Life’ but also ‘the endless felicity of
the whole man in the Life to come’ (BP 7, fols 105–6; BOA: 274). Thus, Boyle
considered it telling that the miracles associated with Christianity were ‘much
more Numerous’ than those associated with Judaism, ‘insomuch that our
Christ, (and perhaps the like may be said of some of his Disciples) did singly
in a very few years performe more Miracles, then all that are ascribd to Moses,
and perhaps more then the Jews attribute to all the Prophets to boot’ (Works,
14: 253–4). That argued volumes for the truth of Christianity.
Although Boyle liberally appealed to ‘reason’ in his religious arguments,
he did not regard it uncritically as an indubitable touchstone for truth. In an
unpublished snippet, he implicitly denied Descartes’s axiom about the reliability
of clearly and distinctly perceived propositions, stating that ‘Intelligibility by
us men, is no necessary condition of the absolute truth of a Thing’ (BP 1, fol.
34b; BOA: 121). Although he affirmed that ‘the primary and most catholick
laws or rules of reason are never to be forsaken, upon any occasion’, at the same
time he also affirmed that some truths are known only to God, our omnipotent
and omniscient Creator, and that the human mind has only a limited ability
to discern truth (Works, 12: 423). Thus, he wrote a treatise on A Discourse of
Things above Reason (1681), stimulated by theological controversies in the 1670s
about Socinianism, predestination, free will, the nature of the Eucharist – and
the limits of fallible, finite and fallen human reason. Jan W. Wojcik showed that
Boyle especially responded to John Howe’s Reconcileableness of God’s Prescience
of the Sins of Men with [his] Wisdom and Sincerity (1677), written at Boyle’s
request in the form of a letter to him. Howe attempted to reconcile conditional
predestination, based on God’s knowledge of future contingents, with free will.
Boyle did not think that we mortals could penetrate that mystery and fully
harmonize divine foreknowledge with free will, but God could. He probably
also drew on Robert Ferguson’s The Interest of Reason in Religion (1675), which
argued that human reason (unlike divine reason) is not always able fully to
comprehend revealed doctrines (Wojcik 1994, 1997).
276 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
Reflecting on such questions, Boyle said, ‘we men mistake and flatter
Humane Nature too much, when we think our faculties of Understanding so
unlimited, both in point of capacity and of extent, and so free and unprepossest,
as many Philosophers seem to suppose.’ In fact, ‘we are really but created and
finite Beings … and we come into the world, but such, as it pleased the Almighty
and most free Author of our Nature to make us’. Our cognitive abilities ‘are but
such as are proportionable to Gods designs in creating us, and therefore may
probably be supposed not to be capable of reaching to all kinds … of Truths,
many of which may be unnecessary for us to know here’ while other truths may
be held back, ‘partly to make us sensible of the imperfections of our Natures,
and partly to make us aspire to that [future] condition, wherein our faculties
shall be much enlarged and heightned’. It might be ‘both that God has made
our faculties so limited, that in our present mortal condition there should be
some Object beyond the comprehension of our Intellects’, and ‘that he has given
us light enough to perceive that we cannot attain to a clear and full knowledge
of them’ (Works, 9: 370–1). Boyle brought a similar intellectual modesty and
scepticism, grounded in divine inscrutability, to bear on a standard objection
to miracles. For reasons known only to himself, God might ‘alter the orderly
course that himself has establish’d among Natural Things. The unsearchable
Wisdom of God, being always accompanyed with his Almighty Power, may
have Reaches, if I may so speak, far beyond what we purblind mortals are able
to discover’. We must not say ‘that God cannot work any Miracles because we
see not for what Rational End it could be that he should recede from those Laws
[of nature], by Repealing, Suspending, or otherwise Altering them’ (BP 7, fol.
116; BOA: 267).
Boyle elaborated on the link between creation, divine freedom, and our
limited knowledge in his Appendix to the First Part of the Christian Virtuoso
(1744). He cautioned, ‘we purblind mortals, that are not of the highest order of
God’s creatures, may justly think ourselves but incompetent judges of the extent
of the power and knowledge of God, … whose power may justly be supposed
to reach farther, than our limited intellects can apprehend, or for that reason,
without a saucy rashness, can presume to bound.’ A few pages later, he added,
‘if we believe God to be the author of things, it is rational to conceive, that he
may have made them commensurate, rather to his own designs in them, than to
the notions we men may best be able to frame of them.’ In Genesis, ‘the world
itself was first made before the contemplator of it, man: whence we may learn,
that the author of nature consulted not, in the production of things, with human
capacities; but first made things in such manner, as he was pleased to think fit,
Boyle’s Philosophy of Religion 277
The Primordial System of the Universe, or the great and Original Fabrick of the
World; was, as to us, arbitrarily Establish’d by God. Not that he created things
without accompanying, and as it were regulating, his Omnipotence, by his
boundless Wisdom; and consequently did nothing without weighty reasons: but
because those reasons are à Priori undiscoverable by us: such as are the number
of the fixt Stars; the collocation as well as number of the Planetary Globes; the
Lines and Periods of their Motions; the Gyration of Jupiter and Mars about
their Centers, compard with the Libration of the Moon; the paucity of Stars
near the Antartick Pole; the bignesse shapes and differing Longævities of living
Creatures, and many other Particulars: of which the only reason we can assigne,
is, that it pleas’d God at the begining of things, to give the World and its parts
that disposition. (MS 185, fol. 29; Works, 14: 168; BOA: 143)
Boyle’s ideas about other worlds – a possibility he took seriously that arose
from theological, not natural philosophical, speculation – further illuminate his
278 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
theology of nature. For all we know, he said, ‘they may be fram’d and manag’d
in a manner quite differing, from what is observ’d in that part of the Universe
that is known to us’, such that the ‘Laws of Local Motion may be differing in
those unknown Worlds, from the Laws that obtain in ours’. Similarly, in the new
heaven and earth promised in Scripture, ‘the primordial frames of things, and
the laws of motion, and consequently, the nature of things corporeal, may be
very differing from those that obtain in the present worlds’. As for the one world
we do know, only ‘God knows particularly both why and how the Universal
matter was first contriv’d into this admirable Universe, rather than a World
of any other of the numberless Constructions He could have given it’ (Works,
10: 173; 12: 521; 10: 188). These fascinating musings reveal the degree to which
(for Boyle) the order of nature was contingent and therefore could not be known
a priori. Physical laws were ‘collected or emergent’ truths ‘gathered from the
settled Phaenomena of Nature’, not ‘Axioms Metaphysical, or Universal, that
hold in all Cases without reservation’ (Works, 9: 414).
4. Conclusion
If Boyle’s conceptions of nature and natural law are no longer much in vogue,
it is not because they were shallow, incoherent, or irrelevant to modern science.
The greatest scientist of the twentieth century, Albert Einstein, ‘really’ wanted
to know ‘whether God could have made the world in a different way; that is,
whether the necessity of logical simplicity leaves any freedom at all’ (quoted
by Holton 1978: xii). When cosmologist Max Tegmark proclaims that every
mathematically consistent universe must necessarily exist, he forgets that physical
laws are contingent truths, not axioms of metaphysics (Tegmark 2014: 321).
Those feminists and environmentalists who seek to replace an impersonal
‘nature’ with ‘Mother Nature’ or a goddess called ‘Gaia’ self-consciously echo
Boyle’s adversaries (Podnieks and O’Reilly 2010). When certain theologians
exchange a transcendent, omnipotent Creator for a version of the Stoic soul of
the world, they knowingly endorse ideas that Boyle so strongly opposed (Griffin
1988: 37 note 44). Science indeed remains a form of natural philosophy, and
Boyle’s ideas are not far beneath the surface.
Boyle’s evidentialist approach to apologetics, rooted in science, has been no less
influential. Arguably, he was the fountainhead from which flowed the great Anglo-
American tradition of natural theology, right down to our own time. Obvious
parallels exist between Boyle and William Paley. Both frequently used the term
Boyle’s Philosophy of Religion 279
Note
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10
Robert Boyle’s longest and most successful scientific book was entitled Some
Considerations Touching the Usefulness of Experimental Natural Philosophy
(Works, 3: 189–561; 6: 389–540). The most substantial component of this,
published in 1663, had to be set in type three times to satisfy the demand for
it (Fulton 1961: 37–41). It opened with a text which protested the value of
scientific knowledge in its own right and as the servant of religion, and these
were, of course, themes that Boyle pursued much more fully elsewhere. But
the remainder of the work – by far the bulk of it – dealt with the utility of
science to various aspects of human life, especially medical, but also ranging
more widely. It is a testament to Boyle’s conviction that what was crucial about
science was not least its capacity to improve the human condition, and this
central component of his scientific vision will form the subject of this essay.
To trace its roots, we need to go back to the time when Boyle ‘discovered’
science in 1649, after an adolescence devoted to penning tracts of moral
improvement. In the virtual conversion experience that occurred at this point,
the religious motivation was predominant, and the first extant work that we
have from it is a piece entitled ‘Of the Study of the Booke of Nature’, which is
so ecstatic in its stress on the religious benefit of such study that the relevant
passages of it had to be toned down when they were recycled into Book I of
Usefulness (Hunter 2000: 40). But equally significant is another document
that Boyle prepared at this formative time, a synopsis for a work entitled ‘Of
Naturall Philosophie’, which seems to comprise his scientific agenda at this
point in his career (BP 36, fols 65–6, printed in Hunter 2000: 30–1). After an
‘Introduction’, a section itemizing ‘The usefulnes of naturall Philosophie’ starts
284 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
with two headings which exactly foreshadow the thrust of the published Book
I of Usefulness:
1. As to Physick
2. As to those Mechanicall Trades which serve for necessitie of life, as
Husbandrie Navigation &c.
3. As to those trades which serve for Accomodation of life.
The book outlined in the synopsis would then have gone to discuss ‘The
Principles of naturall Philosophie’, stressing the need to balance ‘Reason’ by
‘Sense’ and emphasizing the role of experiment in the latter. Indeed, here we
have the germ of perhaps Boyle’s most crucial methodological work, Certain
Physiological Essays, published in 1661, and it is significant that at this point
this was to have formed a single work with what was to become The Usefulness
of Natural Philosophy. In fact, however, the two developed separately, and here
I want to focus on the section of the putative book devoted to ‘the Practicall
use’ of science, with its tripartite division into medicine; ‘Mechanicall Trades’
like agriculture which served the necessities of life; and trades serving what
Boyle described as ‘Accomodation of life’, which he elucidated in the published
Usefulness as ‘the Trades of Shoo-makers, Diers, Tanners, &c.’, and to which
he there added luxury trades that served man’s ‘delight’, such ‘as the Trades of
Painters, Confectioners, Perfumers, &c.’ (Works, 3: 298).1 All these, he argued,
would benefit from the application of science.
Boyle was convinced that a proper natural philosophy should not only be true
but also useful, and he championed the new, experimental philosophy against
the Aristotelian one that had formerly dominated intellectual life because the
latter was defective from both points of view. Not only did Boyle believe that
the experimental knowledge that he and others were assembling would result
in a correct understanding of the workings of the natural world. He also saw
its application as central to its remit, in contrast to the sterility of scholasticism.
As he wrote, ‘true Natural Philosophy is so far from being a barren speculative
Knowledge, that Physick, Husbandry, and very many Trades (as those of Tanners,
Dyers, Brewers, Founders, &c.) are but Corollaries or Applications of some few
Robert Boyle on Application of Science 285
Theorems of it.’ Indeed, in a lyrical passage he went so far as to assert, ‘I shall not
dare to think my self a true Naturalist, till my skill can make my Garden yield
better Herbs and Flowers, or my Orchard better Fruit, or my Fields better Corn,
or my Dairy better Cheese then theirs that are strangers to Physiology’ (Works,
3: 295, 296). The central claim was that the scientist’s analytical knowledge was
crucial, giving him insights that those hitherto involved in technical processes
had lacked. To quote Boyle yet again, his readers should not find it
As will be seen, Boyle is there quite explicit about the way in which the scientist’s
analytic understanding would assist in technological improvement, and he was
arguably more explicit than many of his contemporaries in his assertion of the
primacy of scientific knowledge in this way. Of course, there was a degree of
arrogance about this, the classic claim on behalf of scientists that their insights
would instantly make possible improvements that had long eluded benighted
technicians. Indeed, Boyle’s sense of the potential for the application of science
did go with a rather patronizing view of ‘the lame and unlearned Observations
and Practice of such illiterate Persons as Gardeners, Plow-men, and Milk-maids’,
whose ignorance was contrasted with ‘the Naturalist’s higher and more reaching
Knowledg and Experience’ (Works, 3: 296; 6, 414). This has to be taken into
account in trying to understand the corollaries of this ethos, to which I will be
coming later in this chapter, since the state of affairs was arguably more complex
than such optimistic evaluations implied, and traditional practices often proved
more viable and less in need of improvement than such intellectualist critiques
implied, as I have elsewhere argued in relation to the early Royal Society (see
Hunter 1981: ch. 4, esp. 104ff.). Nevertheless, this breathtaking vision of the
potential for the application of science was a central part of Boyle’s outlook.
again, science proved itself useful, in an almost endless variety of ways. The
message could be stated succinctly or interminably, and Boyle went for the latter.
Indeed, it seems to have turned into a massive book: the pagination even of
the original version – before Boyle started making extensive additions in the
margins and on the facing versos which had originally been blank – ran to more
than 168 pages.
But Boyle realized that the shapelessness of the resulting product was
problematic, and in the 1660s he made various attempts to produce a thematic
structure into which it could be reorganized, then setting to work to cut and
paste the material that he had accumulated in the 1650s into shape (often
literally, in that pages of text have been cut up with scissors) (Works, esp. lxiii–
lxx; 6, liff., 389–540). The essays that he produced and that made up the 1671
volume had titles like: ‘That the Goods of Mankind May Be Much Encreased by
the Naturalist’s Insight into Trades’, or ‘Of Doing by Physical Knowledge What Is
Wont to Require Manual Skill’. Between them, they covered a number of relevant
themes and deployed many of the examples that Boyle had accumulated, though
others were omitted and he did in fact write even more essays on other aspects
of the topic, including one on how ‘the Empire of man may be promoted by the
Naturalists skill in Chymistry’ which remained unpublished till modern times
(Works, lxix–lxx, 319–61; see also below, p. 290–1). Yet the published book was
quite effective in making its general point concerning science’s potential, and it
is revealing that Boyle specifically saw its publication as promoting the agenda
of the Royal Society at a time when that institution was going through a difficult
period (Works, 6: 394).
It is perhaps worth adding that Boyle’s exposition of his utilitarian creed in the
general sections of the 1671 volume more explicitly followed the mandate of
Francis Bacon than had been the case in that of 1663 (or the early manuscripts).
This is significant, because it reflects the extent to which Boyle’s scientific agenda
became more overtly Baconian under the Royal Society’s influence in the 1660s,
as I have argued elsewhere and as Harriet Knight illustrates in her essay in this
volume. In particular, Boyle started to follow Bacon in using ‘heads’ or ‘titles’
to organize the profuse experimental data that he included in such books as
his New Experiments and Observations Touching Cold of 1665 and also as a
means of soliciting data from others: this effectively represents the origins of the
288 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
It now remaines, that I mention in a few words the Optatives, that may be
propos’d by the Naturalist about the particular Trades he would improve. By
which name of Optatives, I mean all those Perfections, that being desirable, are
rather very difficult, than absolutely impossible, to be obtain’d …
I know, Pyrophilus, that such Optatives may be thought but a civill name for
Chymerical Projects; but I shall hereafter more fully declare to you, why I think
it not altogether unuseful, that such Optatives should be propos’d, provided,
Robert Boyle on Application of Science 289
as I hinted above, that they be very difficult, & not impossible: That is, that
they be such, as are not repugnant to the nature of the things, nor the general
Principles of Reason and Philosophie, and seem no otherwise to be Chymically
or Mechanically impossible, than because we want Tooles or other Instruments
and wayes to perform some things necessary to the compassing of the propos’d
End, or to remove some difficulties, or remedy some Inconveniences, that are
incident to us in the Prosecution of such difficult designs.
And let me here tell you, Pyrophilus, that this Advantage may be deriv’d
from the deviseing of such Optatives to bold and sagacious Men, that if they
despair of attaining to the Perfection they are invited to aime at, they may at least
endeavour to reach some Approximation to it. (Works, 6: 480–1)
As far as the manuscript desiderata list is concerned, its very first ambition,
to prolong human life, echoes Bacon’s own list of Magnalia naturæ in New
Atlantis, but it is perhaps surprising how little overlap there otherwise is
between the two lists. The hope to rejuvenate teeth and hair echoes the
sixteenth-century iatrochemist, Paracelsus, while the ambitions concerning the
weapon salve and the alkahest remind us of the ideas of Sir Kenelm Digby,
J. B. van Helmont and other chymists of the day. Many of the other headings,
however, seem to allude to projects associated with Boyle’s colleagues in the
early Royal Society, especially Robert Hooke and Christopher Wren, including
ways of solving the problem of longitude, the use of pendulum watches at sea,
the improvement of lenses and even the possibility of human flight; they thus
represent a tribute to Boyle’s lively scientific curiosity and his commitment
to scientific developments in which he was not directly involved himself.2
Indeed, in Wren’s case an interesting parallel list survives which was published
in the posthumously-edited Parentalia of 1750 and which similarly itemizes
inventions and improved techniques, ranging from ‘Perpetual Motion’ and
‘New Ways of Sailing’ to double writing and ‘new Musical Instruments’ (see
Wren 1750: 198–9). It thus illustrates how the ethos to which Boyle gave classic
expression was more widely shared in the early Royal Society.
It is also appropriate to note here another document which must originally
date from this period, although the only extant copies of it are later. This is a
work called ‘The Aspireing Naturalist (a Philosophical Romance)’, described
in a list of Boyle’s ‘Tracts’ dated 19 November 1667 as ‘containing an accompt
of some inventions & practises said to bee in use among the Inhabitants of an
Island in amity with the new Atlantis’ (Works, 14: 333; here, ‘Naturalists’ is in
the plural). Boyle similarly explained in his Occasional Reflections of 1665 how
he ‘had thoughts of making a short Romantick story, where the Scene should
290 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
be laid in some Island of the Southern Ocean, govern’d by some such rational
Laws and Customs as those of Utopia or the New Atlantis’ (Works, 5: 171–2).
Boyle had been an addict of romances before he turned to science in 1649, but
this is the only instance later in his life when he reverted to the romance form,
and even in this case all we have is a fragment. The allusion to Bacon’s New
Atlantis in the description of the piece is itself revealing of Bacon’s influence on
Boyle, and the objective of ‘The Aspireing Naturalist’ was similar to that of New
Atlantis – namely to show how normal expectations of what ‘is possible to be
performed by Medicine, or by Art’ could be transformed by ‘the power of Art
& Nature conspireing’, particularly in the context of human health. This was to
be exemplified by the inhabitants of a far-off island, whose products infinitely
exceeded estimates based on readers’ ‘scant measures of what is wont to happen,
or to be done in their own Country; or by the more familiar Phænomena &
common operations of Nature’, yet which would not be surprising to those of
‘a free and emancipated Genius’ whose conceptions had been liberated by such
knowledge (see the full text in Hunter 2015: 218–20).
In its ambition to use evidence from far-away regions to illustrate the
shortcomings of commonplace presumptions about what was possible in nature,
this work bears some similarity to another compilation which Boyle began at
this point and on which he worked in his later years, his ‘Physica Peregrinans,
or the travelling Naturalist[,]containing Answers given to Severall Questions
propounded by the Author to Navigators & other Travellers into remote
Countreys’. In a list of his intended writings of c.1670 Boyle included a text that
‘shew’s the use of travells great’, and it was at this time that he started to collect
narratives about natural phenomena in exotic regions from ‘Pilates, Sea-captains,
and other Persons that have travail’d unto the Indies, or other remote Country’.
The object of the compilation seems to have been ‘to free the understanding from
being too much straitend by a confinement to common things & the phenomena
of nature & art familiar to us’ and thus ‘to suggest new & more reaching notions
about severall things’ (Hunter 2015: ch. 9; for the passages quoted see pp. 185
and 210). It is as if Boyle hoped that such information would challenge people’s
complacent sense of the parameters of natural philosophy – that, as with his
Baconian romance, a worldwide perspective would give a view of the sheer
fecundity of the natural world that would be challenging and exhilarating in
itself. But his aims in collecting such data were also utilitarian, thus bringing
us back to The Usefulness of Natural Philosophy, since one of the putative essays
that Boyle listed in the 1660s plan for the book to which I have already referred,
which in this case no longer survives, took as its theme: ‘That the Naturalist
Robert Boyle on Application of Science 291
may much advantage Men by exciteing & assisting their Curiosity to discover,
take notice, & make use of their homebred Riches & advantages of particular
Countrys, & to increase their Number, (by transferring thither those of others)’
(Works, 13: lxx; for a commentary, see Hunter 2015: 74, 192).
Returning to the volume of Usefulness published in 1671, Rupert Hall put
it rather well some years ago in saying that, in that work, Boyle ‘developed
as large claims for the practical utility of science as you will easily find in the
seventeenth century’ (Hall 1972: 48). In fact, there are not many parallels at all
for as programmatic a view as Boyle there put forward, except in his own initial
‘Tome’ of 1663. The main exceptions comprise generalized statements made in
manifestos for the new science like Thomas Sprat’s History of the Royal Society
(1667) or Joseph Glanvill’s Plus Ultra: Or the Progress and Advancement of
Knowledge since the Days of Aristotle (1668) (Sprat 1959; Glanvill 1668). Though
Robert Hooke, in particular, exemplified the potential for the application of
science about which Boyle felt so strongly – as seen not least in the prominent
role that he plays as a source of projects included in Boyle’s list of ‘desiderata’ –
Hooke himself published nothing comparable. Even his ‘General Scheme, or
Idea of the Present State of Natural Philosophy, and How its Defects May Be
Remedied’ is arguably more similar to Boyle’s ‘Designe about Natural History’
than to The Usefulness of Natural Philosophy (see Hooke 1705: 1ff., including, e.g.
24ff. on the history of trades).3
chemically based. In doing so, Boyle attempted to steer a middle course between
the two, balancing criticism of a narrowly Galenic approach towards healing
with an equal antipathy to uninformed empiricism, and arguing for a kind of
medical pluralism, with traditional therapy being complemented by the use of a
wide range of medications such as those that he himself purveyed.
If this was a deliberate position of studied neutrality in relation to the
disputes of the day, however, at some point in the 1660s, Boyle decided to move
away from this to a more openly reformist stance, writing a treatise entitled
‘Considerations & Doubts Touching the Vulgar Method of Physick’ – ‘vulgar’
here meaning orthodox or Galenic. In it, Boyle argued that such medicine was
‘built upon Theoryes which Anatomicall, or other Discoveries show to be false,
or insufficient’; that physicians often misunderstood the true causes of ailments,
meaning that their treatment was not as safe as they claimed; that the specific
remedies advocated by chemical physicians were often effective where the
complicated regime of orthodox Galenism with its bloodletting and purging
was not; indeed, that all sorts of other methods seemed to be as effective as the
Galenic one, including those found in remote countries. These assertions were
accompanied by the argument that the medical profession had never obtained
such ‘Philosophical History’s of Diseases’ as they could have done – an echo
of the Baconian ethos of systematic data collecting that so much influenced
Boyle in the 1660s under the Royal Society’s influence. He also argued that
the medications that were prescribed deserved more systematic study (Hunter
2000: ch. 8, esp. 167, 187–9).
Hence it was a full-scale call for a more scientific medicine, deploying the
findings and methods of natural philosophy to bring about radical improvement
to the current state of the art. Moreover, Boyle continued to work on the book
for over a decade, and a surviving section of the actual text that he drafted for it
around 1680 is direct to the point of being scathing about the shortcomings of
Galenic therapy. The theme that he there addressed was the supposed safeness
of such treatment, and he argued that it was not at all as safe as its protagonists
claimed. To the argument that such practice was sanctioned by long usage, Boyle
responded that this might be valid if it were successful, but not if this were not
the case. He argued that many treatments were harmful rather than beneficial,
while in the case of acute diseases doctors were often inappropriately timid: in
such cases, the physician might benefit from caution but not the patient, ‘the
former loosing little or no reputation, while the latter looses his life’. Boyle was
also critical of the standard therapies of bleeding and purging, which ‘are sure
to weaken or discompose when they are imploy’d but do not certainly cure
Robert Boyle on Application of Science 293
afterwards’, pointing out that bloodletting was not deployed in other cultures or
among the opponents of Galenism in his own (Hunter 2000: 193–201, esp. 195,
196). It was an extraordinary call for reform, the implications of which, if
implemented, would have been revolutionary. Indeed, had it been published, it
might have had a powerful influence in bringing about medical change.
Ultimately, however, Boyle abandoned the work, citing as the reason for
this his ‘fear it should be misimploy’d to the prejudice of worthy Physicians’;
elsewhere, he explained how some doctors were ‘not well pleas’d that a Person not
of their Profession should offer to meddle with it, tho with a design of advancing
it’, and he almost certainly encountered hostility from members of this embattled
profession (Hunter 2000: 159, 179). A further consideration was probably that,
unlike the chemical physicians who had challenged the Galenists in the mid-
century and who had a clear therapeutic alternative, Boyle’s awareness of the
defects of orthodox medicine was not accompanied by any clear and systematic
alternative. He knew that the current therapy could be improved and he was in
favour of a more pluralist approach, but he considered that even Galenism was
not entirely without merit. This, too, must have been a disincentive to a frontal
assault, encouraging Boyle to suppress his outright polemic.
Instead, he took to publishing treatises which offered detailed illustration of
the capacity of science to assist medicine. In a sense, this exemplified what could
be seen as a key goal of his natural philosophical studies from a much earlier
date, since it could be argued that Boyle had always had an eye on the potential
of an improved understanding of nature to ameliorate human life. One example
of this is the intense concern with respiration in his first scientific book, New
Experiments Physico-Mechanical, Touching the Spring of the Air and Its Effects
(1660) and its sequels, including the almost book-length series of experiments
on the subject that he published in the Royal Society’s Philosophical Transactions
in 1670 (Works, 1: esp. 276–95; 6: 213–57).4 Equally important was the way
in which his corpuscularianism led him to a concern about ‘effluvia’ and the
effects that he suspected that they had on human health, not least in terms of
explaining the relative ‘Insalubrity and Salubrity of the Air’ in different places.5
Such examples indicate the extent to which a medical rationale informed Boyle’s
scientific programme as a whole. However, in writings of the 1680s, this became
much more overt.
Thus his Memoirs for the Natural History of Human Blood, published in
1684, divulged the findings of key laboratory tests on human blood, including
its spirit and serum. Some of its findings were slightly out of date by the time
the book was published, having been carried out in the 1660s when interest
294 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
in the nature of blood was at its peak in connection with the experiments
on blood transfusion that occurred at that point under the Royal Society’s
auspices. But it is revealing that, almost immediately after publishing the
book, Boyle set to work on a second, improved edition, which would have
taken account of more recent developments, though this was never published
(for a comprehensive account, see Knight and Hunter 2007). Another work
on a topic of medical relevance that Boyle published at this stage in his career
was his Short Memoirs for the Natural Experimental History of Mineral Waters
(1685). Mineral waters and their medicinal potential had long interested
him as a spin-off of his interest in mineralogy and petrifaction, and in this
book he set out a programme for the analytical testing of such waters and
published some of his results (Works, 10: xxixff., 205–50; Hunter 2009: 214–
5). Moreover in the aftermath of the book’s publication, in a slightly odd
applied spin-off from it, Boyle is actually recorded as publicly affirming the
curative virtues of water from a spring in Islington called ‘The London Spaw’
(Hunter 2009: 215).
A further book that stemmed from Boyle’s earlier scientific studies, in this
case of hydrostatics, was his Medicina Hydrostatica: or, Hydrostaticks Applyed to
the Materia Medica (1690), which showed how, by measuring the specific gravity
of drugs, it was possible to discover whether or not they were genuine. Indeed,
in this instance, the theme that the work took up had been divulged in his anti-
Galenist manifesto, which listed this as one of the matters that deserved attention,
and Medicina Hydrostatica was evidently a direct spin-off from that: Boyle even
seems to have toyed with the idea of including a synopsis of the suppressed work
as an appendix to it, though this did not in fact materialize (Works, 11: xxxvff.,
199–280; Hunter 2000: 175–6). A further echo of Boyle’s suppressed attack
on orthodox medicine is to be found in the extensive writings on the theory
and practice of medication that he published at this time. In one of these, ‘The
Advantages of the Use of Simple Medicines Proposed by Way of Invitation to It’,
he argued, in contrast to the tendency of fashionable practitioners to prescribe
elaborate compound remedies, that wherever possible simple medicines should
be used in preference to compound ones, partly because this made it easier to
test their efficacy and partly because it brought down their price. This work
was appended to Boyle’s Of the Reconcileableness of Specifick Medicines to the
Corpuscular Philosophy (1685), which once again links these medical concerns to
his broader scientific programme in that it attempted to explain how medicines
affected the body in terms of the corpuscularian philosophy that he had long
advocated (Works, 10: 351–435).
Robert Boyle on Application of Science 295
Boyle also devoted much time and effort to the testing and dissemination
of medicines in his later years. In 1688 he had a collection of medical recipes
privately printed, and an extended version of this that he had prepared for
the press was published just after his death; this went into multiple editions in
conjunction with two further volumes that were prepared posthumously by
his literary executors (Works, 11: xxviiff., 173–86; 12: xxixff., 177–298; Hunter
2000: ch. 9). As Michelle DiMeo has recently indicated (2017), in collecting
effective recipes that deserved to be more widely known, Boyle was participating
in a well-established tradition, not least among members of the landed classes
like himself. On the other hand, as she points out, it was very unusual for men of
such status to publish such material in print, something that Boyle had to justify
at length, citing his philanthropic motivation for doing so. It was partly for this
reason that he initially published the collection in a limited edition over the
distribution of which he had complete control. Equally significant is the fact that
the more public, posthumous edition was entitled Medicinal Experiments, since
Boyle’s enterprise is notable for the extent to which he attempted to be ‘scientific’
in testing his recipes: he suggested in his preface that each should be given a
mark of ‘A’, ‘B’ or ‘C’ to denote how effective it was, with an ancillary marking
to indicate how many times he had tried it. In practice, however, this innovative
scheme was largely abandoned and, although it seems to have induced extensive
obfuscation on Boyle’s part which may have delayed publication, the lack of a
record of such testing does not seem to have bothered the book’s readers at all
(Hunter 2000: 215ff.).
Moving now to topics other than medicine, Boyle played a direct role in further
initiatives aimed to put scientific knowledge to public use. In 1675, for instance,
he published in Philosophical Transactions an account of an instrument ‘for
distinguishing true money from false by a pretty simple and easily prepared
method’, in the words of the journal’s publisher, Henry Oldenburg in a letter to
Christiaan Huygens of 15 July 1675 (Hall and Hall 1965–86: 11, 405–6). This was
based on the use of specific gravity, as with the apparatus that Boyle divulged
in connection with medications in his Medicina Hydrostatica, and its great
advantage was that the genuineness of coins could be tested without having to
damage them (Works, 8: 532–44). Boyle also seems to have been behind various
technological innovations presented to the Royal Society at this time by Robert
296 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
Hooke and others, for instance for a waterproof leather, or even for an opaque
glass which it was thought might be useful for the reflecting telescope that
Newton had recently presented to the society.6
Perhaps more significant was the project for desalinizing sea-water with which
Boyle was associated in the early 1680s, which was presided over by his nephew,
Robert Fitzgerald. In principle, this was a classic instance of the application of
science. Boyle had published ‘Observations and Experiments about the Saltness
of the Sea’ in a volume of his Tracts that appeared in 1673; in it, he observed
the imperative requirement for fresh water on long voyages and the desirability
of finding some means of producing this from sea water, thus avoiding the
need for lengthy detours to obtain a fresh water supply (Works, 7: 400–1). The
implication was that this was a matter which was particularly likely to benefit
from scientific expertise: after all, with years of the chemical analysis of salts
and other substances behind him, who could be better placed than Boyle to find
a solution to this pressing practical problem? Clearly this was the rationale of
the Fitzgerald scheme, of which Boyle may himself have been the real initiator
despite the fact that Fitzgerald officially headed it; indeed, Boyle’s role in
vouching for the effectiveness of the process was clearly crucial to persuading
King Charles II to issue a license for the project (Hunter 2009: 215–18). It should
be added that, in promotional terms, it was a great success. A pamphlet setting
out the benefits of the desalinization process, entitled Salt-Water Sweetned, went
into numerous editions in English and was also translated into Latin, French,
German and Spanish; it was also backed up by an ancillary pamphlet by a young
protégé of Boyle’s, Dr Nehemiah Grew, who professed to have vindicated the
technique by analysing the water produced by it (Works, 9: xxxv-xxxvii, 425–37;
Lefanu 1990: 44–8, 122ff.).
In fact, however, the scheme was a failure, and for this there were two
principal reasons. One was that the process does not seem to have worked, in
that it left a residue of salt in the water which proved harmful to those who drank
it. Slightly ironically, Boyle had the means of dealing with this, since he followed
up his experiments on desalinization by producing a method for testing the
saltness of water by using a solution of silver nitrate: rather than publishing this,
however, he deposited the paper divulging it with the Royal Society, so it was
not available to those actually promoting the desalinization project, and the
scheme suffered accordingly (Hunter 2009: 218). Equally significant were the
legal wrangles that accompanied the project, since Fitzgerald’s scheme had in
fact been preceded by another one emanating from a projector, William Walcot,
with no scientific credentials. It was a corollary of the rather disdainful attitude
Robert Boyle on Application of Science 297
towards humble operatives which we have seen was part of the ethos of Boyle’s
Usefulness of Natural Philosophy that Boyle seems to have presumed that, almost
by definition, the scheme of a scientist like himself would be superior to any rival
one that was not based on comparable expertise. Hence he simply dismissed
his competitor, yet Walcot fought back through the courts, and the resulting
litigation continued for years, enhancing the problems caused by the real defects
in the Fitzgerald/Boyle process (for the fullest account, see Maddison 1952). It
was not an ideal exemplification of the ethos of science’s utility that Boyle had so
long and vigorously promoted.
Another example from Boyle’s later years of his involvement in projects where
scientific expertise might have had practical spin-offs concerned shipbuilding,
and again the picture we obtain is a rather mixed one. Our most significant
informant here is Boyle’s friend, Sir Peter Pett, a lawyer and government official
who came from a famous family of shipbuilders, and who wrote a series of
notes on Boyle which are among the most revealing biographical records of
him (Hunter 1994: 58ff., esp. 58–60, 81–2). In them, Pett records how Boyle
urged him – ‘as I was a lover of my Country’ – to preserve the design of the
Constant Warwick, a frigate built by his father, Peter Pett, in 1645–6, which
was said to be the best English frigate ever constructed. He also reported on
Boyle’s close involvement in trials of the use of lead for sheathing the hulls of
ships, in which Boyle was glad to deploy his ‘Experimental knowledge’ (in his
own words) and which both he and Pett saw as an innovation of great public
benefit. In addition, Pett reported in a letter to Samuel Pepys of 3 May 1696 how
Boyle had made telling suggestions concerning the principles of ship design to a
young naval architect, John Daniel. Yet, in doing so, Pett went on to express his
disappointment at the overall record of scientists of his generation in coming up
with useful suggestions concerning ship design, instancing Sir Christopher Wren
as a case in point, who he claimed had tried but failed to produce improvements
in the field (Pepys 1926: 1, 115–16).
On the whole, Pett’s verdict has been borne out by historians, who have
stressed the sheer difficulty that presented scientists in making mathematical
calculations concerning the displacement of irregular cylinders through fluids
that were involved in ship design, particularly when allowance needed to be made
for the additional complications presented by the ship’s rigging, the pressure of
wind on its sails, and the like (see Hunter 1981: 106–7 and the references there
cited). In the case of lead sheathing, there was also the problem of vested interests
of the kind that dogged the desalinization affair, and in this connection Boyle
actually expounded to Pett his view that ‘every great New Invention, necessarily
298 Bloomsbury Companion to Robert Boyle
crossing the private Interest of many particular persons, was thereby hindred in
its birth and growth, by such interested persons’ (Hunter 1994: 58). Hence, in
this as in other areas of the potential application of science, Boyle seems to have
become increasingly disillusioned about how easily this might be achieved in
the messy circumstances of everyday life. Yet the enthusiasm for improved ship
design on his part that Pett recounted to Pepys shows that, at least in principle,
Boyle seems to have remained as optimistic as ever that the ethos of Usefulness
could be effected.
It would be improper to end this essay without also noting the evidence that
survives of Boyle’s more or less close association with other projects where
analytical knowledge was put to practical ends, ranging from early attempts at
porcelain manufacture to improved agricultural techniques and even the origins
of the steam engine. This is not something that has ever received much attention
in relation to Boyle himself, and in some cases the evidence linking the projects
in question to him is disappointingly sketchy: but cumulatively it significantly
complements the schemes to which I have already referred, so it is appropriate
to say a little here about the enterprises involved.
We start with the period of Samuel Hartlib, when Boyle was associated with
various such schemes. For instance, he was among those who jointly signed a
document encouraging Cressy Dymock to pursue schemes of public utility in
March 1650 (Correspondence, 1: 88; for background, see Webster 2002: 363–6),
while nearly a decade later, in 1659, Boyle was instrumental in the publication
of an English translation by the mathematician, John Pell, of the method for
preserving human bodies and body parts devised by the Dutch entrepreneur,
Louis de Bils; Boyle was encouraged in this by Hartlib (Works, 1: cxix–cxxii,
41–50; Correspondence, 1: 376–7, 379–80).7 Boyle was also the recipient at this
time of the dedication to the Oxford horticulturalist, Ralph Austen’s, volume
on the cultivation of fruit trees (Austen 1658), as also that to the virtuoso, John
Beale’s, innovative though sadly unpublished treatise on the revival of ancient
dying techniques (Turnbull 1947: 106–7).8 Yet another work dedicated to
Boyle in these years, which he seems to have specifically encouraged, was his
Oxford colleague Robert Sharrock’s History of the Propagation & Improvement
of Vegetables by the Concurrence of Art and Nature (1660). This could be seen
as a working out of the programme for the application of science for which so
Robert Boyle on Application of Science 299
more efficient than the single cylinder one made by Robert Hooke that Boyle had
used for his earlier experiments.12 This new piece of equipment was designed by
Papin, who continued to devise related gadgets in the following years, including
a pressure cooker, which he called a ‘New Digester’, and in 1687 he published
a book in which a number of these were divulged, entitled A Continuation of
the New Digestor of Bones: It’s Improvements and New Uses It Hath Been Applyed
to, Both for Sea and Land: Together with Some Improvements and New Uses of
the Air-Pump, Tryed Both in England and Italy. Among the engraved plates
included in this book was one depicting an air pump, in this case with only one
cylinder but which crucially made use of automatic valve action, and it has been
argued that this was the direct precursor of the pioneering steam engine built by
Thomas Newcomen in 1712; the presumption is that the relevant volume came
into Newcomen’s hands, as could easily have been the case.13 What is significant
here is not only Boyle’s direct link with Papin, whose design may have influenced
Newcomen, but also the fact that, as was long ago noted, Boyle’s original air pump
‘was the antecedent of all later machines depending on a piston accurately fitting
in a true cylinder’: there is a sense, therefore, in which he can rightfully be seen as
the ancestor of the entire enterprise (A. R. Hall, quoted in Wootton 2015: 505n.).
In addition, it now seems as if Boyle may have had links with Thomas
Newcomen, the very figure who built the steam engine just referred to.
Newcomen’s early life is obscure, but he seems to have been involved in mining
operations in Cornwall in the late seventeenth century, and particularly in the
development of pumps for draining tin mines (see Greener 2015). Boyle had
long had an interest in mining technology, and one of his contacts in connection
with this was a shadowy figure, Christopher Kirkby, a merchant and alchemist
whose links with Charles II allowed him to alert the King to the Popish Plot
in 1678. A letter from Boyle to Kirkby of 29 April 1689 survives in which he
advocated the repeal of the medieval act forbidding the transmutation of metals
on the grounds that this would be particularly ‘advantageous to the counties
of Cornwall and Devonshire, where tin so much abounds, that it is (as you well
know) a drug’ (Correspondence, 6: 288–9).14 In addition, a document survives
in the Boyle Papers describing a draining device at a tin mine in Cornwall, in
which Kirkby is mentioned, and this seems to be written in a hand remarkably
similar to that of Thomas Newcomen (BP 26, fol. 8).15 Hence Boyle seems to have
had links in that connection, too, and, although all this is rather shadowy and
fragmentary, it is again significant in linking Boyle to developments in which
scientific knowledge was put to practical use – just as he had advocated in The
Usefulness of Natural Philosophy – in this case with epoch-making implications.
Robert Boyle on Application of Science 301
6. Conclusion
Notes
4 For an account of Boyle’s medical concerns in the context of his scientific work, see
Kaplan (1993).
5 See e.g. Works, 7: 227–336; 10: 303–49; for a summary, including a brief indication
of the influence that such ideas had in the period following Boyle’s, see Hunter
(2009: 174).
6 See Birch (1756–7), 3: 4 (presented by Sir Robert Moray), 348 (presented by
Hooke)); for Boyle as the evident originator of the latter, see Hooke (1935: 321,
333), entries for 17 and 24 October 1677.
7 See also Cook (2002, 2007: 271–6); and Malcolm and Stedall (2005: 180–1).
8 Boyle’s fellow dedicatee was John Worthington; for elucidation, see Keller (2018).
9 See Haselgrove and Murray (1979: 6–7 and passim); Iliffe (1995: 308–10). Dwight
is currently the subject of investigation by Ross and Gael Ramsay: see their website,
www.Bowporcelain.net.
10 In fact the reference is in the plural since it also applied to ‘John Whittacre’.
11 The Second Continuation came out in Latin in 1680, with an English translation
in 1682.
12 See Works, 9: 121–263; for commentary, see Hunter (2009: 189–90, 282–3).
13 See Wootton (2015: 490–508); for an earlier account of related developments see
Wallace (1982: ch. 1).
14 On Kirkby and Boyle’s links with him, see Hunter (2000: 111); for further evidence
of Boyle’s involvement in mining ventures, see Hunter (2009: p. 343 n. 54); for his
‘Memoirs for the Natural History of Tin’, see Works, 14: 133–43.
15 I am grateful to James Greener for his advice on this document.
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Index
air 23, 32–3, 41–3, 45–7, 53, 67, 74–8, 111, causes
114–15, 119, 122–4, 143, 151, 153–4, efficient 141, 142, 144, 204, 245
173, 271, 293, 299, 300 final 141–2, 148, 150–2, 154–6,
air pump see air 158–62
Allestree, Richard 241 formal 141, 144, 147, 162, 199–200, 208,
Alsted, Johann Heinrich 226, 228, 230–1, 213, 215, 217
240, 242–3 material 56, 141–2, 144
Andrewes, Lancelot 228, 241 mechanical 39, 48–9, 52–3, 56, 66,
Anstey, Peter R. 11, 18, 187, 191 75, 82–3, 87, 112–14, 142–8, 150–5,
Aristotle 19, 46, 110. 19, 141–2, 162, 170, 169, 172, 174–5, 177–8, 184–91,
205–6, 226, 244, 260, 270, 291 208–11
Aristotelianism 11, 17, 48–9, 69, 78–9, certainty 17–18, 108–10, 118
112–13, 142–6, 148, 151, 154, 162, Charles II 265, 296, 300
169, 175–7, 199–202, 204–8, 210–11, Charleton, William 45
213, 217–18, 218 n.1, 228, 230, 239, chemistry 40–2, 44, 46, 48–50, 53–5,
245, 249, 273, 284 57, 65–8, 73–5, 78–80, 82–3, 85–7,
Aquinas, Thomas 142, 260, 272 89–90, 93 n.34, 113, 117, 119, 133
atheism 13, 104, 147, 214, 243, 248–9, n.41, 163 n.8, 171, 173, 175–7, 181,
258–60, 262–4, 268, 279 183, 201, 205, 211, 214, 216–18,
atomism 48, 68, 82, 84, 105–6, 111, 169, 222 n.27, 279, 289
174, 213, 216–17, 262, 273–4 Chillingworth, William 109, 26
Aubrey, John 100 Christianity 47, 107, 110, 142, 148,
Augustine 272 155, 161, 225–7, 229, 230, 233,
237–43, 249–50, 257–60, 267–72,
Bacon, Francis 9–23, 25–32, 34–6, 215–17 274–6
Bathurst, Ralph 73–4 chymical principles see chymistry
Beale, John 9 chymistry see chemistry
Becher, Johann Joachim 74 Cicero 244
Beck, Daniel 125 Clarke, Samuel 263–4, 268
Bentley, Richard 263 Clericuzio, Antonio 153
Berman, David 263 Comenius 10
Bible (biblical) 232, 238–40, 242–3, 250, Cooke, Josiah Parsons 279
257, 263, 267, 269, 273–4 Cooper, Anthony Ashley 41
Birch, Thomas 29, 97, 257 corpuscles see corpuscularianism
blood 31, 51, 66, 74, 76–8, 293–4 corpuscularianism 18, 39, 48–53, 56–8,
Boas Hall, Marie 65, 78, 118 66–7, 73, 75–7, 82–5, 87–8, 90,
Bolton, Robert 228, 232–3 111–15, 117–18, 134 n.43, 135 n.44,
Boulton, Richard 42 135 n.5, 135 n.48, 142–6, 151, 169,
Boyle’s Law 122, 124, 136 n.53 181–4, 207–18, 293–4
Brahe, Tycho 110 Coxe, Daniel 44, 90
Burnet, Gilbert 100, 226, 229, 258, Creator (creation) 100, 102, 110, 124–5,
266–7 147, 150–2, 158, 213–14, 227, 235,
308 Index
238–9, 243–6, 250, 257–8, 261, 263, fermentation 68, 73–4, 77, 84, 174, 286
272–3, 275–9 forms
Cudworth, Ralph 125, 269 corpuscularian 200, 202, 209, 210–12,
217–18
Daniel, John 297 substantial 82, 112–13, 133 n.40, 144–6,
Darwin, Charles 279 177, 200–3, 205–8, 210, 213–14, 217–18
Daston, Lorraine 10 Fulton, John 27
De Molina, Luis 272
demonstration 17, 109–10, Galen see Galenism
249 Galenism 244, 291–3
de Mornay, Phillippe 243–4, 258–63, Galileo 43, 258
270–1 Gassendi, Pierre 73, 83–4, 154
Descartes, Rene 66, 73, 83–4, 110, 124, generation 53, 56, 153, 169, 172, 183, 204,
142, 154–5, 170, 175, 178–9, 188–9, 210
192, 258, 273, 275 Gerson, Jean 226
Dickinson, Edmund 44, 73 Glanvill, Joseph 109, 291
Digby, Kenelm 289 Goddard, Jonathan 73
DiMeo, Michelle 295 Godwin, Thomas 232
Dury, John 10 Great Tew Circle 226
duty 159, 227, 233, 238, 240–3, 245–6, Greenham, Richard 241
250 Grew, Nehemiah 296
Dwight, John 299 Grotius, Hugo 108–9, 250, 258, 270
law(s) 102, 107, 114, 124, 158, 215, 240–2, oaths 230
248, 278 occasionalism 272
Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm 111–12, 124, Oldenberg, Henry 12, 15, 43, 74, 84,
155 115–16, 274, 295
Leslie, John A. 105 Osler, Margaret 150–3
Levitin, Dmitri 274
Linus, Franciscus 13, 99, 115, 120, 122, Paley, William 278–9
124 Paracelsianism see Paracelsus
Locke, John 32–3, 39–58, 74–5, 105, Paracelsus 49, 55, 67, 69, 72–3, 76, 78, 113,
107–8, 111, 175, 191, 200, 208, 289, 291
218 Park, Katherine 10
Lower, Richard 74, 76 Parker, Samuel 273–4
luciferous 13–14, 117, 119 Pascal (Paschall), Blaise 121–2
lucriferous 13, 117 Pell, John 298
Lull, Raymond 86, 258 Pepys, Samuel 297–8
Lynch, William T. 12, 16, 19 Perkins, William 232
Pett, Peter 297–8
MacIntosh, Jack 269 Petty, William 10, 73, 286
Madan, Falconer 27–8 Plato 105, 226–7
Marcombes, Isaac 265 Platonism (or neo-Platonism) see
Martini, Raymundus 258 Plato
mechanism see corpuscularianism and Plutarch 226, 244
natural philosophy pneumatics 34
medicine 39–42, 50, 53–4, 66–8, 70–3, 82, Popper, Karl 9–10, 18
89, 284, 286, 290–5 Power, Henry 46
Merrett, Christopher 299 prime matter 200–1, 204
Mersenne, Marin 67 Principe, Lawrence M. 49, 65, 71, 88
Millington, Thomas 74 Pyrard, François 44
310 Index