Anglo-Dutch Connections

in the Early
I
Modern World

Edited by Sjoerd Level$,

Esther van Raamsdonk, and
Michael D. Rose

Routledge
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Title: Anglo-Dutch connections in the early modem world / edited by Sjoerd
Levelt, Esther van Raamsdonk, and Michael D. Rose.
Description: New York, NY : Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2023.1
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Subjects: LCSH: England--Relations--Neth&nds I
Netherlands--Relations--England. I Great Britain--History--1066-1687. I
Netherlands--History--Eighty Years' War, 1568-1648.1
Netherlands--History--1648-1714,
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ISBN 978-0-367-50233-1 (hbk)
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DOI: 10.4324/9781003049180
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 !

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Introduction: Most Ancient Allies and Familiar Neighbours

OERD LEVELT, ESTHER VAN RAAMSDONK, AND MICHAEL D. ROSE
1 1
!
I
1

1, Language, and Education 21 !I

I
1 Anglo-Belgica: Reading Anglo-Dutch Relations in
Multilingual Conversation Manuals 23 I
JOHN GALLAGHER 1

2 Let Whitehall Shake: Seventeenth-Century Dutch !j

Travelogues on War and Turmoil in England 32
ALAN MOSS iI
I
3 British Students at Leiden University 43 i
MARTINE ZOETEMAN-VAN PELT 1i
i
4 The English Travels of ~ o n s t a n t i j n ~ u ~ ~ e n s I
I
i
INEKE HUYSMAN
I
I1
I
j

!
 ... Contents
vlli

PART 11
Immigration, Empire, and Colonialism

5 The "Amboyna Massacre" Through Native Eyes

SU FANG NG

6 Sex in the City: Anglo-Dutch Relations in

Seventeenth-Century Batavia
DEBORAH HAMER

7 "Going Wild": Early Seventeenth-Century Dutch

and English Interests on the Oyapock River 90
SILYIA ESPELT-BOMBINAND MARTIJN VAN DEN BEL

8 In Search of Strayed Englishmen: English Seamen

Employed in the Dutch East India Company in
the Late Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries 100
JELLE VAN LO'ITUM AND LOOEWIJK PETRAM

PART 111
News, Letters, and War

9 The Proprietorship of the Sea during the Anglo-Dutch

Wars, 1652-1674 115
GIJS ROMMELSE

10 Prorogations and Perorations: Reading News about

Parliament in the United Provinces, 1672-1674 12
JACK AVERY

11 What is "Dutch" in the Stuart State Papers? 1

YANN RYAN AND ESTHER VAN RAAMSDONK

PART IV
Print Culture

12 'How the English nation derived mostly from

the Dutch': The Study of Old Dutch and
the Development of the Printing of Old English
SJOERD LEVELT
 Contents ix
13 print and Piracy: The Publication History of John
Selden's Mare clausum 159
HANNA DE LANGE
I
i

14 Anglo-Dutch Exchange and Book &story: Early

Modern Female Stationers Crossing Borders 171
MARTINEVAN ELK

Literary and Diplomatic Exchange 181

15 From Antwerpen to London and Back via Paris:

Jan van der Noot's Theatre Connecting People and
183
AUSA VAN DE HAAR

16 Focquen-war? Dutch and English Libertine Poets 192

NIGEL SMITH

17 'In sight of the whole world': Public Diplomacy

and the Anglo-Dutch Community in Livorno in 1666 203
NINA LAMAL

Religious Pluralism and Radicalism 213

18 'Gods kerke voor hare vyanden bewaart': Fast and Prayer

Days in the English Stranger Churches (1560-1603) 215
SlLKE MUYLAERT

19 Seventeenth-Century English Writers on Dutch

Nonconformists: The Cases of David Joris (George)
and Menasseh ben Israel 225
GARY K. WAlTE

20 Plockhoy's Portable Utopia: Bridging Radical Circles

in England and the Netherlands 235
MICHAEL D. ROSE AND ESTHER VAN RAAMSDONK
 x Contents
PART W
Design, Technology, and Production

21 Architectural Relations in the Seventeenth Century:

A Family Affair
H E N n E LOUW

22 The Dutch Painter and the English Virtuosi:

Samuel van Hoogstraten and the Royal Society
ULRIKE KERN

23 Technology in a Hostile Environment:

The Case of Cornelius Vermuyden
i! PIET VAN CRWNINGEN

Afterword
JONATHAN ISRAEL

Bibliography
Index
7 "Going Wild''
Early Seventeenth-Century Dutch and
English Interests on the Oyapock River
Silvia Espelt-Bombin and Martijn van den Be1

This chapter explores Anglo-Dutch interests on the Oyapock Ri

north-eastern South America, in the period between the 1610s and

trade. Although only fragmentary information has reached us, it is

clear that the Oyapock was one of several rivers that sparked Euro

of Holland (Amsterdam) also had ongoing interests in the area. Merch

from Zeeland had also posted traders on other rivers, such as the Ama

the Wild Coast 'her private domain': despite the interests of the

DOI: 10.4324/9781003049180-10
 "Going Wild" 91

re 7.1 Section of the Hondius Map, 1599, courtesy of the University of

Utrecht 104.05.04.The small circles are believed to represent factors or
places of trade with the Amerindians.

sterdam merchants had settled Cayenne Island as early as 1615 and

tinued to station factors on numerous rivers along - the Guianese coast
ure 7.1).
ompared to the small but steady colonies of Essequibo and Berbice in
western Guianas, the settlements in the eastern Guianas, on the
iname River, the island of Cayenne, and the Oyapock River, have been
sidered less stable. Through an analysis of four initiatives, this chapter
onstrates that during the 1610s and 1620s there were continuous settle-
on the Oyapock, frequently alternating between, and competed over
eeland, Amsterdam, and England. Significantly, the flexibility and
tuation of the Anglo-Dutch presence in the area, often disregarded by
olarship in favour of more stable and continuous settlements elsewhere
he Guianas and the Caribbean, points to myriad interests and initia-
s dependent upon and revolving around the indigenous populations
were the permanent settlers of the river mouth. This interpretation
ks with older understandings, as put forward, for instance, by Cornelis
slinga, that Europeans failed to establish permanent settlements due to
of knowledge, supplies, discipline, and cooperation, Indian hostility,
he many effects of European wars'? Rather, thanks to changing rela-
s with different indigenous groups, we argue that the patchy primary
rces paint a much more complex picture from the early 1600s to the late
0s: a degree of cohabitation and alternation of Dutch and English
ders and settlers, ongoing transmission of knowledge between
ropeans and between indigenous peoples and Europeans, and profitable

4
92 Silvia Espelt-Bombin and Martijn van den Be1
trade and thriving plantations on the Oyapock. This re-evaluatio
lights the importance of research going beyond national boundarie
placing' Atlantic localities within international networks and interest
the time. Although the estuary of the Oyapock was mostly abando
the ~ u t c h English,
, and French from the late 1630s onwards, whe
interests shifted to Cayenne and the Western Guianese coast, the
returned to the area later that century, at a time when French-Portu
rivalry returned the Oyapock to the stage of European politic^.^

Precedents: Early Trade and Attempts at Colonising on the

Oyapock, c.1600-1617
After reconnaissance missions by the English captains Lawrence
Thomas Masham, and John Ley, the Leigh brothers were the
attempt a colony upon the Oyapock in 1604. The hay area was in
by the Yao, indigenous peoples originating from the Lower Orinoc
Trinidad, who under the command of Anacaioury controlled access
'Wiapoco' River.7 The Yao were keen to trade with the English w
European private merchants and their personnel were welco
river mouth, as illustrated by John Wilson of Wansteed, who in
that the Dutch traded 'manite stone and carow' with the Amerm
Understanding between the English and the Yao went beyond trade
supplies, to military cooperation, as the English agreed to fight against
Caribes, the enemies of the Y ~ oAlthough
.~ this adventure went awry, t
Oyapock trade was enticingenough to tempt Englishman Robert Ha
to start another colony a few years later. However, little is known
what happened to it after he left in 1609.
By then, the Oyapock was in some ways shared between the Dutch
English. Although they initially worked for different private compa
after the redemption of the cautionary towns in 1616, Anglo-Zeeland
ties became even stronger both in the Oyapock and in the colonies up
the Aqazon, the Guianas and the Carihbean.'QThe Oyapock was sub
quentlivisited by many Dutch and English traders, and also the Fren
For instance, the Englishman Edward Harvey, a former capt
Harcourt's party, returned to the Oyapock with 70 men in 1617. Prev
a few colonists under the command of Sir Thomas Roe had also spent ti
on the Qyapock, from where they returned in a Dutch ship with tohacc
while others remained behind.12Although little is known of some of the
mid- 1610s European settlements, trade hubs, and relations with indigeno
peoples, they demonstrate continuous English and Dutch interest a
presence on the Oyapock and set the scene for the four cases below.

I De Moor 1(Pietersen), 1616

In 1616 and 1618, the Zeelander merchant and burgomaster of
Vlissingen, Jan de Moor received three commissions signed b
 "Goirtg WiW 93
Maurits, Prince of Orange, and issued by the Admiralty of Zeeland,
'dat zij (indien gevalle) hun zouden mogen ter weere stellen, tegens den
Spaengjaerden' (to defend themselves (if necessary) against the
Spaniards) in the West 1ndies.Il The commissions reveal that De Moor
had been developing colonies upon the Amazon and Oyapock rivers
for several years, including some agri~ulture.'~ De Moor wished to
ensure Zeeland's presence upon both rivers and, according to Spanish
sources, sent Pieter Lodewijckx and Jan Pietersz to the O y a p ~ c k . ' ~
Meanwhile, Amsterdam merchants sent Theodoor Claessen from
Amsterdam to Cayenne Island with 280 colonists, who would eveutu-
ally seek refuge in Suriname.lb In 1617, Walter Raleigh was back on
the Guianese coast and reported on important Dutch activities at
Cayenne, notably that one Jansen from Vlissingen had been frequent-
ing the wast to trade with the Amerindians for a decade." Both the
Spaniards and Portuguese were unsettled by the presence of other
Europeans in their territories, and the Portuguese eventually fortified
B e l h do Pari to guard the Amazon.'s This, in turn, bothered the
Zeelanders, who even drew up plans to attack Belkm in 1627.19
The fate of De Moor's colonies is unknown, but the journals of
Lourens Lourensz and Jesse de Forest clearly show continuity upon
the Oyapock. In 1618, Lonrensz was shipwrecked upon the Cassipork
River and survived among the local Ariwuros Amerindians as their
slave." It was only in 1625 that he was 'sold back' to the Zeelander
Dntch West India Company captains Hendrick Jacobsz Lucifer and
Gelein van Stapels, who were trading with and (perhaps) visiting fac-
tors at rivers along the Wild Coast. On that occasion, Van Stapels also
picked up two survivors of the late Jesse de Forest's abandoned colony
on the Oyapock, discussed below.21
Jesse de Forest's Colony on the Oyapock, 1623
Jesse de Forest, who died in December 1624 and was buried some-
where on the banks of the Oyapock, was originally a Protestant from
northern France who had fled to Leiden to avoid persecution. He
hoped to find a new haven in the Guianas and, in July 1623, the so-
called 'Family Fathers' led by De Forest boarded the Pigeon in
Amsterdam, and left for the Amazon to find a place to settle their
familiesJ2His journal shows the intricate relationshipsbetween Dutch,
Irish, and English traders upon the Amazon and Oyapock. On the
Amazon, they met Pieter Janssen from Vlissingen, who traded with
the English and Irish colonists at Sapanapoke and T a n r e g ~ eHaving
.~~
heard about the increasing Portuguese threat, they decided to try their
luck on the Oyapock, although they first traded part of their cargo of
glass beads, iron axes, and gunpowder with the English at S a p a n a p ~ k e . ~ ~
When the Pigeon arrived in the bay of the Oyapock, the Fathers
went to visit Henry Fonston (or Johnson), an Englishman who lived
on the Wanari 'avecq trois negre~'.~* Fonston was prnbably a (former)
 Silvia Espelt-Bombin and Martijn van den Be1
member of the Thomas Roe colonists. The Fathers eventually explor
upriver, and three of them, Jesse de Forest, Louis Lemaire, and
Mousnier de la Montagne, settled there with a few men, whil
Pigeon left on 1 January 1624to explore the coast west of the Oya
One week later, Pieter Janssen arrived from the Amazon and the
day one of De Forest's crew returned from Cayenne, inviting the
relocate there, where they had found beautiful plains to settle.
colonists, arguing that the Yao were very friendly, refused and de
t o stay in Commaribo and for four axes bought some laud to
tobacco from one Ariane (Adriaen) from Texel - possibly a s
from De Moor.26 Their friendly relations with the Yao made
participants in the region's conflicts. Mirroring earlier pat
trade and military alliance between the Yao and the English, in
1625, after De Forest's death, when the Fathers were thinking
ing as the colony was no longer self-sufficient, the Yao asked
participate in a war against the Mays (or M a y t ~ ) After
.~~
their duty to their allies, the remaining two Fathers and crew
Oyapock in June 1625 to return to Holland to fetch other co
although ultimately they never returned - they went t
Amsterdam instead. By then, on 23 May 1625, Gelein van Stapels
Hendrick Lucifer had reached the Oyapock from the Amazon, w
they bad left Nicolaes Oudaen, to establish a settlement for Jan
Moor.28
Colonies in Cayenne and the Oyapock: Van Rijen and Prevo, 1627
In the mid-1620s, the Dutch undertook several initiatives to settl
Guianese coast and Caribbean islandsJ9De Moor aimed to st
and expand his network as a patron and in 1626 launched
colonies of approximately 50 men each at Tobago and Cayenne, WI
fortifications commanded by Jacob Maerssen and Claude Prevo
Prevost) respectively, and a fort on the Oyapock commanded by
van Rijea30Tbese colonies were to produce tobacco, cotton, annatt
and sugar with hired labour, but also to collect wood and fruit to
sent back to Holland.
The 35 conditions and articles for the Cayenne colony stated
colonists were not allowed to inconvenience the Amerindians
could not negotiate with persons other than those from the Cornp
Interestingly, Condition 33 stated that if they came across English
French - De Moor was well aware of the English and French colo
St Christophers - they were to invite them to become part of
colony, on condition of swearing allegiance to the Prince of Oran
However, when identifying the crew members for Cayenne, the
utes of th Zeeland Chamber stated that Prevo could hire men fo
colony, b i t not ~n~lishmen.32 Prevo departed for Zeeland in 16
never to return, leaving behind some colonists.33These were met
David Pietersz de Vries when he stopped in Cayenne in Septem

\~
 "Goirzg Wild" 95
1634 to drop off 30 colonists for Amsterdam's merchant Jan Bicker at
the foot of a sniall hillock, where they found the remnants of an aban-
doned French fort. Two miles from this fort they encountered seven or
eight Zeelanders and Englishmen growing tobacco for the account of
Jan de Moor; they had been stationed there for eight months. The two
nations were evidently part of a flexible web of settlements and agents
rather than running isolated, static, national colonies, though the col-
laboration was fragile and occasionally broke down.j4 After the 1630%
little is heard of the Dutch colonists at Cayenne except for the 1640
declaration of a Danish factor and interpreter who had worked there
1 for six years. He complained that the cargo sent to Cayenne was not fit
for selling to the Amerindians; the Amerindians did not want the tools
i delivered, as they were not what they had asked for.35
! The colony founded by Jan van Rijen on the Oyapock is better

iI known to modern scholarship thanks to its short description by

Johannes de Laet and a letter written by Van Rijen himself from Fort
Nassau in 11327.~~ When Van Rijen arrived on the Oyapock, the
Amerindians had revolted against the men of Oudaen, who themselves
j needed to escape from Portuguese campaigns on the Amazon. Members
of Van Rijen's crew constructed a sloop and went off to the A n t i I l e ~ . ~ ~
No further information about the colony is known, but Van Rijen
returned to Zeeland only in July 1632.38 According to the minutes of
the Zeeland Chamber, he expressed interest in returning to the Oyapock
but, alas, this is the last trace of Van Rijen in the Zeeland archives.39
4 The Last English Colony on the Oyapock: Harcourt's Return in 1626
Harcourt had apparently always intended to return to the Oyapock to
re-establish his colony; in 1626, he conspired with Roger North to
found The Guiana C ~ m p a n y . ~ 1628,
~ I n the Little Hoperi~ellwas bound
for the Amazon, but instead went secretly to the Oyapock, against the
plans of North and the Company. These first colonists 'cleered, &
planted the ground, made provision for victuals & convenient habita-
tions, acquainted wththe Indians, & noe question by their assistance
gotten a pfect discoverie of those parts'.4r As others before them, sev-
eral colonists traded with the Amerindians, the Narrack, dwelling
upriver. For instance, Robert Hayman and his servant Thomas Duppe
went about 20 days up the Oyapock in the canoe of a chief captain of
the Caribes, with indigenous rowers, carrying 'axes, bills, Cassada
Irons, strong waters and diverse other comrnoditye~'."~ This list of
items shows that iron tools were made specifically for the trade with
Amerindians (Cassada here is cassava, and the iron was used to grate
the root).43 Although there had been decades of continuous trade with !I
the Amerindians, the English feared the colonists would be vulnerable
if left in small numbers. When the Guiana Company decided to move
the colony to the Amazon in phases, Richard Thornton highlighted
this danger: if only about 50 colonists were to be left on the Oyapock,

I
_ J
i
I 96 Szlvia Esuelt-Bombin and Martiin van den Be1
it was likely that they would 'bee destroyed by the natyves, as those
Dutchmen whoe not long since lost their lyves in the same place
Thornton was also acutely aware that the Dutch had the upper
in the region. He argued that if the colony was to be moved and
a skeleton crew left behind, the colonists should not wait for t
goods from England but 'trafficke with their Flemmings whoe u
those paxts & can speedilie supplie their wants, than send their como
ities home into England'.45The 'Flemmings'may have been the Dut
who had escaped from Portuguese attacks on English and Dutch
nies in the Amazon in 1625 and decided to establish themselves o
Oyapock. They seemingly settled in four separate spots but were m
sacred by indigenous groups soon after.46Only a few survived an
lived amongst indigenous communities until they were picked up b
Jan van Rijen in 1627.
After Harcourt's death on the Oyapock in 1631,47then, a few D
and English colonists may have persisted, as recorded by the Spanis
but by the late 1630s the interest in the delta was surpassed b
Lesser AntiUes and other rivers in the Guianas, predominantly
wards, such as Cayenne, Maroni, Suriname, Berbice, and Essequ
and perhaps only visited by members of these colonies for small tra
and fishing. Further Anglo-Dutch alliances are only witnessed
Cayenne ~sland,where an de Moor had his tobacco plantations, an
on the Suriname River, where the English had settled in the early 1630

Conclusion
The initiatives surveyed in this chapter ensured a continuous presence of
English and Dutch traders, colonists, and settlers on the Oyapock. A nat
ral oort on the navigation route between the Amazon and the Orinoco. the
0yipock attracted-foreign interest from the early 1600s. The exchanges
that took place there between English, Dutch, and indigenous peoples - the
Yao, hut also others - shifted between initial supply support, to trade,
cohabitation, and joint war. The territorial dominance of the indigenous
peoples and their control of trade, the river routes, and local knowledge was
unassailable and the Dutch and English sources make clear that they had
the upper hand in interactions. The Dutch and English on the Oyapock
shared the same locations for trade and tobacco production, but did not as
a rule mingle, contrary to the situation in and around Cayenne. Why exactly
the Oyapock lost its centrality in the late 1630sremains unclear. Perhaps the
- -
more nrominent Portueuese Dresence in the Amazon discousaeed Endish -
and Dutch settlements on its northern shores, together with increased inter-
est in the Western Guianas and the Caribbean islands. However, this shift
was also contemporary with the Yao's gradual loss of dominance over the
Oyapock area, shown by their gradual disappearance from archival sources
over the 1630s and 1640s. Whether it was the departure of the Europeans .
 "Going Wild" 97
1 that shifted the balance of power o r their ally's decline that encouraged the

t Europeans to try their luck elsewhere is still unclear.49 Finally, it is instruc-

ave t o note the patchwork nature of European activity in the area, with
inter-provincial Dutch competition operating alongside national and inter-
national rivalries, and the generally small scale of settlements belying the
busy and adaptable traffic in the region.

Notes
1 Lodewijk A.H.C. Hulsman, 'De Guiaansche Compagnie; Nederlanders in
Suriname in de periode 1604-1617', OSO Tijdscl~rifipoor Surinun?istiek en her
I Cavafbischgebied, 29 (2010), pp. 300-314; Jonathan 1. Israel, Durcl~Primaqi in
I
i
World Trade, 1585-1 740 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), pp. 60-61.
I 2 British Guiana Boundary Conzmission, Arbitration with the Uniteii States of
Venezuela, Appendix to the case on behalf of ilte Government of Her Britannic
I Majesty, Vol. 1,1593-1 723 (London: Foreign Ofice, 1989), pp. 4 0 4 2 .
! 3 Cornelius Goslinga, The Dut<:lzin rile Caribbean urzd on the Wild Coast 11580-
1680) (Groningen: Van Gorcum, 1971), p. 412.
i 4 Ibid., 432; Lodewijk A.H.C. Hulsman, 'Swaerooch: o comircio holandgs con1
! indios no Amapa (1600-1635)', Revista Estudos An~nrGrzicos,6 (2011), pp.
17L202.
j 5 Goslinga, The Dutch in the Curibbean, p. 432.
6 Martijn van den Bel and Lodewijk A.H.C. Hulsman, 'Le fort Orange sur la
Wiapoca', Bulletin de la Sociht; d'Histoire de la Guadeloupe, 166-167 (20131,
pp. 103-115; Silvia Espelt-Bombin, 'Makers and Keepers of Networks:
Amerindian Spaces, Migrations, and Exchanges in the Brazilian Amazon and
French Guiana, 1600-1730', Ethnohistory, 65 (2018), pp. 597-620 (pp. 602-
603); Silvia Espelt-Bombin, 'Frontier Politics: French, Portuguese and
Amerindian Alliances between the Amazon and Cayenne, 1680-1697', in
Locating Guyane, edited by Catriona MacLeod and Sarah Wood (Liverpool:
Liverpool University Press, 2018), pp. 69-90.
7 Martiju van den Bel and Girard Collomb, "'Beyond the Falls": Amerindian
Stance towards New Encounters along the Wild Coast (AD 1595-1627)', in
Material Encounters and Indigenous Transformations in the Early Colonial
i
Americas: Arcltaeological Case Studies, edited by Corinne L. Hofman and
i Floris W.M. Keehnen (Leiden: Brill, 2019), pp. 331-355.
8 Wilson in Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus or Purclzas his Pilgrims, con-
tayning a History ofthe Worldin Sea Voyagesand Land@Travells, by Englishmen
and others I...] (London: W. Stansby for H. Fetherstone, 1625), p. 1264; Van
den Bel and Collomb, 'Beyond the Falls', pp. 343-344.
9 Wilson in Purchas, Hakluytus Posthuntus, p. 1261.
10 Goslinga, The Dutch in the Caribbean, pp. 74,415.
11 Van den Bel and Collomb, 'Beyond the Falls', pp. 340-342.
12 UK, The National Archives Catalogue Reference: SP 14195, No. 22, See
Calendar of State Papers, Do~nestic,pp. 5 14-516, Calendar Reference: Item 67,
Vol. 1 (1 574-1660), p. 18.
13 Nationaal Archief, Den Haag, The Netherlands (Hereafter NL-HaNA)
NLHaNA 1.01.46 2425, scan 351 (16161 123).
14 NGHaNA 1.01.46 2425, scan 351 (16161123); NL-HaNA 1.01.46 2425, scan
340-339 (16180600); NL-HaNA 1.01.46 2425, scan 338-337 (16180601).
15 British Guiana Boundary Cornmission, pp. 4042; George Edmundson, 'The
Dutch in Western Guiana', Englisll Historical Review, 16 (1901), pp. 640-675,
98 Silvia Espelt-Bombin md Martijn van den Bel
and 'The Dutch on the Amazon and Negro in the Seventeenth Century. P
Dutch Trade on the Amazon', English HistoricalReview, 18 (1903), 642
James A. Williamson, English Colonies in Guiana and on the Amazon,
1668 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1923), pp. 63-64, Goslinga, The Dutch 1
Caribbean, pp. 411-413; Joyce Lorimer, 'The Reluctant Go-Between:
Ley's Survey of Aboriginal Settlement on the Gnayana Coastline', in
European Outthrust and Encounter: The First Phase c 1400-c 1700: Essays
Tribute to David Beers Quinn on His 85th Birthday, edited by Cecil H. Clou
and Paul E.H. Hair (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1994), p
191-223.
16 British Guiana Boundary Commission, p. 39; Goslinga, The Dutch in
Caribbean, pp. 79,513. However, to date, no references have been found i
Dutch archives for this Cayenne colony.
17 Robert H. Schomburgk (ed.), The Discovery of the Large, Rich, and Be
Empire of Guiana, with a relation of the Great and Golden City of Manoa
theSpaniar& call El Doranoj, etc, Performedin the year 1595 by Sir. W Ra eg
a t . (London: Hakluyt Society, 1848), pp. 198-199.
18 Francisco Adolfo de Vamhagen, Historia Geral do Brazil (Madrid: Impren
de V. de Dorningnez, 1854), pp. 330-333. See also Joyce Lonmer, 'The Failu
of the English Gniana Ventures 1595-1667 and James 1's Foreign Policy',
Journalof Imperialand Commonwealrh History, 21 (1993), pp. 1-30 (p. 23)
19 NL-HaNA 1.05.01.01 20, fol. 91r (16281009).
20 Martijn van den Bel, 'The Journal of Lourens Lourenszoon (1618-1625)
his Stay among the Arocouros on the Lower Cassipork River, Amapi (Bra
Boletim do Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi. Ci6ncias humanas, 4 (2009), p
303-31 7.
21 Martin van Wallenburg, Alistair Bright, Lodewijk A.H.C. Hulsman, a
Martijn van den Bel, 'The Voyage of Gelein van Stapels to the Amazon Ri
the Guianas and theCaribhean, 1629-1630', The On-lineJournalof the Hak
Society (January 2015), https://www.haklnyt.~mldownloadable~filesIJou
Gelein%20van%20StapeIs.pdf; accessed 8 April 2021.
22 British Library, London, UK: Sloane Manuscripts 179b(hereafter UK-B
Sloane 179b), 'Journaldu voyagefaictpar lesperes defamilles envoyegspar
les Directeurs de la Compugnie des indes occidentales pour visiter la coste
Gujane' (c.1625). See also Robert de Forest's English translation, A Walio
Family in America; Lockwood de Forest and his Forbears 1500-18
(Massachusetts: Houghton MitBin company, 1914) or itsFrench transcriptio
in Gbrard Collomb and Martijn van den Be1 (eds), Entre deux mond
Ambrindiens & Europbens sur les c6tes $es Guyane, avant la Colonie (156
1627) (Paris: La Librairie des Cultures, Editions CTHS, 2014).
23 UK-BL Ms Sloane 179b, fols. 6v-7r.
24 Ibid., fol. 7v.
25 Ibid., fol. 81.
26 Ibid., fol. 8v
27 Ibid., fols. 9r-lo$ (see also 8r).
28 Joyce Lorimer, English and Irish Settlement on rhe River Amazon 1550-164
(London: HaMuyt Society, 1989), pp. 79-81.
29. NL-HaNA 1.05.Ul.01 42.
30 NL-HaNA 1.05.01.01 42. fol. 48.
31 NLHaNA 1.05.01.01 42; p. 15.
32 NL-HaNA 1.05.01.01 20, fol. 27v (16261224).
33 NL-HaNA 1.05.01.01 21, fol. 96; (163202h); Doeke Roos, Zeeuwen en de
Westindische Conzpagnie (1621-1674) (Hulst: Van Geyt Productions, 1992), !
p. 26. .?
 --

"Going Wild" 99

FA 1685 975, fols. 175-176 (1640).

don library and art gallery, 1924), pp. 21-33 and pp. 25C8,
en by Van Rijen to the board of the Zealand Chamber. See
d Van den Bel, Entre dewc mondes, pp. 287-293.

ter Ralegh's Diseoverie of Guiam (Cambridge: Ashgate, 2006), pp.

ornton in Harlow, Coloniring Expeditions, pp. 148-174 (quote from

irner,.Englirlz nndlrish Settlement, p. 348. Lorimer dates this text to

s in the Guianas during the 17th Cenhlry', Americae: Europeun Journal

ericanist Archaeology, 5 (2020), https:/lamericae.fr/articles/makecassava-
introduction-metal-graters-guianasl;accessed 6 June 2021.