Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Individual
Differences in
Language Learning
A Complex Systems Theory Perspective
Individual Differences in Language Learning
Carol Griffiths • Adem Soruç
Individual Differences
in Language Learning
A Complex Systems Theory Perspective
Carol Griffiths Adem Soruç
Girne American University Department of Education
Girne/Kyrenia, North Cyprus University of Bath
Bath, UK
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature
Switzerland AG 2020
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“Dr Grifiths dedicates this book for her family,
friends and colleagues, for their support.”
“Dr Soruç dedicates this book to his wife, Fatma Nur,
and their son, Eymen Erdem, as well as his dad and
mum, Dursun and Habibe, and his sister Rukiye.”
Preface
Theoretically Sound
This is important since the book is aimed primarily at postgraduate students (for
whom it will be a valuable reference) and their teachers (for whom it will be a valu-
able source of information and material). In addition, it may be useful for under-
graduate students studying as pre-service teachers (for whom it will be an important
course book), their teachers (for whom it will provide invaluable teaching material)
and also teacher educators (who will find the book a useful resource). Since theo-
retical rigour is important for these groups, especially if they are planning research,
the book aims to carefully attend to the theory underlying each topic.
Evidence-based
Each individual difference has at least one original study to provide evidence for the
statements made in the chapter. In this way, in order to avoid merely summarizing
old ideas, or presenting ideas with little or no empirical evidence to back the ideas
up, this book plans to provide fresh new evidence to support the ideas presented in
each chapter.
Replicatable
Studies are described in detail and instruments appended where appropriate so that
others can follow up should they wish to do so, perhaps with adaptation to suit the
needs of different participant sets or environments. This is important for research-
ers, and, since a major market for the book is intended to be students looking for
project/thesis topics, it is anticipated that this will be a useful feature of the book.
vii
viii Preface
Reader-friendly
Many books on this kind of topic are extremely “dense” and difficult to read and
understand. This book is intended to be accessible and this is especially important
for non-native speakers, of whom there is an ever-growing number and who are
expected to be a large readership for this book.
A Valuable Resource
The book aims to provide a valuable source of information and inspiration for stu-
dents, researchers, teachers and teacher trainers. In addition to the information in
each chapter, there is a glossary to provide definitions of the key terms used and an
extensive reference list which will be invaluable for students looking for reference
material for their own studies.
The book begins with a holistic overview, outlining the major theoretical foun-
dation of the book (complex/dynamic systems) plus the role of ecological and
sociocultural context and briefly summarizing the major topics of the chapters
which follow. Of the chapters which make up the main body of the book, 11 are
based on major individual differences identified in the literature, which are fol-
lowed by a final chapter which considers how each of the individual differences
described fits into the complex, dynamic, situated whole. Chapters are sequenced
on the premise that some individual differences are more open to teacher influ-
ence than others. Clearly, a student is as old as s/he is and this is the factor most
beyond a teacher’s control: all a teacher can do is develop strategies to manage
the age factor in the classroom. Other factors such as sex/gender, aptitude, race
/ethnicity/nationality/culture and personality are often thought to be relatively
stable, but contemporary views tend to be less set-in-concrete than might once
have been the case (see the relevant chapters for discussion of this issue).
Personality is often believed to be a contributing determinant of learning style,
which, in turn, contributes to a learner’s preferred strategies, which help to
develop autonomy. All of these factors plus a learner’s beliefs and affective
reactions contribute to motivation. And all of these variables interact with each
other and contribute to a highly complex and dynamic whole, further influenced
by ecological and sociocultural context.
Each chapter (except for the initial overview chapter) follows a basic structure:
To get you thinking before you read. The purpose of this is to get students to activate
existing schemata, to provide a stimulus for discussion, and to help students
identify what they already know and what they need to find out. These questions
Preface ix
can be used in class with the whole class or in groups (depending on class size)
or assigned for out-of-class work on a blended/flipped learning basis, depending
on the prevailing learning environment, teacher/student preference and the time
available.
Background. This section aims to provide basic definitions and to discuss essential
concepts.
Previous Research. Previous studies are described in this section.
New Research. This section provides fresh, evidence-based insights into the topic,
and each chapter includes at least one new piece of research.
Discussion. Here the findings of the new studies are discussed and compared with
those from earlier studies.
Implications for Language Teaching and Learning. Implications for teaching and
learning are suggested.
Questions for Further Research. Suggestions are made for possible follow-up stud-
ies which readers may be interested to pursue.
Conclusion. The chapter concludes by summarizing and reflecting on what has been
presented on the topic, especially in relation to complex/dynamic/situated
theories.
Questions to Consider. These questions are designed to complement those at the
beginning of the chapter, and to get students to think about what they have read
in the chapter. They can be used for discussion or as the basis for assignment
work. Teachers who find the suggested questions impractical for the time avail-
able or not suited to their particular students or ideas on the subject can, of
course, be selective.
Follow-up Tasks. These can be used for assignments or as the basis for projects
or theses.
Suggestions for Further Reading. These may include publications not included in
the text (and, therefore, not in the reference list), but which may be useful for
those wanting to pursue the subject in greater depth, perhaps for their own
research.
Appendices. Instruments used in the studies described in the chapter will be repro-
duced here to assist those who might care to replicate/extend the studies. In the
case of well-known pre-published instruments (e.g. the Beliefs about Language
Learning Inventory (BALLI)), reference will be provided so that readers can find
them if they wish.
At the end of the book, there is a glossary which provides definitions of the key
terms used in the book, and an extensive reference list, which is especially invalu-
able for those wanting to pursue their own research agendas.
x Preface
Audience
Students
• The chapters of the book are intended to provide basic information about the
given topic which postgraduate students can use as a starting point for their own
investigations.
• Undergraduate students doing courses on this topic may also find the book useful.
• The glossary is especially useful to provide quick and handy basic definitions of
the terms used in the book.
• The text is written in a reader-friendly style.
• The very thorough reference list can be extremely useful for assignment, project
or thesis/dissertation work.
Practising Teachers
Teacher Educators
• The initial questions to get students thinking provide an opportunity for discus-
sion and activating existing schemata.
• The text itself is written in a reader-friendly style which makes it more accessible
(and therefore, hopefully, less anxiety-provoking and more fun) for students,
many of whom may be non-native speakers.
• The questions to consider at the end of the main text can be used for class discus-
sion, divided and assigned as group work with follow-up feedback (providing
presentation practice) or set as homework (perhaps contributing to assessment),
depending on the needs, other workloads and the time available.
• The follow-up task can be used for assignments (contributing to the requirements
for assessment).
• The suggestions for further reading include publications not included in the main
text, but which can provide useful extra information, perhaps for homework.
Where possible, relatively easily available texts (e.g. special issues of journals)
are chosen for recommendation here.
• The appendices include any instruments used in the studies described in the
chapter which can be used by students for replication or extension purposes.
Preface xi
Researchers
• The questions posed can provide inspiration for interesting research topics and
point to gaps in the existing literature.
• The studies included in the book are designed to be replicatable. Instruments
used are included and can be used in follow-up studies if they are suitable, or
they can be adapted to suit the purpose of the target context.
• A very extensive reference list is included, which can be used as a starting point
for other studies.
• The glossary provides clear and concise definitions of key terms.
The authors of this volume would like to thank participants and authors of the
research studies.
xiii
Contents
References������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 217
Index�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 219
xv
List of Tables
Table 3.1 Median levels of proficiency according to sex and across all
students . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
Table 3.2 Statistics regarding students’ sex and success rates in the
proficiency exam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
Table 3.3 Significant personality differences according to gender . . . . . . . . 33
Table 3.4 Number of strategies used frequently according to sex/gender
and across all students . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
Table 3.5 Autonomy statements showing a male/female difference
with median ratings according to gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
Table 3.6 Autonomy statements showing significant differences
in ratings with median ratings according to gender . . . . . . . . . . . 35
Table 3.7 Significant differences (Mann-Whitney U) in FLCAS
items according to gender with Effect sizes (E) expressed
as % of the variance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
Table 3.8 Attribution items showing a significant gender difference
with probability value (p) and effect size . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
Table 3.9 Mann-Whitney Test results of the components of the Foreign
Language Motivation Questionnaire for motivation according
to gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
Table 4.1 Median ratings for students’ culture shock questionnaire
with minimum and maximum ratings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
Table 4.2 Ratings ascribed to the questionnaire items by Hakim (H)
and Ana (A) with Ana’s comments alongside, and final
comments from both in the box below . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54
Table 6.1 The median (Med.) levels of agreement with range for all
the items in the personality questionnaire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
Table 7.1 Median ratings of learning style items for the Inventory
of Language Learning Styles (ILLS) for Chinese (N = 31)
and Turkish (N = 106) students . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
Table 7.2 Style items significantly correlated (Spearman’s rho—rs)
with test results plus effect sizes (E) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102
xvii
xviii List of Tables
Background
Historically, much of the research into language learning has been concerned with
establishing commonalities and considering how these universal factors might be
applied to teaching and learning (e.g. Eckman, Bell, & Nelson, 1984). As Skehan
(1989) points out, much of the previous research into language acquisition had
focused on “how learners are similar, and what processes of learning are universal”
(p. 1, author’s italics). However, if language learning is to be successful, we need
also to consider some of the factors which are generated from within individuals,
which make them different from each other, and which will inevitably impact on
their success.
Interest in individual variables began to expand exponentially towards the end of
the twentieth century, leading Ellis (1994) to comment on the “veritable plethora of
individual learner variables which researchers have identified as influencing learn-
ing outcomes” (p. 472). An understanding of these multiple variables is critical,
An early advocate of the key role played by individual differences was Selinker
(1972), who was emphatic when he stated: “a theory of … language learning that
does not provide a central place for individual differences among learners cannot be
considered acceptable” (p. 213, author’s italics). A decade later, but still relatively
avant-garde, Wong Fillmore (1982) commented: “Anyone who works with … lan-
guage learners, whether in teaching or in research, discovers quickly how much
individual variation there is” (p. 157).
Individual differences are important for language teachers for several reasons. If
they become aware of learner differences in their classrooms, they can develop
materials, change their teaching style, adopt new instructional strategies, and give
feedback considering all the learner differences in the classroom. Although it may
be challenging to unravel what is universal and what is individual (Ehrman, Leaver,
& Oxford, 2003), the teacher needs to provide options for an optimal learning envi-
ronment for every student.
A review of the literature reveals that what should be included as an individual dif-
ference is far from universally agreed, even among those who are considered experts
and who have published on the subject. Skehan (1989), one of the first to deal at
length with the subject, included aptitude, motivation, language learning strategies,
extroversion/introversion, risk-taking, intelligence, field in/dependence and anxiety
among the topics he discussed. More than a decade and a half later, Dörnyei (2005)
listed personality, aptitude, motivation, strategies and beliefs, while Arabski and
Wojtaszek (2011) included strategies, autonomy, personality, gender and self-
efficacy, and Pawlak (2012) dealt with aptitude, age, intelligence, affect and motiva-
tion among the individual factors in his book.
As we can see, then, consensus is far from complete on the question of what
should be included as an individual difference. For the purpose of the present book,
the concept of individual difference will be taken fairly broadly to include:
For the purpose of this book, these will include age, sex/gender, race/ethnicity/n
ationality/culture, aptitude, personality, style, strategies, autonomy, beliefs, affect/
emotion and motivation. Each of these will receive a chapter-length treatment, and
some may include other related factors mentioned in the literature, such as
Theoretical Perspectives
Complex/Dynamic Systems
A change in any one of them can result in a change in the others…..In other words, the
behaviour of the whole emerges out of the interaction of the subsystems. Thus, describing
each subsystem tells us about the subsystems, it does not do justice to the whole of lan-
guage. (p. 149)
As a result of this complexity, “we cannot get a true measure of the influence of
a factor if we isolate it from the others and examine it one at a time” (Larsen-
Freeman, 2015, p. 14). Mercer (2014) further explains: “the collective functioning
4 1 Individual Differences: An Overview
of the system as one organic whole cannot be deduced from an understanding of the
individual components. Thus, the properties of the system as a whole are more than
merely the sum of its separate parts” (p. 163).
Not only this, but because a complex system is in a constant state of interaction,
it is also dynamic, that is, it is prone to change. Applied to the complex interplay of
individual characteristics within any particular learner, this implies that a change in
any specific individual factor (e.g. affect) is likely to result in changes elsewhere in
the system (e.g. motivation).
Socio-ecological Context
Holism
Age: Perhaps the most stable learner characteristic of all is age: a student is as old
as he or she is, and there is nothing anyone (including themselves) can do to change
that. There has been a great deal of debate over the years about the effect of age on
language learning, and explanations for age-related differences in language learning
include a hypothesized critical/sensitive period, socio-affective influences, cogni-
tive factors and differences in a learning context. Although younger has generally
been considered to be better when it comes to language learning, evidence has been
mounting that older learners can learn language very effectively. (For further dis-
cussion and details, including references, see chapter on age.)
Sex/gender: Although females are often believed to be better language learners
than males, research evidence to consistently support this belief has proven elusive.
Although some studies have found female language learners to be more proficient
than male students, other studies have reported no significant differences according
to gender, while yet others have discovered a higher pass rate among male students
than among females. In studies where a gender difference has been discovered, it
has in general been relatively small, with a far greater variation between individuals
than between the sexes, and possibly attributable to other confounding variables
such as socialization, context or goal-orientation. (For further discussion and details,
including references, see chapter on sex/gender.)
Race/nationality/ethnicity/culture: Individuals, of course, do not exist in isola-
tion: they are born into a particular racial/national/ethnic/cultural environment.
These concepts are often not easy to disentangle from each other, and they may
often overlap, or even be the same; but throughout their lives, this background will
exert an influence on the individual in one way or another, and moving from one
racial/national/ethnic/cultural environment to another often results in what has been
called “culture shock”. Race, nationality, ethnicity and culture are likely to have a
6 1 Individual Differences: An Overview
profound influence on the way people think and behave and, therefore, on the way
they learn. Indeed, the very definition of “successful learning” itself may need to be
reconsidered in the light of these factors. (For further discussion and details, includ-
ing references, see chapter on race/nationality/ethnicity/culture.)
Aptitude: Language aptitude has been described as a stable characteristic of the
individual which accounts for speed in language learning, and the degree to which
language aptitude is considered an important factor in language learning has varied
over the years. At one time, aptitude tests were commonly used to select students for
language courses and to exclude those who did not score well, but in more recent
years, these elitist practices have been discredited as anti-egalitarian. Furthermore,
questions have been raised regarding what it is, precisely, that aptitude tests mea-
sure, and the extent to which the measured factor may overlap with intelligence/s or
memory. (For further discussion and details, including references, see chapter on
aptitude.)
Personality: Another learner characteristic which is usually considered relatively
stable is personality. Although there has been relatively little interest in personality
from a language learning perspective, it may be a salient individual characteristic
when we consider such factors as willingness to communicate (an important factor
in communicative classrooms), tolerance of ambiguity, ego permeability and the
dynamics of extroverts versus introverts. (For further discussion and details, includ-
ing references, see chapter on personality.)
Style: Learning style is sometimes believed to be an aspect of personality, and
some of the factors overlap. It is usually defined in terms of a learner’s preferred
way of learning, and over the years there have been numerous instruments devel-
oped in attempts to measure it. Although learners can be quite distinct from each
other in their learning style, and although good learners seem to be more capable of
style-stretching to suit a given learning situation, there does not seem to be any one
style which is typical of good language learners. (For further discussion and details,
including references, see chapter on style.)
Strategies: In turn, learning style is sometimes believed to be related to a learn-
er’s strategies, succinctly defined as actions chosen by learners for the purpose of
learning language. The language learning strategy concept has been controversial
since it was introduced to the language learning literature in the 1970s, indeed, at
one point it was threatened with extinction by those who questioned its very exis-
tence, and who promoted the use of the alternative term self-regulation. However,
others pointed out that in order to self-regulate, learners need strategies, and strate-
gies continue to attract vigorous research activity. (For further discussion and
details, including references, see chapter on strategies.)
Autonomy: Strategies, in turn, have long been considered an essential tool for
developing learners’ autonomy, or the ability to manage or control their own learn-
ing. Autonomous learners are able to make decisions about their own learning,
which take account of the learning situation and the learning goal. It contributes to
learner agency (i.e. the ability to take action) and helps to develop metacognition
(i.e. the ability to manage the learning process) and self-regulation. (For further
discussion and details, including references, see chapter on autonomy.)
Individual Variable Overview 7
Questions to Consider
1. The saying “younger is better” has often been quoted. Do you agree?
2. It is commonly believed that females are better at learning language than males.
Do you agree?
3. Do you agree that everyone can learn language irrespective of race/nationality/
culture/ethnicity?
4. Do you agree that aptitude is a fixed characteristic, or can an apparent lack of
aptitude be compensated for by other factors? Do you have any examples?
5. Some people argue that extroverted personalities are better language learners
than introverts. What do you think?
8 1 Individual Differences: An Overview
6. Do you agree that teachers should change their style to suit their learners’
styles? If so, how can they do this?
7. Which strategies do you think are most important for successful language
learning?
8. Do you think it is important for learners to develop autonomy? Are some cul-
tures more autonomous than others, or is this a misconception?
9. Do you think a person’s beliefs can affect language learning? If so, which ones?
10. Do you think that emotions play a role in language learning? If so, which ones,
and what is the role?
11. Do you agree that motivation is the most important individual difference and
that we can do anything if we want to enough? Do you have any examples of
this in your experience?
12. Which of the individual differences noted above do you think are the most
important for language learning?
Suggestions for Further Reading In addition to the references cited in the text
and the reference list, readers might like to consider:
Learning and Individual Differences:
This is a journal dedicated to the question of individual differences in learning (but
not always language learning).
System (2003/3):
This was a special issue of this journal specializing in individual differences.
References
Afflerbach, P. (Ed.). (2015). Handbook of individual differences in reading. New York: Routledge.
Amerstorfer, C. (2020). The dynamism of strategic learning: Complexity theory in strategic L2
development. Studies in Second Language Learning and Teaching, 10(1), 21–44.
Arabski, J., & Wojtaszek, A. (2011). Individual learner differences in SLA. Bristol: Multilingual
Matters.
Cohen, A., & Dörnyei, Z. (2002). Focus on the language learner: Motivation, styles and strat-
egies. In N. Schmitt (Ed.), An introduction to applied linguistics (pp. 170–190). London:
Edward Arnold.
D’browska, E., & Andringa, S. (2019). Individual differences in First and Second Language:
Ultimate attainment and their causes. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell.
Dörnyei, Z. (2005). Psychology of the language learner: Individual differences in second language
acquisition. Mulwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
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tion. Rowley, MA: Newbury House.
Ehrman, M., Leaver, B., & Oxford, R. (2003). A brief overview of individual differences in second
language learning. System, 31(3), 313–330.
Ellis, R. (1994). The study of second language acquisition. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Gregersen, T., & MacIntyre, P. (2014). Capitalizing on language learners’ individuality. Bristol,
UK: Multilingual Matters.
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Age
2
Background
Of all the many learner variables which have the potential to affect language learning,
none is less malleable than age. Motivation, autonomy, style, strategies, beliefs, affec-
tive states are all potentially amenable to some degree of adaptation, and even rela-
tively stable attributes such as aptitude, personality or gender may not be absolutely
set in concrete. Context can be changed, learning goals can be re-directed. A student
is, however, as old as he or she is, and nothing we (or they) can do will change that.
Nevertheless, there is little agreement on the effect of age on the ability to learn
language, a question which has given rise to heated controversy and a great deal of
discussion and research over the years (for instance, Ausubel, 1964; Bialystok and
Hakuta, 1999; Birdsong, 1999; Griffiths, 2008; Hyltenstam and Abrahamsson 2003;
Singleton and Lesniewska, 2012; Pfenninger and Singleton 2017a, b; Griffiths and
Soruç, 2018). This chapter will, first of all, consider how learners are typically
grouped according to their ages (young, adolescent, adult) and present some of the
research on the different age groups before outlining some of the explanations sug-
gested for the differences. A small-scale case study of a successful mature learner
will then be presented along with implications for language teaching and questions
which might stimulate further research.
Young Learners
Other studies, however, have tended to cast doubt on the “younger is better” idea:
• In a very extensive study over 10 years and involving 17,000 students of French
in Britain, Burstall, Jamieson, Cohen, and Hargreaves (1974) produced results
which seemed to indicate that the benefits of early instruction for language devel-
opment are short-lived.
• A study of Canadian immersion programs by Swain (1981) concluded that an
earlier start had much less effect than might have been expected.
Background 13
More recent studies have tended to be more nuanced in their findings than the
older studies, and they have tended to conclude that age interacts in a complex fash-
ion with numerous other factors when learning language:
However, although the evidence that younger is not necessarily better seems to
be mounting, there does seem to be a global trend for introducing non-primary lan-
guages (especially English) at younger and younger ages.
Adolescent Learners
By the time a child is around 13 years of age, s/he enters into a different phase of
life, commonly known as adolescence, which may have its own sets of challenges,
both for learners and for those who are trying to teach them. As with “young” learn-
ers, there is no absolute agreement about when adolescence begins and ends, but it
is commonly agreed that it starts with the onset of puberty and continues until
around the end of the teenage years. By this stage, adolescents are usually working
through Piaget’s (1950) Formal Operations stage when they become increasingly
capable of logical and abstract thought.
14 2 Age
As Costley (2018, p. 19) puts it, adolescence is a period “in which significant
physiological, cognitive and social change takes place”. In terms of learning lan-
guage, an adolescent is past the “Critical Period” (Lenneberg, 1967; Penfield &
Roberts, 1959). However, does this mean s/he is incapable of learning a language?
Given that evidence is mounting that language can be learnt “until quite late in life”
(Kinsella & Singleton, 2014, p. 458), it would seem that we must assume that teen-
agers are certainly well capable of learning language if they are motivated to do so.
A number of authors have looked into issues related to adolescent learning and
have made important recommendations regarding the specific characteristics of
adolescents which indicate a need to deal with them differently from either younger
or older learners.
• Ryan and Patrick (2001, p. 439) point to the adolescents’ “increased desire for
autonomy”. This may sometimes manifest itself in terms of resistance to estab-
lished authority, but teenagers need to be allowed a certain level of autonomy
since overly restrictive practices can be counterproductive (see the chapter on
autonomy for further discussion of this issue).
• Tragant and Victoria (2006) note the adolescents’ development of metacogni-
tion. This means that they are more willing and able to regulate their own learn-
ing. Again, teenagers need to be allowed a certain level of freedom to manage
their own learning in ways which best suit their developing style in order to avoid
demotivation (see the chapter on style for further discussion of this issue).
• Harklau (2007) considers the effect of the adolescents’ developing sense of iden-
tity. This is intimately tied up with their vision of their future selves, and how
they want to be viewed by others. This, in turn, will affect motivation and will-
ingness to invest time and effort in learning language, which may or may not
accord with their future vision of themselves (see the chapter on motivation for
further discussion of this issue).
• Merga (2014) looks at the influence of peer pressure on motivation. This will
affect their willingness to invest time and effort in a learning endeavour which
may not be in harmony with peer expectations and judgements, which can be
harsh, and difficult for developing egos to deal with (more on this also in the
chapter on motivation).
Although adolescents can be challenging from the point of view of teachers who
may at times have difficulty maintaining a required level of discipline among indi-
viduals who are struggling to exercise their autonomy, manage peer relationships,
and develop their own identity, Costley (2018, p. 20) argues that “Instead of being a
hindrance, adolescence, and the co-occurring cognitive, emotional and psychologi-
cal changes that take place at this time, have a positive impact on learning and are
in fact beneficial, if classroom practices and learning opportunities are effectively
designed and delivered”. Similarly, therefore, to young learners, we might conclude
that successful language learning in adolescence depends not only on isolated vari-
ables such as aptitude, but on a complex mixture of factors such as motivation,
autonomy, style, cognitive development, affect and social influences. And, of course,
Background 15
we cannot overlook the major physiological changes which take place dynamically
over this period, and which inevitably impact learners’ psychological reactions,
including their response to contextual characteristics, such as the physical class-
room environment, their classmates and their teacher.
Adult Learners
Much of the research on adult learners has been negative in terms of older learner
success. Examples include:
Studies such as these led Muńoz and Singleton (2011, p. 26) to argue for a “loos-
ening of the association” between age and language attainment. And, as with both
young learners and adolescents, a complex amalgamation of variables other than
age per se seem to contribute to successful language learning for adults. These
Explaining Age-related Differences in Language Learning 17
include motivation, affect, cultural and social factors, as well as exposure to the
target language context.
Neurological Maturation
From a neurological point of view, it has been suggested that there is a critical
period for language development (often known as the Critical Period Hypothesis or
CPH), during which language can be acquired or learnt more quickly and easily
than at other stages of life (Lenneberg, 1967; Penfield and Roberts, 1959). Past this
point, the process of myelination progressively wraps the nerves of the brain in
myelin sheaths (Long, 1990) which, like concrete pathways in a garden, define
learning pathways, making it easier to get from one point to another, and removing
the need to re-learn information or procedures every time they are encountered, but
reducing flexibility. However, although much of the evidence seems to point to the
fact that younger students are more successful than older students, especially in the
long term (e.g. Harley, 1986; Oyama, 1976; Snow and Hoefnagel-Höhle, 1978), the
exceptions such as Julie (Ioup et al., 1994), as well as those mentioned by Bongaerts
et al. (1997), Muńoz and Singleton (2007) and Griffiths (2003) render any dogmatic
assertions on the subject unsustainable. As Bialystok and Hakuta (1999, p. 177) put
it: “biological restrictions such as brain maturation should not be so easily
overturned”.
In recent years, technological advances have made the exploration of brain activ-
ity increasingly viable. According to Paradis (1994), a first language is acquired
implicitly, whereas a language learned after the end of the critical period is learned
explicitly, and the two systems are developed in different areas of the brain. Ullman’s
(2001) Declarative/Procedural Model also argues for first and subsequent languages
being processed in different areas of the brain. However, according to Green’s
(2003) Convergence Hypothesis, both first and subsequent languages are mediated
by a common neurolinguistic network. Abutalebi (2008) also concludes that the
same neural structures are engaged for both first and subsequent languages.
Although research in this area is still relatively new, and results are often inconclu-
sive, contradictory and difficult to interpret (see Muńoz and Singleton, 2011 for
more details and discussion on this issue), evidence seems to be mounting that the
functioning of the neurolinguistic systems of the brain are not age-dependent, or at
least not entirely so. The fact probably remains, however, that most who do manage
to learn a new language to a high level usually started relatively young. If biological
age cannot explain this, we need to consider other possible factors.
18 2 Age
Psycho-affective Factors
Psycho-affective factors have been suggested as a major reason why younger learn-
ers are often more successful than older learners at learning a new language (e.g.
Krashen and Terrell, 1983). These variables might include cognitive differences
(such as aptitude), affective factors (such as culture or language shock, motivation
and investment) or various other individual differences.
Cognitive differences between older and younger learners have been hypothe-
sized as an explanation of the results of several studies which have found that adults
often make faster initial progress with language learning, but younger learners are
more successful in the long run (e.g. Harley, 1986; Snow and Hoefnagel-Höhle,
1978). More recently, Muñoz (2006) came to a similar conclusion: the older learn-
ers performed better than the younger ones initially (after 200 hours of instruction),
but after 726 hours, the gap had decreased considerably. Krashen (1985) explains
older learners’ faster initial progress in terms of their ability to negotiate meaning,
while according to Ellis (1985), older students can consciously think about the rules
which gives them an initial advantage.
It has been suggested that affective variables such as culture shock (which leaves
the learner feeling confused and excluded) and language shock (which leaves the
learner feeling nervous and humiliated) may be the most important factors associ-
ated with adult language learning (e.g. Schumann, 1975, 1976). Language and cul-
ture shock are likely to affect motivation, since, as one matures, and already has a
well-established linguistic resource at one’s disposal, the motivation to invest in
learning a new language may be challenging to find. Indeed, it has been suggested
that motivation is the most significant single factor which determines how success-
ful an individual will be at learning a language, irrespective of age (e.g. Dörnyei,
MacIntyre, and Henry 2015; Ushioda, 2008). It is motivation which will determine
the level of investment (in terms of how hard they work, for how long, and how
much they are prepared to sacrifice in terms of other resources) learners are pre-
pared to make (e.g. Norton Peirce, 1995; Darvin & Norton, 2015; Norton, 2012).
In addition, there is a potentially almost infinite number of individual variables
which might impact on language learning. Commonly listed among these factors
are gender, aptitude, personality, learning style, strategies, attitude, beliefs, auton-
omy and prior learning experience as well as personal factors such as family, job
and health. When these factors are all combined, they produce an incredibly com-
plex and dynamic picture, which, in its totality, constitutes a learner’s sense of
identity.
Identity is increasingly being recognized as a powerful determiner of successful
language learning (e.g. Gao and Lamb, 2011; Norton, 2013). As we mature, our
sense of who we are (and are not) becomes more established, and we may tend to
become less willing to accept change of any kind. Our language is one factor which
contributes to our sense of who we are, as noted by the adult university students in
a study by Soruç and Griffiths (2015). Although there was some initial uptake of
native-speaker features of spoken English in this study, by the time of the delayed
post-test, most of these features were no longer being used, which several of the
Explaining Age-related Differences in Language Learning 19
students attributed to conflict with their own identity. In other words, as Piller (2002)
comments, identity is actually more important than age when it comes to learning a
language.
The concept of social distance was introduced by Schumann (1976) to describe how
similar or dissimilar cultures are from each other and to explain why people tend to
find some cultures (and their languages) easier to adapt to than others. Young people
generally seem to have less problem with social distance than adults, since they
commonly want to identify with a peer group, which will often mean that they are
willing to adopt the peer group’s way of speaking; in other words, they are less
“culture-bound” (Valdes, 1986). Adults, however, often deliberately retain a distinc-
tive accent in order to maintain their identity. Socio-affective variables are consid-
ered by some to be the most powerful influences on the differences in language
learning ability according to age. For instance, describing his own “distinctly unsat-
isfactory” (p. 280) attempts to learn Swedish when he spent a year as guest profes-
sor in Sweden, Burling (1981) is in no doubt that “generalized social changes”
(p. 290) are the main cause of age-related differences in language development,
which mean “an adult is likely to give up and conclude that he has lost the capacity
to learn a language” (p. 284).
A key feature which distinguishes one sociocultural group from another is the
ecological context in which they operate (e.g. Kramsch, 1993). Children who move
from one context to another often have little difficulty, but adults may struggle to
adapt to different customs or, perhaps, a different language, which may conflict with
their own established ways of doing things and require a renegotiation of identity
(Pavlenko and Blackledge, 2003). According to their age, it is possible that learning
context or the ecological environment may affect students differently, as argued by
Pfenninger (2017). Learning situation can vary considerably from a formal class-
room to naturalistic environments (where students learn by being immersed in the
target language), to distance learning. Classrooms can also vary greatly, and classes
may be conducted during the day or at night. All of these ecological factors may
affect students differently according to their individual characteristics, including
their age.
Perhaps most important of all contextual factors in terms of target language
development is the opportunity for exposure to the target language. Marinova-Todd
(2003), for instance, found that out of 30 participants from 25 countries, the 6 most
proficient students all lived with native speakers of the target language. Moyer
(2009) also discovered that interactive experience in the target language was more
critical for target language development than instruction. Likewise, in a study
involving 11 Spanish students, Muńoz and Singleton (2007) found that the most
proficient learners were living with native speakers of English. In other words,
although, perhaps, merely living in an input-rich environment does not necessarily
guarantee that a learner will be motivated to use the opportunity to learn, there is
20 2 Age
evidence to suggest that such an environment maximizes the opportunity for effec-
tive language development for those who are motivated to utilize its affordances.
Methodology
In order to explore some of the points made above, a small-scale case study
was carried out using a narrative methodology to gather data since this provides
authentic data related to the lives of individuals as told through their own stories
(e.g. Barkhuizen, 2011). The participant was asked to write her own language
learning autobiography, recounting her experiences of learning a new language.
Participant
Olga is Russian, aged 34 at the time of the study. When she married her
Turkish husband, they moved to Istanbul, where she had been for about 3 years.
Although she knew none of the language before her marriage, in her new home,
she obtained jobs with an import-export company, and then as an English teacher
in a primary school, where her Head of Department and colleagues described her
Turkish (which was the language used for staff-room communication) as “not
quite native, but very good and fluent”.
Olga was asked to write about how she learnt her new language, her motiva-
tion, and how she thought she had been able to reach such a high standard of
communicative ability in such a relatively short time. Her narrative is reproduced
as she wrote it, including any “infelicities” for the sake of authenticity.
(continued)
Discussion 21
(continued)
everyone about everything I didn’t know. Even jokes were translated for me
and I was laughing after everyone stopped laughing. It was so funny for my
colleagues and for me.
Day by day I was picking up some language from people and from every
situation I was in—in the public transport, at work, at home, from TV. I didn’t
attend any language course, I didn’t take any private lesson. I just read gram-
mar rules of the language aspects which I wanted to understand at that
moment. For example, one day I want to say something using which equal
“if …… will” (1st condition) in English—I read about it in a grammar book
and next day I tried to use it. And, of course I heard this grammar construction
everywhere in that day. And one day I realized that I understand almost every-
thing they say. It took about 2 and half years to learn.
And, of course age is not a problem to learn any language. So, why did I
learn a new language after 30? I can say 50% my abilities and 50% my family
and friends and of course my life situations here—job, social life etc. I think
that everyone can learn any foreign language if a person has some abilities
and own motivation. I didn’t get any really serious problems while learning.
And the older I get the easier I understand language systems and easier
learn new words. ◄
Discussion
Judging from Olga’s narrative, and also from feedback from her colleagues, it would
seem that Olga was a remarkably successful learner of her new language, having
become “fluent” (her Head of Department’s term) in less than 3 years, a success rate
roughly equivalent to Julie in Ioup et al.’s (1994) study. What reasons might there be
for this? Her narrative suggests several possible contributing factors:
• Olga herself seems to believe she has “abilities” (aptitude). Although we have no
way of knowing how accurate this self-assessment might be, the fact that she
believes this to be the case suggests a level of self-efficacy which has been shown
to be a factor in successful learning (see the chapter on affect).
• Olga’s description of how she “was picking up some language” suggests a level
of autonomy. She did not just wait for someone else to provide her with the lan-
guage she needed—she assumed agency and found what she needed for herself
(see the chapter on autonomy).
• She was motivated. Even when she was learning English, she describes intrinsic
motivation. Her motivation to learn Turkish may well have been essentially inte-
grative so that she could fit in with her new family, friends and colleagues (see
the chapter on motivation).
22 2 Age
We might, therefore, infer from Olga’s narrative, that reasons for her success are
complex, dynamic and dependent on a range of personal characteristics interacting
with socio-ecological factors. The results of Olga’s narrative would therefore seem
to support evidence from other studies (e.g. Marinova-Todd, 2003; Moyer, 2009;
Muńoz & Singleton, 2007) that learning a language as an adult is far from impos-
sible. On the contrary, it would seem that it is possible to learn the language until
quite mature, given sufficient motivation and exposure.
If we accept that adults can learn language, we must nevertheless consider that they
may not necessarily learn in the same way that children do. They may, for instance,
need to be allowed more cognitive engagement with the language (e.g. by learning
grammar rules) in order to utilize their more highly developed cognitive abilities.
Given that cognition has tended to be downplayed in recent years in favour of com-
municative approaches, this may require some re-thinking of contemporary teach-
ing methodologies. An example of this might be Hiro in Griffiths (2003), an older
Japanese man who came to New Zealand to study English because “I have worked
hard all my life: now I am going to have some fun”. However, he did not find con-
temporary communicative methodology with students a fraction of his age entirely
easy, requiring some methodological adjustment on the part of his teacher (for more
details on this case, see the chapter on style). Adults may also require more allow-
ances to be made for established identities than is necessary with children. And
contextual issues such as the fact that many adults may be studying in the evening
after work when they come to class already tired may also need to be considered.
Furthermore, if we accept that adults can learn language, we may need to recon-
sider the degree to which it is reasonable to assess learning according to native-
speaker criteria, an issue which applies to learners of all ages and debated at some
length by Muńoz and Singleton (2011) and Birdsong (2014). It is quite possible that
non-native speakers may get to be extremely effective communicators in a new
language, but they may still retain an accent or other features transferred from their
L1: indeed, this may be something they choose to do in order to preserve identity.
And when we add to this the difficulty (if not the impossibility) of defining what
actually is the “standard” accent or usage, even within speakers of the same lan-
guage, the use of native norms as a criterion gets to be even more questionable.
Conclusion 23
The issue of age has caused much controversy over the years, and research studies
have often produced apparently contradictory results. Because of this, many age-
related questions await conclusive answers. These include:
1. Is there an optimal age at which to start language learning? If so, what is it?
2. What are the special needs of adolescent language learners? How can these be
accommodated?
3. What are the best conditions for adult language learning?
4. Is it reasonable/necessary to assess learners who already have an L1 of their own
by the standards of native speakers of the new language? If not, how should they
be assessed?
5. How do other learner characteristics interact with age when learning language?
6. How do social or ecological conditions interact with age when learning language?
7. What is the effect of experience on language learning?
Conclusion
Although the Critical Period Hypothesis (Lenneberg, 1967; Penfield & Roberts,
1959) tended to dominate the thinking on the age issue in language learning for
quite a long time, more recent research has tended to cast considerable doubt on the
assumptions made on the basis of this hypothesis. Indeed, numerous studies have
shown that mature learners can and do learn language very successfully (see above).
It is probably undeniable that the majority of successful language learners learn
when they are younger (e.g. Birdsong and Molis, 2001; Harley, 1986; Oyama, 1976;
Snow and Hoefnagel-Höhle, 1978), but to go from this observation to conclude that
adults cannot learn language is not logical. There may be any number of other rea-
sons why adults, generally, do not learn language as successfully as children, includ-
ing motivation, identity, socio-ecological issues, personal circumstances, family/
employment demands, time and social constraints and individual characteristics.
The complex and dynamic interactions of these factors are likely to be powerful
determinants of the time and energy an adult has to devote to the task of learning a
new language and all of these factors need to be viewed holistically. The fact that,
in spite of these constraints, there are numerous examples of adults who do in fact
manage to achieve high levels of proficiency in a new language (see above) places
the existence of a critical period for language learning in serious doubt.
Questions to Consider
5. Do you agree that adolescent learners can be challenging? Do you have any
ideas (perhaps from your own experience) about how to deal with these
challenges?
6. Which of the explanations of age-related differences (neurological, psycho-
affective, socio-ecological) do you find most convincing?
7. Which do you find more convincing, the positive or the negative results about
adult language learning?
8. What do you think are some of the reasons Olga managed to achieve commu-
nicative competence in her new language so quickly?
9. Do you agree that there are problems with assessing learners’ pronunciation
by native-speaker standards? What are they, and what should we do about them?
10. Do you agree that there is serious doubt about the Critical Period?
► Suggestions for Further Reading In addition to the references cited in text and
in the reference list, readers might like to consider:
Singleton, D. (1989). Language acquisition: The age factor. Clevedon, Avon, UK:
Multilingual Matters.
This is now a “classic” on the subject of age in language learning, but it remains
important for those who want to understand how the concept has developed.
García Mayo, M., & García Lecumberri, M. (Eds.) (2003). Age and the acquisition
of English as a foreign language. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
This book contains many different perspectives on the issue of age in language
learning, written by experts in the field.
Pfenninger, S., & Singleton, D. (2017). Beyond age effects in instructional L2 learn-
ing: Revisiting the age factor. Bristol: Multilingual Matters.
Combining quantitative and qualitative methods, this book examines the role of age
of onset and offers a longitudinal view of foreign language learning, taking
account of contextual, individual socio-affective, and instructional factors.
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Barkhuizen, G. (2011). Narrative knowledging in TESOL. TESOL Quarterly, 45(3), 391–444.
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Sex/Gender
3
Background
The two terms which form the title of this chapter are often used more-or-less syn-
onymously. Strictly applied, however, sex is a biological attribute (whether the indi-
vidual is male or female). Gender, on the other hand, is more a culturally constructed
concept, which may include commonly accepted behavioural norms, language,
dress codes, etc., and which is often described in terms of masculine and feminine.
When we first learn about a new baby, sex is often the first individual difference
to attract a question: “Is it a boy or a girl”? everyone wants to know. And a child’s
sex will begin to shape its identity from the time it is born (or even before). From
this time forward, an individual’s sex “will be a powerful factor contributing to
opportunities which will be open or closed” (Griffiths, 2018, p. 56). In fact, as
Sunderland (1994, p.211) explains, “the effects of gender roles, relations and identi-
ties are everywhere. Ironically, because of this, in much writing and thinking on
English language teaching, gender appears nowhere”.
Why is there such reluctance to deal with this topic, we might wonder? Is it
because it seems so obvious it is hardly worth further investigation? Is it because of
nervousness since it is a topic where it is treacherously easy for the unwary to
© The Author(s) 2020 29
C. Griffiths, A. Soruç, Individual Differences in Language Learning,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-52900-0_3
30 3 Sex/Gender
Culture
If we refer to the study of culture shock reported in Chap. 4 of this volume and
analyse the data according to sex/gender, we find no significant differences
according to any of the items, in either cultural context (Australia and Turkey).
Neither males nor females report being significantly more homesick or lonely.
Neither report having more difficulty with being understood, understanding
others or making friends. There are no significant differences for problems
such as religion, culture, or getting on with people. Neither are males or
females more or less concerned about food, prejudice, feelings of not belong-
ing or people’s perceived coldness. Almost the only suggestion of a sex/gen-
der difference is Ana’s comment that she feels some prejudice because she
wears a scarf. In spite of this, she prefers life in Australia, which, presumably,
suggests that her concern over this matter is not too strong.
In a study of international students’ views, Çetin, Bahar and Griffiths
(2017) also found that there were relatively few significant differences
between men’s (N = 185) and women’s (N = 124) views of Turkish culture,
and most were only at the p<.05 level. The results of these studies would seem
to indicate that there is little difference regarding how “culture bound”
(Valdes, 1986) males are versus females. Since, however, there is relatively
little research in this area, it is a question which might be an interesting one to
explore further.
(continued)
Background 31
(continued)
Aptitude/proficiency
As discussed in Chap. 5, language aptitude is a complicated concept to
define and measure. Since, however, it is commonly defined in terms of
“capacity [or]… facility” (Carroll, 1981, p.86), or as a “specific talent” (Wen,
Biedroń & Skehan, 2017, p.1) for learning language, it is often assumed that
aptitude contributes to proficiency (e.g. Artieda & Muñoz, 2016), and some
studies have discovered a female superiority. Green and Oxford (1995), for
instance, found the female language learners in their study, conducted at a
Central American university, to be significantly more proficient than the male
students.
However, no significant proficiency differences according to sex were found
by Griffiths (2003) in a study which included 348 international students studying
over 7 levels (beginner, elementary, upper elementary, pre-intermediate,
intermediate, upper-intermediate, advanced) at a private language school in
Auckland, New Zealand. When grouped according to sex, there were 114
(32.8%) male students and 234 (67.2%) female students. According to the
results, although the females had a slightly higher median level of proficiency
(median = 3.5) than the males (median = 3), the difference was not significant
(Mann-Whitney U). See Table 3.1.
And contrary to the findings by Green and Oxford (1995) and Griffiths
(2003), Çeribaş (2017) discovered a higher pass rate for the final proficiency
exam (for which the pass rate is 60%) among his 71 male students (67.6%)
than among his 68 female students (61.8%) who were studying at a Turkish
university. This difference approached but did not quite reach, a .05 level of
significance (p<.06). These results are set out in Table 3.2.
Table 3.2 Statistics regarding students’ sex and success rates in the profi-
ciency exam
Fail Pass Total
Gender Male 23 48 71
Female 26 42 68
Total 49 90 139
(continued)
32 3 Sex/Gender
(continued)
As we can see from just the few examples noted above, findings related to
sex/gender and proficiency are very inconsistent. In studies where a difference
has been discovered, it has in general been small or not statistically significant.
It would therefore seem reasonably safe to generalize that both men and
women can be good language learners. Given, however, that the most recent
study noted above (Çeribaş, 2017) found that the male students outperformed
the females, a result which runs counter to most previous findings, we might
wonder whether this is a general trend (that is, that males are improving in the
area of language learning) or whether this result was atypical—a question
which might be worthy of further investigation.
Personality
Given that personality is such a salient characteristic of every human being,
it is, perhaps surprising to find so little literature relating to it in relation to
language learning. One reason for this might be that it is a very broad concept
which is difficult to pin down exactly. However, the definition provided by
Richards and Schmidt (2010), according to whom personality covers “those
aspects of an individual’s behaviour, attitudes, beliefs, thought, actions and
feelings which are seen as typical and distinctive of that person” (p.431)
probably covers most bases.
If literature relating personality to language learning is rare, it is, perhaps
not surprising to find that literature including personality, language learning
and gender is even more scarce. Commenting informally on 6 of the
interviewees in her study, Griffiths (2018) notes that the 3 extroverts are all
male, while only 1 male is considered an introvert. Both of the females,
however, are considered introverted.
When Soruç analysed the data from his study on personality (Chap. 6)
according to gender using the nonparametric two-independent-samples test of
difference (Mann-Whitney U), he found that, of the 10 items in the
questionnaire, female students rated one item (Item 2) significantly more
highly than male students, who rated Items 3 and 10 significantly more highly
than female students. In other words, while female students viewed their
personalities as more considerate and kind to others, male students tended to
see themselves as lazy but with high imagination. According to Yanati’s effect
size calculator (online), however, the effect sizes are all small (Plonsky &
Oswald, 2014), with even the largest (being considerate and kind to others)
accounting for only about 10.05% of the variance, as we can see from
Table 3.3.
Style
In order to investigate differences in stylistic patterns according to gender,
we might look at the results of a study by Griffiths and Inceçay (2016) reported
in Chap. 7 of this volume which suggested that the top-scoring students
(continued)
Background 33
(continued)
Table 3.3 Significant Items Gender difference
personality differences 2 P = .001, E = 10.05%, females
according to gender higher
3 P = .004, E = 6.79%, males
higher
10 P = .003, E = 7.14%, males
higher
(N = 7) show much more flexibility in their style preferences than the lower-
scoring students (N = 7). If we examine these results according to gender, we
find that there were 2 male students among the top-scoring students and only
1 among the bottom-scoring students. If we further examine the ratings
according to gender, we find that among the top-scoring students, the 2 males
account for 6 (20%, or 10% each) of the top ratings (rating = 5 = strongly
agree), while the 5 females account for the remainder (n = 29 = 80% or 16%
each). In other words, the top-scoring females are more flexible in their style
choices than the males. The same pattern is even more in evidence among the
lower-scoring students, where the 1 male accounts for 4 of the 6 (66%)
strongly disagree ratings (rating = 1), while his female fellow-students provide
only 2 (33%) such low ratings among the 6 of them (5.5% each), suggesting
that the male student is much less flexible in his style choices than his female
classmates.
Of course, these numbers are far too limited to be able to come to any firm
conclusions. However, they point to an intriguing possibility, that, according
to these results, females are more flexible in their stylistic preferences than
males, which might be another exciting direction for further research.
Language Learning Strategies
Studies which explore language learning strategy use according to sex/
gender are not common; nevertheless, there are a few. Most studies in this
area seem to have reported greater use of language learning strategies
by women:
• After studying the language learning strategies used by more than 1,200
undergraduate foreign language students at a major university in the mid-
western USA, Oxford and Nyikos (1989)
• concluded that sex/gender had a “profound influence” (p.296): these dif-
ferences indicated that females used strategies more frequently than males.
• Reporting on an exploratory study undertaken as part of a larger study at
the Foreign Service Institute, Ehrman and Oxford (1989) concluded that
women reported definitely more use of strategies than men. The same
authors in a later article (1995) again reported that females tended to use
language learning strategies more often than males.
(continued)
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To Stop Rattling of Windows
Annoyance from the rattling of windows may be overcome by
attaching a small block to the side of the window casing so that it will
engage the sash and hold it firmly. The block should be of ¹⁄₂-in.
wood, about 3 in. long, 1 in. wide, and have one end rounded off. A
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upward on its pivot the rounded end will act like a cam and force the
sash firmly against its grooves.
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Care in the storage of a garden hose will pay the owner in the
longer life of it, and the homemade bracket shown in the sketch
suggests a convenient method of caring for the hose. A portion of a
barrel was sawed off at one of the hoops, and after reinforcing it by
nailing the hoops and inserting shelves, it was nailed to the wall. The
hose may be coiled over it in shape to be easily carried to the lawn
or garden, for use. The shelves provide space for an oilcan for the
lawn mower, and other accessories.
Making Filing Envelopes Quickly
Fig. 1 Fig. 2
Fig. 4 Fig. 3
The Brass Plug and Angle Are Convenient Additions to the Yardstick, Which
Forms the Front of the Tool Rack
The Mudguard is Fastened to the Rim of the Wheel and Acts as a Runner
over Ice and Snow
A bicycle may be used with satisfactory results in winter by
arranging a runner under the front wheel, which is lashed to the fork
as indicated in the sketch. The mudguard is used as a runner by
releasing it and dropping it to the position shown. It is then tied
securely to the rim of the wheel and the wheel is tied at the top to the
fork. This idea may be adapted by providing a special runner of
sheet metal, making it unnecessary to wear the mudguard.—C. H.
McCaslin, Portland, Ore.
Homemade Snowshoe Toe Clips
The Uppers of an Old Pair of Shoes were Used to Make a Set of Toe Clips for
Snowshoes
The Strip is Cut into Squares Which are Folded and Driven into the Support,
Binding the Wire