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 Proceedings
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Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 41 (2011): 145–160

Yeha and Hawelti: cultural contacts between SabaΜ and DΚMT —

New research by the German Archaeological Institute in Ethiopia

Sarah Japp, Iris Gerlach, Holger Hitgen & Mike Schnelle

Summary
In 2009 the Sanaa Branch of the Orient Department of the German Archaeological Institute (DAI) started research work in the
two Ethio-Sabaean sites of Yeha and Hawelti in northern Ethiopia, both situated in the highlands of Tigray. Yeha is famous for its
well-preserved Great Temple regarded as a holy place and national monument, and which displays a distinct South Arabian style.
A second ancient monumental building is also known to have been erected in a timber framework system with direct similarities to
a Sabaean building in СirwāΉ (Yemen) from the ninth century BC. An ancient necropolis as well as another temple were also found
and partly excavated. Relics from ancient material culture such as pottery, terracotta figurines, and inscriptions were examined. In
Hawelti new investigation of the field of stone stelae was undertaken. Some were excavated apart from two cultic buildings in the
1950s. They can now be compared with South Arabian pillars in terms of form, stonemasonry, and incised Sabaean letters. The DAI
investigations have strengthened the supposition that South Arabian influence at both sites is not only visible in specific architectural
components but also in several other aspects of material culture. The extent of this influence seems to indicate the presence of
Sabaean settlers in northern Ethiopia and south-eastern Eritrea from the early first millennium BC onwards. As well as elements of
the culture, religion, and political system of Saba, the Ethio-Sabaean kingdom of DΚMT in the Abyssinian highlands also included
traditional indigenous elements and moreover, it shows a novel combination of pointing to an acculturation process between the two
different population groups and their respective cultures.

Keywords: Ethio-Sabaean, Yeha, Hawelti, architecture, material culture

Introduction BC and the South Arabian origin of the political system

In November 2009 the Sanaa (СanΚāΜ) Branch of the
Orient Department of the German Archaeological
Institute (DAI) cooperated with its Ethiopian partners,
the Authority for Research & Conservation of Cultural
Heritage (ARCCH) and Tigray Culture & Tourism
Agency (CTA) to begin archaeological research at two
sites in Ethiopia: Yeha and Hawelti (Fig. 1). Both sites
are situated in the Abyssinian Highlands of Tigray not
far from the modern city of Adwa. The emphasis of this
work is on the relations between South Arabia and the
Horn of Africa as there is evidence of intensive political
and cultural relations between both areas from prehistoric
times onwards into the sixth century AD. The work in
Yeha concentrates, at present, on the period of the first
half of the first millennium BC.
For this time span, two divergent interpretations of the
cultural and historical importance of the archaeological
and epigraphic findings exist within current scientific
discussion. One research opinion, based on archaeological
and epigraphic finds, assumes a Sabaean colonization
of northern Ethiopia and Eritrea in the first millennium
during that period (Bent 1893: 134–151; Anfray 1967:
49–50; 1968: 353; de Contenson 1981: 354; Fattovich
1997: 341). The second research opinion emanates
from contacts between the Abyssinian Highlands and
South Arabia. A powerful, indigenous elite is supposed
to have arisen, which adopted some South Arabian
features as a manifestation of their power. The presence
of South Arabians in Ethiopia and Eritrea was reduced
to that of some craftsmen and/or tradesmen; families and
even larger groups of people are precluded (Fattovich
1977: 77; 2009: 277. 287; Phillipson 2009: 269–270).1
Interestingly, the concept of acculturation was inserted
into that argumentation (Fattovich 2009: 277).
1
It should be noted that in previous publications D.W. Phillipson as well
as R. Fattovich mentioned differing approaches. Phillipson considered
the possibility of a small number of South Arabian colonists and
explained this small number with the supposition that these settlements
did not maintain their separate identity for a long period of time (1998:
44–45). Here the concept of acculturation and assimilation might
be another explanation for the ‘loss’ of separate identity. Fattovich
expounded that South Arabians penetrated the Abyssinian Highlands
from the ninth century BC, came into contact with the local population,
and mixed with it (2002: 12).
146 Sarah Japp, Iris Gerlach, Holger Hitgen & Mike Schnelle
Figure 1. A map of the Abyssinian Highlands (M. Schnelle after R. Szydlak, © University of Tübingen).
Our new research and investigations on the epigraphic
material (Nebes 2010) seem to support a theory that
contains elements of both positions: the migration of
Sabaean people into the Abyssinian Highlands and
an acculturation process not long after the arrival of
the South Arabians which combined foreign and local
elements. Migration and acculturation need not exclude
one another, as the concept of acculturation has to be
applied to the Ethiopian as well as the South Arabian
population groups.
From the South Arabian perspective, a re-assessment
of the South Arabian style findings in the Abyssinian
Highlands is timely, especially given the background of
intensive research over the last decades concerning ancient
South Arabian oasis cultures, related chronological
questions as well as the general understanding of their
material cultures (e.g. Gerlach 2005: 264–265).2 For this
reason the Sanaa Branch of the DAI is concentrating
on so-called key sites of the Ethio-Sabaean kingdom of
DΚMT such as Yeha, which was its religious and political
centre. Infrastructural phenomena will be analysed;
however, as far as possible, a comparison will also be
carried out between social structures and technologies,
2
A discussion of the terms that are used to describe the different phases
prior to the Axumite period should be included into this re-assessment as
well as a concordance regarding their meaning or even the introduction
of new terms. At the moment the terms ‘pre-Axumite’, ‘Ethio-Sabaean’,
‘Intermediate’, and ‘Transitional’ period are sometimes used for the
same periods, sometimes with a different meaning (Anfray 1967: 49–
50; 1968: 355–356; Fattovich 1990: 2–3; 2002: 5; 2009: 277; Phillipson
2009: 259–260).
 Yeha and Hawelti: cultural contacts between SabaΜ and DΚMT
Figure 2. A view from the west towards the front facade of the Great Temple of Yeha in 2009 after surface cleaning
(I. Wagner, © DAI).
e.g. agriculture and all relics of material culture, including
epigraphic sources, will be examined to ascertain their
cultural relevance.
The Great Temple of Yeha
Today Yeha is a small rural settlement, surrounded
by volcanic rock mountains and fertile plains.3 In the
centre of the settlement architecture of Sabaean origin
is preserved, with the main example being the so-called
Great Temple of Yeha. This temple is regarded in Ethiopia
as a national monument although it is a genuine Sabaean
sacred building. It has been seen as proof of the Ethiopian
origins of the Queen of Sheba. The monument owes its
good state of preservation to the fact that it was used as
a church, which was presumably devoted to Abba Asfe,
one of the nine Ethiopian saints (Doresse 1956: 54), and
3
The ancient name is identical to the current toponym, as proved by
the inscription on an altar found in ΚAddi ΜAkawыΉ (Nebes 2010: 223).
147
is said to have been extant from the sixth century AD
onwards (Phillipson 1998: 45). Integrated in the church
compound the temple is still a holy place for Ethiopian
Orthodox Christians, at which a major religious festival
takes place once a year. Moreover, Yeha, with its Great
Temple, forms one of the tourist highlights of Ethiopia
that is visited by almost all tour operators.4
The temple is located on an elevation with a church
directly next to it situated on the highest peak. It is
surrounded by a cemetery and enclosed by a double wall.
The church inside the temple, built partly with spolia
from the ancient structure, was already in ruins 100 years
ago (Krencker 1913: 84). Photographs taken in 1906 by
the Deutsche Aksum-Expedition under the direction of E.
4
In the first campaign in autumn 2009, the DAI designed a concept for
the Ethiopian government for the improvement of the infrastructure and
attraction of Yeha for tourists within the framework of the master plan
being developed for Axum and Yeha. Some measures have already been
implemented such as a possible site routing for tourists, the installation
of signs, and the opening of a cafeteria with a photographic exhibition.
148 Sarah Japp, Iris Gerlach, Holger Hitgen & Mike Schnelle
Littmann show that the building inside the temple was
already in a dilapidated condition. In the 1940s the debris
inside the temple was used to build the new church to
the north (Robin & de Maigret 1998: 740). Excavations
at the Great Temple of Yeha were carried out in the
1960s by the Ethiopian Institute of Archaeology under
the direction of F. Anfray and in the 1990s by a French
archaeological mission under the direction of C. Robin
(Anfray 1972: 47–49; 1990: 18–19; Robin & de Maigret
1998: 737–798). Thus, the Sabaean building has been
completely revealed and can be easily observed by the
modern visitor.
With a height of c.14 m the Great Temple is the
highest preserved Sabaean-style temple (Fig. 2), even
when taking South Arabian buildings into account.5 The
rectangular building is preserved up to the beginning of
the roof, which is marked by a double denticular frieze
that can be observed on the northern, southern, and
eastern facades. The double-shell masonry with limestone
ashlars was dry-constructed. The face of the ashlars
displays typical Sabaean stonemasonry with smoothed
margins and a pecked centre. The comparison between
the stonemasonry of the exterior wall of the Great Temple
in Yeha, on the one hand, and of the ΜAlmaqah Temple
in СirwāΉ and the ΜAwām Temple in the oasis of MaΜrib,
on the other, shows clear similarities.6 Additionally, it is
known there were Sabaean stonemasons in Yeha through
the discovery of an inscription by a workman from
MaΜrib, who dedicated his work and his son to the deities,
ΚAΕtar and ΜAlmaqah (RIÉ 39; Nebes 2010: n. 57).
In front of the building is a propylon with six pillars
— with the bases still preserved — which provided
access to a gate.7 As a result of our research this can
be reconstructed as a broad wooden door frame and
presumably with double doors (that could be closed in
the middle of the doorway) offering a narrow passage
5
The ΜAlmaqah Temple in СirwāΉ (Yemen), for example, has a height
of 10 m. The following description of the Great Temple in Yeha has
already been mentioned in previous publications, see esp. Robin & de
Maigret 1998. The results and discussion from the current excavation
seasons are in preparation.
6
The ΜAlmaqah temple of СirwāΉ is dated to the middle of the seventh
century BC by the building inscription (Gerlach 2003: 98; Schmidt
2007: 219). The ΜAwām temple in the oasis of MaΜrib was dedicated
to ΜAlmaqah and is dated to the middle of the seventh century BC.
According to the building inscription it was erected by the same ruler
as the temple in СirwāΉ. In 1951 and 1952 excavations took place under
the directorship of W. Phillips. Since 1998 the American Foundation
for the Study of Man has been working at the site. See Albright 1952:
25–38; Glanzman 1998: 223–225; Maraqten & Abdallah 2002: 49–53.
7
The temple is oriented east–west with the entrance in the west. The
main axis is slightly shifted to a WNW–ESE direction.
offering a narrow passage (Fig. 3). Two of the recesses
for the horizontal beams belonging to the ceiling of the
propylon are still visible in the front wall of the temple.
The interior of the building was divided into five aisles
by four rows of pillars. Each row consisted of three
almost square pillars, the bases of which are extant.
The two side aisles in the north and in the south were
covered by a ceiling. Above it was a second storey, which
can be reconstructed based on the composition of the
interior wall. The central aisle was open to the sky. Three
chambers of equal size were situated at the eastern end of
the temple interior. The central chamber can be identified
as a cella with two additional cultic rooms on each side.
During the structure’s use as a church, a baptistery was
integrated into the south-eastern room. The dividing walls
of the three chambers consisted of wood with the mortise
holes in the stone walls still extant. Due to a conflagration
that destroyed the interior furniture of the temple, the
shape of the wooden walls is still visible as a dark shade
on the stone walls. The floor was covered in sandstone
floor panels, some of which were placed directly on the
natural rock. A drainage system leading to a hole in the
southern wall was inserted into the floor to prevent the
temple interior from being flooded by rainwater.
The temple was not the first structure on this location.
Rebuilt stone elements with a curved shape in the north-
eastern chamber as well as a relief in Banāt Ād style dated
to the eighth century BC, are indications of an earlier
building (Robin & de Maigret 1998: 773–775, fig. 51; for
comparisons see Audouin 1996: 121–142; Antonini 2004:
73–74; Gerlach 2005: 266). Bearing in mind the fact that
the Great Temple of Yeha is not situated on the highest
peak of the elevation but on a lower level, it is plausible
that another sanctuary once stood where the modern
church now stands (Krencker 1913: 78; Robin & de
Maigret 1998: 778). Fragments of Sabaean architectural
decoration such as a pillar base in the area between the
two walls of the church compound and an ibex frieze
rebuilt in the modern church also suggest another sacred
building adjacent to the Great Temple of Yeha.8
The aims of our recent work, aside from the
archaeological and architectural documentation and
research which includes terrestrial 3-D laser scanning
8
The ibex frieze can be generally compared to similar South Arabian
friezes, e.g. those found in the ΜAlmaqah temple of СirwāΉ that are dated
to the seventh century BC (Schmidt 1982a: 128; Bleibtreu 1997: 20;
Röring 2008: 136–137, 140; Kinzel & Schnelle, in press). However, the
ibex frieze can also be reconstructed as the decoration of the interior
part of the Great Temple in Yeha.
 Yeha and Hawelti: cultural contacts between SabaΜ and DΚMT 149

Figure 3. A reconstruction of the front facade of the Great Temple of Yeha with six pillars
and a narrow wooden door (M. Schnelle, © DAI).

Figure 4. A preliminary model of the Great Temple of Yeha based on terrestrial 3-D
laser scanning (M. Lindstaedt, © HafenCity Universität Hamburg).
150 Sarah Japp, Iris Gerlach, Holger Hitgen & Mike Schnelle

(Fig. 4),9 are to compile a damage chart, to develop a

restoration concept, and to carry out the first consolidation
measures for the monument which is currently highly
unstable and endangered.
The temple was most probably dedicated to ΜAlmaqah
and can be identified as the one mentioned in the altar
inscription of ΚAddi ΜAkawыΉ (Wolf & Nowotnick 2010:
368–369, 371; Nebes 2010: 216–226). To determine its
date and classification, comparison with other South
Arabian temples seems logical. Rectangular temple
buildings with a pillared propylon can be seen, for
example, in the BarΜān Temple in MaΜrib.10 There, a similar
kind of division can be seen between the covered and
open spaces inside both temples. In the BarΜān Temple the
side aisles and rear side were covered, whereas the centre
was open and the cella roofed. The arrangement of three
chambers at the rear side of the Yeha building can also be
found in Sabaean temples such as the MaΪliyum Temple
in СirwāΉ and the sanctuary of Waddum Ρū-MasmaΚim
near MaΜrib.11 Nevertheless, it is not only the architecture
but also the building decoration at Yeha that is reminiscent
of South Arabia: the uppermost part of the exterior wall
of the temple in Yeha shows a double denticular frieze
such as the ΜAlmaqah Temple in СirwāΉ. Viewed against
this background a date in the seventh century BC and a
designation as a Sabaean temple seem plausible.12

Grat BeΜal Gebri in Yeha

The second monumental ancient building in Yeha,
named Grat BeΜal Gebri, also reflects a connection
with SabaΜ. It is located at a short distance from the
Great Temple. Unfortunately, the building is in a poor
state of preservation. After a rather small excavation
9
The terrestrial 3-D laser scans were made by the Labor für
Photogrammetrie und Laserscanning of the HafenCity Universität
Hamburg, a cooperation partner of the Sanaa Branch of the DAI. See
Lindstaedt et al. 2010.
10
The corresponding phase of the temple is dated to the fifth century BC
(Vogt 1998: 219–222; Schmidt 1999: 10–40; Vogt, Herberg & Röring
2000).
11
The sanctuary in Sirwah can be dated to the late first millennium
BC (Gerlach & Schnelle, forthcoming). The temple of Waddum Ρū-
MasmaΚim stemmed from the eighth/seventh century BC (Schmidt
1982b: 91–99; 2007: 3–16). In addition, the NakraΉ Temple in Barāqiš
shows the combination of five aisles leading into five chambers at the
rear end of the temple interior (de Maigret 2004). A detailed discussion
of the complex of problems concerning Sabaean and/or Minaean models
is in preparation.
12
The temple was dated by the French archaeological mission to the
seventh or the sixth century BC (Robin & de Maigret 1998: 775–778).
R. Fattovich favours a date between the seventh and the fifth centuries
BC on the basis of pottery assemblages (2009: 282).
Figure 5. A view from the west towards the front of the
Grat BeΜal Gebri in Yeha with six pillar bases and parts
of the stone door posts in 2009 after surface cleaning
(I. Wagner, © DAI).
by the Deutsche Axum-Expedition in 1906, it was
examined in part in the 1970s by the Ethiopian Institute
of Archaeology under the direction of F. Anfray.13 Our
current investigations have determined its dimensions as
at least 46 x 46 m. The building consists of a 4.5 m-high
podium made of phonolithic ashlars with an interior
chamber system. The exterior facade was interrupted by
projections at the corners, as the excavation has shown in
the north-western corner.
The front of the building was adorned with a six-
pillar propylon (Fig. 5). The bases and some remains of
the pillars themselves are preserved. The stairs leading
up to the propylon are mostly lost, and only rubble stone
13
Krencker 1913: 87–89. Unfortunately, a final report of the excavation
results has not been published. See Anfray 1972: 49–52; 1973: 40–44;
1990: 27–30; 1997: 5–23.
 Yeha and Hawelti: cultural contacts between SabaΜ and DΚMT 151

Figure 6. A view from the east towards one of the timber framework walls of the Grat BeΜal Gebri in Yeha
(S. Japp, © DAI).
foundations are visible. Behind the propylon a huge gate
with a narrow opening can be reconstructed; parts of the
two massive stone doorposts are still extant. Behind the
gate a vestibule gives access to a kind of corridor that
crosses the building on the main axis. Visitors could
probably reach the rooms on both sides by walking along
the corridor. During excavations in the 1970s parts of
these rooms were uncovered.
The walls of the building on top of the podium were
constructed in a timber framework consisting of wooden
beams, rubble stones, and mud (Fig. 6). The beams were
inserted horizontally, along the walls and penetrating
into them. Unfortunately the building was destroyed by
fire, which burnt up not only the wooden beams but also
demolished the bond between the mud and the rubble
stones. Thus, the walls are extant (as far as has been
determined) only to a height of about 2 m. The upper part
of the building, possibly a second storey in view of the
almost 2 m-thick walls, and the ceiling are completely lost.
The excavations of the Ethiopian Institute of Archaeology
uncovered the floor in the vestibule and found negative
impressions of wooden planking set into a kind of lime
mortar (Anfray 1997: 12–13). The passage leading to the
next room was rather narrow, where wooden door frames
were added to the walls. In the next room to the west
was a largely destroyed wooden pillar or column, which
presumably served as a roof support.
In future, the Sanaa Branch of the DAI intends not
only to continue the excavation to resolve the dimensions
of the podium and to draw up a ground plan of the
building’s interior structure, but also to test a restoration
technique for conserving the timber framework walls.
Fortunately some charcoal remains of the wooden
beams were found during the excavations and samples
were taken. The 14C analysis supplies us with a date
between the beginning of the eighth and the late sixth
centuries BC for the building on top of the podium.14
14
The results of the six 14C samples, together with further samples,
will be published soon. The charcoal samples were analysed by the
Poznan Radiocarbon Laboratory; the calibration was made with OxCal
software. At the moment it is not possible to confirm whether the
podium, the propylon, and the timber framework building belong to one
152 Sarah Japp, Iris Gerlach, Holger Hitgen & Mike Schnelle
Figure 7. A view from the north-east towards the front facade of the five-pillar building in СirwāΉ (Yemen) in 2009
(I. Wagner, © DAI).
In search of comparisons for the Grat BeΜal Gebri,
the five-pillar building in СirwāΉ (Fig. 7) seems to be
an appropriate example not only in terms of building
technique but also in date. The five-pillar building situated
in the north-western part of the ancient city of СirwāΉ
is composed of a travertine base and equipped with
projections at the corners and in the middle of each side,
while the building on top displays a timber framework
system. However, unlike the Grat BeΜal Gebri, the wooden
beams were inserted horizontally as well as vertically at
СirwāΉ. The entrance to the building was adorned with a
huge staircase leading up to a five-pillar propylon, behind
which another staircase ascended to the door that was
framed by huge stone posts. A corridor starting behind
the door divided the interior into two halves and ended
at a staircase which presumably led to a second storey.
Six rooms were accessible from the corridor. All doors
and the same phase. Nevertheless, assigning the latter to the late first
millennium BC (Fattovich 2009: 278–279) can be excluded in view of
the 14C results.
framed by wooden door jambs and lintels offered narrow
passages such as found at Yeha. The five-pillar building
in СirwāΉ can be dated to the ninth century BC based
on 14C analysis.15 The function of the building remains
unclear, as later changes destroyed the original interior.
Some depressions at the entrance area, probably used for
libations, seem to point to a sacred function. The function
of the Grat BeΜal Gebri is likewise unknown, although
some miniature incense burners may also speak in favour
of a sacred function. However, further examinations may
help to reach a more detailed description of its function.
The necropolis in Yeha
During the survey that the Ethiopian-German team
conducted in autumn 2009, a necropolis was found,
15
The results gained thus far from the excavations in the five-pillar
building in Sirwah are in preparation for publication in ABADY. The
samples were analysed by the Poznan Radiocarbon Laboratory; the
calibration was made with OxCal software. See Gerlach & Schnelle,
forthcoming.
 Yeha and Hawelti: cultural contacts between SabaΜ and DΚMT
Figure 8. An aerial photograph of two rock-cut tombs in the ΜAbiy ΜAddi necropolis near Yeha (I. Wagner, © DAI).
situated on the hill slope of ΜAbiy ΜAddi opposite the
Yeha settlement. Three rectangular depressions were
still visible in the sloping grounds, where the native rock
emerged. Local inhabitants of the area told the research
team that they had found a shaft and a staircase in one
of the tombs. Excavations carried out in spring 2010
unearthed three rock-cut tombs and three more were
located. They consist of a 2.5 m-deep vertical shaft of
rectangular shape with one grave chamber at each of
their narrow sides. The entrances to the chambers were
originally blocked by rectangular stone panels, which
were lost in most cases. Other stone panels closed the
shaft on the surface and the area was covered by a mound
of stone rubble. A stone enclosure fenced in the tomb,
but it could not be determined whether the enclosure
was roofed or hypaethral (Fig. 8). The chambers, with
differing sizes of up to 4 m in length and almost 1.2 m
in height, were originally used for multiple burials, but
unfortunately they were looted, probably in ancient
times. Within the mud covering the floor of the chambers,
153
displaced remains of skeletons were found as well as
some broken parts of clay vessels and other grave goods
such as beads. Further on, a later burial from the sixteenth
century AD was discovered in one of the shafts.
Comparable rock-cut tombs can be observed at
another cemetery at the site, the so-called Southern Tombs
or Tombs of Daaro-Mikael, excavated in the 1960s and
1970s by the Ethiopian Institute of Archaeology under
the direction of F. Anfray (1963: 172–192; 1973: 39–40;
1990: 22–26). Seventeen tombs were opened. Some of
them displayed a shaft with two burial chambers such as
those in the new necropolis, while others seem to be more
simple tombs. Inside the tombs not only skeletons but
also several burial goods were found. Aside from pottery
of different sizes and shapes (Fattovich 1977: 73; 1990:
9; 2009: 280–282), metal objects such as tools, weapons,
vessels, seals, and jewellery as well as stone vessels and
beads of different materials could be observed, providing
an idea of the interior furniture of the necropolis on
ΜAbiy ΜAddi. The tombs were dated by F. Anfray mainly
154 Sarah Japp, Iris Gerlach, Holger Hitgen & Mike Schnelle

Figure 9. A view of the two pillar bases belonging to a rural sanctuary in the vicinity of Yeha, situated in
the courtyard of a modern building (I. Wagner, © DAI).
between the fifth and fourth centuries BC based on the
finds (1990: 26). R. Fattovich instead preferred a date of
the mid-first millennium BC with two tombs being used
in the late first to early second millennia AD (2009: 280).
However, based on the latest research they probably stem
from the seventh and sixth centuries BC. The grave goods
reflect South Arabian and indigenous traditions as well
as unusual combinations such as bronze seals. Some of
these show the typical Sabaean ibex closely connected to
the state god ΜAlmaqah and Sabaean letters; however, this
kind of object has no parallels in South Arabia.
Rock-cut tombs do not have an equivalent in SabaΜ
until the first centuries AD. Known Sabaean tombs are
mausolea such as the ones in the necropolis at the ΜAwām
Temple in MaΜrib, outside the city wall in СirwāΉ.16 The
mausolea are tower-like structures with several storeys
built of stone and used for multiple burials. Inscriptions
on the tomb walls as well as stelae erected in the
neighbourhood of the graves provide information about
16
MaΜrib: Hitgen 1998a: 247–249; Gerlach 2002: 41–58, see n. 11 for
the bibliography; Röring 2002: 93–111. Sirwah: Publication of the
excavations in Sirwah is in preparation for ABADY.
the deceased. Unfortunately the necropolis in MaΜrib
was repeatedly robbed and stratified information on the
grave goods is therefore meagre, although thousands of
miniaturized vessels and objects made of clay, stone and
metal together with jewellery and clay figurines were
uncovered there (Gerlach 2002: 54–56; Japp 2002: 137–
147; O’Neill 2010: 207–209; in press). Rock-cut tombs
with shafts and chambers were found, for example, in
the neighbourhood of Нafār, which stem from the late
Himyarite period (Yule 2007: 74–77). In Yeha local burial
traditions such as rock-cut tombs were probably already
in use before the Ethio-Sabaean kingdom of DΚMT.
Other ancient sites in Yeha and its
surroundings
Other representative buildings can be proposed in Yeha,
based on the existence of pillar fragments and pillar bases
discovered near the Great Temple. However, the exact
position of these monuments remains unclear.
Several remains of ancient settlements were found in
the neighbourhood of Yeha, recognizable primarily by
numerous pottery fragments and stone rubble scattered on
 Yeha and Hawelti: cultural contacts between SabaΜ and DΚMT
Figure 10. A view from the south-east towards the western part of the stelae field in Hawelti
(M. Schnelle, © DAI).
the surface.17 The contemporary profane architecture, as
far as we know, consists mainly of quarry stones and mud.
Additionally, fragments of South Arabian inscriptions
and remains of a third temple were reported. The latter
is situated at the southern foothills of the elevation in the
south-west of Yeha. Two bases of monumental pillars
were found preserved in the courtyard of a modern house
(Fig. 9) and another smaller one outside it. The two bases
probably belonged to the propylon, while the third one
could have been one of the pillars dividing the interior
of the temple into different aisles. This temple located
outside the settlement was probably a rural sanctuary.
The stelae field in Hawelti
Apart from investigating Yeha, the Ethiopian-German
team has also been working in Hawelti. This site is located
south-east of Axum on a flat hill near a large fertile plain
17
Some of these settlements have already been published. See Anfray
1973: 44; Godet 1977: 19–58; Fattovich 1990: 3; Michels 2005.
155
(see Fig. 1). Excavations were carried out there in the
1950s by the Ethiopian Institute of Archaeology under
the direction of H. de Contenson, during which several
pillars (Fig. 10), one underground storeroom, and two
buildings were exposed; the buildings were identified as
temples (de Contenson 1959: 102–104; 1963: 41–52).
Stone sculptures and a throne, the latter stylistically
South Arabian, belonged to the temples (1959: 103; 1963:
42–43).
During the 2010 spring campaign three pillar
bases were uncovered and the process of their erection
reconstructed. Deriving from a quarry only a few
hundred metres away, each pillar was set into a building
pit which was cut into the soft natural rock. The pillar
was then fixed with the help of wedge stones and the pit
was refilled with stone rubble. The upper part of every
pillar is missing; it was probably cut off to use as building
material in a later period. Of particular interest is the fact
that all pillars have different measurements and traces
of dressing. Therefore, the possibility that these pillars
156 Sarah Japp, Iris Gerlach, Holger Hitgen & Mike Schnelle
belong to one architectural complex can be excluded
(Fattovich 1990: 4) even though they are grouped more
or less regularly around a natural depression (Fig. 10). In
fact, we now propose that each pillar was an independent
monument. The rectangular form, the stonemasonry,
and incised Sabaean letters18 are typical South Arabian
features, whereas the method of erection and the function
seem to reflect indigenous elements. The stelae in Hawelti
probably had a sacred, perhaps sepulchral function, even
though there were no tombs below them as in Axum.
Survey work in Hawelti revealed that the main
settlement was situated on the north-eastern part of the
hill. Although no buildings were visible on the surface,
the concentration of pottery clearly displays the intensive
utilization of this area. In addition, the fragment of a
royal inscription was discovered, which again proves the
connection to SabaΜ.
Material culture
The pottery found during the survey and in the
excavations is definitely of local origin, which is attested
not only by the clay and its temper but also by its shape
and the treatment of the vessel’s surface. Only a few
vessels seem to have been imported or produced locally
adopting a Sabaean model, e.g. the so-called torpedo-
shaped jars or amphorae. Their distinct features are their
shape, the sand-tempered clay, and the reddish-brown
colour. They were recorded at different sites in South
Arabia and Ethiopia dated between the eighth and sixth
centuries BC.19 According to G. Van Beek, these vessels
were part of the trade between SabaΜ and East Africa
(1969: 92–93). However, as A. Porter has pointed out, the
vessels were produced at different locations and cannot
be used as proof of trade connections (2004: 261–275).
Nevertheless, these jars document again the connections
between SabaΜ and the Abyssinian Highlands. Even when
the vessels were manufactured in Ethiopia the idea of
the shape most likely came from SabaΜ.20 Other vessels
such as miniature goblets and bowls found in Hawelti
18
Unfortunately, the parts with the letters are now lost, but they are
mentioned in the report by de Contenson (1963: 45).
19
For example in MaΜrib (Japp 2005: 70–71), Yala (de Maigret 1988: fig.
23/10–15), Hajar bin Humeid (Van Beek 1969: 170–171), Hajar Surbân
(Breton 1998: 203, pl. 14), and Zabid (Ciuk & Keall 1996: 20–21, pl.
95/1). Find spots in Ethiopia are mentioned too (Anfray 1963: pl. 128;
1990: 49; Van Beek 1969: 170–171; Wolf & Nowotnick 2010: 375).
20
The idea that these vessels originated in Ethiopia cannot be excluded.
However, the frequency of torpedo-shaped jars in South Arabia and
especially in areas of Sabaean predominance points to their invention
in SabaΜ. Thus, the specimens found in the Abyssinian Highlands are
imitations of South Arabian prototypes (Fattovich 2009: 286).
are reminiscent of vessels unearthed in large numbers
from the ΜAwām necropolis in MaΜrib (Japp 2002:
138–139, 141). Although the Ethiopian examples were
obviously produced locally or regionally and display
some differences in decoration, their idea could also have
stemmed from South Arabia.
The same situation can be observed in the terracotta
figurines: in SabaΜ depictions of women and dromedaries
predominate (Hitgen 1998b: 121–122; Gerlach 2002: 55–
56; O’Neill, in press), while in Hawelti several different
zoomorphic and anthropomorphic figurines exist (de
Contenson 1963: 43–44). Most of them do not show
any similarities to the Sabaean figurines. However, the
female figurines have some identical features such as a
cylindrical body, applied breasts, and a bird-like head.
Again it seems that local tradition was enriched with
South-Arabian elements.
New research concerning Ethio-Sabaean inscriptions
is in the process of being carried out by N. Nebes, and for
this reason only two elements will be briefly mentioned
here. On the one hand the inscriptions clearly show the
presence of the Sabaean pantheon (2010: 232). The
Sabaean state god ΜAlmaqah is not only mentioned
in some inscriptions, but three sanctuaries are proven
epigraphically and archaeologically as dedicated to
him.21 Yet ΜAlmaqah is not the only Sabaean god who
is documented. Temples of other Sabaean gods are also
known through inscriptions, although the buildings have
yet to be located (2010: 232, n. 118). On the other hand,
the use of the title mukarrib in the inscriptions reveals
the adoption of the ruler nomenclature in the kingdom of
DΚMT (2010: 230–231). Thus, the political and religious
connections between South Arabia and the Abyssinian
Highlands are explicitly proved through such Ethio-
Sabaean inscriptions.
Conclusion
South Arabian patterns can be seen repeatedly in the
architecture of temples such as the Great Temple in Yeha,
in the architecture of other representative buildings and
structures such as the Grat BeΜal Gebri in Yeha and the
stelae field in Hawelti, in the adoption of the religious
pantheon and certain cult practices, in the language and
script, in the composition of the state system, and in
Sabaean art in pottery, terracotta figurines, metal objects,
21
Aside from the temple in Yeha there is another one in ΚAddi ΜAkawыΉ
(Wolf & Nowotnick 2010: 377–378; Nebes 2010) and a third one in
Gobochela (Leclant 1959: 44–52).
 Yeha and Hawelti: cultural contacts between SabaΜ and DΚMT 157

and stone sculptures. It does not seem likely that such
foreign elements can be attributed only to the presence
of individuals or small groups (see e.g. Fattovich 2004:
74; 2009: 269–270; Phillipson 2009: 287). Merchants
and tradesmen do not leave the same social, political,
religious, and cultural changes as do settlers, especially
when they encounter an agriculturally organized society
without script.22 Therefore, the migration of larger
Sabaean groups across the Red Sea into the Abyssinian
Highlands can be assumed. The reason for this migration
is still unknown. Yet, especially during the eighth and
seventh centuries BC, SabaΜ was an expanding state and its
policy was not only to conquer, but also to settle Sabaean
people in occupied areas. However, other motivations are
also possible such as trade in raw materials. The Sabaeans
founded an autonomous realm designated DΚMT,
which was independent of its home country SabaΜ. An
acculturation process between immigrating Sabaeans and
the local population took place rapidly as the architecture
22
Even in Saba small rural settlements with a primarily agricultural
background do not display typical South Arabian elements such as
temples, statues, or monumental inscriptions. Nevertheless, they were
influenced by South Arabian culture in the worship of the Sabaean
pantheon and inclusion in the state system. Thus, the absence of these
elements in agricultural settlements in the Abyssinian Highlands is not
totally surprising and does not necessarily lead to the conclusion that
only the indigenous elite presented South Arabian components in their
manifestations of power (Fattovich 1990: 19).
and objects clearly show. Foreign elements were not just
copied but were adapted to display a unique local style. A
region-wide adoption of these features is not recognizable
at the moment, although given the above evidence such an
adoption is not really necessary to define the connections
between the Horn of Africa and South Arabia and the
realm of the Ethio-Sabaean kingdom of DΚMT.
Acknowledgements
The projects of the Sanaa Branch of the Orient Department
of the German Archaeological Institute (DAI) in Ethiopia
are a result of Ethiopian-German archaeological
cooperation. The authors would like to express their
gratitude to the cooperation partners in Ethiopia: the
Authority for Research & Conservation of Cultural
Heritage (ARCCH) and its director Jara Haile Mariam
and the Tigrai Culture & Tourism Agency (CTA) and its
director Kebede Amare as well as their representatives
working with us in Yeha and Hawelti.
Siglum
RIÉ Inscription in Bernand, Drewes & Schneider
1991–2000.

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Authors’ addresses
Dr Sarah Japp, Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Orient-Abteilung, Podbielskiallee 69–71, D-14195 Berlin,
Germany.
e-mail sj@orient.dainst.de

Dr Iris Gerlach, Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Außenstelle Sanaa der Orient-Abteilung, ℅ Embassy of the
Federal Republic of Germany, POB 2562, Sanaa, Yemen.
e-mail dai.sanaa@y.net.ye

Holger Hitgen, Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Außenstelle Sanaa der Orient-Abteilung, ℅ Embassy of the Federal
Republic of Germany, POB 2562, Sanaa, Yemen.
e-mail Marib@sanaa.dainst.org

Dipl. Ing. Mike Schnelle, Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Orient-Abteilung, Podbielskiallee 69-71, D-14195
Berlin, Germany.
e-mail ms@orient.dainst.de

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