Incarceration on the Cognitive and Emotional Development of Juvenile

Offenders

Chapter 1

THE PROBLEM AND RELATED LITERATURE

Introduction

Research indicates that incarceration has a significant impact on the

cognitive and emotional development of juvenile offenders. The effects of

incarceration continue even after the offenders are released from prison, as

the time excluded from the community and the criminal convictions they have

acquired result in challenges with reintegration. A young person who has

committed a criminal offense is referred to as juvenile delinquent in academic

literature, albeit the exact definition of this term varies depending on the local

jurisdiction. Although the precise causes of these variations are unknown, the

absence of a recognized international standard could be one of them.

Juvenile refers to a person who is under the legal age of majority, which is

when a person is regarded an adult, but who is over the minimum age of

criminal responsibility and hence legally able to commit a criminal act. While

the age of criminal majority is typically 18 years old, the minimum age of
criminal responsibility ranges between 6 and 18 years old internationally.

Although the United Nations (UN) defines "youth" as those between the ages

of 15 and 24, people over the age of 18 may still be considered juveniles in

certain situations and be heard in juvenile courts. Although "children" are

frequently classified as those under the age of 18, the term "child delinquents"

has been used to refer to youngsters who have committed a delinquent

conduct and are under the age of 13. Since the term "young offenders" is so

broad, it can apply to both young people in their mid-20s and offenders under

the age of 18.

Literature published since 2000 suggests that incarceration fails to meet the

developmental and criminogenic needs of youth offenders and is limited in its

ability to provide appropriate rehabilitation. Incarcerating youth in prison has

little positive impact in reducing crime. There are many negative effects from

incarcerating young people in prisons. Incarceration fails to address both the

young person's developmental and criminogenic needs.

In a systematic review of the impact of incarceration on youth, Lambie and

Randell (2013) noted that incarceration environments are characterized by

social isolation and victimization, which can further impact their development.

Incarceration often results in negative behavioral and mental health

consequences, including ongoing engagement in offending behaviors and

contact with the justice system. Although incarceration of youth offenders is

often viewed as a necessary means of public protection, research indicates

that it is not an effective option in terms of either cost or outcome. The severe
behavioral problems of juvenile offenders are a result of complex and

interactive individual and environmental factors, which elicit and maintain

offending behavior. Therefore, the focus of effective treatment must be on

addressing such criminogenic needs and the multiple “systems” in which the

young person comes from. Recent research demonstrates that in order to

achieve the best outcomes for youth offenders and the general public,

community-based, empirically supported intervention practices must be

adopted as an alternative to incarceration wherever possible. (PsycInfo

Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved)

Review of related literature

Studying the impact of incarceration on the cognitive and emotional

development of juvenile offenders is crucial for understanding their

rehabilitation needs. Research suggests that prolonged incarceration during

adolescence can lead to stunted cognitive development, impairments in

emotional regulation, and increased likelihood of recidivism. Factors such as

lack of access to education, exposure to violence, and limited opportunities for

positive social interaction contribute to these negative outcomes.

Alternative interventions focusing on education, mental health support, and

community-based programs have shown promise in mitigating these effects

and promoting successful reintegration into society.

This study examines the psychological and developmental consequences of

incarceration on juvenile offenders, highlighting potential long-term impacts on

cognitive and emotional development. Even after receiving punishment for

their prior crimes, juvenile detention has the effect of raising the rate at which

they commit new offenses. After a year of being released from safe

confinement, the majority of young people are typically booked back into jail.

Juveniles who are imprisoned in detention facilities often suffer from

pessimism as a result of their experience, and even after they are released,

they turn to crime as a means of subsistence. Many young people believe that

their chances of leading respectable lives are dashed once they are

incarcerated because they are unable to take use of the resources that are

available to them to improve their circumstances. Numerous prisoners have a

history of abusing young people in detention facilities, which ultimately

damages the adolescents' personal lives further. Many of the youth who are

released from correctional facilities know very little or nothing about increasing

their level of production (Lazerson, Marvin, and Barbara Brenzel 87,2014).

They turn to crime again to satisfy the needs of their existence as a result.

However, as the main objective of the juvenile institutions is to punish the

inmates for engaging in illegal activity, there are little attempts made to modify

their conduct once they are detained.

Theoretical Lens

The theoretical framework on the impact of incarceration on the cognitive and

emotional development of juvenile offenders can be understood through

various psychological and sociological theories.

Research by Pollak and colleagues (2008) indicates that youth who have
been traumatized by maltreatment process emotions differently from non-

maltreated children. In particular, children who have been abused are primed

to perceive ambiguous facial expressions as angry and are more sensitive to

detecting even the most subtle cues of anger in others’ faces (Pollak,

Cicchetti, Hornung, & Reed, 2000; Pollak & Sinha, 2003). As Pollak (2008)

suggests, the adaptive value in detecting that an abusive parent is becoming

angry is evident; thus maltreated youth have learned to vigilantly scan the

interpersonal environment in search of hostile cues. However, the tendency to

misperceive others as angry, and to be overly reactive to even the smallest

indications of anger in others, might lead traumatized youth to view the world

as a hostile place and one in which aggression is expected and inevitable,

thus contributing to the development of delinquent behavior.

Maturation takes place across different brain regions on distinct timetables.

During adolescence, cognitive development occurs before socioemotional

maturation, creating a gap in competencies. As a result, adolescents can

make rational decisions in unemotional contexts, but may struggle to make

mature decisions in emotionally arousing contexts (Shulman et al., 2016). A

study of 10- to 30-year-olds from 11 countries of varied political, cultural, and

economic contexts identified the same gap between youth's psychosocial and

cognitive capacities (Icenogle et al., 2019), suggesting an endogenous rather

than cultural explanation for these patterns. As youth mature into adulthood,

further brain development improves communication between the prefrontal

cortex and the emotional centers of the brain so emotion regulation and

behavioral control increase, and impulsivity and sensation seeking decrease.

These changes result in a corresponding decrease in risk taking; according to

a longitudinal study of racially diverse 9- to 18-year-olds in the United States,

the tendency to engage in risky behavior peaks in midadolescence (Collado et

al., 2014).

1. Cognitive Decline Theory: Incarceration can lead to a decline in

cognitive functioning, which is a known risk factor for crime. The

stressful environment and lack of cognitive stimulation can lead to a

decrease in executive functioning, which includes skills such as

problem-solving, attention, and memory.

2. Psycho-social Theory: This theory suggests that incarceration

can lead to psycho social stressors that can impact cognitive and

emotional development. These stressors can include stigma, social

isolation, and the loss of social roles.

These theories provide a comprehensive framework for understanding the

complex ways in which incarceration can impact the cognitive and emotional

development of juvenile offenders.

Statement of the Problem

The problem statement for a study on the of incarceration on the cognitive

and emotional development of juvenile offenders could be, has been

imperfectly and incompletely measured in the literature, as concluded by

Turney and Wildeman (2012). While there have been empirical studies

(Baglivio, Epps, Swartz, Huq, Sheer, & Hardt, 2014; Baglivio, Wolff, Piquero,

& Epps, 2015; Fox, Perez, Cass, Baglivio, & Epps, 2015) on incarceration and

juvenile delinquency outcomes, the researchers have not distinguished

between maternal and paternal incarceration.

Juvenile offenders face a lot of challenges, with incarceration being a

significant one. The environment and conditions of incarceration can have

profound effects on the cognitive and emotional development of these young

individuals. There is a growing concern that the current penal system, which is

primarily focused on punishment rather than rehabilitation, may be causing

more harm than good. The harsh conditions, lack of educational opportunities,

and social isolation experienced during incarceration may exacerbate existing

mental health issues and hinder healthy cognitive and emotional

development. This study aims to investigate the impact of incarceration on the

cognitive and emotional development of juvenile offenders, with the goal of

informing more effective interventions and policy changes to better support

this vulnerable population.”

Assumption

Research on the impact of incarceration on the cognitive and emotional

development of juvenile offenders often operates under several key

assumptions:

1. Incarceration as a Stressor: One of the main assumptions is that

 incarceration acts as a significant stressor. The abrupt separation from

family and friends, the unfamiliar and often hostile environment, and

the loss of personal freedom can all contribute to increased stress

levels.

2. Negative Impact on Development: Another assumption is that

incarceration, particularly during the formative adolescent years, can

negatively affect cognitive and emotional development. This could

manifest as difficulties in emotional regulation, impaired decision-

making abilities, and decreased academic performance.

3. Exacerbation of Pre-existing Issues: It’s also assumed that

incarceration can exacerbate pre-existing mental health issues.

Juveniles with undiagnosed or untreated mental health problems may

find their symptoms worsening in the stressful environment of a

detention facility.

4. Influence of Institutional Environment: The assumption here is that the

institutional environment and its conditions play a significant role in

shaping the cognitive and emotional development of incarcerated

juveniles. Factors such as the availability of educational and

therapeutic programs, the level of violence, and the overall quality of

life can influence the impact of incarceration.

 5. Possibility of Rehabilitation: Despite the potential negative impacts,

there’s also an underlying assumption that with proper support and

intervention, incarcerated juveniles can overcome these challenges

and rehabilitate successfully.

These assumptions help guide the research and influence the interpretation of

findings. However, it’s important to note that they are generalizations and may

not apply to every individual’s experience.

RRL introduction.

https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5288089/

Citation
Lambie, I., & Randell, I. (2013). The impact of incarceration on juvenile
offenders. Clinical Psychology Review, 33(3), 448–
459. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cpr.2013.01.007

RELATED REVIEW

https://www.grabmyessay.com/samples/juvenile-consequences-of-
incarceration
Lazerson, Marvin, and Barbara Brenzel. "Juveniles, Incarceration, And
Compulsory Love." Reviews In American History, vol 6, no. 1, 2014, p. 87.
JSTOR, doi:10.2307/2701481.
Theory

Pollak, S.D. (2008). Mechanisms linking early experience and the emergence

of emotions: Illustrations from the study of maltreated children. Current

Directions in Psychological Science, 17, 370-375

Blakemore, S. J. (2012). Development of the social brain in

adolescence. Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine, 105(3), 111–

116. https://doi.org/10.1258/jrsm.2011.110221

https://srcd.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/cdep.12461

Statement on the problmes

Baglivio, M. T., Epps, N., Swartz, K., Huq, M. S., Sheer, A., & Hardt, N. S.

(2014). The prevalence of adverse childhood experiences (ACE) in the lives

of juvenile offenders. Journal of Juvenile Justice, 3(2), 1. Retrieved from

https://www.prisonpolicy.org/scans/Prevalence_of_ACE.pdf

METHODOLOGY

This chapter will present the research design used, respondents, research
instrument, data gathering procedure, data analysis, and ethical

consideration.

RESEARCH DESIGN

This qualitative research design study aims to explore the effects

of incarceration on the cognitive and emotional development of juvenile

offenders. Through in-depth interviews and thematic analysis, this research

seeks to understand the lived experiences of juvenile offenders during and

after their time in detention facilities. By exploring their perceptions, coping

mechanisms, and challenges faced, this study aims to provide insights into

the long-term effects of incarceration on juvenile offenders' cognitive and

emotional development.

The negative outcomes associated with incarceration are argued to be well-

documented

and wide-ranging, including increased antisocial behavior of offspring (Mears

&

Siennick, 2016; Murray & Farrington, 2008; Rose, 1998) and impaired health

of those pre-

viously incarcerated (Schnittker & John, 2007). Most studies have focused on

psychologi-

cal and social effects, resulting in a gap in the literature regarding the effects

of incarceration

on cognitive functioning. Compromised cognitive functioning, particularly

executive func-

tioning, is a well-replicated risk factor for antisocial behavior (Morgan &

Lilienfeld, 2000;

Ogilvie, Stewart, Chan, & Shum, 2011).

Additionally, this study uses a longitudinal design

to look at cognitive functioning in young incarcerated males, providing a new

social neuro.

criminological perspective on the criminogenic effects of incarceration (Choy

et al., 2015).

Evidence that incarceration negatively alters cognitive functioning of prisoners

in a way

that may promote future recidivism would also speak to the possible benefits

of alternative

forms of justice, including drug courts and restorative justice approaches.

Participants

RRL.

Mears, D. P., & Siennick, S. E. (2016). Young adult outcomes and the life-course

penalties of parental incarceration. Journal

of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 53, 3-35. doi:10.1177/0022427815592452

Morgan, A. B., & Lilienfeld, S. O. (2000). A meta-analytic review of the relation

between antisocial behavior and neuropsy-

chological measures of executive function. Clinical Psychology Review, 20, 113-136.

Morgan, A. B., & Lilienfeld, S. O. (2000). A meta-analytic review of the relation

between antisocial behavior and neuropsy-

chological measures of executive function. Clinical Psychology Review, 20, 113-136.

CITE.

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/

320915256_Cognitive_Decline_as_a_Result_of_Incarceration_and_the_Effects_of_a

_CBTMT_Intervention_A_Cluster-Randomized_Controlled_Trial