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PALGRAVE STUDIES IN ECONOMIC HISTORY

Inter and Post-war


Tourism in Western Europe,
1916–1960

Edited by
Carmelo Pellejero · Marta Luque
Palgrave Studies in Economic History

Series Editor
Kent Deng
London School of Economics
London, UK
Palgrave Studies in Economic History is designed to illuminate and
enrich our understanding of economies and economic phenomena of the
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Carmelo Pellejero Martínez
Marta Luque Aranda
Editors

Inter and Post-war


Tourism in Western
Europe, 1916–1960
Editors
Carmelo Pellejero Martínez Marta Luque Aranda
Department of Theory & Economic History Department of Theory & Economic History
University of Málaga University of Málaga
Málaga, Spain Málaga, Spain

ISSN 2662-6497     ISSN 2662-6500 (electronic)


Palgrave Studies in Economic History
ISBN 978-3-030-39596-4    ISBN 978-3-030-39597-1 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-39597-1

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Contents

1 Introduction  1
Carmelo Pellejero Martínez and Marta Luque Aranda

2 Battlefield Tourism, from One (Post)War to the Other,


France–Spain. Touring from the Great War to the Spanish
Civil War  7
Mari Carmen Rodríguez

3 War Tourism in Italy (1919–1939) 35


Ester Capuzzo

4 Spanish Civil War and Francoism for Tourists: The History


Told in Travel Books 65
Ivanne Galant

5 Tourism Policy in Post-war Spain: The Dirección General


de Turismo, 1939–1951 95
Carmelo Pellejero Martínez and Marta Luque Aranda

v
vi Contents

6 Tourism Advertising and Propaganda During the Postwar.


The Case of Barcelona129
Saida Palou and Beatriz Correyero

7 Tourism as a Tool for Territorial Cohesion: The Cassa per il


Mezzogiorno in Italy During the 1950s159
Patrizia Battilani and Donatella Strangio

8 Emigration and Cruises: The Transatlantic Shipping


Companies After the Second World War (1945–1960)∗177
Gaetano Cerchiello and Annunziata Berrino

9 Conclusions207
Carmelo Pellejero Martínez

Index211
Notes on Contributors

Patrizia Battilani is Professor in Economic History at the University of


Bologna (Italy) where she serves as Director of the Center for advanced
studies in tourism (CAST). She is president of the Italian cluster on
Urban Tourism and is a member of the editorial board of Tourism History
and of the executive committee of Sise (Società italiana degli storici
dell’economia). She is a researcher of the project “The tourism during the
Civil War and the first Francoism, 1936–1959. State and private compa-
nies in the tourist recovery of Spain. A comparative perspective”, funded
by the Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities of the Government
of Spain and European Regional Development Fund.

Annunziata Berrino is professor in Contemporary History at the


University Federico II—Department of Humanities in Naples (Italy) and
deputy director of Centro interdipartimentale di ricerca sull’iconografia
della città europea (CIRICE) of the same university. She directs Storia del
turismo. Annale (Franco Angeli editions) and Eikonocity (FedoaPress) and
sits on the Advisory Board of the Journal of Tourism History (Taylor and
Francis publisher). Among her books: Storia del turismo in Italia (Il
Mulino, 2011). She is a researcher of the project “The tourism during the
Civil War and the first Francoism, 1936–1959. State and private compa-

vii
viii Notes on Contributors

nies in the tourist recovery of Spain. A comparative p


­ erspective”, funded
by the Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities of the Government
of Spain and European Regional Development Fund.

Ester Capuzzo is Full Professor in Contemporary History. She teaches


History of Tourism at Sapienza University of Rome—Dipartment Letters
and Modern Cultures (Italy). She is a member of the Scientific Committee
Filippo Turati’s Foundation. One of her books is Italiani visitate l’Italia.
Politiche e dinamiche turistiche tra le due guerre mondiali (Milano, Luni
editore, 2019).

Gaetano Cerchiello has a PhD in tourism from University of Alicante


(Spain), where he is honorary member of the University Institute of
Tourism Research. He is member of the Advisory Board of the Journal of
Tourism History and the Spanish Journal Investigaciones Turísticas. His
studies explore the historical evolution of maritime tourism from the
nineteenth century until the present day.

Beatriz Correyero is PhD in Journalism (Universidad Complutense de


Madrid). She is Vice Dean of the Degree in Journalism at the Catholic
University of Murcia (Spain). She is member of the Research Group in
History of Tourism (TURHIS) and member of the Research Group in
Political Communication (UCAM). She worked as a journalist for the
Spanish Hotel and Catering Federation (FEHR) and is a researcher of the
project “The tourism during the Civil War and the first Francoism,
1936–1959. State and private companies in the tourist recovery of Spain.
A comparative perspective”, funded by the Ministry of Science, Innovation
and Universities of the Government of Spain and European Regional
Development Fund.

Ivanne Galant teaches Spanish Civilization and Literature at Paris 13


University in France and is a member of the Centre de Recherche sur
l’Espagne contemporaine in Paris 3-Sorbonne Nouvelle University. Her
current research focuses on tourism advertisement and cultural represen-
tations in travel guides. She is currently head of a project working on the
Spanish travel memories of eminent scholars.
Notes on Contributors ix

Marta Luque Aranda is Associate Professor of Economic History at the


University of Málaga (Spain). She is the researcher of the project “The
tourism during the Civil War and the first Francoism, 1936–1959. State
and private companies in the tourist recovery of Spain. A comparative
perspective”, funded by the Ministry of Science, Innovation and
Universities of the Government of Spain and European Regional
Development Fund. Her main publications are about the history of
tourism.

Saida Palou holds a PhD in Social and Cultural Anthropology from the
University of Barcelona (Spain). Since 2018, she is a researcher at the
Institut Català de Recerca en Patrimoni Cultural (ICRPC). Since 2010,
she is a professor at the University of Girona (Spain). She has participated
as an expert in the City of Barcelona Strategic Tourism Plan 2015. She is
a researcher of the project “The tourism during the Civil War and the first
Francoism, 1936–1959. State and private companies in the tourist recov-
ery of Spain. A comparative perspective”, funded by the Ministry of
Science, Innovation and Universities of the Government of Spain and
European Regional Development Fund.

Carmelo Pellejero Martínez is Associate Professor of Economic History


at the University of Málaga (Spain). He is a member of The University
Institute of Tourist Investigation, Intelligence and Innovation of the
University of Málaga. He is the author of more than fifty publications
between books, book chapters and articles in scientific journals, and
researcher of the project “The tourism during the Civil War and the first
Francoism, 1936–1959. State and private companies in the tourist recov-
ery of Spain. A comparative perspective”, funded by the Ministry of
Science, Innovation and Universities of the Government of Spain and
European Regional Development Fund.

Mari Carmen Rodríguez completed a PhD in contemporary history on


organized political travels in Spain during the civil war (1936–1939) at
the University of Fribourg (Switzerland), led by Professor Python. She
has been lecturer at the University of Lausanne (2015–2019) and Geneva
x Notes on Contributors

(2011–2014), in Switzerland and at University of Paris 1 Panthéon


Sorbonne (2014) in France.

Donatella Strangio is full professor of Economic History at the


Memotef Department of the Faculty of Economics, Sapienza University
of Rome (Italy). She is the President of the Sapienza University of Rome
Master’s Course Business Management. She is the scientific director of
the Migrations/Migrations Series, New Culture, Rome. She is a researcher
of the project “The tourism during the Civil War and the first Francoism,
1936–1959. State and private companies in the tourist recovery of Spain.
A comparative perspective”, funded by the Ministry of Science, Innovation
and Universities of the Government of Spain and European Regional
Development Fund.
List of Figures

Fig. 4.1 Number of publications 68


Fig. 4.2 Publications that mention the Spanish Civil
War and Francoism 74
Fig. 8.1 The evolution of passenger demand to cross the North
Atlantic according to the means of transport. Thousands
of passengers (1948–1960). (Source: Cerchiello (2017)) 184
Fig. 8.2 Evolution of inbound tourism in Spain. Number of cruise
stopovers at Barcelona and millions of foreign tourists in
Spain (1951–1960). (The figures referring to the number
of foreigners do not include travellers in transit. Source:
La Vanguardia Española, daily editions, 1951–1960;
Anuario de Estadísticas de Turismo de España, 1960) 198
Fig. 8.3 Evolution of the inbound cruise traffic in Barcelona
according to the nationality of the port home. Percentages
(1951–1960) (Source: La Vanguardia Española, daily
editions, 1951–1960) 199

xi
List of Tables

Table 5.1 Prices of accommodation per person in hotels


(pesetas in 1950) 106
Table 5.2 DGT budget (in thousands of pesetas) 118
Table 5.3 Spain foreign tourism 120
Table 7.1 Hotel overnight stays (regional market share) 161
Table 7.2 Industry breakdown of Casmez annual average expenditure 166
Table 7.3 Casmez investment in the tourism sector, 1951–65 168
Table 7.4 Credit facilities granted by Casmez for the restructuring
and new construction of hotels, 1951–65 (number) 169
Table 7.5 Credit facilities granted by Casmez for the renovation
and new construction of hotels, 1951–65 (millions of lire) 170
Table 8.1 Number of vessels and gross tonnage of the principal
European passenger fleets (1939, 1950) 183

xiii
1
Introduction
Carmelo Pellejero Martínez and Marta Luque Aranda

In the last quarter of the century the number of scientific publications


and published works that address the history of modern tourism in dif-
ferent countries has increased. However, research on the tourism phe-
nomenon in contemporary post-war periods is still scarce. Hence, when
in September 2018 the University of Barcelona invited us to coordinate a
session on the International Aftermaths of War Congress, scheduled for
June 5, 6 and 7, 2019, we did not hesitate. We proposed that it be titled
Postguerra y turismo en la Europa contemporánea and that its objective
would be to analyse the evolution of tourism in the post-war stages of the
twentieth century, especially those derived from the First and Second
World Wars and the Spanish civil conflict (1936–1939), studying the
work that, in an exceptional and challenging backdrop, social entities and
organisations undertook in the interest of developing the leisure travel

C. Pellejero Martínez (*) • M. Luque Aranda (*)


Department of Theory & Economic History, University of Málaga,
Málaga, Spain
e-mail: cpellejero@uma.es; martaluque@uma.es

© The Author(s) 2020 1


C. Pellejero Martínez, M. Luque Aranda (eds.), Inter and Post-war Tourism in Western
Europe, 1916–1960, Palgrave Studies in Economic History,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-39597-1_1
2 C. Pellejero Martínez and M. Luque Aranda

industry, as well as its contribution to the emotional and economic recov-


ery of the old continent.
The response among expert university researchers on the history of
tourism was very inspiring. Around twenty of them, of Italian, Swiss,
French and Spanish nationalities, were interested in participating in our
session and exhibiting their work there. But, as the rules of the Organising
Committee recommended a maximum number of participants per ses-
sion, we were forced to make a choice among the applicants—not an easy
task. However, after analysing the proposals presented, and thinking
about a possible future publication, we chose the works that make up the
book that is in your hands today. We believe that all of them, defended
and discussed in Barcelona, and improved in the last few months thanks
to the recommendations received at the Congress and from the evaluators
in Palgrave, will contribute to shed light on the subject of our study, and
in a special way on what happened in Italy and Spain.
In Chap. 2, Mari Carmen Rodríguez (Universität Freiburg, Switzerland)
points out that in France the battlefields of the Great War were seen as a
new tourist market from 1915 onwards. As of 1919, this product was
exploited and inspired other European countries that were impacted by
the conflict, generated benefits for the devastated areas and interested
large travel agencies, like the British company, Thomas Cook. Next, and
in light of this tourism model, Rodríguez focuses her attention on Franco’s
Spain, studying the development of war tourism during the civil war
(1936–1939) with the creation of the so-called Rutas de Guerra, and in
the immediate post-war period as the end of the armed confrontation did
not mean the disappearance of these routes. Their name changed to Rutas
Nacionales, but they continued offering trips to visit different geographi-
cal places in Spain and to visit new symbols of the Franco regime, such as
the Alcázar in Toledo.
Staying with battlefield tourism, Ester Capuzzo (Sapienza Universitá
di Roma, Italy) in Chap. 3 analyses what happened in the period between
the two world wars in Italy. Funeral monuments to fallen soldiers and
excursions to places that the war had turned into sites of public and pri-
vate memory, even some that went back to the Italian Risorgimento,
attracted more and more tourists. She also looks at organisers, such as the
Touring Club Italiano and the Ente Nazionale per la Industria Turistiche,
1 Introduction 3

which fascist organisations like l’Opera Nazionale Dopolavoro and l’Opera


Nazione Combattenti joined. In addition, the Mussolini regime would
use this tourist product not only as an important source of economic
income, but also as an internal propaganda instrument to increase the
number of fascism followers.
In Chap. 4, Ivanne Galant (Université Sorbonne Nouvelle-Paris 3,
France) studies the way in which Spanish and French guides, brochures
and travel accounts continued to promote travel to Spain during the civil
war and the first Franco regime. After highlighting the role of this litera-
ture in the construction of a national historical account written inside
and outside, she points out that in this genre, in addition to proposing
lists of monuments to visit and itineraries to follow, some pages dedicated
to the history of the location visited would be included. The guide also
had a great responsibility since its limited lines could represent the only
source of historical-political knowledge read by tourists. Next, she analy-
ses the editorial panorama of the publications related to travel in France
and Spain, and the range of positions proposed for this historical dis-
course, as well as the strategies used to continue presenting the country as
an attractive tourist destination.
In Chap. 5, Marta Luque Aranda (Universidad de Málaga, Spain) and
Carmelo Pellejero Martínez (Universidad de Málaga, University Institute
of Tourist Investigation, Intelligence and Innovation, Spain) discuss the
work carried out by the Dirección General de Turismo in Spain in the
1940s, pointing out that in a political and very unfavourable economic
context, both domestically and internationally, its work was highly influ-
enced by the interventionism and the scarcity of resources that character-
ised the first Franco regime. Its work focused primarily on three objectives:
(a) to both rebuild, after the civil war, and increase the Red de
Establecimientos Turísticos del Estado, which had been born in 1928 and
was intended to complement private initiative; (b) to improve and expand
the limited knowledge of Spain abroad, publishing posters and publica-
tions, inviting agents from the sector to visit the nation and opening
tourist information offices nationally and abroad; and (c) to participate
in the organisation of trips and excursions, first with the Rutas Nacionales,
successors of the Rutas de Guerra started in 1938, and as of 1949 with the
public company Autotransporte Turístico Español, formed with the
4 C. Pellejero Martínez and M. Luque Aranda

mission of creating a national and regional network of tourist routes, as


well as offering a car and bus rental service.
Based on their study of the political and social context, and an analysis
of the advertising and propaganda strategy promoted by the Franco
Administration, Beatriz Correyero (Universidad Católica San Antonio,
Murcia, Spain) and Saida Palou (Universidad de Gerona, Catalan
Institute for Cultural Heritage Research, Spain) examine in Chap. 6 the
Spanish tourism context that was forged between 1939 and 1959, as well
as the political, institutional and administrative framework that sustained
it, concluding that after the civil war, tourism became a tool at the service
of the regime propaganda. This was done not only to legitimise it, but
also to strengthen national sentiment by promoting stereotypes with
which some regions, such as Catalonia, would not feel identified. Through
the review of specialised magazines, posters, tourist propaganda bro-
chures and official documents published by the analysed institutions, it is
revealed that after the civil war, the touristic promotion of one of the
most important tourist destinations in Spain, namely Barcelona, focused
on documentaries prepared specifically for visiting tourists, ignoring their
full reality and nullifying any dissent with the State framework.
In Chap. 7, Patrizia Battilani (Universitá di Bologna, Centre for
Advanced Studies in Tourism, Italy) and Donatella Strangio (Sapienza
Universitá di Roma, Italy) start with the assumption that tourism is an
economic activity that can be promoted in rural or deindustrialised areas
and this can be used as a tool to overcome territorial divisions and the
“periphery” of some areas. They point out that Italy is an example for
analysing territorial cohesion based on the development of tourism and
note that in the province of Trentino, as well as along the northern
Adriatic coast, tourism was an engine for development and, consequently,
contributed to territorial cohesion. However, it is not clear whether the
sector performed the same role in southern Italy. Although public poli-
cies focused on manufacturing, the authors show, using new evidence
found in the Bank of Italy Archives, that during the decade of the 1950s
the Cassa per il Mezzogiorno (the Agency for the development of the
southern regions) also financed investments in the tourism sector.
Finally, Annunziata Berrino (Universitá degli Studi di Napoli Federico
II, Italy) and Gaetano Cerchiello (Instituto Universitario de Investigación
1 Introduction 5

Turística, Universidad de Alicante, Spain) analyse in Chap. 8 the trajec-


tory of transatlantic passenger-shipping companies during the fifteen
years following the Second World War, and especially the impacts and
repercussions that this cruise activity had in Spain. In order to do this
they reconstructed a volume of cruise traffic during the period under
study, taking Barcelona as a reference port and using the port chronicles
that were published daily in La Vanguardia Española, as well as using
advertising material collected from different virtual newspaper libraries.
Their study highlights the clear dominance of the British cruise product,
whose expeditions were characterised by their massive nature and high
occupancy rates on board, and the obvious autonomy of the cruise busi-
ness with respect to the general trend of international tourism. Their
analysis shows that, while the latter recorded a steady and unstoppable
increase, cruises, which are very dependent on emigration traffic, experi-
enced a very different evolution. It should be remembered that, until the
early 1960s, no actual tourist shipping lines or cruise companies existed,
only transport companies whose main activity was liner services.
2
Battlefield Tourism, from One (Post)War
to the Other, France–Spain. Touring
from the Great War to the Spanish
Civil War
Mari Carmen Rodríguez

Battlefields of the Great War have been perceived in France as a new tour-
ism market since 1915 and its growing exploitation since 1919 has
inspired other European States impacted by the war, like Italy, until 1939.
Its development has generated benefits in the devastated regions, after
almost five years of warfare. In addition, large travel agencies such as the
British Thomas Cook have taken advantage of that vein, achieving sig-
nificant success in the 1930s.
According to these pioneering initiatives in the field of memory tour-
ism, Franco takes advantage of the still burning tracks1 of the civil war to
inaugurate the War Routes in 1938, in order to generate foreign exchange

1
Free translation of “huellas aún candentes”. Notas sobre la Ruta de Guerra del Norte [Notes on the
North War Route], 05.1938. Archivo General de la Administración [General Administration
Archives] – AGA, Alcalá de Henares (Spain), section AA.EE, 54, box 11710.

M. C. Rodríguez (*)
University of Fribourg, Fribourg, Switzerland
e-mail: maricarmen.rodriguez@unifr.ch

© The Author(s) 2020 7


C. Pellejero Martínez, M. Luque Aranda (eds.), Inter and Post-war Tourism in Western
Europe, 1916–1960, Palgrave Studies in Economic History,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-39597-1_2
8 M. C. Rodríguez

and publicity for the New State, raising the interest of Thomas Cook
in 1939.
This article aims to study the phenomenon of “battlefield tourism”
from one (post)war to another, from a transnational perspective. This
approach studies an object from the angle of circulatory regimes (Saunier
2008), historicizing the phenomena of interdependence, interconnec-
tion, relations between and across societies and the entities that structure
them. Issues of non-domestic inputs, rejections and appropriations are
presented. The crossings between sociohistorical contexts in which motor
individuals and those groups that are formed in different spaces and tem-
poralities emerge and then evolve are described. The networks of influ-
ence revealed by the study of their relations are essential to understanding
the reception, export, translation and hybridization of theoretical and
practical models. In this sense, it seems appropriate to identify the distri-
bution channels such as sociability spaces, journals, translations, official
and unofficial diplomates and travel agents that contribute to it. Finally,
the survey of transfers between Tourings of the Great War and the Spanish
Civil War is placed in a diachronic perspective to better perceive the
dynamics of the process, but also to identify its limits (Werner and
Zimmermann 2004, p. 19).
Actually, as Louise Bénat and Serge Gruzinski write, the exchanges
from one world to another, the crossings, but also the individuals and
groups that act as intermediaries, smugglers who pass between the blocks,
whom we are just spotting, build bridges between semiotic universes and
configure skills to criticize and transform legacies (Bénat Tachot and
Gruzinski 2001, pp. XI–XII & 8).

2.1  rolegomena: War and Tourism,


P
an Incompatible Couple?
As Richard Butler and Wantanee Suntikul (2013, pp. 1–3) have written,
it is necessary to clear the simplistic idea that war and tourism are incom-
patible. Their relation is complex. War can generate a new tourist attrac-
tion by creating a military, political or memorial heritage. According to
2 Battlefield Tourism, from One (Post)War to the Other… 9

Maria Tumarkin (2005. p. 12), the transition from landscape to trau-


mascape or memoryscape forges other interpretations that open unprec-
edented itineraries, creating a space where events are experienced and
reexperienced over time. The War Routes reassign new identities to the
past, territory and heritage.
Links between war and tourism, particularly visible today in the con-
text of the centenary of the Great War, date back to a long tradition of
visiting battle sites, changing a warrior space into a memorial destination.
Since antiquity, paying tribute to the heroic soldiers where the fight had
taken place is part of the cult of magistra vitae, whether real or mythical.
Even if these itinerant ancestors cannot be compared with the tourists of
modernity, a ritual homology connects them. According to Jean-Pierre
Vernant (2001, pp. 16–17), there is a heroic death in fighting that is not
a common death for the young warrior who falls on the battlefield; then
everything seems beautiful, everything is adequate. For through this
“beautiful death”, honor is safe. Thus in 334 BC, during his invasion of
Asia, Alexander the Great would have visited the ancient Troy and the
tomb of Achilles, whose imagined tracks had been sung about by
the Aedes.
Telling a story that corresponds to an exemplary perception of the
world, studying and transmitting the history of battles, is a practice that
has lasted to this day and has also largely interested historians (Delacroix
et al. 2010, pp. 162–169). In contemporary times, stories of struggles,
especially those ending with victories, play an important role in the
nation-building narrative, often presented as an epic tale. Associated to
the development of tourism, they mold, reinvent and codify the space,
and classify it following the politics of memory, but also to economic
aims. As several researchers underline (Seaton 1999, pp. 131–150;
Holguín 2005, pp. 1401–1404), the pioneering example that still bene-
fits today from an important exploitation is the battle of Waterloo on
June 18, 1815, which culminated in the victory of the armies led by the
English General Wellington and the Prussian Blucher over the troops of
Emperor Napoleon. The place is the subject of an important memorial
exploitation in a period that corresponds, at the same time, to the devel-
opment of tourism. The organization of visits to the place of such events
inaugurates the first major attraction of the genre. Other conflicts such as
10 M. C. Rodríguez

the civil war of 1861–1865 in the United States, the commune of Paris
in May 1871 and, above all, the First World War have contributed to
consolidate “battlefield tourism” as a genre of the tourism industry.

2.2 The Chabert Report


Battlefields of the First World War had become the quintessential model
of touristic exploitation of war during the conflict itself. In 1915, the
French Ministry of Public Works commissioned a tourism development
expert, Pierre Chabert, for an exploratory mission on tourist interest in
the United States and Canada, to visit the battlefields of the Great War
after the hostilities, a market that appeared promising back then. In his
report presented on March 20, 1916, Chabert estimated that around
600,000–700,000 tourists would visit France when the war ended and
that the tour of the tracks of this traumatic past must, paradoxically, be
very comfortable, according to the habits of the well-off traveler. He rec-
ommended the construction of large hotels near the most famous sites,
the organization of special trains from the main cities near the front, Paris
to the head, to accommodate the expected crowd that will come
tomorrow.
In his report, the war memory promoter also took into account the
ideological orientation of the visits. Echoing the official context, he
advised considering these trips as “pilgrimages to the battlefields of
France” and the speeches of the guides as a promotion of the national
spirit. They had to show the “bravery of ours” against “German barbarism”.
In addition, Chabert proposed taking advantage of the presence of
foreign travelers to convince them to discover other regions of France at
the end of their tour of the front, to stop at the Côte d’Azur or other
beaches, in order to create a tourism stream in the future (Chabert 1918,
pp. 128–132).
2 Battlefield Tourism, from One (Post)War to the Other… 11

2.3 Michelin’s Leadership


The leaders of the French tourism industry exploited Chabert’s prospect-
ing. The Touring Club of France (TCF), before the report was officially
published, commented on it in its national magazine. The influential
members of French tourism did not want to wait until 1918 to launch
what they called their “business revenge” (Ballif 1916, pp. 82–85). The
TCF, together with the National Tourist Office and the businessman
André Michelin, undertook tourism on the battlefields of France.
Michelin quickly became the leader. For the tire contractor, this experi-
ment was part of his promotional strategy that he had been conducting
since the beginning of the century, but also his ability to adapt his pro-
duction to war economy. Originally, the Michelin & Cie family business
was born from the acquisition, in 1886, of the declining rubber products
factory created by their grandfather in Clermont-Ferrand by the brothers
André and Édouard Michelin. The two brothers decided to produce bicy-
cle tires in 1891 and automobiles in 1895, which required large invest-
ments but represented the future transport market. In 1900, the company
reached a dominant position in France and, in 1912, it employed around
4444 workers (compared to 1595 for its competitor Bergougnan and 600
for Torrilhon).
In order to increase its sales, Michelin also tried to enlarge its influence
on the development of automobile tourism, a useful activity for the
avant-garde image that the company wanted to promote, following the
example of the English Cyclist Touring Club (1878), and the Touring
Clubs of France (1890), Belgium and Italy (1895) and before other
European countries and the United States. Its members formed an influ-
ential associative group of senators, lawyers and businessmen. These lob-
bies presented tourism as an economic project that could revitalize
regions, give work and promote small companies. In 1900 the Michelin
Guide of France was created for tourists traveling by car. This volume of
400 pages on thin paper was designed to slide into the traveler’s pocket
and was offered for free. It contained a practical list of useful addresses to
obtain fuel, to maintain tires, to repair a car and to stay and rest. But
gradually, the guide offered more space for accommodation, extended to
12 M. C. Rodríguez

other parts of Europe and developed another specificity: road maps.


Between 1906 and 1914, it distributed annually an average of
60,000–70,000 copies. André Michelin took advantage of his knowledge
as a cartographer of the French State, at the Ministry of the Interior, and
provided his guides with accurate maps that allowed motorists to navi-
gate through a landscape that still did not have sufficient signage. A year
before the First World War, Michelin completed the production of his
red guides with maps covering the entire territory of France and select
cities considered worth visiting (Harp 2008, pp. 17–18; Moulin-Bourret
1997, pp. 12–18; Miquel 1962; Lottman 1998; Dumond 2002).
For Michelin, war represented a rupture and a continuity. The rupture
occurred because the company’s rubber tires did not resist rugged roads.
It tried to compensate the fragility of this material with symbolic initia-
tives that could project an image of patriotic generosity toward the French
society. In August 1914, the company transformed one of its warehouses
into a state-of-the-art military hospital, delivering food packages to the
soldiers. Michelin factories also adapted their production to the war mar-
ket. They sold rubber bags for horses, tents and sleeping bags, but also
bombshells. The company offered its financial contribution (one-fifth) to
the fuselage of aircraft produced by Breguet and Renault, which pre-
vented the closure of its factories and the dismissal of non-mobilized2
workers. It also distributed some benefits to mobilized families, as well as
to widows and orphans. Like its competitors, Michelin contributed to the
war effort from the moment it was clear that the conflict would last awhile.
The idea of ​​producing battlefield guides followed the same logic of
adaptation. The project was created with Michelin’s partners, the TCF
(150,000 members), the State, through the ONT, and the editor Berger-­
Levrault, specialized in publications of military and nationalist propa-
ganda. To these main promoters of the operation, Michelin requested the
addition of some journalists to write chronicles of the battles, the photo-
graphic section of the army founded in 1915 and the conservative maga-
zine L’Illustration, which offered a weekly space to promote the project.
Tourism of the battlefields of the Great War was framed in a context of
official mediated memory, combining the political interests of the State,
which had sent an expert in tourism development in 1915, finding a
2
Non-mobilized workers’ refers to the workers who had not been called for military duty.
2 Battlefield Tourism, from One (Post)War to the Other… 13

suitable space to spread its national defense speech, and the private busi-
ness interests, which aim to position themselves in a promising market.
In 1917, the first Michelin guide was published while the third anni-
versary of the battle of the Marne was celebrated. The guide was dedi-
cated to the Ourcq region, where the Battle of the Marne took place, a
destination that already enjoyed a certain reputation (Guides Michelin
pour la visite des champs de bataille. Bataille de la Marne I, 1917). The
book and the itinerary were inaugurated at a garden party organized on
the afternoon of September 27, 1917, in the castle of Chantilly, the head-
quarters of General Joffre from 1914 to 1916 and later of the great allied
war councils. The presence of the prestigious French historian Ernest
Lavisse consecrated the event. Twenty-seven journalists, including three
American correspondents, attended with some personalities, ministers
and academics. The ONT and the TCF sponsored a “visit of Ourcq” to
which the French and foreign press was invited. Visitors were onboard
military cars following the tracks of the Great War, with the guidebook in
their hand (Harp 2008, p. 121; Champeaux 2005, pp. 527–532; Moulin-­
Bourret 1997, p. 190).

2.4 The Michelin Guide’s History Masterclass


The narrative of the Michelin guide retrieved the official account of the
war, which was far from the experience of the poilus (foot soldiers). While
claiming to give its readers the reflection of “reality”, the narrative fol-
lowed the historiographical pattern of the history of battles from the
point of view of military command. The first volume dedicated to the
Battle of the Marne opened with a portrait of French, English and
German generals (Joffre, Gallieni and Douglas Haig, Sir John French and
von Kluck) presented as the main actors of history before narrating the
story of the “Miracle of the Marne”, with illustrations of maps, as a patri-
otic burden:

This is how the physiognomy of the battle of the Marne is outlined, won by the
same soldiers who have just suffered the failure of the battle of the borders and
retired, “exhausted of fatigue”, as never before in history, traveling two hundred
14 M. C. Rodríguez

kilometers in ten days. The firmness of the soul of the General, the clear and
judicious plan that he has thought of and that he has carried out in close col-
laboration with high-ranking military leaders, in addition to the superhuman
heroism of the troops, such are the factors of what was called the Miracle of the
Marne. (Guides Michelin pour la visite des champs de bataille. Bataille de
la Marne I, op. cit., p. 15)3

Following the same ideological line, the proposal of visits to the cities,
funerary monuments and devastated places that reveal traces of fighting,
offered a unilateral vision of the conflict. The violence was mainly attrib-
uted to the German army, which made the tourist an agent to relay the
propaganda arsenal of the French Nation. Political use of the past was
also mobilized for the same purpose. During the visit of the bombed city
of Senlis, the Melingue painting exhibited in the town hall stood out,
representing the execution of four Burgundy hostages besieged in 1418
by the Armagnac, beheaded in the city walls. The guide concluded thus:
Six centuries have passed since then, but we see that the Germans continue
with the mentality of the Middle Ages regarding hostages (Guides Michelin
pour la visite des champs de bataille. Bataille de la Marne, I, 1917,
pp. 50–53)4
In this tour of the battlefields of France represented by the Michelin
guidebook, it is essential to mention the place reserved for the emblem-
atic “Battle of Verdun”. As a metonymy of the Great War, the story of
that famous relic from the interwar period to this day—the battlefield of
Verdun in France—became the most popular volume of the Michelin
collection produced by the firm itself in 1919 (Guides Michelin pour la
visite des champs de bataille: La Bataille de Verdun, 1914–1918, 1919).

3
Free translation of “Ainsi se trouve esquissée la physionomie de la bataille de la Marne gagnée par
ces mêmes soldats qui viennent de subir l’échec de la bataille des frontières et d’effectuer, «halluci-
nés de fatigue», une retraite sans précédent dans l’histoire, atteignant en dix jours deux cents kilo-
mètres de profondeur. La fermeté d’âme du généralissime, le plan clair et judicieux qu’il a arrêté et
qui a été exécuté dans une étroite collaboration avec des chefs d’armée d’une haute valeur, par-­
dessus tout l’héroïsme surhumain des troupes, tels sont les facteurs de ce qu’on a appelé le Miracle
de la Marne” (Guides Michelin pour la visite des champs de bataille. Bataille de la Marne I,
op. cit., p. 15).
4
Free translation of “Six siècles ont passé depuis, mais on a vu que les Allemands ont conservé vis-­
à-­vis des otages la mentalité du Moyen Âge” (Guides Michelin pour la visite des champs de bataille.
Bataille de la Marne, I, 1917, pp. 50–53).
2 Battlefield Tourism, from One (Post)War to the Other… 15

Like the previous narratives, the story recomposes, in the long term, the
typological construction of the “fortress city” as “one of the oldest cities
in France”, besieged by iconic conquerors of history, such as Attila in 450
or Carlos I in 1544. It is also presented as the headquarters of the Prussian
army in 1792, and obviously also in 1870, when “Verdun defended itself
longer” against 10,000 men of the Prince of Saxony troops, before play-
ing a “capital role” in the Great War.
However, as historian Antoine Prost demonstrates, Verdun’s symbolic
weight does not predate the conflict. That feature has been created after-
wards. What underlies the weight of the place is the German offensive in
February 1916, quoted by Michelin, which caused an imposing French
setback and dramatic disorganization of the front. In June, Verdun
became a symbol; while the combatants saw it as a pointless place which
rather evoked death and sacrifice, although it did not have the same
meaning for the rear guard who heroized the battle, it became the battle-
ground of the Great War because the entire French army, or almost all of
it, passed over it due to the strategy of the Ferris wheel designed by Pétain
(continuous relay of soldiers). Fighting in Verdun was an act of initiation
that almost all soldiers shared. It became a common space that could be
commemorated. With the victory, it gained exceptional stature. That
symbolic burden extended by commemorative rituals gave Verdun the
rank of a hegemonic tourist destination. The 1919 Michelin guide offers
aerial views, maps and accounts of the struggle from the point of view of
the military chief ’s strategy. But, in addition, the volume dedicated to
Verdun is often reissued and the 1919 version is constantly updated. New
commemorative elements such as the ossuary of the fallen opened in
1932 and even new legends that are emerging are constantly added. Thus,
the myth of “the bayonet trench”, already denounced by Jean Norton
Cru in 1929 (Norton Cru 1929, pp. 33–36) as a creation of the same
tourists, appears in later editions to 1919. The bayonet trench monument
tells the legend of the 137th regiment of infantrymen who were allegedly
buried alive:

The men waited for the attack with the shotgun loaded with bayonet, but the
weapon was resting on the parapet within reach of the combatant who was
holding grenades, ready to repel, first with the grenade, the probable attack.
16 M. C. Rodríguez

Falling in front, behind and in the trench, bombs brought their lips closer,
burying our brave soldiers from Vendée and Bretagne. It was because they did
not have the shotgun in hand that the bayonets remained standing, emerging
from the mound of slippery dirt. From that night of June 11, 1916, the trench
presented that aspect that was discovered in times of armistice. (Guides
Michelin pour la visite des champs de bataille: Verdun, 1934, p. 100)5

But, as Prost demonstrates, bombs cannot fill a trench. They dig it as


much as they fill it and the soldiers are not used to quietly waiting for
death during a bombing. In addition, the bayonet was sparsely used in
attacks. Today, it is recognized that bayonets were added later (Prost
1997, p. 1768).

2.5 F ollowers of the Experiment of “Michelin


Guides for the Visit of the Battlefields
of France” during the Great War
and Postwar
Between 1917 and 1921, Michelin produced a collection of 29 guides,
with about 1000 maps and 4500 photographs, following the same narra-
tive pattern. Nineteen were translated into English, four into Italian and
the first, dedicated to Ourcq, into Spanish and Portuguese in March
1918 (Champeaux, pp. 533–542). Special series were also published for
Americans, indicating the battles in which they participated. But despite
the importance of these propaganda investments, the Michelin guides for
the visit to the battlefields of France did not achieve the expected success.
The operation was a financial failure, although 885,000 volumes were
sold in 1919 and, in total, sales have reached 1.5 million to 2 million

5
Free translation of “Les hommes attendaient l’attaque avec le fusil, baïonnette au bout, mais cette
arme était appuyée au parapet à portée du combattant qui avait dans ses mains des grenades, prêt à
repousser, d’abord à la grenade, l’attaque probable. Les obus tombant en avant, en arrière, et sur la
tranchée, rapprochèrent les lèvres de cette dernière, ensevelissant nos vaillants Vendéens et Bretons.
C’est par le fait qu’ils n’avaient pas le fusil à la main qu’il s’est trouvé que les baïonnettes émer-
geaient après l’écroulement des terres. Dès ce soir-là, le 11 juin 1916, la tranchée avait l’aspect que
l’on a retrouvé à l’armistice” (Guides Michelin pour la visite des champs de bataille: Verdun, 1934,
p. 100).
2 Battlefield Tourism, from One (Post)War to the Other… 17

(HARP, pp. 144–150; Champeaux, pp. 533–542; Moulin-Bourret, vol-


ume II, p. 707). The avalanche of American visitors that was expected for
the postwar period, announced by Michelin as a “peaceful invasion” that
tourism actors would take advantage of, did not happened.
Nevertheless, that failure was not harmful for the Michelin company,
which became the first Clermont-Ferrand industry to emerge from the
crisis and, since the postwar period, its name has been linked to the image
not only of the city but also of France.
In addition, the memory tourism market continued to grow until the
1930s. Ypres visitors’ book in Belgium, for example, indicated the pres-
ence of 100,000 visitors that same year (Mosse 1991, p. 154; Holguín
2005, p. 1403). The Michelin initiative was also imitated in other places.
The model circulated in particular through the Italian Touring Club
(TCI), which, from 1928 to 1931, published a series of guides to the
Italian battlefields titled Sui campi di battaglia, in six volumes, contribut-
ing to the political use of tourism practiced by the fascist regime and
aiming to “get the Italians to visit Italy” (Berrino 2011, p. 228). The nar-
ration and visits are often carried out with the help of veteran associa-
tions, framed in the fascist cult of the memory of Italian martyrs and
exalting the epic warrior promoted by the regime (Guerrini 2012, p. 139).
The volume dedicated to Mount Grappa in 1937, integrates the monu-
mental ossuary, inaugurated on September 22, 1935, by King Victor
Emmanuele and the high representatives of the army, under the leader-
ship of the Marshal of Italy, Gaetano Giardino (Sui campi di battaglia. Il
monte Grappa, 1937, pp. 32 et 33 & pp. 64–65).
Visits to the battlefields of Belgium, Greece, Egypt, Palestine, Iraq and
Turkey also arouse interest, constituting a market for the main tour oper-
ators. To the waves of peregrinations of veterans or relatives of victims
traveling to traumatic destinations, keeping alive the memory of their
peers or relatives, especially in times of commemorations, other catego-
ries of visitors were gradually added, motivated by curiosity or historical
interest. Since the 1930s, an increasing number of schoolchildren have
also been taken to the old battlefields, enabled by memory entrepreneurs.
If the number of visitors fluctuated in the 1920s and 1930s, it reached
naught with the Munich crisis until the eve of the Second World War
(Lloyd, pp. 107–109).
Another random document with
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centre of Russia, and on the other to the new northern through
route, which, via Kotlass and Archangel, is this year to bring
the cereals of Siberia to London."

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications


(Papers by Command: Miscellaneous Series No. 533,
1900, pages 5-7).

"It may be a wild idea, but Russian engineers are actually


talking of a railroad from Stryetensk to Bering Strait, over a
comparatively easy route that does not enter the Arctic
Circle. This imaginary line, they hope, would connect with the
American line which is now being built to Dawson City, the
distance from which to Stryetensk is about three thousand
miles. If this road ever is completed they figure that New
York will be placed in railroad connection with London,
Calcutta and Cape Town."

A. H. Ford,
The Warfare of Railways in Asia
(Century, March, 1900).

"Siberia and the Amur lands are rich beyond belief. … This
vast territory, long looked upon as a barren waste, is
destined to be one of the world's richest and most productive
sections. In northern France, wheat ripens in 137 days; in
Siberia, in 107. Even heavy night frosts do not injure the
young seed. Under such conditions, the possibilities of
agriculture are practically unlimited. I may add that oats
require, in Siberia and in the Amur country, only 96 days, and
in the regions of the Yenisei only 107. The frost period lasts
only 97 days in the Irkutsk country. Transbaikalia lies
entirely within the agricultural regions; so, too, almost the
entire territory traversed by the Amur as far north as it
runs. Efforts are being made to obtain along the Amur at least
300,000 square kilometers (115,835 square miles) for the
higher forms of northern agriculture. Climatically, the best
of northern Asia's territory, for planting purposes, is the
Usuri country, which, in spite of its vast tracts of wood and
grazing lands, has 195,000 square kilometers (75,292 square
miles) of arable ground. The building of the Trans-Siberian
Railroad has already added to the Empire's wheat product.

"The mineral resources of western Siberia are vast. Between


Tomsk and Kooznesk lie 60,000 square kilometers (23,167 square
miles) of coal lands which have never been touched. The coal
is said to be excellent. In eastern Siberia, with its 280,000
square kilometers (108,112 square miles) of fruitful soil,
there are 400 places yielding gold. Rich mineral
deposits—graphite, lapis lazuli; iron mines, particularly rich
in quality (as high as 60 per cent); hard and soft coals, i.
e., black and brown coals—await hands willing to work for
them. To-day, thousands of colonists are hurrying to these
promising lands. Russia's output in gold and silver is already
very large, and is constantly increasing.

"The industries of Siberia are in their infancy; still, they


are growing and are bound to grow, so rich are the rewards
promised. Chemical, sugar, and paper mills have been put up in
several places and are paying well. Even Manchuria, a province so
vast that it might make an empire, is looking to Russia for
its future development. The wealth of this province, like that
of Siberia and all eastern Russia, is ripe for harvesting. The
traffic in Siberia and eastern Russia is increasing faster
than even the advocates of the great Trans-Siberian road
anticipated. The Ob, one of the world's big rivers, emptying
through the Gulf of Ob into the Arctic Ocean, has 102 steamers
and 200 tugs running already. On the Yenisei, 10 steamers
carry the mails regularly. The mouths of both these rivers
were visited last summer by English and Russian ships. This
proves the practicability of connecting eastern and western
Siberia with Europe by water."

United States Consular Reports,


November, 1899, page 411.

An official publication of the year 1900 from St. Petersburg,


furnished to American journals by the Russian embassy at
Washington, is the source of the following statements relative
to the rapid development of the vast Siberian country along
the line of the great railway:

"When viewed with reference to colonization Siberia divides


itself naturally into two zones, extending east and west, and
differing essentially from one another. The first of these
embraces the region traversed by the new Siberian railway, the
more populous southern portion of Siberia, in which the
conditions of climate and soil are favorable to the
development of agriculture and colonization. The other zone
occupies the extensive, deserted northern region, the land of
tundras, or polar marshes, with a constantly frozen subsoil
and a severe climate, a dreary tract of land totally unfit for
agriculture. Between these two zones stretches a broad belt of
forests of tall trees, partly primeval pine and fir, partly
leafy trees. The wealth of these broad agricultural and timber
areas is, moreover, augmented by mineral deposits of every
conceivable nature, as abundant and diversified as those of
America, and into this whole region immigration is pouring in
volume unequalled except in the history of American
colonization. Ever since the serfs were emancipated in 1861
they have formed the bulk of the emigrants from the thickly
populated agricultural districts of European Russia, but the
great tide of settlers in the new territory is only now
assuming tremendous proportions. During the twenty years'
period of 1860 to 1880 about 110,000 persons emigrated to
Siberia, while for the thirteen years from 1880 to 1892 there
were over 440,000, and for the succeeding years since the
great railway has been building the number of immigrants of
both sexes has been as follows:

1893, 65,000;
1894, 76,000;
1895, 109,000;
1896, 203,000;
1897, 87,000;
1898, 206,000;
1899, 225,000.
Total, 971,000.

According to the census of 1897, the population of Siberia had


risen to 8,188,368 inhabitants, of which the Russian peasantry
formed over 25 per cent."

RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1899 (May).


Steps toward the abolition of transportation.

See (in this volume)


RUSSIA: A. D. 1899 (MAY).

{430}

RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1900.


Russian railway building and railway projects in
Persia and Afghanistan.

By several writers who seem to have knowledge of what is doing


in those parts of the eastern world, it was reported in the
spring of 1900 that an active projection, planning, and
building (to some extent) of railroads in Persia and
Afghanistan was on foot among the Russians. From Tiflis, it
was said, their plans contemplated a line of rail to Teheran;
thence to be extended by one branch, southward, via Ispahan,
to the Persian Gulf, and by another branch westward to Herat,
in Afghanistan. From their Central Asian acquisitions they had
advanced their railway to within 70 miles of Herat, and were
said to be confidently expecting to push it on, through
Kandahar and through Baluchistan, to the Arabian Sea. If these
extensive plans could be carried out, and if Russian influence
in Persia, said to be growing fast, should become actually
controlling, the Muscovite Power would have made an enormous
gain, by planting itself on the shores of the Indian Ocean.
How far Russia can continue to press forward in this line of
policy without collision with Great Britain and with
Germany—which seems to have aims in the same direction,
through Asiatic Turkey—is an interesting question for the
future.

The following is from a despatch to the "London Times" from


its correspondent at Vienna, February 24, 1901:

"According to trustworthy information from Teheran, Russia is


particularly active just now in Persia and the Persian Gulf. …
The road from Resht to Teheran, which has been built by a
Russian company, is of no value for European trade in the
absence of an agreement with Russia respecting the transit
traffic through that country. European commerce is dependent
upon the long and expensive caravan routes via Trebizond,
Bushire, Baghdad, Mochamera,&c. These occupy from four to six
months."

RUSSO-CHINESE BANK, Concessions to the.

See (in this volume)


CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

S.

SAGASTA, Señor Praxedes Mateo:


Resignation from Spanish Ministry.

See (in this volume)


SPAIN: A. D. 1895-1896.

SAGASTA, Señor Praxedes Mateo:


Return to power.

See (in this volume)


SPAIN: A. D. 1897 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

SAGASTA, Señor Praxedes Mateo:


Resignation.

See (in this volume)


SPAIN: A. D. 1899.

SAGHALIEN.

See (in this volume)


SAKHALIN.

SAHARA, The: French possessions.

See (in this volume)


NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

ST. KITTS: Industrial condition.

See (in this volume)


WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.

ST. LOUIS: A. D. 1896.


Republican National Convention.

See (in this volume)


UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

ST. VINCENT, The British colony of.

See (in this volume)


WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.
SAKHALIN.

"Of late years … its increasing importance as a place of exile


for Russian political and criminal offenders has invested
Sakhalin with a certain interest, derived, perhaps, more from
penal associations than physical resources, which latter may,
when fully developed, materially affect trade and commerce in
the far East. The island of Sakhalin is 584 miles in length,
its breadth varying from 18 to 94 miles. The southern
extremity is separated from the island of Yezo, twenty miles
distant, by the Straits of La Perouse, and its western coast
by the shallow Gulf of Tartary (at one point barely five miles
across) from the mainland of Siberia. Although Dutch explorers
are said to have landed here in 1643, the first reliable
survey of the island was probably obtained in the year 1787 by
La Perouse. Russian fur traders followed in the early part of
the present century, but it was only in 1853 that,
disturbances having occurred with the natives, a score or so
of Cossacks were stationed at Dui on the west coast. In 1867
negotiations were entered into by the Russian and Japanese
Governments for joint occupation of Sakhalin, but the
subsequent discovery of coal, and consequent influx of Russian
convicts, rendered this arrangement highly unsatisfactory.
Further negotiations, therefore, ensued, with the result that,
in 1875, the island was formally ceded to Russia, Japan
receiving, in exchange, the entire Kurile Archipelago.

"Sakhalin is by no means easy of access. Even during the open


season (from May to September) but very few vessels visit the
island, and, with the exception of the monthly arrival of
convict-ships from Europe, and a couple of small Russian trading
steamers, there is no fixed service with Vladivostok, which, with
the exception of Nikolaefsk, is the only Siberian port whence
Sakhalin may, in three days, be reached. During the winter months
the island is completely ice-bound and unapproachable by water.
Communication with the mainland is then maintained by means of
dog-sledges, and the mails for Europe are dispatched across
the frozen Gulf of Tartary—a journey, under favourable
circumstances, of about three months. …

"Sakhalin is, for administrative purposes, divided into three


districts, viz.: Korsakovsky-Post in the south, Tymovsk in the
north, and Alexandrovsky-Post on the western coast. The
latter, which is situated in the centre of the coal district,
is a picturesque, straggling town of about 7,000 inhabitants,
consisting almost entirely of officials and convicts. This is
the most important penal settlement on the island, contains
the largest prison, and is, moreover, the residence of the
Governor of Sakhalin, a subordinate of the Governor-General of
Eastern Siberia. Alexandrovsky is garrisoned by about 1,500
men, and contains large foundries and workshops for convict
labour, but most of the prisoners are employed in the adjacent
coal mines of Dui. … Korsakovsky-Post, on the south coast, is
the next largest settlement, containing about 5,000 convicts
who are chiefly employed in agricultural pursuits. Although it
may seem a paradox, the remaining prisons in the interior of
the island, Derbynskaya, Rykovskaya, and Onor are not prisons
at all, but huge wooden barracks, innocent of bolts and bars.
Here, also, the work done is solely agricultural."

Harry de Windt,
The Island of Sakhalin
(Fortnightly Review, May, 1897).

SALISBURY, Lord Robert Cecil, Marquis of:


Third Ministry.

See (in this volume)


ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

{431}

SALISBURY, Lord Robert Cecil, Marquis of:


Correspondence with the Government of the United States
on the Venezuela boundary question.

See (in this volume)


VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (JULY) and (NOVEMBER).

SALISBURY, Lord Robert Cecil, Marquis of:


Fourth Ministry.

See (in this volume)


ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER-DECEMBER).

SALISBURY, Lord Robert Cecil, Marquis of:


Tribute to Queen Victoria.

See (in this volume)


ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

SALISBURY PLAIN: Purchase by Government.

See (in this volume)


ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY).

SALVADOR.

See (in this volume)


CENTRAL AMERICA.

SALVATION ARMY, The:


Secession of the American Volunteers.
Late account of the Army's work.

Much feeling in the American branch of the Salvation Army, and


among those who valued its work, was caused in January, 1896,
by an order from the London headquarters of the Army recalling
Mr. Ballington Booth, who had been its American Commander for
nine years. Commander Booth and Mrs. Booth had been remarkably
successful in their organization and direction of the
Salvation Army work, and had won a high place in the esteem,
not only of their own followers, but of the American public at
large. A wide and strong movement of protest against their
removal from the field failed to change the London order,
which was said to be made in obedience to a necessary rule of
the Army against long service in any one post. Miss Eva Booth,
representing her father, General Booth, with Colonel Nicol, from
London, and Commandant Herbert Booth, from Canada, came to New
York as mediators, endeavoring to heal a threatened breach in
the ranks; but their mission failed. Commander Ballington
Booth resigned his office, and withdrew from the Salvation
Army service, declining to return to London. After a time, he
and Mrs. Booth became the heads of a new organization called
the "Volunteers of America," for religious work, not in
rivalry with that of the Salvation Army, but directed more
towards the awakening of the interest of the working people,
Mr. Ballington Booth was succeeded as Commander in America by
a son-in-law of General Booth, Commissioner Frederick St.
Clair Tucker. —For an account of the origin and growth of the
Salvation Army see, under that heading, in the Supplement
(volume 5) of the original edition of this work, or in volume
4 of the revised edition.

Of results accomplished in that part of the work of the


Salvation Army known as the "Darkest England Scheme," General
Booth wrote, early in 1900, an extended account in the "Sunday
Strand." He stated that the public had subscribed altogether
for his scheme about $1,300,000. "It is a debated point," he
wrote, "with the intelligent admirers of the scheme and the
careful observers of its progress whether the benefits
bestowed on the wretched classes for whom it was originated
have been greater within than without our borders. The
copyists of our plan have been legion, both at home and
abroad, in church and state. The representatives of the
different governments specially charged with the
responsibility for the outcast classes have been gradually
coming to appreciate the principles and methods involved in
the scheme, and to show willingness to cooperate in giving it
a chance. They have done this in two ways:

(1) In attempting similar tasks themselves;


(2) in using and subsidizing the army for doing the work for
them.

Many governments make grants to our various institutions in


varying amounts toward the cost of dealing with different
classes of the submerged."

The following is a summary of the agencies which have been set


at work by the general: "We have now 158 shelters and food
depots for homeless men and women, 121 slum posts, each with
its own slum sisters, 37 labor bureaus, (10 labor factories
for the unemployed, 11 land colonies, 91 rescue homes for
women, 11 labor homes for ex-criminals, several nursing
institutions, 2 maternity hospitals for deserted women, an
institution with branches in forty-five countries and colonies
for finding lost and missing persons, together with a host of
allied and minor agencies which I am not able here to
enumerate. The total number of institutions named above is now
545, under the care of more than 2,000 trained officers and
others wholly employed, all working in harmony with the
principles I have laid down for helping the poorest and most
unfortunate of their fellows, and all more or less experts at
their work.

"Nearly 20,000 destitute men and women are in some way or


other touched by the operations of the scheme every day. No
less than 15,000 wretched and otherwise homeless people are
housed under our roofs every night, having their needs met, at
least in part, with sympathy and prayer and the opportunity
for friendly counsel. More than 300 ex-criminals are to-day in
our houses of reformation, having before them another chance
for this life, and in many cases the first they have ever had
for preparing for the life to come. More than 5,000 women
taken from lives of darkness and shame are safely sheltered in
our homes each year, on the way—as we have abundantly proved
in the case of others, in respect of a large proportion of
them—to a future of virtue, goodness, and religion. Over 1,000
men are employed on the land colonies. Many of them are working
out their own deliverance, and at the same time helping to
solve one of the most difficult problems of modern times, and
proving that many of the helpless loafers of the great cities
can be made useful producers on the soil. Over the gates of
every one of these homes, elevators, labor factories, and
colonies there might be written: 'No man or woman need starve,
or beg, or pauperize, or steal, or commit suicide. If willing
to work, apply within. Here there is hope for all.'" General
Booth adds that he has always 2,000 women in the rescue homes
of the army.

SAMOAN ISLANDS, The:


Ending of the joint control of the Islands by Germany,
England and the United States.
Partition between Germany and the United States.
Retirement of England.

Said President Cleveland, in his annual Message to the


Congress of the United States, December 4, 1893: "Led by a
desire to compose differences and contribute to the
restoration of order in Samoa, which for some years previous
had been the scene of conflicting foreign pretensions and
native strife, the United States, departing from its policy
consecrated by a century of observance, entered [in 1889] …
into the, treaty of Berlin [see, in volume 4, SAMOA], thereby
becoming jointly bound with England and Germany to establish
and maintain Malietoa Laupepa as King of Samoa.
{432}
The treaty provided for a foreign court of justice; a
municipal council for the district of Apia, with a foreign
president thereof, authorized to advise the King; a tribunal
for the settlement of native and foreign land titles, and a
revenue system for the Kingdom. It entailed upon the three
powers that part of the cost of the new Government not met by
the revenue of the islands. Early in the life of this triple
protectorate the native dissensions it was designed to quell
revived. Rivals defied the authority of the new King, refusing
to pay taxes and demanding the election of a ruler by native
suffrage. Mataafa, an aspirant to the throne, and a large
number of his native adherents were in open rebellion on one
of the islands. Quite lately, at the request of the other
powers and in fulfillment of its treaty obligation, this
Government agreed to unite in a joint military movement of
such dimensions as would probably secure the surrender of the
insurgents without bloodshed. The war ship Philadelphia was
accordingly put under orders for Samoa, but before she arrived
the threatened conflict was precipitated by King Malietoa's
attack upon the insurgent camp. Mataafa was defeated and a
number of his men killed. The British and German naval vessels
present subsequently secured the surrender of Mataafa and his
adherents. The defeated chief and ten of his principal
supporters were deported to a German island of the Marshall
group, where they are held as prisoners under the joint
responsibility and cost of the three powers. This incident and
the events leading up to it signally illustrate the impolicy
of entangling alliances with foreign powers."

United States, Message and Documents


(Abridgment), 1893-1894.

In his next annual Message, December 3, 1894, the President


thus summarized the later situation in the islands: "The
suppression of the Mataafa insurrection by the powers and the
subsequent banishment of the leader and eleven other chiefs,
as recited in my last message, did not bring lasting peace to
the islands. Formidable uprisings continued, and finally a
rebellion broke out in the capital island, Upolu, headed in
Aana, the western district, by the younger Tamasese, and in
Atua, the eastern district, by other leaders. The insurgents
ravaged the country and fought the Government's troops up to
the very doors of Apia. The King again appealed to the powers
for help, and the combined British and German naval forces
reduced the Atuans to apparent subjection, not, however,
without considerable loss to the natives. A few days later
Tamasese and his adherents, fearing the ships and the marines,
professed submission. Reports received from our agents at Apia
do not justify the belief that the peace thus brought about
will be of long duration. It is their conviction that the
natives are at heart hostile to the present Government, that
such of them as profess loyalty to it do so from fear of the
powers, and that it would speedily go to pieces if the war
ships were withdrawn. … The present Government has utterly
failed to correct, if indeed it has not aggravated, the very
evils it was intended to prevent. It has not stimulated our
commerce with the islands. Our participation in its
establishment against the wishes of the natives was in plain
defiance of the conservative teachings and warnings of the
wise and patriotic men who laid the foundations of our free
institutions, and I invite an expression of the judgment of
Congress on the propriety of steps being taken by this
Government looking to the withdrawal from its engagements with
the other powers on some reasonable terms not prejudicial to
any of our existing rights."

United States, Message and Documents


(Abridgment, 1894-1895).

In the Message of 1895 the subject was again pressed on the


attention of Congress without result.

In August, 1898, Malietoa Laupepa died. By the Berlin Treaty


of 1889 "it was provided that in case any question should
arise in Samoa, respecting the rightful election of King, or
of any other Chief claiming authority over the islands, or
respecting the validity of the powers which the King or any
Chief might claim in the exercise of his office, such question
should not lead to war, but should be presented for decision
to the Chief Justice of Samoa, who should decide it in
writing, conformably to the provisions of the Act, and to the
laws and customs of Samoa not in conflict therewith, and that
the Signatory Governments would accept and abide by such
decision. After the death of Malietoa an exchange of views
took place between the Powers, and it was agreed that there
should be no interference with the right of the Samoans to
elect a King, and that the election should proceed strictly in
accordance with the provisions of the Final Act. Some time
elapsed before any action was taken, pending the completion of
certain ceremonial usages customary in Samoa on the death of a
High Chief. … As soon as the funeral ceremonies were at an end,
deliberation and discussion among the Chiefs ensued. There
were in the first instance several candidates for the
succession. Their number was eventually reduced to two:

1. Malietoa Tanu, the son of the late King.


2. The High Chief Mataafa.

This Chief had been in rebellion against Malietoa Laupepa, but


had suffered defeat, and with other Chiefs had been deported,
by agreement between the three Powers, to the Marshall
Islands. On the recommendation of the Consular officers at
Apia, the Powers, in July 1898, consented to his return. … On
the 19th September, Mataafa and the other exiled Chiefs landed
in Samoa. It does not appear that he took any overt steps to
claim the vacant throne, but a section of the natives
pronounced in his favour and announced on the 12th November to
the Consuls and to the Chief Justice that he had been duly
elected King. On the 13th November the opposing faction
declared that the real election of a King had not taken place,
and on the following day announced that their choice had
fallen upon Malietoa Tanu. Both parties appealed to Mr.
Chambers, the Chief Justice, who considered himself then in a
position to take cognisance of the matter, according to the
provisions of the Final Act, a question having arisen 'in
Samoa respecting the rightful election or appointment of
King.'"

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications


(Papers by Command: Samoa, Number 1, 1899).

The decision of the Chief Justice was in favor of Malietoa


Tanu, and the adherents of Mataafa took up arms, defeating
those of the favored candidate and driving many of them to
take refuge on British and German ships of war. Subsequent
events were related by the President of the United States in
his Message to Congress, December 5, 1899, as follows: "In
this emergency a joint commission of representatives of the
United States, Germany, and Great Britain was sent to Samoa to
investigate the situation and provide a temporary remedy.
{433}
By its active efforts a peaceful solution was reached for the
time being, the kingship being abolished and a provisional
government established. Recommendations unanimously made by
the commission for a permanent adjustment of the Samoan
question were taken under consideration by the three powers
parties to the General Act. But the more they were examined
the more evident it became that a radical change was necessary
in the relations of the powers to Samoa. The inconveniences
and possible perils of the tripartite scheme of supervision
and control in the Samoan group by powers having little
interest in common in that quarter beyond commercial rivalry
had been once more emphasized by the recent events. The
suggested remedy of the Joint Commission, like the scheme it
aimed to replace, amounted to what has been styled a
'tridominium,' being the exercise of the functions of
sovereignty by an unanimous agreement of three powers. The
situation had become far more intricate and embarrassing from
every point of view than it was when my predecessor, in 1894,
summed up its perplexities and condemned the participation in
it of the United States. The arrangement under which Samoa was
administered had proved impracticable and unacceptable to all
the powers concerned. To withdraw from the agreement and
abandon the islands to Germany and Great Britain would not be
compatible with our interests in the archipelago. To
relinquish our rights in the harbor of Pago Pago, the best
anchorage in the Pacific, the occupancy of which had been
leased to the United States in 1878 by the first foreign
treaty ever concluded by Samoa, was not to be thought of
either as regards the needs of our Navy or the interests of
our growing commerce with the East. We could not have
considered any proposition for the abrogation of the
tripartite control which did not confirm us in all our rights
and safeguard all our national interests in the islands. Our
views commended themselves to the other powers. A satisfactory
arrangement was concluded between the Governments of Germany
and of England, by virtue of which England retired from Samoa
in view of compensations in other directions, and both powers
renounced in favor of the United States all their rights and
claims over and in respect to that portion of the group lying
to the east of the one hundred and seventy-first degree of
west longitude, embracing the islands of Tutuila, Ofoo,
Olosenga, and Manua."

United States, Message and Documents (Abridgment),


1899-1900, volume 1.

The compensations to England "in other directions" were given


by Germany, in the following provisions of a treaty signed at
London, November 14, 1899:

"ARTICLE II.
Germany renounces in favour of Great Britain all her rights
over the Tonga Islands, including Vavau, and over Savage
Island, including the right of establishing a naval station
and coaling station, and the right of extra-territoriality in
the said islands. … She recognizes as falling to Great Britain
those of the Solomon Islands, at present belonging to Germany,
which are situated to the east and southeast of the Island of
Bougainville, which latter shall continue to belong to
Germany, together with the Island of Buka, which forms part of
it. The western portion of the neutral zone in West Africa, as
defined in Article V of the present Convention, shall also
fall to the share of Great Britain. …

"ARTICLE IV.
The arrangement at present existing between Germany and Great
Britain and concerning the right of Germany to freely engage
labourers in the Solomon Islands belonging to Great Britain
shall be equally extended to those of the Solomon Islands
mentioned in Article II, which fall to the share of Great
Britain.

"ARTICLE V.
In the neutral zone the frontier between the German and
English territories shall be formed by the River Daka as far
as the point of its intersection with the 9th degree of north
latitude, thence the frontier shall continue to the north,
leaving Morozugu to Great Britain, and shall be fixed on the
spot by a Mixed Commission of the two Powers, in such manner
that Gambaga and all the territories of Mamprusi shall fall to
Great Britain, and that Yendi and all the territories of Chakosi
shall fall to Germany.

"ARTICLE VI.
Germany is prepared to take into consideration, as much and as
far as possible, the wishes which the Government of Great
Britain may express with regard to the development of the
reciprocal Tariffs in the territories of Togo and of the Gold
Coast.

"ARTICLE VII.
Germany renounces her rights of extra-territoriality in
Zanzibar, but it is at the same time understood that this
renunciation shall not effectively come into force till such
time as the rights of extra-territoriality enjoyed there by
other nations shall be abolished."

To the treaty was appended the following "Declaration":

"It is clearly understood that by Article II of the Convention


signed to-day, Germany consents that the whole group of the
Howe Islands, which forms part of the Solomon Islands, shall
fall to Great Britain. It is also understood that the
stipulations of the Declaration between the two Governments
signed at Berlin on the 10th April, 1886, respecting freedom
of commerce in the Western Pacific, apply to the islands
mentioned in the aforesaid Convention. It is similarly
understood that the arrangement at present in force as to the
engagement of labourers by Germans in the Solomon Islands
permits Germans to engage those labourers on the same
conditions as those which are or which shall be imposed on
British subjects nonresident in those islands."

Great Britain, Parliamentary Publication,


(Papers by Command: Treaty Series, Number 7, 1900).

Article III of the general treaty between the United States,


Germany and Great Britain stipulated: "It is understood and
agreed that each of the three signatory Powers shall continue
to enjoy, in respect to their commerce and commercial vessels,
in all the islands of the Samoan group, privileges and
conditions equal to those enjoyed by the sovereign Power, in
all ports which may be open to the commerce of either of
them."

United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,


Senate Document Number 157.

{434}

On the 17th of April, 1900, an "instrument of cession" was


signed by the marks of twenty-two chiefs, conveying to the
United States the islands of the Samoan group lying east of
the 171st degree of west longitude, and the American flag was
raised over the naval station at Pago-Pago. From Pago-Pago,
March 27, 1901, a Press despatch announced: "The natives under
the United States Government number 5,800, according to a
census just taken, while the natives in the other islands
under German rule number 32,000. The population has increased
very slightly in the last thirty years, and the main cause of
this failure to increase is the infant mortality, due to the
violation of the simplest health principles in the care and
diet of children. … Reports from the six islands under United
States control show that the natives are improving in general
conditions, and that they show a desire to keep their houses
neat and to educate their children. Not a single native has
been arrested for drunkenness since the Americans assumed
control of Tutuila island."

SAMPSON, Rear-Admiral William T.:


Commanding North Atlantic Station.
Blockade of Cuban ports.

See (in this volume)


UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY: CUBA).

SAMPSON, Rear-Admiral William T.:


Operations at Santiago de Cuba.
See (in this volume)
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JUNE).

SAMPSON, Rear-Admiral William T.:


Destruction of Spanish squadron.

See (in this volume)


UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY 3).

SAN DOMINGO.

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