OLOSUNTA AND ODUN OBA FESTIVALS AS

CONFLICT MEDIATING MECHANISMS

IN IKERE EKITI

BIODUN OLAMOSU
 ABSTRACT
This study is about two prominent festivals held in Ikere Ekiti, namely Olosunta and
Odun Oba. It is concerned with how these cultural events serve the purpose of conflict mediation
for the community. The immediate problems confronting the community are the conflicts
between the heads of the two traditional institutions, Olukere and Ogoga in discharging their
roles as the custodians of spiritualism and political administration of the community,
respectively. This was necessitated by the power accumulated by Olukere in the course of the
Olosunta festival. He was rallied around by the mass of the people of the community; thereby
generating prestige, honours, influence and spiritualism. The Olukere wanted to transform this
power into a political institution. This was beyond the hitherto role that had been limited to
spiritualism. This formed the basis for the agitation by Olukere for the position of Obaship to be
carved out for him in his immediate abode, the Odo-Oja community in Ikere Ekiti. The other
aspect of the study was to look at how the escalation of open conflict is being reduced in the
community due to the people’s belief in the sacredness of the Olosunta deity, that they worship,
and has therefore united the people of the community.
The theory adopted in the study is that of Dialectical Materialism that is oriented towards
understanding cultural phenomena in terms of dualism – material being and spiritualism. The
theory is hinged on the fact that the Olosunta deity had a background as a human and was a
product of social relationships of that community. The spiritualism involved a factor in the realm
of religious ideology, belief systems, traditions, customs, tradition and material forces to
influence the ways of life of the people.
Primary and secondary means of collecting data included ethnographic approaches of
participant observation, interview and documentation. These means were utilised in the course of
the study. The data collected were analysed using a descriptive method.
The study confirms how the culture hero, Olosunta emerged and became a founding deity
to be worshipped by members of the community and its neighbours. This was also true of the
Odun Oba festival associated with the 9th Oba, Ogoga Kibi in celebration of the yam agricultural
produce of the people. The festivals also tell the cultural history of the community. The festivals
foster close cultural affinities, unity, peace and solidarity, thereby making it possible to serve the
purpose of mediating mechanisms in checking conflicts amongst the people. The power tussle
between the two heads of the traditional institutions did not have a serious effect on the rank and
file members of the community because the festivals brought them together as a family from
generation to generation. The study helps to understand the efficacy of culture as an ideology.
This manifests as a material force serving the purpose of a mediating mechanism in the conflict
between the heads of the two traditional institutions in Ikere Ekiti.

Key Words: Odun Oba Ogoga, Olosunta festival (Olukere), conflict, mediating mechanism,
Ikere Ekiti.

Number of words: 486

ii
 CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the Study

With the 1963 Nigeria Population Census, Ikere Ekiti was the most populated community in
Ekiti, a sub Yoruba ethnic group. The figure was put at 60,257 in 1963; and subsequently
114,780 and 147,355 in 1991 and 2006 respectively (Babalola, 1977; www.mapnail.com). The
paramount ruler of the City, Ogoga of Ikere Ekiti has been part of the first generation of Pelupelu
(Association of Ekiti Obas) established by the British colonial administration in 1901 (Oguntuyi,
1979).
Ulli Beier (1954:29) confirms the presence of the aborigines in existence in Ikere led by
Olukere prior to the arrival of Ogoga and the latter had the responsibility to set up the kingdom
of Ikere City State. Atanda (1980:15) lent credence to this position that the first generation of
obaship in Ekiti came about in the 14 th century, and Ogoga, the paramount ruler of Ikere Ekiti
belonged to this category.
From time immemorial Olukere has been charged with the role of a chief priest in
worshiping of the founding deity, Olosunta that the people regarded as their god for his service
in protecting and delivering them from natural calamities such as plague, famine, epidemic,
disease they passed through at certain historical junction of their lives (Ogunlusi, 1969). So since
the 14th century when the later day Oba, Ogoga joined the community, the pattern of relationship
between Olukere and Ogoga has been that of separation of power between the two traditional
institutions having their respective roles to play as it concern spiritualism and political
administration of the community respectively (Jegede, 2016). The contestation between Olukere
and Ogoga came to its head in the last two decades while the former not only showing interest in
becoming an Oba of his immediate community but proclaim himself to be one (Jegede, 2016).
Olukere prior to this period was limited to his role as aoro – chief priest in the Olosunta festival
to celebrate the culture hero of the community. So such aspiration fulfilled by the Olukere has
been source of conflict in the community between him and Ogoga as the latter resisted this
overture on the basis that there can only be one Oba in one community. He therefore worked on
the government not to recognize Olukere as an Oba. This was the genesis of the conflict that
afflicted the community since then.

3
 The conflicts have now been elevated to a greater proportion as cultural collaborations that
both institutions had in common hitherto have broken down. For example, Olukere and Ogoga
meet only once in a year to commemorate past history of relationships when the Olosunta
festival was about to commence (Jegede, 2016; Ogunlusi, 1969). But all of these have ceased.
There were indications that such conflicts were politically motivated, even when in the modern
period, little or no role is given to traditional institutions. But the politicians have caused the
institutions to be relevant as means of patronage and manipulation of other members of the
community.
The conflicts can also be understood from the perspective of the state according recognition
to one of the institutions right away from the period of colonial administration. On the other
hand, the other institution being neglected by this new forces of modernization have been able
over the years to accumulate enough power on the basis of its role at the cultural level that
involve a huge members of the community as participants in the Olosunta festival which is the
most patronized festival in the town. The contestations between the two heads of traditional
institutions on this basis portend conflicts and social disorderliness in the community. But such
conflicts were curtailed within the bracket of leadership core of the two traditional institutions
and elites’ circle; while the masses were not largely affected. The roles of the two festivals that
the people of the community embraced and associated with in their numbers played important
roles in serving as mediating mechanisms of conflict resolution and this prevented the conflict to
be generalised in the community. This has led each head of the institutions consolidating the
festival that fall within their cultural jurisdiction for advancing their support base amongst
members of the community; thereby making themselves popular and relevant within the
community.

1.2 Statement of Problem

The study is out to understand how power configuration relates to conflict in society
drawing on traditional festival conferring prestige, honours, influence and spiritualism as source
of dual power on its custodian (as chief priest) over existing power of an Oba.
The study also sought to address the roles of festivals as means of reducing escalation of
open conflict in the community due to people believing in the sacredness of the worshipped
culture hero, Olosunta deity as means of showing patrimony.

4
1.3 Aim and Objectives
The study examines the two foremost festivals, explaining how they are being celebrated
with the purpose of functioning as conflict resolution mechanism in Ikere Ekiti. The specific
objectives are as follows:
i. Explaining the origin of the festivals
ii. Examining the people’s perception about the festivals
iii. Discussing the processes of celebration of the festivals
iv. Explaining how the festivals act as conflict resolution mechanism
v. Discussing the effects of the festivals on conflict resolution

1.4 Focus of the Study

The study centred on reviewing the two fundamental festivals in Ikere Ekiti namely Odun
Oba (Ijesu) and Olosunta festivals. In this regard, the activities, roles and functions of the various
participants in the rites and rituals of the festivals were being discussed. Most importantly the
study addressed the activities of the custodians of the festivals – Oba Ogoga and Olukere that
provided leadership to the traditional political administration and traditional religious systems
respectively. So such activities of the festivals being studied include description of the festivals’
performance, dancing, songs, dressing and reciprocity of benefits by beneficiaries.
The study extended to include how festivals could serve the purpose of social control as
mediating mechanism in resolving conflicts, problems or crises in a given cultural environment.
The immediate conflict between the Ogoga and Olukere emerged as the latter sought for shift in
roles to play in the traditional administration of the community is therefore being studied for the
first time.
The study could not include the historical claim of Olukere being political head of the
settlement before Ogoga joined the union, many centuries ago. This is for reason of this being
beyond the scope of this study.

1.5 Significance of the Study

The two festivals studied have been a source of interest to not a few people within and
beyond the community, but few works have been written and committed to this in the form of
academic journals (Jegede, 2016, Chukwunwike, 2022). The conflicts have also been
sensationalised in the popular newspapers and magazines in supporting or opposing either of the

5
parties involved in the struggle. The significance of the study could be attested to as the outcry
generated by the conflicts between the two heads of the traditional institutions. These need to be
studied as a means of limiting and preventing such conflicts in future. This is to weaken the
detrimental effects such conflicts could have on the existing cordial relationships between the
people of the community.

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 CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

2.1 Literature Review

2.1.0 Introduction
The two dominant traditional festivals in Ikere Ekiti according to Jegede (2016:1) are
Odun Oba (formerly Odun Ijesu Oba) Festival and Olosunta Festival in Ikere Ekiti. Olosunta
Festival in particular was being accorded profound recognition and prominence nationally and
internationally. Both festivals held around the same time in July annually when yam was ripe for
harvesting. The two festivals had close relationship and historical affinity with the two traditional
institutions, political and religious leadership of the community respectively.

2.1.1 Odun Oba (Ijesu) Festival

Ekpeyong (1981:33) made known that the tradition of celebrating yam crop at harvest
period was a common festival known to not a few ethnic(sub) groups in Africa and in particular
amongst Yoruba, Igbo, Edo, Ekiti, Ijesa and Tiv in Nigeria. The festival held annually in
celebrating successful harvesting of yam, a stable food crop that has a history of being
domesticated from wild root in Africa as made known by Rodney (1972:48). Cultivation of yam
by Ikere farmers took the form of subsistence farming as only little of the product apart from
portion meant for feeding were being sold in the market place. So the pre-occupation of farmers
involved in its production was geared towards sustenance of life in feeding their families and
extended families. The rest of the products were being exchanged as gift, barter and later direct
sale to earning little money as means of payment for school fees, health, taxes, housing,
subsidiary needs, clothes and as reservoir and exchange of value.
Olomola (2005:32) pointed out the extent of the value attached to yam as a food crop in
Yoruba and sub-ethnic groups within it. He further stated that while people of other cultures such
as Egba and Oyo eat yam in different forms such as reducing it to flour and prepare it to eat in
form of ‘amala,’ but Ekiti in general and Ikere in particular are enamoured to eat it in form of
pounded yam and being cooked or roasted. They can eat pounded yam three times daily. Ikere
people, just like their other Ekiti brethrens, are noted for their love for pounded yam.

7
 The custodian of yam festival in Ikere Ekiti is Ogoga, the oba of the town and this
involved other prominent participants that usually played important role in the rituals and rites of
the festival. They included the age-grade youths known as ‘Egbe Ibedo’ and the traditional chiefs
in the community (Jegede, 2016:16). It was also made known that it is a taboo for anyone else in
the community to eat yam before the Oba, Ogoga doing so. The very reason displaying harvested
yam crop in any way possible before the festival was prohibited and anyone against this would
be duly sanctioned.
In giving the succinct accounts of the Odun Oba (Odun Ijesu Oba) festival, Jegede (2016)
and Johnson (2019) made known the various process and stages of the ceremony as to the
necessary rituals and rites to be performed. This was to start with what is called ‘eo-beo-re’ that
involved the ‘Egbe Ibedo’ to go to the Oba’s farm plantation at Ikoyi (a kilometre away from the
obas palace), where they were to remove Oba’s yam from the earth and caused it brought to the
Oba’s palace. The importance and roles of ‘Egbe Ibedo’ age grade group that served as a
traditional soldiers for Ogoga and the town has been acclaimed by Adegoriola (1954:20),
Babalola and Adedayo (2021:479-488) in their studies. The group comprised of the youths in the
community that fall within the category of age 32-36 years old. Age-grade group occupied a very
important position in the social structure in the way not a few communities were organised in
Ekiti (Akintoye, 1971:47) and Africa since pre-colonial period (Rodney, 1971:47). In Ikere for
instance, the other age-grade groups in existence include Egbe Mojaiyera (16-20yrs), Egbe
Mojuara (20-24years), Egbe Monimusu (24-28years), Egbe Monigbao (28-32years), Egbe Ibedo
(32-36years), Egbe Egiri (36-40), Egbe Agbakin (40-48years), Egbe Osaka (44-48years). The
only reason that could be adduced to age-grade structure ending with Egbe Osaka at age 48years,
while others above this being categorised as ‘Egbe Kolegbe’ (one without age-grade) could be
for reason of retirement; by which time people at that age were not expected to be active in the
work of the town apart from the chiefs, oba, priests that had specific roles to play as it concerned
political and spiritual responsibilities for the town.
Johnson (2019) buttressed the position of Jegede (2016) on the rituals and rites of the
festival. On the first day of the festival, the ‘Egbe Ibedo’ wore ‘aso anko’ (appearing in the same
uniform) for the occasion. They all dressed well and in agbada (traditional three pieces). They
filed up on a straight line like soldiers in a parade while moving from the farm at Ikoyi to the
Oba’s palace. All armed with one tuber of yam each in their respective hands. On dropping the

8
yam at the Oba’s palace, the parade did not stop there as they matched further to the centre of the
town, where they sang and danced before coming back to the Oba’s palace for the final rites and
rituals. The town people and observers only woke up in the morning to view the activities of this
group. But before dawn two parades of this kind had taken place in the midnight (between 12.00
and 1.00 am) not to the knowledge of the public. The activities were the same on the three
occasions. Women participants did not take part in the midnight programme but active during the
morning session. The parade was a replica of true traditional soldiers that ‘Egbe Ibedo’
represents and the purpose they were to serve for the community. The match was massive as they
were in their hundreds as it usually composed of the ‘Egbe Ibedo’ from the three quarters that
composed the town. The common song that usually accompanied the occasion included the
followings:
Eo beo re o
Olele
Isu aba ta o
Abula
Eh eh eh
Olele
(This poetic song literally mean: what a fortune, as bountiful harvest achieved, hail thee,
hail thee).
Igilila soju rere
Oro ikun ninu igi
Oyi gbase ira keisebita loju ode
Abinu oni eme a mugbeyin aye mi o
(Meaning the big tree looks dumbly but much hums through his mind; the wind will
surely sweep the liar’s feet from the society; may the wicked never know the end of my
life).
Makole
Makopetesi
Mara moto orami
Lola Olorun me me a sugbeyin egbemi
Abinu eni e ma a mugbeyin ayemi o.

9
 (Meaning: I will build house, have storey building, buy car, I will not carry last amongst
my mates and evil doers will not know the end of my life).
Oomi o
Oomi omi toro mapon keye mi
Ko badoju ale o
Ma pon ayiye ka bami
Abinu oni ede amugbeyin aye mi o
(Water! Water! Water that still I’ll fetch for my mother, In the night I’ll fetch good one
for my father, Enemies will not know the end of my life).
Uha lila
Uha lila owa adimula e remi o
Ori mi ma sowo asenu o
(Meaning: I admire the deeds of kings, that I will never be a loser in my life).
The songs were largely pointer to the essence and cultural world outlook of the people
and in particular the generation of the youths in the age bracket of Egbe Ibedo; that were
competitive and ambitious. They were at the same time hunted by consciousness of evil doers
that they believed would be overcome. So the festival was one of promoting courage amongst the
youths to survive whatever the situation. It can as well be said that the songs were to serve the
purpose of motivation in order to work hard and make it in life along what constitute making it
such as buying car, possessing house for shelter, having children and be able to feed their family
members and take care of them. Other songs were meant to serve the purpose of the
circumstances of the moment. One of these was to eulogies the Oba, while another one took
notice of the oba’s spring that is on the path to enter the palace from behind.
The need for necessary rites that include sacrificing a ram at ‘Kibi’ shrine in the Oba’s
palace by Chief Sao was also affirmed and this was expected to have been concluded before the
‘Egbe Ibedo’ reached the Palace (Jegede, 1916; Johnson, 2019). Kibi shrine associated with the
9th oba in the list of obas on throne in the history of the kingdom served as the centre of ritual
activities in relation to the festival and Chief Sao had a bountiful role to play in the palace that
morning. These include breaking of kola nuts and to offer prayers on the yams brought and
deposited in the palace (Johnson, 2019). Chief Sao, the highest ranking chief next to the Oba in
Iro Quarters and as prime minister to the Ogoga had a very important role to play in the palace

10
that morning in respect of the festival. For the members of ‘Egbe Ibedo’ and Chief Sao meeting
themselves eye-to-eye on the occasion of eo-beo-re was regarded as a taboo and sacrilege
(Jegede, 2016)
A few things have changed as opposed to this narration today, especially for reason of the
community experiencing the most turbulent history of their life. For this reason, not every part of
the community was involved in the activities of other quarters apart from theirs. This was the
very reason Egbe Ibedo age grade group from Odo-Oja quarters that felt being marginalized in
the administration of the community could not find interest in being part of the activities of Odun
Oba as they were in support of making Olukere, hitherto chief priest of Olosunta festival another
oba in the community.
On the fourth day, as made known by Jegede (2016), after eo-beo-re rites had been
performed, another event to follow was idasu (assembling of yams). This had to do with the gift
of yam to the Oba by people from various compounds of the town. On this day too, citizens and
strangers as well, are at liberty and free to transport their yam product away from farm into the
town without any form of inhibition upon lifting the old prohibition order. But the sale of fresh
yam in the market place has to wait until after inosu (yam pricing).
Jegede summarises the way the major ceremony played out as thus:
On the evening of the day of ‘Ijesu’ (eating of yam), a colourful
spectacle unfolds in the Oba’s palace as the chiefs return in
company of their various drummers to finish up the day’s events.
On leaving the palace in the morning, the chiefs are expected to go
to their respective quarters to make their own sacrifice and perform
their own ‘etutu’ (rituals). Throughout the town on the day of ijesu,
all the idile (lineages) are expected to offer their own sacrifices to
their ancestors at their respective designated shrines (in their
respective compounds). Just as the Oba entertains his chiefs so do
the chiefs in return entertain all the olori iles (lineage heads) within
their respective adugbo (quarters). The day after ijesu, referred to
as ojo uwaunebo (day of distributing ritual’s gift), the Ogoga on
this day would summoned his staff and oloris (array of Oba’s
wives) that are to share the sacrificed animals and kola nuts to
members of his family that include the omowas, and the chiefs in
the town being regarded as members of the Oba’s family (Jegede,
2016).

This has been modernised today as gifts that exchanged hands have been extended to
include other basic needs of life such as food items, cloth and cash. The new Oba, Adejimi Adu

11
also made known that he did not stand for fetish and any act of idolatry that such shrine might
suggest. He went further to state that he even offered to make use of Psalm’s verses while
performing roles as expected from him in the course of the festival. This did not go well with
some members of the community that felt bad that such could come from someone expected to
be an institution in personifying the culture of his people. One wonders why he considered
himself for such position if he could not adjust himself to the ways of life of the people. This
happened to be one of the sources of the conflicts attending traditions and traditional institutions
in the community that begged to be resolved. This way of thought has provoked extreme reaction
of some other people questioning the veracity of entertaining traditional institution when the
heads of such institutions were in difference with it. They therefore called for its abrogation.
Annual festivals that had to do with the community as a whole were to be decided by Ajo
Ilu (Town Council) presided by Ogoga (Adegoriola, 1954:23) and caused to be put in the year’s
calendar of festivals. Though there were some other festivals outside this category that came
about by way of cultural diffusion from other cultures that came to settle in Ikere, being Ibadan-
like community composed of immigrants from other parts of Yoruba (Babalola, 1978:4), Benin
(Johnson, 2019:6) and Ekiti (Adegoriola, 1954)
The two studied festivals were intertwined and each had its unique purpose. Other
important highly rated festival in the community included Oke Igele (Igele Rock) festival best
known as Ogun Oye. In this festival, the entire town including young, old, men and women
moved against opposite sex to mock and abuse others in protest songs, such mass movement
match throughout the town in different groups; and this had to be for three days (Olamosu,
2018:87; Jegede, 2016). This was to cause relaxation from formalism characterising the ways of
life among natives throughout the year especially as it concerns sexual related matters.

2.1.2 Olosunta Festival

Ujero happened to be the only day in the year that the Ogoga and Olukere, the political
and spiritual heads of traditional institutions in the town respectively meet (Johnson, 2019). The
event usually held at Aafin (Ogoga’s palace) on the second day of the Olosunta festival.
(Johnson, 2019) At the occasion, Ogoga had to offer Olukere an unbroken pod of kola nut in
accordance with tradition (Jegede, 2016, Ogunlusi, 1969). The reason for the gift, unlike the
narrative being offered by Jegede who made reference to the first meeting of the two, where
Olukere offered Ogoga pod of kola nut, at this time Ogoga now offered Olukere kola nut to be

12
used in commemorating the deity in the forthcoming Olosunta festival. So this tends to be the
reason for the offer and not the other way round. If it was for the purpose of remembering the
first time they met1 the offer would have been made by Olukere to Ogoga. The Ujero event can
be regarded as part of the Olosunta festival. The festival is concerned with worshipping of a
deity that helped the community when the people of Ikere Ekiti faced existential challenges of
life such as plague (small pox), infertility, famine, climate change (drought), hunter’s bad luck to
trap games, poor farming yield and harvest, etc. The Olosunta Rock inside which the deity took
cover when he was being betrayed by the people of Ikere turn round to serve as the symbol of the
deity today and this is being celebrated as ‘Olosunta Orun Ikere” (god of Ikere people) that hears
prayers and solve problems afflicting the people.
The chief priest of the Olosunta festival is Olukere. The festival is centred on Agba (big
drum). An Agba type festival is not unusual as it is associated with not a few cultures in Africa
ever known for a continent of drums and percussion (Rodney, 1972:41). African peoples reached
their pinnacle of achievement in this sphere as music and dancing have ever been ways of life in
playing such roles at various functions such as birth ceremony, initiation to adulthood or cult,
marriage, death, etc (Rodney, 1972). The activities of the festival held for five days starting with
beating of ‘Agba’ (big drum) early in the morning of the first day by 1.00a.m. This was meant to
announce the commencement of the festival and the sound produced by the beating of the Agba
is spiritual as it symbolises the voice of Olosunta and as means of communicating with Ikere
people. Osundare viewed the Agba as sacred in the same way as the Olosunta deity that it
symbolized is sacred. It is also not like any other ordinary drum as the Agba is enchanted by
which means it is spirit possessed (Chukwunwike, 2022:7). It is believed that the faithfuls would
be answered on hearing the sound and with their belief and faith in their prayers.
The entire activities for the five days comprised the festival taking place in the ‘Odo Ile’
(Olukere’s palace), Odo Oja (the centre of the town) and at the Olosunta groove. On the first day
after beating of the Agba by 1.00a.m in the night, very early in the morning Olukere will make
his first appearance to the public for the year. He could not be seen by whoever woke up late.
This day is being referred to as Okpekele. The second day is known as the day of urubo, on this
day people are not expected to go out of their homestead. It is in the evening of this day that

1
This refers to the historical event of Ogoga itinerary to Ikere from Agamo for the first time on hunting expedition
purpose.

13
Olukere and the paramount oba of the town, Ogoga of Ikere meet for the only day in the year
(Ogunlusi, 1969).
On the third day the Agba would be carried for the first time out of its abode in Odo Ile
(Olukere palace) in the year and this is called Agba foju bade (the drum surfacing in the public).
The day served the purpose of thanksgiving for the whole of Ikere people and other worshippers
from beyond. To Ogoga it was a thanksgiving day in rounding off Ijesu now known as Odun Oba
festival. On this day he received visitors and other chiefs in the town that also paid him homage
for a successful season and festival. On this day too, the entire people and worshippers of
Olosunta turned up on his sight, Agba scheduled to hold in the evening of that day to express
their profound appreciations for what the god of Olosunta did for them over the last season and
for making possible their requests met (Ogunlusi, 1969). Mass of the people was involved as
participants and worshippers on the occasion of the festival. Participation could be in three fold.
These include those that were observers and some others that were active participants in the
rituals. The latter were apart from the official priests and assistants involved in various activities
of the festival - parade, organization of the event, dancing, singing and praying (Jegede, 2016).
According to Osundare (Chukwunwike, 2022), these three spots of activities constitute the shrine
while the entire participants were worshippers of the deity. Worshippers distinguished
themselves in the traditional way as they dress to match and engaged in various activities of
praying, gyration, dancing and singing on the occasion.
The chief priest, Chief Olukere doubles as the chief host of guests and visitors on the
occasion together with other priests assisting him to carry out other functions. They represent the
third category of participants and they were charged with one role or the other on the occasions
of the festival. Also important is the Alagba, charged with the responsibility of carrying the Agba
on his shoulder and to carry it around the square as many times as possible (Ogunlusi, 1969:5.
Jegede, 2016:19). This role of the Alagba requires a strong and energetic youth who is physically
and psychologically fit as the Agba is rather heavy.
There is a myth surrounding the heaviness of the Agba and this is to the effect that
witches add to its weight. But under no circumstances should Agba fall as this shall amounts to
the failure of Alagba. Such a person would be sanctioned by being fined in the traditional way
refer to as beransu (the act of killing domestic animals that the failed Alagba would have to pay
for, to the respective owners). On the other hand, those Alagba that show strength, they are to be

14
rewarded by being accorded respectability within the community and women are always
attracted to such person that the festival has thrown up to the public as the hero of the festival for
the year. The heaviness of the Agba was attested to by Osundare poetic biography of the drum
described as: “over five feet tall, magnificent man-size drum with unfathomable belly and distant
depth; made deliberately to suit the exceptional size of Olosunta.”
Olosunta, he describes as thus:
The one that master Ikere’s ancient sky
As the elephants rules the rump
Of giant forests
Mountain of mountains
Which tries the patience of the heighty leg (Chukwunwike, 2022).
Typical of the festival when the Agba is brought to Ereja (market square of Odo-Oja
Quarters) and put on stand, the Alugba (drummer) will take his two long ukeke (sticks) , one on
the left hand and the other on the right hand to drum. One of the Olukere’s chiefs is charged with
the responsibility of beating the Agba and the Agba on being beaten has messages to
communicate to the people in attendance. The Agba boomed with such lyric sounding as “ke-re-
ke-re girodo” (Chukwunwike, 2022). People instantly respond to the drum by singing along as
dictated by the Agba’s tune while this continued for some time before the drumming stops.
Participants are to help themselves with prayer, dancing and singing for the rest of the event
before the Agba is carried back to its destination, Odo Ile. People were to turn up later in the
night to celebrate and mimic the very way Olosunta was being hunted with lighted palm fronds
only to become the culture hero to be worshipped by the community for this contradiction and
misgivings of the time. More people, young, men and women individually and groups celebrated
together in songs, poetry, life drama and dancing. Many of them were armed with ‘Otinfon’
(collection of dried palm fronds) lighted with fire to carry around. One common song on the lips
of such participants is that:
Inon Oluaye me joni,
Eruru fe-e-r-e eruru,
To bajoni emedunnin
Eruru fe-e-r-e eruru’ (Ogunlusi, 1960)
(Translation: Fire of our god doesn’t bite and when it bites, it does not cause pain).

15
 Other song as this goes with prayer:
Ora Baluaye
Omo bami se temi o
(Translation: Good day our god, the owner of the universe, come and intervene in my
affair).
Agba resurfaced from the Odo Ile to the central square of the town on the fourth day and
the event on this day became more remarkable as it would be carried uphill to Olosunta grove on
this day; where it would spend the night together with the chief priest and his other assistants.
Necessary rites and rituals of beating the drum by Alugba, people dancing to it and rendering
their prayer towards him (Olosunta through the Agba), carrying it round by the Alagba as many
times as possible that he could carry it; people making pledges of what to do in return for
reciprocation of being granted their requests. Usual pledges in the past were kola nut, pigeons,
fowls, cocks, ducks, hens, goats, etc. All of these constitute a pattern of the rituals taking place
throughout the festival circle.
On the evening of the following day (last day of the festival) when there was to be iroke
(coming down the hill), the Agba shall be brought down to Ereja for the last stage of the ritual
before putting an end to the festival and the Agba shall ultimately be carried by the Alagba and
to be retired at ‘Odo Ile’ (Olukere’s palace).
One other song on the scene of the festival that assumed the position of Ikere’s anthem
goes as thus:
Yao yao
Orule kan ko
Odojo oro
Medeku loje
Orule kan ko o.
(Meaning:
Come and see
Home roof top
Strong as ever
On the day of the festival
I shall be a witness

16
 Ever to live
Never to die young
It is also an occasion of prayer by participants especially for those folks that have one
thing or the other to request from this god of Ikere land. On annual basis, not a few women
turned up for the festival upon their prayers for children, against still born baby or child mortality
being answered by ‘Olosunta Orun Ikere’ (Olosunta heavenly god of Ikere). Some of them turn
round to be committed to serve the deity and become his devotees as pledged. Some come back
to reciprocate their ‘Eje’ (pledges) to the god and this take different forms that include paying
back for the gracious services by the god in kind by providing such materials as pigeon, hen,
duck, cock, goat, etc. Some others also made pledge to surrender children gotten from the god to
serve him in return. Children gotten from this source are to be given distinct name as: ‘Egbo’ and
such children are to be distinguished by their hairdo style called ‘Egbosa.’ This name is
associated with the Olosunta himself who has “Dada kind of hair bunches” on his head as
human. His messengers he sent on errand to deliver prophesy especially to the leaders in the
town known to our generation up to 1980s include Prophets Olamese and Amire. They appeared
in the same form. Women committed to the cause of this god distinguished themselves wearing
local bids made up of pawpaw leafs and iro on their legs (bell ringing like metal object) for the
festival (Ogunlusi, 1969). Such material as iro usually won by masquerade are also put on their
legs as part of their dressing to distinguish them from humans. ‘Upe’ (traditional flute) is readily
found in the mouths of both women and the youths to exchange words of wisdom among
themselves, sing, pray and made proverbial statements.

2.1.3 Olosunta Deity

In understanding the myths surrounding Olosunta as a deity, Karl Marx in his thesis on
Feuerbach, explained that: Social life is essentially practical and that all mysteries which lead
theory to mysticism find their rational solution in human practice and in the comprehension of
this practice (Engels, 1976:64). This goes a long way to show the human background of
Olosunta who later became a deity or culture hero for his altruistic and heroic activities.
Ogunba further stressed the point here by stating that:
In many African cultures there is no religious dogma … what we have are stories and
myths of the creation of the world, of supreme beings, high gods, of defied ancestors and
other supernatural beings, and of the relationship among gods, goddesses and spirits. But,

17
 whatever the disguise, these stories are usually human stories and these relationships
human relationships; whereby god is conceived in concrete, physical terms rather than
being so amorphous and remote; as to be physically inconceivable (Ogunba, 1978).
Olosunta literally means ‘god residing inside rock’, this name was given to him upon
making his abode inside the rock after he abandoned the residential area of the town. His original
name was Osinsinguninsin and at different times identified as Ufi, Amoye, Eleyo, Oluaye,
Ajolagun (Ogunlusi, 1969). He was an itinerant ‘Babalawo’ (traditional medicine practitioner)
who was claimed to have come from Ile Ife just like his alter ego, the Olukere; but this was being
disputed by Ulli Beier (1954) who traced the latter accessorial home as the aborigines Ilesun,
Ado Ekiti (Olamosu, 2018). He became successful in this profession in serving the community,
curing their sickness, disease, barrenness, drought, famine, fruitlessness, bad luck, etc. Hunters
consulted him for success in their profession, as trapping of games had been made difficult. He
also had a competitor in the person of Alawe, a colleague of this profession (Jegede, 2016). It is
therefore not fortuitous that the myth surrounding the wonders and miracles associated with him
as being performed as a deity were not different from his professional prowess as human.
The events of epidemic, plague, famine, disease, child birth, women barrenness, drought,
mortality, etc that raised up Olosunta as a culture hero of the community of Ikere Ekiti around
the14th century, could be compared to other societies ravaged with these kind of calamity
resulting too many people losing their lives. A few examples included 10 million death recorded
in 541-767AD in Roman Empire. In 1346 – 70, one – third of lives of the population in Europe
were lost to the Black Death; and in 1558, 90 percent of the Central Mexico population were
wiped off. In 1914-18, Spanish flu in 1914 – 18 claimed 50-100 million lives across the world;
18.5 million of this in India only (Olamosu, 2021). So while nature yet to be conquered had its
sway, the interpretation of the phenomena within the prism of religion could therefore be
understandable in comprehending such society within the limit of what their consciousness could
afford in accordance with the level of the extant material being. This idea of associating calamity
of this nature that rages on world scale to a close society could be located within the prism of the
people seeing themselves as a world on their own.
Other narrative surrounding the myth and mysticism of Olosunta could be located in the
story of how the community was confronted with serious challenges at a particular time of their
history while their world nearly turned upside down; the extant Babalawos on ground having

18
tried their best but could not get solution to the problem, they had to consult Osinsingunninsin as
a last resort. He in turn consulted his oracle that made known to the community the materials that
would be needed for the ‘etutu’ (rituals) to be prepared. One of the items needed for this included
a hunchback that was a very scarce “commodity” for the community as there was none known to
them apart from the traditional medicine consultant himself. This was the foundation of the
contradiction that the people of the community had with Osinsinguninsin. They believed that:
“oun tanwa lo si Sokoto to wa l’apo sokoto wa” (what we are troubled to get as far away in
Sokoto community that is nearby in our pocket (sokoto). So they decided that they did not need
to go so far away looking for a hunchback in Sokoto (town) when they had one in their midst in
the person of Osinsinguninsin, the traditional consultant himself (Olamosu, 2018).
This was the cause of the contestation as the community decided to kidnap him instead,
to be used for their purpose in accordance with the consultancy as suggested by him as etutu
(ritual) for the community. As he was not an ordinary person but one believed to possess magical
power, he already had premonition of the plan against him, he managed to escape into the nearby
rock. The entire areas of the rock were ransacked to trace and track him down. Palm tree fronds
with fire were in use to cover all holes to force him out or get him suffocated inside. There was
nothing they did not do but all resulted to naught and failure. Instead of being suffocated, water
gushed out of the holes while the people looking for him heard his voice to assure them that he
could not be killed by them (Ogunlusi, 1969).
He was infuriated by the situation of how events unfolded as he perceived the community
as a betrayal of trust against him. He was reported to have cursed the community which further
aggravated the problem confronting the people more than ever before.

2.1.4 Oloje as Olukere

The community came to conclusion to reach out to him through his alter ego, Oloje and
tender their profound appeal to him to forgive them of their sin. Oloje who later became known
as Olukere had his apprenticeship with Osinsinguninsin to learn the profession of traditional
medicine from him after the latter had cured Oloje of being a leper (Ogunlusi, 1969). Oloje
cooperated and made entreaties to reach the later day Olosunta on behalf of the community. This
supplication was accepted by the future culture hero and god of Ikere, Olosunta who rolled out
conditions of what was to be done in form of rituals to erase the curse on them and this included
such materials as 3snails, 3rats, 3cows, 3big jars of water, 3tins of palm oil, etc. On providing

19
these, the problem became resolved and rain started falling. People became very happy and
expressed their appreciations to him. As the challenges confronting their community became a
thing of the past and Olosunta became “Orisa’ (a deity) that is peculiar to Ikere and to be
worshipped. When they did this for about a season they did not hear from him as they could not
see him in the public. So they tried to reach him and found out what could have happened. No
news of him ever received as from this period, but it was the belief of the people that he had
turned spirit in the way of powerful people of his age. This was how people decided to be
celebrating him in the way of other orisas in history as he stood for them, saved and protected
them at the time of their needs. This was the beginning of the Olosunta festival to celebrate their
culture hero in July, the last time they saw him (Ogunlusi, 1969).
This kind of festival and traditional religious worship is not unusual in Yoruba land
where the worshipping of ‘orisa’ (deities) was regarded as the number one supernatural being of
any community, only to be followed in rank by the extant oba, who is to serve as the spiritual
and political leader of the community he is leading. Some of them became orisa of the Yoruba
world. Orisa is therefore those that have been chosen out of the large host of departed ancestors,
for national veneration and worship (Fadipe, 1970:262). Worshipping of Olosunta deity like
other deities in Yoruba land is associated with a big rock or hill in the town known as Olosunta.
As Afolabi made known that in most instances what were being worshipped were not the
environmental objects but the gods or spirit inherent inside such rock or hill (Afolabi, 1967:159).
This is the more reason it was out of place to describe such way of religion as animist meant to
denigrate such culture. The history of the culture hero later known as Olosunta actually confirms
this proposition by Afolabi in distinguishing the environmental object, the rock or hill as in this
case from the spirit that at certain historical epoch enter it.
In the same study by Afolabi, he discussed various forms of deities associated to solve
specific problems. These include: problems of soil fertility, drought, crop diseases and pests; all
resulting in crop failure or lean harvest associated with Orisa Oko to prevent famine and promote
rich harvest (Afolabi, 1967:68-9); also the diseases, drought, famine, evil or natural calamity –
earthquake, thunder and lightning (1967:175) associated with ancestral cult deity to be resolved.
This is against the believe that the ancestors had been confronted with myriads of problems
while on their journey on earth and were therefore opportune to use their present state in the
world beyond to influence the situation on earth in favour of their descendants. This is especially

20
on matters in relation to farming activities, high crop yields, fertile farm land (Afolabi,
1967:175). Yoruba associated Sopono with such spirit as small pox and chicken pox in order to
appease and check the disease. Osanyin is another deity noted as god-of-all-diseases and
therefore worshipped for reason of being capable to cure all illness, diseases and epidemics.
Olarosa is another deity that is being worshipped in order to minimize and protect houses against
excesses of witches and wizards; and bringing good fortune to the inhabitants. It is otherwise
known as a deity of houses. There was also a deity in respect of twins’ children and this was
necessitated by unfortunate frequent circumstances of miscarriages by mothers resulting in
premature, still births and infantile mortality. The deity is associated with the way Yoruba
revered twins and it is charged with the responsibilities of protecting the twins from illnesses,
keeping the twins together on earth or intervening to separate them when one died, and keeping
the mother from the misfortune of having another set of twins when the two died (Afolabi, !
967:178).
There are strong relationships between Odun Oba (formerly Odun Ijesu) and Olosunta
festivals as they meant to celebrate and pray towards Olosunta, the only deity capable of
resolving all the problems associated with other deities for Ikere people. The problems that Ikere
people looked up to Olosunta to solve for them which they pray for at both Odun Oba (Ijesu) and
Olosunta festival can be summarized as follow: better crop (yam) for food, soil fertility, good
fortune, prevention of epidemic, illness and diseases, famine, drought, miscarriage of mothers,
small, chicken pox, still births and infantile mortality, protection against witches and wizards,
etc. for the community of Ikere. Though Ogoga, the Oba of the community celebrate Odun Ijesu
independently while Olukere, the chief priest charged with the responsibilities of celebrating
Olosunta festival also celebrated his own Odun Ijesu. Olosunta deity can be understood as the
consummation of all other gods in Yoruba as this god is charged with the responsibilities of the
rest of the deities in one god – Olosunta Orun Ikere (Olosunta of Ikere heaven) for Ikere people
and its environs.

2.1.5 Olukere Claims to Obaship

The issue of Olukere claiming the position of Oba in addition with his role in the Olosunta
religion being worshipped by the entire Ikere people is recent.
This Jegede affirmed when he stated that:

21
 In the political arena, the current Olukere has embarked on
a campaign for official recognition as an Oba of Ikere by
the state government. The notion of an Olukere that was
confined to his abode in Odo Ile – a beaded Olukere but
without government sanction, who emerged only once a
year during the Olosunta ceremonies and festivals –
appeared to have gone with the last incumbent without
western education. The inevitability of change began with
the last but one Olukere (John Ijasan) who was an engineer
and a devout Catholic. His successor, Ganiyu Ayodele
Obasoyin, who was installed as Olukere in July 25, 2014 is
also, addressed as Highness the Olukere of Ikere (Jegede,
2016).

“The inevitability of change” as proposed above by Jegede is a clear indication that the
traditional institution on spirituality led by Olukere has to change with time, just like other
traditional institutions led by Ogoga had acculturated with modernity upon global community.
The western educated Oba, Fabikun Adegoriola occupied the position in 1950. Pa Peter
Ogunleye traced how the conflict between the Olukere and Ogoga started in the 1950s and this
he associated with the circumstances upon which Oba Fabikun Adegoriola succeeded Oba
Adewumi Aromolaran, who was removed from office in 1949 2. According to him, the removal
of the erstwhile Oba from office did not go well with the traditional Ikere populace as this was
perceived as the handiwork of the emergent educated elite and the colonial ruler (Ogunleye). 3 It
was an act carried out and forced on the majority of the population by the emergent bourgeoning
elite that included the then new Oba Adegoriola as a member.
This was the turning point in the culture of resistance by the people against such
undemocratic practices. The entire community was divided by half for this reason. This did not
leave out the politicians, more so obas at the time were already part of the political class holding
official political portfolios. Oba Fabikun Adegoriola was a councillor in Ekiti Local Government
Council and later member of the House of Chiefs in the Western Region, so he was a card
carrying member of a political party, Action Group.
For the sake of the local politics in the traditional institution, this extended to partisan
politics at the regional and national levels. So while the supporters of the Oba Adegoriola
associated with the Action Group political party, in power in the Region, those opposed to him

2
Interview with Pa Peter Ogunleye, March 15, 2023
3
Ibid

22
pitched their camp with the opposition political party, the National Council of Nigeria and
Cameroon. When both political parties later came together to form an alliance, United
Progressive Grand Alliance, the local opposition groups abandoned their former political party
for this reason as they did not want to have anything to do with their rival opponents at home and
could therefore not share the same political party or alliance formation with them. This informed
the reason they decided to pitch their camp with the rival political alliance - New Nigeria
Alliance comprising New National Democratic Party and Northern People’s Congress (Olamosu,
2018:109-111). It was for this same reason that the political elites that associated with Oba
Adewumi Aromolaran in Odo-Oja Quarters of the town where the Olukere’s palace is situated
prevailed on the Olukere to assume the position of an Oba by way of protest. This position was
akin to the popular opinion of the people in the community and it was the beginning of the
Olukere acquiring crowns for use in the course of the Olosunta festival that he personified. 4
Despite the fact that Oba Fabikun Adegoriola associated with the party in power in the Region,
those opposed to him wielded no less political force at the local level and they were in the
majority in the community. It was for reason of the prevailing balance of power in the
community that the Oba could not discipline Olukere’s supposedly insubordination and had to
wait till when power was usurped by the military with a friendly military officer, Col. Adeyinka
Adebayo from Ekiti in power as governor of the reconstituted Western State. The Oba
Adegoriola on 13th July, 1966 committed the Olukere’s ruling house to sign an undertaking that
they would not dispute that they do not have the right to wear the crown in competition with the
Oba (Royal Beats); while they shall wear a crown with ‘eye okin’ feather attached to it. That was
to distinguish it as a crown meant for spiritual deity worshipping.5
It is not unusual in Yorubaland to put a check on the Oba by way of taboo for social
control in order to avoid despotic rule. Atanda confirms this way of social control stating that an
oba could be checked by religious duties and taboos. As it is the responsibilities of the oba that
the festivals were observed and necessary sacrifices made, the chiefs and chief priest in charge of
the festival of the community could impose a taboo of what an oba should do or not do for
political reason in order to avoid despotism (Atanda, 1980:21). This instance of exercising power
over the overall head of the community to put in place checks and balances on a powerful

4
ibid
5
From the interview with Chief G. S. Olamosu in 2015.

23
institution as that of obaship is a way of life that have been exercised over time in the community
and in Yoruba land in general.
The separation of functions and powers between Olukere and Ogoga as it concerns
spirituality and political administration is important in actualizing checks and balances between
the two traditional institutions respectively. Olorunfemi (2023) 6 gives an account of the narration
of Pa Tijani Fimusanmi in the course of such political imbroglio in Ikere resulting to street fights
between loyalists of one political party against that of another. The chief priest of Olosunta,
Olukere had cause to come out publicly with traditional bell at hand and called the attention of
the town people to stop the public madness gaining strength. This was reported to have stopped
the fight at a swoop. This shows the extent of the integrity test and power personified by the
chief priest
There is no doubt that reform is a necessary ingredient in any polity taking place from
time to time. Ikere cannot be an exemption to this general rule. For example, the way Ogoga was
being elected or selected in the past could not be said to be the same today. It was an anathema in
the past to install a new oba outside the princes directly given birth to by the past oba, rather than
being just relative or having remote relationship with the oba as grandfather (great) or member of
the same compound. Oba Solomon Adewumi Aromolaran was the last Ogoga in Ikere to be so
appointed. This kind of practice is still in place in Benin, Oyo up to the present period; while this
has been jettisoned in many parts of the Yoruba land.
Also, the argument of the Ogoga that Olukere hardly leaves his palace to go out apart
from the period of the Olosunta Festival when he is obliged to go out in performing the
necessary traditional rituals and rites expected of him. The same argument can as well be
extended to the oba too, as in the past an oba hardly leave his domain and was banned from
meeting with other obas in their domains (Oguntuyi, 1979).
The British colonial administration made possible the working relationship of the various
kingdoms with the commencement of ‘pelupelu’ (association of the obas in Ekiti) in 1901. The
colonial administration had to build on the existing traditional political structures they met on the
ground. Before then, if there was any cause for coming together of the duo (obas drawn from two
kingdoms), the ‘olori’ oba (wife of the oba) would be charged to perform such roles (Oguntuyi,
1979).
6
From interrogation with Toba Olorunfemi who revealed this on the conflict between the two heads of traditional
institutions in Ikere.

24
 It can therefore be argued that there is no reason why the request of the Olukere to be
recognised as a lesser oba or high chief in line with modernism as being the practice in not a few
towns or communities without allowing it to degenerate to the level of causing conflicts. This is
more so with the peculiar nature of Ikere social relations and structures in the early period of its
existence in separating such roles as spiritual and political administration between two traditional
institutions. In most places if not all, these are combined in the hands of the oba in charge of the
community. So when decentralization of obaship institution is the way of life today, there is no
reason the Olukere cannot be accorded an obaship status while the Ogoga retains being the
paramount oba of the entire domain of Ikere; as it is the case elsewhere.
The history of Ikere before the kingdom started as far back as the 14 th century to the
present period is that Olukere has been consistent in playing the role of the spiritual head as
‘aoro’ (chief priest) of Olosunta, while Ogoga on creating the kingdom has been incontrovertibly
the head of the political administration. This was also the time that other kingdoms in Ekiti came
into existence as neighbours (Atanda, 1980). Ulli Beier (1954:29) confirms this that Ogoga
helped Olukere to secure Ikere from the threat coming from Ado warriors as basis of the former
being the political head of the community.
Ikere composed of people from different parts of Yoruba, Benin and Ekiti to ultimately
make the place their homes. So people came from these neighbouring communities into Ikere at
different times. The Aladeselu family as the first settler in Ikere, but the kingdom brought about
by the first oba known as Igoniga came later in the 14 th century (Olamosu, 2018:56) but it is
confirmed that the first son of Aladeselu was appointed as a first class chief next to the oba
(Olamosu, 2018:54).
The cases of other Yoruba kingdoms such as Ijebu, Remo, Ikole, Akure, Abeokuta, etc
typical of more palaces and crowned obas in one town could best be associated with history. For
instance, more than thirteen different towns came together in the 19 th century to form Sagamu,
the same was the case of Egba with 153 settlements that amalgamated together to form
Abeokuta township in 1830 comprising five important quarters such as Alake, Gbagura, Ibara,
Oke-Ona, and Owu. Also some separate towns namely – Ikole, Esun, Odo Oro, Ootunja, Isaba,
Temidire, Asin, Oke, Ijebu, Ikoyi, and Usin came together to form Egbeoba Kingdom and later
known as Ikole Ekiti. Nothing less than three independent towns with crowned oba now exist
amongst these towns. In the case of Ijebu, the proliferation of palaces in any of the Ijebu

25
kingdoms is due to the various oba’s ruling houses creating a palace for each of the deceased
king (without crown or status of office (Afolabi, 1967:20-21) . In the case of Abeokuta for
instance, on coming together as one, some separated to assert their own authorities later;
crowned themselves and owned palaces. At this time there was no law regulating who to wear a
crown or not (Afolabi, 1967:92). So this shows that there is nothing new in the request being
made by Olukere and his supporters for a change of roles or the need to add roles of political
administration to that of spiritual roles played by him hitherto. The request by Olukere to wear a
crown started in the 1950s and granted, even when this was not accepted without struggle; as the
Ogoga then insisted that ‘iye eye okin’ (feather of the bird known as Okin) 7 should be attached
with it in demarcating the crown from that of the Ogoga from one meant for spiritual head. 8
Jegede made known that in the modern Nigeria political system, the traditional obaship
system hardly has a place in the constitution and political dispensation beyond cultural heritage
and affirmation of the past as the issue of governance – lawmaking, law enforcement and budget
allocation is now the responsibilities of modern state outside obaship institution (Jegede,
2016:4). This is the more reason that the Olukere should be so recognised as it has important role
to play as the cultural custodian of the people of Ikere on cultural matters than the Ogoga. The
latter, as an oba from time immemorial has been charged with the responsibilities of being the
political head. The position was later strengthened by incorporating the obas, chiefs or emirs
with the practice of indirect rule by the British colonial regime in the communities across
Nigeria.
Some other members of the community believe that granting the request of Olukere by
giving him important political role to play in traditional political system could attract political
flavour into Ikere thereby earned her political advantage like in the case of Ikole Ekiti being
considered for additional local government council despite being short of demography (less in
population) in comparison with Ikere.9 Ile Ife is another typical example of where a political
arrangement of this kind has been taken to achieve peace over the hitherto frequent imbroglio
between Modakeke community and Ile Ife.

7
The feather is very important for traditional purposes as it is being attached to do the hairdo of the traditionalists
in the course of festivals.
8
The then Ogoga insisted that the crown of the chief priest has to be accompanied with ‘iye eye okin’ in order not
to create confusion or giving false impression about himself as being one of the ‘Olojas’ (obas) in Yoruba land.
9
Hon. Gboyega Akinola revealed as much in an interview with him on February 28, 2023.

26
 Albert (2022:32-35) discusses conflict transformation approach by which culture can
resolve conflict in society over other approaches that include conflict termination, conflict
settlement, conflict resolution and management. While the objectives of the latter forms of
conflict resolution as distinguished from that of conflict transformation are meant to put an end
to the conflict after the wounds and scars would have taken place; but conflict transformation on
the other hand is meant to put in place necessary structures and mechanisms that will help to
avoid, prevent or experience conflict before it takes place. Such mechanisms of conflict
transformation, Albert maintains, can take place in four major ways that include – emergence of
new actors willing to support a lasting peace; the alteration of the social, economic, political and
environmental factors that may form the basis of conflict; changes in rules and norms to achieve
new form of power base or interest to be followed in conflict resolution and changes in the
distribution of power structure in such identified society (Albert, 2002).
This suggestion is a replica of what operates in industrial relations system in combating
industrial conflict between three parties in industrial relations. The system has in place the rules
such as Trade Union Act, 1999 Constitution, and the various precedents relating to labour
matters emanating from industrial courts. In guiding the relationships between the three parties to
industrial relations, all issues expected to be tackled in the future period would have been
contained in a collective agreement as means of providing resolution mechanism to conflict prior
to when conflicts occur; rather than doing this after conflict might have occurred (Olamosu, B,
2001:38). Due diligence on the part of the parties in industrial relations become imperative to
respect rules of engagement in maintaining industrial harmony; and procedures on how to seek
redress when one’s rights is breached. This has been an effective way of avoiding conflict if the
procedures are followed.
In traditional Africa society such as Ikere, peace is regarded as opposite of conflict that
means freedom from worry, disease, hunger, danger, and dearth of having joy, happiness,
tranquility, good health and having many children (Ojoade, J and Ojoade, A, 1997:11). Conflict
is known today to mean violence in forms of armed robbery, banditry, kidnapping, terrorism, etc.
that became compounded while having contact with European slave merchants and colonialists
(Rodney, 1980). What constitutes major conflict before then in the pre-colonial era was the
violence caused by anarchy of nature of wild animals, harsh weather, disease which early
Africans were determined to resist and fight back (Rodney, 1980:10). They caused to understand

27
law of nature, towards the development of material and non-material culture of the community
(Rodney, 1980:16). Olosunta and Odun Oba festivals being performed annually go a long way to
enhance peace, harmony and solidarity amongst participants especially the down trodden
members of the community. The background of the culture heroes to the two traditional festivals
are testimonies to confirm this truism as both meant to resolve social problems of the community
which they belong. This is also the very reason that festivals they represent are to facilitate peace
within the community.
Marxism can be understood on the issue of culture and festival as related to religion,
custom, tradition, and other behaviour like in the case of Ikere that is religious as a means of
ideology of the established order to serve the purpose of the polity and advance the cause of its
culture. It is for this purpose that the affirmation of bonds that it is able to forester and that could
be put to better use in resolving conflict where there is one. In the words of Walter Rodney, he
pointed out that:
Religion can play both a positive and negative role
as an aspect of the superstructure. In most instances
in early Africa, religious beliefs were associated
with the mobilization and discipline of large
numbers of people to form states. In a few
instances, religion also provided concepts in the
struggle for social justice (Rodney, 1980:43).

A study of myths and mysticism by Levi-Strauss and Malinowski before him actually
took note of extravagant posturing of how culture hero is being defined in mystical terms only,
even when the narrative is not in vacuum but centred on real life that is intrinsically related to
factual historical circumstances. Levi-Strauss sheds light on the root cause of how this come
about, this he locates in comparative elements in binary opposition such as reality and fiction,
history and pre-history, materialism and idealism, etc. The functionality of myths surrounding a
culture hero in a given culture cannot be overemphasised as this caused the need to achieve
solidarity, harmony, peace and commitment to the cause of what are the core values of such
societies. This is therefore useful as mechanism of mediation in resolving conflict by way of
conflict transformation (Lewis, 2003). So in respect of Ikere situation, the myths surrounding the
traditional institutions of Ogoga and Olosunta are established structures operating as a system to
bring about peace in the community.

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2.2 Theoretical Framework

2.2.1 Introduction to Dialectical materialism

This study relies on the theory of dialectical materialism postulated by Karl Marx. Other
anthropologists and social scientists in the contemporary period that include Harvin Harris,
Julian Steward, Leslie White, John Molyneux and Claude Ake were influenced by Marxist
dialectical materialist approach and they further enrich it to discuss issue of change and
continuity in developmental-cultural processes of society. They share common ground that
material being (resources, economic) determined other structures and super structures that
constitute the general character of the social, political and spiritual processes of life; and that
change is inevitable as contradiction is intrinsically a reality of life. This position is succinctly
highlighted by Molyneux (2012:32-3) stating that material world exists independently of human
consciousness; that the real knowledge of the world is possible. He also points out that human
beings are part of nature, albeit a distinct part; while material world does not derive from human
thought, but human thought derives from the material being. Ake (1981:1-3) confirms as much
that dialectical materialism as a method gives primacy to material conditions, particularly
economic factors, in the explanation of social life. He therefore refutes the mainstream Western
social science in its discouragement of dialectical thinking and such weakness he observes to
have spilled over into African Studies. Harris (2000) in his theory of cultural materialism placed
emphasis on the mode of reproduction as a demographic factor of any society in maintaining
mating patterns that should be within the level of the infrastructures that they could cope with.
The Historical materialism of White (2000) emphasises on the factor of energy as means of
generating power for production and therefore a major factor in affecting society’s institutions
and value system at each historical epoch. Steward (2000) is concerned about cultural ecology
hinged on cultural adaptation of the people to the challenges posed by their environments.
Dialectical materialism is a recognised theory in anthropological study of how culture is
perceived in accordance with the law of developmental process of society hinged on
contradictions, social relationships and interconnectedness of opposed forces composed of
material being. It is for this reason that Plekhanov describes dialectical materialism as monist
view of history. He meant by this the conception of dualism in the understanding of culture in its
composition of material being and as manifested in human consciousness. Anthropologists that
subscribe to dialectical materialism are therefore distinguished from others on the basis of where

29
they stand as to the question of which one is primary between the issue of material being and
consciousness in understanding the issue of culture.
Karl Marx elaborates on this for better clarity, stating that men and women formed social
relations in the course of productive activities, in order to meet their basic needs of life such as
feeding, reproduction, shelter, and clothing. Such social relationships help a great deal to exploit
nature for their own good, thereby resulting to creation of values and wealth (Marx, 1969:30-32).
It is therefore in the course of these multifarious relationships and productive activities that
emerged various elements of culture that include language rather than the tendency to isolate
these elements of culture as an independent variable believed to have been self created with no
relationship with other variable outside it. Dialectical materialists are opposed to such school of
thought and argue in support of economic (productive) activities as the premise upon which
culture is formed and the veritable means of understanding culture. On the other hand, it must be
understood that human thoughts, consciousness, ideas, conceptions, etc. were first interwoven
with material (productive) activity and intercourse of men and women; and they appear at this
stage as the direct efflux of their material behaviour. The same applies to mental production as
expressed in the language of politics, laws, morality, religion, metaphysics, etc. of the people
(Marx, 1969: 32-33). Men and women can therefore said to be the producers of their cultures
(Onoge, 1985).

2.2.2 Dialectical materialism in understanding culture

To Marx, culture is formed on the basis of the actual relations of men and women in the
social process of production. This process further facilitates the development of the productive
forces and the prosperity of the economic life of the people (Plekhanov, 1980, 162). From the
foregoing, culture can therefore be defined as the pattern of behaviour and other ways of life of
each succeeding generations in the course of exploiting the materials, the capital funds, the
productive forces handed to it by all preceding generations, and thus on the one hand, continues
the traditional activities in completely changed circumstances; and on the other hand, modifies
the old circumstances.
Culture can also be seen as both part of the economic structure as well as that of the
superstructure of the mode of production. Culture changes over time and thus largely depends on
the social relationship that is determined or influenced by the mode of production. Since the
basis of culture is the mode of production, Cabral (1980:142) argued that it then follows that

30
cultures change with changes in the mode of production. It is trite to add that this definitely do
not happen in a deterministic manner as new culture may sometimes precede a new mode of
production. This prompted Plekhanov (1980:169) to argue that in each new step in the
development of the productive forces, men in their daily life involve in new mutual relations
which do not correspond to the relations of production now becoming outdated and thus reflect
themselves in the culture of men and women; and thereby very strongly change it. Engels
amplified this by stating that: According to the materialist conception of history (and culture),
the ultimately determining factor in history is the production and reproduction of real life
(Engels, 1982).
Marx confirms this position stating that:
Just as our opinion of an individual is not based on what
she/he thinks of him/herself, so can we not judge of such a
period of transformation by its own consciousness; on the
contrary, this consciousness must be explained rather from
the contradictions of material life, from the existing conflict
between the social productive forces and relations of
production. No social order ever perishes before all the
productive forces for which there is room in it have
developed, and new, higher relations of production never
appear before the material conditions of their existence
have matured in the womb of the old society itself
(Marx,1969:504).

Mode of production can be categorized into forces of production and the relations of
production. While the former include: instrument of labour, means of production, infrastructures,
object of labour, level of labour development, level of science and technology; the latter include
division of labour, class struggle, organization of labour (as basis of production) and level of
exchange and distribution.
Mankind has experienced different types of mode of production such as ancient society,
Asian society, communal “primitive” society, slavery, feudalist or monarchy, capitalist and
socialist modes of production. Each of these modes of production arose at certain historical
epoch to solve pressing material needs of the people. Since human beings attained consciousness
to enter into relationship with one another, they have been involved in activities of producing
their life and reproduction. Marx justifies this by saying that in order to exist; man and woman
must support their organisms, borrowing the substances s/he requires from the external nature

31
surrounding him. It can therefore be said that the level of the productive forces and relations of
production determine the level of its corresponding superstructures (Plekhanov, 1980:123).
The cultures of the people not only changed according to the mode of production but
shaped according to the level of the social structures at certain historical epoch. Plekhanov
(1980:131) expatiates on this when he states that the difference in results (the stages of cultural
development) achieved by various human societies is explained precisely by the fact that
environment did not permit the various human tribes to make practical use to an equal extent of
their capacity to “invent.” The qualities of the social environment are determined by the state of
the productive forces in every given age. Once the state of the productive forces is determined so
is the culture and psychology corresponding to it, that is, the interaction between the
environments on the one hand and minds, manner, habits, custom, belief and tradition on the
other hand. Therefore, every society lives in its own particular historical environment, which
may be, and very often is, in reality very similar to the historical environment surrounding other
nations and peoples, but can never be, and never is, identical with it (Plekhanov, 1980:178-9).
For example, the clan is a form of community characteristic of all human societies at a particular
stage of their development. The influence of the historical environment greatly varies with the
destinies of the clan in different tribes. It attaches to it how the clan itself in particular retards or
accelerates its disintegration, and in particular how it diversifies the process of that disintegration
(Plekhanov, 1980).
The theory of dialectical materialism as it relates in particular to the two festivals of
Odun Oba and Olosunta in Ikere and how these serve the purpose of mediating mechanisms in
resolving social conflicts in the community are being discussed here. As the cultural history of
the community was understood to have evolved over centuries from communal society where
productive activities were being carried out collectively; to the next stage of development of an
established kingdom in the 14th century (Olamosu, 2018:56).
At the stage of its being a city state just like other kingdoms in Ekiti land at the same time
(Atanda, 1980); there was already division of labour, whereby there was specialisation in
productive activities of men and women. The economic activities of some people were hunters,
warriors (including the early Oba Ogoga), crafts wo/men, blacksmiths, sculptors, farmers,
weavers, drier, traders, Babalawo and Ifa priests (traditional medicine practitioners). Men also
have their wives and children as labour to exploit as means of private accumulation. Few had

32
slaves to work for them. It was unusual to have free-born person to engage as labour until
recently, except those that were ready to perform such role on the basis that his services shall be
reciprocated later. These were forms of cooperative association in carrying out farming activities
together as ‘aro’ or ‘owe’ with other friends or age-grade (Fadipe, 1970:150). The ruling class
being determined on how prosperous one is in the community had been formed. Unlike the
culture in feudalist Europe where chiefs appointed to work with the king were amongst his loyal
staff that could be trusted to carry out order and directive to the letter in serving the interest of
his boss or principal; but the chiefs appointed by Ogoga have always been well to do people that
could add value to the development of the community. Amongst the Ogoga’s chiefs, warriors
occupied the second and third ranks of the Oba Ogoga-in-Council. They are ranked as “Iyare
Arin” and “Iyare Ehin” (also referred to as “Elegbe”) after top chiefs, “Iyare Mefa” forming top
hierarchy of Oba Ogoga-in-Council (Adegoriola, 1954:21).
The basic social unit was the family, while the community largely organised along “idile”
(compound) and three major quarters – Iro, Odo-Oja and Oke’kere. Other additional quarters
later include Agbado, Afao, Are, Ilu-Omoba, Oyo-Ikere and Aafin. Each quarter has a woman
chief appointed by the oba. Those were largely to superintend the three major markets - Oja Oba,
Ereja and Elegberun in the three quarters of the town. There were standing army and judicial
council presided over by the Ogoga-in-Council (Adegoriola, 1954:21-4). By this, there was an
established city state structure. The modes of production in the post communal society that
include monarchy and capitalism (under colonial rule and thereafter) in the history of the
community was intertwined with slavery.
Ogoga Adegoriola (1954:24) made known that:
Ikerre was the only town in Ekiti Division which conquered
almost every town. Its reason for non-annexation of the
conquered was fear of their turning out to be traitors by
divulging secrets to the enemy as the Ijans (Ijan Ekiti) had
once done. And the secret of their success was the
assistance rendered to them by the Bini by giving them
effective weapons of war. Both the Binis, the Ibadans and
Ogendengbe proved friendly to the Ikerre.

The relationship between Ikere and Benin dated back to the history of Ikere kingdom as
the first Oba Igoniga to rule over the City State of Ikere was a Prince of Benin Empire. History
had it that he vacated Benin with some of his siblings when he lost the contest for the position of

33
the obaship of Benin. So when such happened, custom demanded from such failed candidate to
the stool to leave the empire for the successful candidate. His other siblings became the Deji of
Akure and Olowa of Igbara-Oke (Akintoye, 1971:22).
Akintoye (1971:30) confirms the truism of the relationship when he stated that:
Among the Ekiti, the two kingdoms most affected by Edo
expansion, Akure became very wealthy as a result of the Benin
trade, and Ikere was able, with Benin aid, not only to put a
permanent check to its ambitious neighbour, Ado, but also to
threaten some other Ekiti kingdoms.

Atanda (1980:15) confirms that the history of the Ibadan invasion of Ekiti in the 19 th
century that caused the latter to resist. Also important to the city state beyond the issue of power,
army, justice and finances were the issues of ideology (religion), law, philosophy, science, art
(Mandel, 1969).
Art sculptor, babalawo (traditional medicine professional), etc fell within those that
exercise these functions but are not rich people, who in order to live, had to sell their talents to
the monarchy who were to take care of their needs (Mandel, 1969). Hence is the story by
Ogunlusi (1969) of the emergence of Olosunta earlier known as Osinsinguninsin, a traditional
medicine practitioner, in competition with other colleagues in the same profession; there was a
report of how the hunters would consult him for a successful hunting expedition without
immediate compensation but “promissory note” to pay later. Not a few occasions, those hunters
failed to reciprocate in keeping to their promises and he had to retaliate by exercising his magical
power whereby those clients ceased to get enough game. For the altruistic and heroic roles he
played to those that required his service with his magical power, the myth surrounding him
started from this moment by such social relationships.
He turned round to be the “Orisa” (deity) to be worshipped in the community after the
attempt to kidnap him to be used for ‘etutu’ (rituals) failed. This came about as the community’s
problem became more pronounced more than ever before. His assistant, Olukere sent to appeal to
him did so and he accepted their supplications. One of the conditions given to the community
was the festival as the main body of rituals to be undertaken annually. Ikere people believed in
this religion that involved worshipping Olosunta as their beloved deity for standing for them at
the time of their needs in providing them what they lack and pray to have. On a yearly basis there

34
have been testimonies from people from Ikere and neighbouring towns, many of whom turned
worshippers of Olosunta.
The idea of worshipping Orisa (deity) with necessary rituals, rites and festivals is not
unusual in the cultural practice of Yoruba as a way of according values and tributes to culture
hero that made contributions to a given community. Every community therefore had theirs, while
some were national, local and universal; depending on the spread of the support base in time and
space. In Yoruba world, such ‘orisas’ with universal reach include Ifa (Oracle), Ogun (god of
iron), Esu (misnamed Satan), Sango (god of Thunder), Obatala and Osun (goddesses of Rivers)
(Fadipe, 1970:261-2.
Fadipe (1970) went further to state that in the Yoruba world outlook, all acknowledged
orisas were generally traceable to a human being and this is in accord with Marxist perspective
that social life is essentially practical and that all mysteries that lead theory to mysticism find
their rational solution in practice and in the comprehension of such practice (Marx, 1970:122).
So in line with the thought of dialectical materialism, the premise of the myth and mysticism
should be sought in the premise of material beings that produced Olosunta as himself was a
product of the social relationship that produced him. As a matter of fact there is nothing unusual
with myths and mysticism about deity or orisa as the Yoruba worldview recognised the
immediate orisa to each family as head and breadwinner of that family. He is to be accorded
respectability by his wives, children and other members of the extended family. So when such
family head was no more, having passed on, he was believed to have joined his ancestors and
thereby became a veritable orisa (culture hero) known as ancestors, usually to be worshipped by
their descendants (Fadipe, 1970).
The only difference between the way heroes and heroines are being worshipped or
celebrated in the past in comparison with the present largely depends on different modes of
production, that is, the extent of which the level of consciousness is associated with each of the
modes of production. For the avoidance of doubt, culture means the ways of life of the people
that include behaviour, custom, tradition, belief, law, religion, language, habit, technology, etc.
which cannot be the same even under a particular mode of production; how much less different
modes of production. This informs Plekhanov’s position that culture cannot be identical in any
two historical environments whatever how much similar might be the environment and
development in the (same) mode of production of the two societies (Plekhanov, 1980). This thus

35
confirms the reason there are different cultural ethos, different cultures in Africa despite the
penetration of Western European culture in the way of colonial rule in Africa at the same
historical epoch.
In one way or the other, despite the fact that the festivals of Odun Oba and that of
Olosunta remains for centuries but the cultural activities involved in the course of its
performances changed over time due to interchangeable modes of production. For instance, the
mode of dressing has changed due to modernity as no one could be found wearing pawpaw
branches being used as bid. This is also the case with the texture of cloth being put on as festival
regalia by individuals and groups. These have changed due to changes in modes of fashion
overtime. Change is also experienced in what constituted gifts of exchange like kola nut hitherto
given out to important chiefs and omowas (members of Oba’s family) by Ogoga in the course of
his festival; but today this has been replaced with other materials of value such as cash, food and
cloth. For this reason, such festivals can best be viewed as a renewal rather than re-enactment of
the festivals as it cannot be the same from time to time because of these changes (Ogunba,
1978:6).
It is equally important to take into consideration the new contact that the people had with
whites, colonialists, Europeans, Arabs and missionaries that brought with them their own
cultures and religions and not a few indigenes in Africa embraced this, yet this did not stop
continuing with their communities’ festivals and religious beliefs like the case of Ikere people
with Ijesu Oba festival and Olosunta festival respectively, in accordance with their custom,
tradition, and religion. . In actual fact there was hardly any difference between what was being
referred to as traditional religions like the Olosunta festival on the one hand and modern day
religions of Christianity and Islam on the other hand. All religions share in common the belief in
a super-natural being even when the traditional religion is being looked down upon by the global
religions as animist.
In using the instrumentality of Marxism to understand the issue of festivals this can be
approached from the broader perspective of culture as related to religion, custom, tradition, live
drama, dancing, costume, habit, behaviour, etc. that identified the Olosunta festival as a religion
to serve the purpose of ideology in maintaining the existing social order. It is in this way that
festivals, religion and other cultural attributes have been used to achieve peace, solidarity devoid
of conflict. The conflict in the community recently between Olukere and Ogoga did not have

36
much impact on the people therein because of the power and role of the culture shared by them.
This made them less concerned with the conflict existing at the level of high rung of the society;
more so with the level of bond through inter marriages and other forms of social relationships.
Harris (2000:287-301) theory of cultural materialism amounts to a major contribution to
anthropological study in understanding the material basis of the India’s sacred cattle. In the study
he identifies the various purpose that cattle could be made to serve while alive or at death in the
prevailing ecosystem. These include being used to produce milk, traction as instrument of
cultivating land, dung (waste) used for cooking as well as fertilizing farm land and serving the
purpose of providing food as meat. Its skin is converted in the industry in form of raw material as
hides for shoe products. This in a way explains the multi dimensional purposes and usefulness of
cattle in providing drink, food, service for agriculture and industry. The interrelationships that
exist between the cattle and the environment including nature and wo/men in depending on each
other by way of ecosystem has been resourceful in advancing the economic development of India
society. For example, the cattle nourished and fertilised the farmland with its waste (drung) and
this in turn provide the grass upon which it feed while being the source of its nourishment to
produce milk for the people of the country.
The contradiction in the system came about with the Hindus religious belief system
associating sacredness with cattle and for this reason that it should not be slaughtered to serve the
purpose of being sold for meeting the need for food as meat. Harris is therefore critical of this
position and question its veracity as it concern this being the actual reason for not selling cattle
or making meat out of cattle in India.
The alternative reason he provides for this myth eschewed in secrecy before then is one
that is materialistic in perspective. He traced the source of the myth to the natural disaster such as
drought, flooding that caused the famine at certain times of their history. For this reason, the
Hindus cultivated the attitude of being economical with the limited resources and learn how to
ration the available resources. They therefore resorted to banish the idea of slaughtering cattle for
beef, but instead concentrate on how to maximize benefit derivable from utilizing cattle in terms
of opportunity cost. So cattle are being approached as an investment to be capitalized rather than
as used capital. For this reason it is being used as source of generating power in the course of
production in the farm.

37
 This theory is relevant to the study of myth as associated with Olosunta as it is related to
certain extent with the Hindus sacred cattle. Both myths originated from the same cultural
background of the people being afflicted with problems associated with famine, drought, climate
change, pandemic, plague, disease, etc. This problem he was available to help the community
resolve by making human sacrifice with hunchen that was not available apart from himself. It
was therefore planned behind him to use him for the same purpose as the only hunchen around.
He therefore escaped the trapped laid down for him. Thereafter, the problem of the community
became aggravated beyond measure, but in the wisdom of the community they reached out to his
alter ego in order to appease him and their fortune turned around for good. Rainfall that had
seized fell almost immediately the supplication was made. Other predicaments changed in their
favour. This became the genesis of the people coming to appreciate and created a culture hero
out of him. This became the source of the sacredness of Olosunta rock where he took abode on
being escaped from the assault of the people. The reality of ecosystem as it concerned farmers,
hunters, Babalawo, etc. exploiting nature and relationships coming from that could be compared
with the narrative of Harris in regard to Hindus’ history of sacred cattle.

38
 CHAPTER THREE
METHODOLOGY

The study was carried out using ethnographic approach that involved interaction with the
various activities of the festivals being studied – Odun Oba (Ijesu) and Olosunta festivals. This
was complemented with interviews of some participants in the festivals to gain insights to other
areas that need clarification. These two are meant to generate data from primary sources in order
to get an inside view of the participants on the study. The secondary source of collecting data
were also adopted and these include collection of data through relevant articles from newspapers,
magazines, academic journals (online), social media; also papers presentation and books by
earlier researchers especially on the subject matter or close to it.

3.1 Study Area

The Odun Oba (Ijesu) festival and Olosunta festival being studied took place annually in
Ikere Ekiti in July. Ikere Ekiti is in the North-Eastern part of Yoruba land and in the Southern
part of the present Ekiti State. The community is located 7 o501 latitude and 5o231 longitude and it
is situated at elevation of 381 metres above sea level (Babalola and Adedayo, 2021). The
landscape is dotted by rugged ills of relative height. These include such inselberg hill as
Olosunta and others such as Orole, Igele, Ajaribi, Utamorajerin, Agbosu, Agama, Ajaribi. Some
of the ills are as old as the town and famous. The town share with other towns in the area the
existence of hill and this defines the area, the very reason it bears the common name, Ekiti land
meaning mountainous and hilly place.

39
 Fig. 1 The Map of Ikere Ekiti
Figure 1 as above shows the map of Ikere Ekiti that situates it in relationship with the location it
bears with other surrounding towns in the area. The town towards the north is 10kilometers
distance to Ado Ekiti. In the south, it shares boundary with Iju and Itagbolu leading to Akure, the
capital town of Ondo State. In the west, it leads to Igbara Odo and Ilawe Ekiti and in the north, it
leads to Ise, Orun and Emure Ekiti.
3.2 RESEARCH DESIGN
The main design adopted for the study was that of qualitative research that deals with
conflict resolution mechanism.

3.3 Methods of Data Collection

Methods of collecting data for the study were by means of both primary and secondary
sources. The sampling techniques used for the study was purposive sampling as the researcher
has in mind those who were knowledgeable enough on the subject matter under consideration
having been participants and observers of the festivals at different times. There is therefore the
expectation of their reliability to provide tangible response to the study.

40
3.3.0 Primary Source of Data Collection

3.3.1 Participant Observant

These include personal involvement I had in the course of the festivals as a participant-
observer and this were much centred on the observant side as there was certain portion of both
festivals that strictly required certain group of people to be involved that I could not directly
participate. A good example was the case of Egbe Ibedo age-grade of youth that played
important role in Odun Oba (Ijesu) festival. Also in the case of Olosunta, non-member of
Olukere compound could not reach the Olosunta groove, the shrine where the major rites and
rituals of festival took place. Also Egbe Osaka age-grade had a role to play in the Olosunta
festival and this was restricted to only members.
Beyond this, I took part in the activities of bearing witness to the other aspects of the
activities of the festivals over the years like other members of the community. These include
presence and witness of the eo-beo-re of the Egbe Ibedo age-grade group at their passage from
Ikoyi farm to the Oba’s palace and at the palace where their activities involved dancing and
singing at the site of Kibi shrine. Other portions of the Odun Oba (Ijesu) that attracted the public
of which I participated was as an observer include the thanksgiving service meant to round off
the festival on its last day and that of the Oloris in the course of inosu.
I also took part in the various activities of going to oju Agba (going to the site of Agba to
worship) both in the morning, evening and night services that took place within the period of the
festival season.

3.3.2 Interview
I interviewed some members of the community especially those that were in one way or
the other knowledgeable and directly linked with the festivals. This category of informants
include 91 years old retired primary school teacher, Prince Peter Ogunleye, who is known in the
Oba’s ruling house as an historian of note. The interview I had in 2015 with my father Chief G.S.
Olamosu, 90 years old for another study has been useful in this regard. Other people interviewed
include Felix Ilesanmi – 69 years old, a retired high school teacher and as a toddler, he
accompanied the Olukere to the Olosunta’s groove (1966-68) in accordance with tradition;
Olajide Adu – 70 years old, a retired primary school teacher and Ekiti traditional musician; Hon.
Gboyega Akinola – 73 years old and a former member of the house of assembly in the old Ondo

41
State parliament and chair of Ikere Ekiti Local Government Council (former); Wale Ajayi – 66
years old, farmer and a retired accountant; Femi Popoola – 63 years old, in business, Cocoa
produce buyer and politician; Dallimore Akuloko – 66 years, professional driver; Ojo Alofun –
61 years, a bricklayer; Olorunfemi – 63 years, Alagba (who carried the sacred drum round the
square for sixteen times), farmer and a bricklayer; Olusesan Sekiteri – 63 years, another Alagba
(who carried the Agba for three times), a farmer; Taiwo Olowolafe – 63 years and a retired
senior civil servant in Ekiti State.
3.3.3. Content Analysis
Content analysis is another method adopted in the collection of data for the research.
This is concerned with the reading, summarization and interpretation of the contents of
the various documents that have to do with the subject matter of the research being
undertaken. These include articles in academic journals, newspapers and magazines,
agreements, advertisements, letters, memorandum, reports of commission and other
historical records that could be useful in helping the cause of the research. This method is
a typical example of secondary source of the collection of data unlike the two above that
are primary sources in the collection of data. Published articles by Ogunlusi (1969), Dele
Jegede (2016), Chukwunwike (2022), Oba Fabikun Adegoriola (1954), Ulli Beier (1954)
to specifically discuss obaship structure and Olosunta festival of the community are good
examples of available resource materials. Popular newspapers that include Tribune,
Punch, Guardian, Daily Trust, Daily Post, Independent, This Day, Royal Beats (Special
Edition) and Premium Times provided coverage and carried news in the past period in the
course of the conflict in the community. Other important documents available for this
purpose include letters that exchanged hands by the parties in dispute. Agreement
reached between the two parties in the 1960s not to cause breach of peace and the recent
declaration by the extant ruling Ogoga outlawing the title of Olukere held by Chief Priest
of Olosunta festival from time immemorial.

3.4 Method of Data Analysis

Method of data analysis adopted take the descriptive approach of analysing data collected
and findings of the research being studied.

42
 CHAPTER FOUR
DATA ANALYSIS

This chapter is meant for the presentation of the data collected and analysed while the
next chapter is to cover discussion of the findings out of the data analysed.

3.4.1 Odun Oba ( Ijesu) Festival

The events of the festival panned seven days. Egbe Ibedo age grade group comprising of
youths between the age of 33-36, according to literature; but put at 40 – 45 years old by the
people that participated in it and interviewed. The role of the Egbe Ibedo age-grade as the soldier
of the community put it in a better stead in running errand for the Oba. This formed the very
reason that they were responsible in transporting the Obas yam from his farm to the palace. This
was to be carried out in a festive manner to convey the value of the festival to the general public.

Fig. 2. Egbe Ibedo Age Grade from Eo-Beo-Re Shrine to the Oba’s Palace

The figure 2 as above showing all members of the Ibedo age-grade group participating in
Odun Oba festival by going to the Oba’s farm in Ikoyi, usually the farm land of the Oba where
the harvested yams were to be collected and each member to help him/herself with one tuber
each to be displayed on their journey to the Oba’s palace. They lined up like in a parade on a
straight line and well dress in a uniform attire to fit. They sing and dance while procession was

43
on. The distance from Ikoyi to Ogoga palace is a stone throw to be covered less than 30 minutes.
They all appeared in Agbada wear. Their women counterparts were to meet them on entering
Owalemisoro end of the town. They dance round in accordance to tradition with songs before
depositing the yam in the Oba’s palace and thereby proceeded to the centre of the town. It was
brought to my notice that this portion of the festival was performed three times. The third took
place in the morning around 7am while the first and the second rounds of the match took place
before dawn between mid-night and 1:00 am and these were not known to the general public.
These two were not to be as eventful as the last one. It was for this reason that participants could
wear any cloth on the first two occasions. The appearance in agbada uniform was only for the
third in the series of the performances (the last procession).
The usual songs while on this procession include:
Esinminrin motoko ibo
Irodo burodo esinminrin
Esinminrin motoko ibo
Irodo burodo esinminrin
(Translation: New Yam species is coming home from the farm)
The song changed to another one as they were about to reach Owalemisoro end of Ikoyi
as thus:
Eo-beo-reo olele
Isu aba tao abula
E! ee!! eee!!! olele
E! ee!! eee!!! olele

44
Fig. 3. Egbe Ibedo Age Grade at Kibi Shrine, Oba’s Palace during Odun Oba Festival

The figure 3 as above shows the Egbe Ibedo (youth) age grade singing and dancing in
circle at the site of Kibi Shrine at Oba Ogoga’s palace. Many songs were rendered on this
occasion. Some of the songs go as follow:
Uha lila
Uha lila
Uha lila Owa Adimula e remi yeye
Ori mi ma sowo asenu o.
(Meaning: This big festival, I am happy with this big festival of the King, I pray that my
Guiding Angel will not be a failure).

45
 One other song:
Ma kole, ma kole
Ma ko petesi
Mara moto orami
Lola Olorun
Me me a sugbeyin egbemi
Abinu eni
E me, a mugbeyin ayemi o
(Meaning: I will build a house and have storey building of mine; I will buy a car (vehicle)
of my own. By God’s grace, I will not be a failure among my age-grade group (mate).
Enemies shall have no cause to be happy at the end of my life).

On this day, the Oba’s palace would be filled with not a few people, the natives to
experience the beginning of Ijesu Oba and present were other traditional elites to felicitate with
the Oba. In continuation of the festival for the day, such dignitaries, present were being
entertained with pounded yam out of the yam brought from the farm in the morning period.
After eo–beo-re, no one was at liberty to eat yam until the end of the festival or before Ogoga
himself eat yam. Each day was allocated to different activity as part of the system to
consummate the festival.

46
 Figure 4. Oba Adejimi Adu Alagbado on the occasion of Odun Oba Festival

Figure 4 as above shows the present Ogoga of Ikere Ekiti in his majesty presiding over
Odun Oba festival on the occasion of thanksgiving. The entire festival centered around him.
Other activities of the festival include idasu (donation of yam) on the 4 th day after the eo-
beo-re and this meant donation of gift in form of yam to the Oba by natives from different
compounds.
Thereafter, there was inosu (yam pricing) Oba involving the Oloris (Oba’s wives). In the
event, the Oloris (Oba’s wives) line up right from the Oba’s palace in a procession just like in
the case of eo-beo-re to Odo-Oja Quarters, close to Olukere’s abode; where the inosu (pricing of
yam) would take place. These women were armed with abebe (hand fan) and well dress to fit the
occasion as typical Oloris (Oba’s wives) that were good looking.
The purpose of the Oloris engagement going to the market place populated by Olukere’s
wives was to negotiate the price of yams brought to the market for sale by Olukere wives.

47
Ogoga’s Oloris were out to price the yam lower at Ereja market (close to Olukere’s palace), but
Olukere’s wives always proved difficult by marking up the price. Both hardly reached a decision.
They also exchanged humorous and fondly friendly words like saying: if Ogoga was manly
enough would he not have been up to the task of providing enough for his households rather than
his wives pricing so low as if they did not understand the value accorded to yam. Yam could start
being sold the following day after inosu (pricing of yam).
Nwaunebo is concerned with the sharing of sacrificed meat of the festival to various
compounds in the community.

Fig. 5. Congregation of Chiefs dancing to Oba’s Palace during Odun Oba Festival

Figure 5 as above shows the most important part of the festival meant to serve the
purpose of thanksgiving ceremony and to round off the festival. This takes the form of carnival
involving all the chiefs’ presence as a forum to express their loyalty to the Oba. In doing this,
some hired the services of traditional musicians that accompanied them and members of their
compounds to the palace in a festive mood of singing and dancing.

48
3.4.2 Olosunta Festival
The beating and carrying of Agba is one of the important activities of the Olosunta
festival. The first Agba belonging to Chief Asa and this was released to Olukere for the purpose
of carrying out the celebration that comes up in July every year. Osundare (Chukwunwike, 2020)
describes the physical feature of the Agba in this way: The agba is made deliberately to suit the
exceptional size of Olosunta, a man-size drum – over five feet tall, very wide towards the foot.
The sound coming from it is an integral part of the music and this plays central role in creating
the atmosphere that enables the worshippers to suspend passing time and experience eternity.
The first day of the festival started in the mid night at exactly 1:00am when the Agba will
be beaten in announcing the beginning of the festival. The voice of the drum is to proclaim the
beginning of the festival and this reach the people far and near in their homes and farmsteads. In
the following morning, Olukere would come out for public appearance for the first time in the
year. This event is known as ukpekele.
On the second day known as irubo (day of sacrifice), people are not expected to leave
their homestead but to make love and peace with each other while at home eating the new yam in
form of pounded yam. In the afternoon of this day, Ujero takes place; this has to do with the
meeting between Olukere and Ogoga. Olukere appears in his full regalia, well dressed and
having his crown on over his journey to meet the Oba Ogoga in his palace at Iro quarters of the
town; while himself coming from Odo Oja Quarters. The Oba on his part appears in casual wear
on top of a wrapper, all white apparel with while scarf to cover his head. Both added Okin
feather on their head wears. The meeting occupied an important rites and rituals as it involved
the two foremost heads of the traditional institutions in the community.
Other aspect of the rites includes the special way the two important figures exchanged
greetings, prayers and gifts. In exchanging pleasantry amongst themselves, Olukere usually
thanks Ogoga for helping him in pivoting the affairs of his people; which he has not been able to
do because of his “bigger role towards our deity, Olosunta” that pre-occupied him and
responsible for him not being able to have enough time for the issue of administration of the
town. Ogoga also provided Olukere with Kola nut rapped with cloth and in a Calabash by which
means it was presented for the purpose of being used for the forthcoming Olosunta festival; of
which Olukere happened to be his custodian. The relationship on the occasion appeared in the
way of a father to a son as it was at the beginning when the first Ogoga and would be Oba met

49
Olukere in this homestead at Odo Ile. This was one of the historical and cultural moments that
have passed away and no more observed since the immediate past Olukere John Ijasan who
proclaimed himself as an Oba, not limited to the function of chief priest of Olosunta festival.
This way of relationship between Olukere and Ogoga continued under both new heads of the
traditional institution occupying these positions in the last eight years.
On the third day of the festival, Agba would be made to come out of its closet (at Odo
Ile) for the first time in the new season of the festival. This is best referred to as ‘Agba fojubade’
(coming into the public space). The day is to serve the purpose of thanksgiving ceremony for the
entire people of the community. The Agba comes out in the evening after the thanksgiving by the
Ogoga in the Odun Ijesu (now Odun Oba) festival must have been concluded. At the site of the
Agba, worshippers were present to express their appreciations for their god - Olosunta, for their
safety, protection and meeting their needs.
Figure 6 as below shows the Agba being carried by Alagba (one appointed to carry the
drum) from Odo Ile, Olukere palace to the Odo-Oja or Ereja (central square of the town) where
the Agba was being publicly displayed. Other activities of the festival in the day were being
carried out on this sacred space. It was after all of these had been concluded that the Agba would
be returned back to Odo Ile and put an end to the activities of the festival for the day.

50
 Fig. 6. Olosunta Worshippers and Alagba carrying Agba at Olosunta Festival

Kehinde .Olorunfemi and Olusesan Sekiteri10 that carried the Agba in the past informed
of their experiences of the festival. Olorunfemi was reported to have carrying the Agba sixteen
times at a swoop. According to him, he was stopped from carrying it further as he did not
immediately feel anything about it, until later. Not more than three days after he successfully
carried the Agba, he started feeling the effect of the Agba on his shoulder upon which he carried
the Agba for the next three months. He also gave account of the psychological effect he
experienced thereafter the performance of his role in this regard. According to him, he carried in
his memory, in his dream for the next three months the site and scene of the festival, with all the
sounds and voices of the Agba and the people respectively; songs from the participants, dancing
by all, crowd i.e. interactions going on and the hailing and yelling that became pastime of the
people. There were certain compounds associated with producing Alagba for each festival circle
and they include: Ile Alaoko, Ile Osobe, Ile Elemoso, Ile Oloriawo, Ile Ekuasa Olowokere, Ile
Aro’ro etc.
Alagba is different from Alugba (the one that beat the drum). The role of Alugba is being
played by one of the chiefs of Olukere. His role in the festival was limited to beat the Agba
having being provided with two long stick that match to perform this function of his. His role is

10
Both interviewed on March 5, 2023

51
exceptionally important as the Agba was meant to lead the chorus of the songs to be followed
and imitated by other participants. No other drum or musical instrument was tolerated in the
festival apart from Agba. Therefore people were expected to concentrate and follow the lyrics
coming from the Agba to be followed. The Agba has a booming sound in comparison with its
large size and this made it possible for clarity by the recipient worshippers.
The songs at the scene of Agba and Olosunta festival could be broadly divided into two
parts. One meant for the Agba as directed by the officials associated with the festival. The other
one usually associated with songs coming from other worshippers. The latter raised songs which
they dance to on their own individual volition, especially when the Agba was yet to surface in
the public space.
On the fourth day of the festival, the Osaka age-grade has the cultural responsibilities to
present elila (buffalo) to Olukere for Olosunta festival. The elila would first be at Ogoga’s palace
where it was expected to be enchanted with royal blessing of the Oba before being forwarded to
where it was meant to be used to serve the purpose of being sacrificed at Olosunta shrine. The
Elila was to be submitted to Olukere at the groove at a spot called Arogbeje (centre of collecting
pledges). This has seized to be the practice as the local government has since taken over in
providing for the needs of the two festivals.
The second event taking place on this day has to do with night programme known as
Otinfon (lightening of palm fronds). This was in remembrance of the day Olosunta was pursued
to the groove (now refer to as Olosunta rock) in an attempt to smoke life out of him from the
cave he was perceived to have entered. One of the weapons used to carry this out was palm
fronds put on fire to fill the caves. Nevertheless, he escaped and came out safe unhurt. So the
occasion of the night of otinfon rites is meant to renounce the way of bad manner eschewed
against Olosunta centuries past by their forefathers. This reflected in the songs rendered on this
occasion which stated that such “lightering of palm fronds does not touch” “if touches one, it
does not burn or cause pain” as it did not affect Olosunta centuries past.
The song is as follow:
Inan Oluaye me joni
Eruru fe-e-e eruru
Toba joni eme dun nin
Eruru fe-e-e eruru

52
 This event usually referred to Agba ale (night drum programme) and it is the only one in
the night out of the series of the events being carried out in the course of the festival. It can best
be described as a night full of activities by women and youths that constituted majority of the
worshippers in the course of the festival. Loads of palm fronds tied together and lighted were
being carried by individuals or groups of participants and matched around in procession with
their own songs before the Agba comes out. This was not limited to the youths but also educated
elites, especially when the community had something to pursue collectively. Such was the case
in the Second Republic; they had cause to lobby the government in power for hosting the
university to be established in the old Ondo State by the federal government. Leaders of thought
in the community were found in the night carrying Otinfon and pleading with Olosunta to have
the university being established in the town.
On getting the Agba out of the Olukere’s palace, the usual way of celebration that include
carrying the Agba by Alagba, drum provided by Alugba and call for prayer by Olukere were
pattern of the usual activities in the night before the day event had to be rounded off for the Agba
to be moved to Olosunta groove for the night. This is being referred to as Agba goke (ascending
of the drum uphill) and all the priests and leading co-worshippers that accompanied Olukere to
the groove would pass the night there with him, Olukere and the Agba for the expected rituals
and rites. Only few people comprising the chief priest and his assistants (chiefs) were the only
ones that could reach the central shrine at the groove; while others were being restricted to
certain stage of the journey. This is because there is a limit to which ogberi (stranger) is expected
to know out of the culture of the people while the rest are to be preserved for the inner circle of
the cult leaders.
At the groove, as figure 7 below depicts, some remarkable things happened and these
include how the elila (buffalo) would on its own climb the ill where it was going to be used as
sacrifice. Only those at the top hierarchy of the Olosunta festival would be able to reach where
the cattle was being butchered; but others at the other layer of the camp were to take their share
of the meet thereafter. The rest of the meats were being shared and distributed however in small
pieces in order to reach all compounds existing in the town. By this, it is assumed that the entire

53
 Fig. 7. Olosunta Rock (groove).

members of the community partook in sharing of the meat for the usual annual etutu (rituals) of
Abaluaye (another name for Olosunta). The following day which was the last day of the festival,
there would be iroke (descending from the hilltop) from the Olosunta groove.
On the last day of the festival in the evening, the Agba will descend from the groove.
Huge number of the population will be at different locations around Ereja awaiting the Agba and
chief priest together with the rest of his contingents from the groove. The concentration of
activities at this point covered the passage from the groove to Ereja (the centre of the town).
People were seen walking up and down on this street. The activities of the worshippers were also
obvious as they dressed in their best attires, with local bids (made of pawpaw’s branch) on their
necks and legs. Some have uro (bell like chain) producing sound and this add flavour to the
merriment of the festival as it intertwined with the performances involved in drumming, dancing
and singing in the course of the festival.
Some women marked and painted their faces; and dress in such way to distinguish
themselves from others. Some wearing men’s cap and cloth like agbada on the occasion. Some
performances were conducted on individual basis while others on a group collaboration with

54
friends, thereby attracting other people to themselves; either in appreciating them or joining the
group as participants.
While the Agba and the chief priest together with others with him at the groove were yet
to embark on the journey down the hill, wrong information reaching the worshippers at another
site (at Ereja) of the shrine waiting for their arrival and this kept people anxious. By this time,
people would have positioned themselves along both sides of the street to witness the Agba and
its custodian in person of Olukere. The distance from the groove to Ereja not more than half of a
kilometer, but it usually took the contingents hours to cover such short distance. The youths
charged with the responsibilities of ensuring discipline became valuable for the festival as they
were in their numbers armed with otorun (stick); not meant for the purpose of whipping anyone,
as no one was expected to receive such way of treatment. The holders of the stick were to use
this to panomo (clearing path) for free movement of the Agba and the priests accompanying it.
This in a way helped to maintain order in carrying out the festival in the best way possible. The
audiences as well as other worshippers were helped to gain sight of the Olukere, the Agba and
other things of interest in the course of the festival.
Figure 8 as below shows Olukere embarking on iroke (the journey of descending down
the ill), this was by way of concentrated cultural performance of singing and dancing. So on
getting to Ereja where the rites of the day were to commence and proceed being the last day of
the festival, many things did happen.

Fig. 8. Olukere, Chief Priest of Olosunta Festival with other chiefs.

55
 This day used to be different from other previous days and attracted more people drawn
from far and near to participate in the rituals. Not a few perceived the presence of Olosunta Orun
Ikere on the occasion of the festival, especially this last day. This is reinforced by the fact that
the custodian of the festival, its chief priest, Olukere coming from the Olosunta groove on this
last day where he was expected to have had contact with the deity in person and in spirit.

Fig. 9. Some Worshippers at Olosunta Festival

Figure 9 as above shows cross section of some of the worshippers praying, singing and
dancing at the Shrine of Olosunta festival. Some of the songs common and on the lips of all
participants in the course of the rituals include:
Yao Yao
Orule kon ko
Odijo oro
Medeku loje
Orule kon koo
(Meaning:
Come and see
Festival mood presence
Every roof top
The day of the festival
I shall die not young

56
 Festival mood presence).
Other songs include:
Mo dugbo
Mo ro
Moro eee
Ojo modoke Aro o
Aro l’agbe
Ke–ke-ke-ke Girido
(Meaning:
On reaching the forest
I call
Calling e-e-e
The day I reach up Aro o
I know Aro is the boundary),
Ke…..ke…..ke….Girido (sound produced by Agba)
Other usual song for the festival:
Ero
Ero yeye ero
Ila me bobe je o
Aye me a bamije o
Ero
Ero yeye ero
(Meaning:
Plenty people
Plenty plenty people
Okro hardly spoil soup
No one shall spoil me
Plenty people
Plenty plenty people).
Other song:
Yao yao

57
Ere kelemo
Ein gori Eleyo meyo
Oro Oyibo lo sitan o
(Meaning:
Come and see
A taboo
Climbing Olosunta without slippery?
History of the whites
Now a forgotten history.

58
 CHAPTER FIVE

FINDINGS

5.1 Origins of the Festivals

The Odun Oba festival formerly known as Ijesu Oba festival could be traced to the 9 th
Ogoga Kibi who started it in order to celebrate a fruitful season of yam harvest. It was believed
that with such a thanksgiving, a bountiful harvest would come the way of the Oba and his
subjects who were farmers.
The Olosunta festival emerged to find solutions to the varied natural calamities that
confronted the community at a certain epoch of their history. Such problems include a dearth of
rainfall, famine, epidemic, disease, stillborn children, child mortality, and infertility. The
community consulted a Babalawo (traditional spiritualist), Olosunta (earlier known as
Osinsinguninsin) for his services. Despite his readiness to help, he was betrayed as the
community planned to use him as a sacrifice to find a way out of the problems confronting them.
They failed to achieve their purpose and their problems were aggravated rather than
being resolved. The community in turn learnt their lesson and appealed to Olosunta through
Oloje (later known as Olukere). He was earlier the protégé to Olosunta as an apprentice in the
practice of the Babalawo profession. It was upon carrying out the supplication to appease
Olosunta by Olukere that the problems confronting the community reduced and was resolved.
This new turn of events attracted the people to Olosunta and made him their culture hero to be
worshipped from that time to the present period.

5.2 People’s Perception of the Festivals

The perception of the people to the festivals hinged on what the festivals stood for in the
life of the people. In respect of the Odun Oba festival that is out to celebrate the yam crop on
being harvested. It became a festival to motivate the youth in their chosen profession as a farmer.
They hoped to be proficient so that they would not be found wanting amongst their age grade.
This is the very reason that the youth organised into an age grade as Egbe Ibedo played a central
role in the festival. The festival also served the purpose of Ogoga to assemble chiefs, friends and

59
other members of the community in felicitating with him and in encouraging them to be
proficient in their varied professions for the economic growth and well being of the community.
The Olosunta festival is perceived as a religion that is peculiar to the community and
their neighbours in meeting their spiritual and material needs. For this reason, the festival
commands not a few followers and worshippers as they believe that their prayers at the shrine of
Olosunta over their needs are being answered. Modern day religions such as Christianity and
Islam were embraced by the people. Yet this does not stop them from also worshipping and
believing in the efficacy of Olosunta as the god of the community. They did not perceive any
contradiction in doing so. Not a few women that have been summarily concluded as barren have
come to testify to the efficacy of worshiping the Olosunta. They believed that their prayers were
being answered on the principle of faith and meeting of pledges offered to the deity in his shrine.

5.3 Processes of Celebration of the Festivals

Central to the Odun Oba festival is the role of the Egbe Ibedo (youth) age grade in the
celebration. This comprised of identifying with the Oba and embarking on a procession of all
their members from the Oba’s farm to the centre of the town, all carrying a tuber of yam. They
appear in the same uniform to sing and dance to commemorate the occasion. One other rite they
perform is to sing and dance in a circle in the presence of the Kibi Shrine in the Ogoga’s palace.
Chief Sao, the prime minister in the hierarchy of the traditional political institution of the
community has an important role to play in the festival. He is the custodian of the Kibi Shrine
domiciled in the Oba Ogoga’s palace.
No one in the community is allowed to eat yam before the end of the festival as this
would amount to eating yam before the Ogoga. The thanksgiving ceremony is also another
important portion of the festival that attracts more people including the chiefs to the Oba’s palace
in felicitating with him in the course of the Odun Oba festival. Ogoga as the precursor of the
festival presided over the festival on the day of the thanksgiving.
The Olosunta festival commences with the beating of the Agba at around 12midnight –
1.00a.m to pronounce the voice of Olosunta to the people of the community. Olukere also made
his presence known to the public the following morning 11 to show the festival is at hand. The
following day he also reached out to Ogoga to let him know that his festival has begun.

11
This is to be the first outing in the public after the festival in the previous season.

60
 The Olosunta festival is a mass oriented ceremony for the entire people of the Ikere
community. Three Shrines of the god of Olosunta are identified and these include the one at the
Odo Ile (Olukere’s palace), another at Ereja (centre of the town), the epicentre of the festival
activities and the third at the Olosunta groove (rock). The Agba (big drum) is central to the
celebration of the festival. This involves the Agba being carried from Odo Ile to the centre of the
town (Odo-Oja) where it is beaten for the encouragement of the participants to dance, thereby
setting the people to follow in prayers. Different songs are rendered while all follow in chorus
with befitting dance steps. Every occasion of the Agba symbolising the Olosunta festival is one
of carnivals. At other times when the Agba is to be taken to the Olosunta groove (rock), where
the chief priest and his assistants were to spend the night. The day is usually a day of excitement
drawing thousands of people to bear witness to the occasion. This enthusiasm is repeated the
following day when the Agba is returned down the hill. The people in their large numbers come
to embrace it. At each of the occasions of the festival performed at the usual site in Odo-Oja, the
Agba is carried by the Alagba on his shoulder and around the square as many times as possible.
The more times the Agba is carried around, the more the excitement of the festival increases.
One other eventful day in the annals of the festival is the night of celebration known as
Otinfon (palm frond with light) in commemoration of the day Olosunta was chased to the rock
later known as Olosunta rock by the people of the community. Palm fronds with fire were
originally used in order to smoke life out of the Olosunta who entered the cave. All these did not
achieve their desired results as he came out unhurt. The people came later to realise their folly
and thereby gave him respectful recognition. Otinfon night is celebrated by lightening palm
fronds and parading this around. Young men and women dance and sing with songs associated
with this memorial event.

5.4 Festivals as Mechanisms for Conflict resolution

The Odun Oba has been functional for the best interest of the people of the community in
fostering unity, peace and solidarity. The people perceive themselves as belonging to one family
under the kingdom of Ogoga, the Oba of the community. The Oba is the head of the traditional
political administration. By this, the role of Odun Oba festival under his custody is being
elevated to serve as a mechanism to resolve conflict in the community.

61
 This is also the case with the Olosunta festival taking into consideration the myth
surrounding the Olosunta festival and as god of the community with rich values of goodness, and
a shared belief system of what the deity represents. So the belief that any deviant behaviour
against the extant cultural ethos, cultural norms and collective conscience of the community
would not go unpunished. This thus provides a mechanism of social control in resolving conflicts
as no one would like to be on the receiving end of having the rapt of the god of the land for their
misbehaviour; as this might be fatalistic and undeserving.

5.5 Effects of the Festivals on Conflict resolution

In the case of the Olosunta festival, this has equally earned the chief priest of the festival,
Olukere a corresponding power, honour and influence. This is due to being associated with the
Olosunta deity. It is for this reason the conflict resulting from this ambition for political power
beyond being the custodian of the traditional religion (spiritualism) of the community, a source
of conflict between him and the Oba Ogoga; did not extend to the masses. So the conflict was
checked and limited within the ranks of the elites.

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 CHAPTER SIX
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

5.1 Summary
The study centred on the two major traditional Ikere festivals, namely Odun Oba (Ijesu)
and Olosunta. These are reliable in telling the story of the community of Ikere Ekiti, especially
from the cultural point of view. The study also looked at what the festivals mean to the people in
terms of their belief systems and conflict resolution of their problems being brought to Olosunta
and solved. This continued after the modern religions of Islam and Christianity were introduced
in to the community. The Ijesu festival is a way of felicitating with the Oba while celebrating
fruitfulness in the course of harvesting in the farming season for himself and his subjects.
The study provides a detailed analysis of the performances involved in the festivals; and
these include the roles of the various participants and custodians taking part in the festivals. The
rites and rituals being performed in accordance with tradition were equally considered.
While Odun Oba is associated with the Oba celebrating the yam harvest, the Olosunta
festival is associated with the cultural history of the community from time immemorial when the
prevailing existential challenges and problems confronting the people were believed to be
resolved by the culture hero, Olosunta.
The two personalities occupy prominent positions in bringing about unity of purpose,
understanding and peace to the door steps of the people. The festivals continue to evolve over the
centuries and these had influenced the culture of the people in varied ways. The festivals testify
to the distribution of power and political structure of the community.
The Agba (enchanted big drum) stands as the symbol of the Olosunta god and occupies
the central position in the festival. This was given a position of importance in the study. The two
festivals are still accepted by the mass of the people of Ikere and the environs for the useful
purpose it is believed they derived from the festivals. Olosunta took the way of religion by
worshipping the deity known as Olosunta. The study contrasts how Olosunta, unlike other
known gods in Yoruba land, that are meant to cover limited space in the cosmos, he is meant to
cover the entire ground associated with these other gods.
The social relations of the people of Ikere Ekiti associated with age grade structure
include the roles of Egbe Ibedo and Egbe Osaka in the Odun Oba and Olosunta festivals
respectively. The conflicts between the two custodians of the respective festivals that personified

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the two institutions of Ikere traditional systems are checked and controlled by the festivals. They
made possible the unlimited bond amongst the people and making division almost impossible.
The source of the conflict itself could be traced to the differences between tradition and
modernity as some people were out to resist change while some others had lost hope in tradition.
The study also agreed with the aphorism of change being the only permanent things in life and
the need to change with time. So there is much to cheer in the festivals standing for peace and
unity, change in the midst of continuity. They should continue to be embraced for the continued
peaceful and progress of people in the community.
Certain changes related to the conduct of the festivals were noted in the study, but these
hardly significantly changed the essence of the festivals. The theory of dialectical materialism is
used in the study in understanding the law of social change and development in terms of thesis,
antithesis and synthesis. This means changes brought about over existing order to produce a new
social order by such agency of contradictions, conflicts and crisis taking place in the course of
social relationship in a given culture. This became prominent in discussing the culture hero as
well as the festival as it concerned Odun Oba (Ijesu) and Olosunta festivals. These were being
approached from the premise of the material being; rather than metaphysical, religion, or
mysticism as the culture hero and the festivals being studied emerged as products of the social
relationships of the people. At the same time, the issue of spirit which means the consciousness,
ideas or thoughts, as reflections of the material being, could not be dismissed, as these are part of
reality of life.
The study relied on the ethnographic method of participant observation as means of the
primary source of collection of data. Interviews of some of the participants in the festivals were
another means of primary source of data collection utilised in the study. Secondary sources of
collecting data included social media and articles in academic journals and in popular
newspapers and magazines that have been written on the subject matter being discussed.

5.2 Conclusion
The study has been able to analyse the conflicts between traditional heads of the political
and spiritual institutions – who are also the custodians of Odun Oba and Olosunta festivals
respectively. Earlier studies have concentrated on the festivals, rather than on the conflicts
between the traditional leaders. The study has been able to fulfill its mission of looking at how
such conflicts could be resolved by the continued performance of the festivals that serve the

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purpose of uniting the people and therefore best positioned in giving no room for dividing the
ranks of the people; despite the arrogance of the traditional elites involved in the conflict.
The festivals were traced to the economic well being of the community especially when
this was in jeopardy. As the study made known the historical background of the Olosunta festival
associated with the role of Olosunta, the culture hero in overcoming the economic and natural
calamities that befell them; the work therefore testified to the materialistic understanding of the
community in relation to the laws of social development. While not neglecting the place of spirit,
ideas and consciousness in human development, the work established that this could not be
separated from the social relationships of men and women in changing nature, meeting their
basic needs of life and thereby change their own ways of life. So the world of spirit and
consciousness could only be located as a reflection or part of the material social relationship
rather than a separate entity on its own. This is an act of dualism that characterised human
development. Olosunta as a spirit being and deity worshipped by his admirers could best be
perceived as human whose role in the social relationship with other men and women earned him
bountiful appreciations. This truism underlies the thesis of Marx (Engels, 1976) that: Social life
is essentially practical. All mysteries which lead theory to mysticism find their rational solution
in human practice and in the comprehension of this practice.
The school of thought that placed emphasis on spirit as an independent variable not
related to material being has carried this too far as in the case of animism to locate social
phenomenon to natural objects as rock, water, tree, etc. The case of Olosunta is found to be
different to all of these as the Olosunta rock and Agba that symbolized his presence as an
immortal being in relation to spirit being as Olosunta could be a material force relevant in social
change as what he represents are being acquired and shared by way of cultural capital to be used
as social control or conflict mediating mechanism. This is the very reason Osundare
(Chukwwunwike, 2022) pointed out that worshipers of Olosunta gained from him courage and
strength, which could only be granted to those at his sight and conform to his rites and not those
that neglect or desecrate him and his values. It is in this sense that the myth surrounding the deity
Olosunta could be said to be functional. He represents core values such as good behavior,
transparency, accountability, zero tolerance to thieves, selfishness, personal aggrandizement and
oppression. The knowledge passed to the people and worshipers of Olosunta what he would not
tolerate is enough to watch the community clean away from doing wrong. It was by this means

65
that Olosunta derived his immortality. This was not only as spirit being but as a material force to
reckon with in practical life of the people. It is in this respect that the study based the mediating
mechanisms of addressing the challenges of the conflicts between Ogoga and Olukere on the
festivals.
Though this study has not been able to establish the veracity of the kingdom of Olukere
before Ogoga joined the earlier members of the community, other study should be able to
undertake this in the future period as this does not fall within the purview of this study. But it is
curious to note that at Ujero – the only day in the year that Olukere meets Ogoga, the former
usually appeared in his full regalia with crown that befit an Oba but this was not the case with
Ogoga, who claims the king of the community as he did not wear a crown only to dress casually.
Nevertheless, the study recommend a truce between the two heads of the traditional institutions
by accommodating the Olukere within the political traditional institutions of the town in line
with the changes going on in other parts of Yoruba land presently.

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Kehinde Olorunfemi 63 years March, 5, 2023
Olusesan Sekiteri, 63 years – March 5, 2023
Femi Popoola, 63 years – March 10, 2023
Darllimore Akuloko - 66 years – March 12, 2023
Pa Peter Ogunleye, 91 years – March 15, 2023
Felix Ilesanmi, 69 years- March 15,2023
Wale Ajayi, 66 years – March 20, 2023
Ojo Alofun 61 years – April 4, 2023
Taiwo Olowolafe – 63 year – April 8, 2023

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