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Discourse becomes a term that is mostly spoken and criticized including different research from
different fields of study, such as philosophy, linguistics, sociology, and linguistics. According to
Longhurst and his colleagues, discourse can be defined as “a set of statements, practices and
performances that bring into being a particular version of reality” (Longhurst et al., 2016, p.
211). Discourse is not a single form to represent the world, but it also becomes a platform to
construct and regulate it. Discourse shapes the formation of subjectivity is shaped by discourse in
such a way that people start to know and understand themselves and identities based on the
history and social context they are living in.

Nevertheless, discourse is not a neutral or objective occurrence. It is perpetually shaped by the

power dynamics and knowledge structures usual in a particular society. As posited by Foucault,
discourse serves as a mechanism for generating and regulating truth, while simultaneously
describing the permissible boundaries of speech and thought within a specific realm. Moreover,
discourse establishes norms and confines that marginalize or exclude individuals who deviate
from the prevailing dominant or hegemonic discourses. Consequently, discourse can be
perceived as a tool of domination and oppression, curtailing the potential for alternative modes
of existence, and understanding.

In this essay, I will discuss the relationship between discourse and the formation of subjectivity
from various perspectives, drawing on the works of Valentin-Yves Mudimbe, Pascah Mungwini,
and Desiree Lewis. I will also elaborate on how alternative subjectivity formation can be affected
through the production of alternative discourses, that is, how people can challenge the existing
norms, power relations, and create new ways of thinking and being. Furthermore, I will
thematize some of the socio-cultural issues that arise from the production of alternative
discourses and subjectivities, such as conflicts, tensions, or opportunities for dialogue and
collaboration among diverse groups. Finally, I will conclude my essay by suggesting ways in
which I think such socio-cultural issues might be creatively engaged with in future.

Longhurst et al. (2016) show the ways in which politics and culture interconnect with each other,
aiming more on the specific patterns that lead to subjectivity which is clearly interpreted by the
procedures of representation, performance, and legitimation. According to Longhurst et al.
(2016), politics are not only about formal institutions and practices, but go further to the struggle
of everyday over meaning, power, and identity. They denoted different viewpoints of the theory,
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such as Marxism, feminism, poststructuralism, and postcolonialism. This has led them to delve
into the ways in which the construction of political objects initiated and argues in various
conditions.

One of the key concepts that Longhurst et al. (2016) use to understand the formation of political
subjectivities is representation. Representation refers to the ways in which meanings are
produced and circulated through signs, symbols, and discourses. Representation is not a neutral
or transparent process, but a contested one that involves power relations and ideological
interests. Representation shapes how people see themselves and others, and how they relate to
the world. Representation can also be a site of resistance and challenge, where alternative or
oppositional meanings can be articulated and expressed.

Another concept that Longhurst et al. (2016) employ to examine the dynamics of political
subjectivities is performance. Performance refers to the ways in which people act out their
identities and roles in social situations. Performance is not a fixed or stable phenomenon, but a
fluid and creative one that can vary according to context, audience, and purpose. Performance
can also be a mode of agency and empowerment, where people can assert their individuality and
difference, or challenge dominant norms and expectations.

A third concept that Longhurst et al. (2016) utilize to explore the implications of political
subjectivities is legitimation. Legitimation refers to the processes by which certain meanings,
values and practices are accepted as valid, authoritative, or natural. Legitimation can be achieved
through various mechanisms, such as law, education, media, religion, or tradition. Legitimation
can also be contested or disrupted by exposing the contradictions, biases or injustices that
underlie them.

Longhurst et al. (2016) critically shows these concepts with different examples from
contemporary culture and politics, such as the Arab Spring, Occupy Wall Street, WikiLeaks,
environmental activism, celebrity politics, social media, and digital citizenship. They show how
these examples demonstrate the complexity and diversity of political subjectivities in the
globalized world, and how they pose new challenges and opportunities for cultural studies.

The importance of intersectionality in politics: Longhurst et al. (2016) stress that political
subjectivities are not determined by a single factor or category, but rather by multiple and
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intersecting axes of difference and oppression. They highlight how gender, race, class, sexuality,
nationality, and other factors shape political experiences and perspectives in diverse ways.

Valentin-Yves Mudimbe's seminal work, "African Gnosis: Philosophy and the Order of
Knowledge," (1988) earnestly examine the philosophical discourse on Africa, effectively
challenging the validity of Western epistemological frameworks in comprehending African
ontology. Mudimbe employs the concepts of "pastoral power" and "discursive response" to
spotlight the inherent bias prevalent within the narrative of Africa.

Pastoral power, as outlined by Michel Foucault and used by Mudimbe, refers to a form of power
that shapes and guides individuals not only in their actions but their fundamental perception of
reality (Foucault, 1982). This power is not just coercive but is imbibed willingly, subtly
influencing an individual's outlook on life, and thereby framing their discourse. It fundamentally
pertains to power as knower and definer, a thread that Mudimbe unfurls and extends to
interrogate how Western philosophy defines and perceives African knowledge.

Mudimbe's 'pastoral power' underpins colonial and postcolonial experiences and their effects on
African knowledge systems. He deftly notes, "Africa as an idea, a concept, has historically
served, and continues to serve, as polemic discourse for the West" (Mudimbe, 1988, Page. 4).
Here, Africa is relegated to a concept, void of active participatory agency, confined within the
Western narrative of Africa, controlled by the discourse of the Other.

An example of the manifestation of pastoral power in Africa is the categorization and

interpretation of African philosophical thought through Greek philosophical grid. Africa was
assumed a philosophical vacuum because its thought structures, embedded and communicated in
oral narratives like myth, folktales, aphorisms, and proverbs, did not conform to the written
discourse of the Greek tradition favored by the West (Masolo, 2010). The ethnophilosophical
approach ironically reinforced this bias, valorizing Western parameters over indigenous modes of
knowledge transmission.

Mudimbe suggests a "discursive response" as the only way get rid of the contemporary issue,
occurring ethnocentrism in Western epistemology. His approach comes with the influence of
diversity, promoting an acknowledgement of more various opinions around the world. Mudimbe
asks, “How can a foreign language, particularly one bound to be that of a master, help to develop
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the self-consciousness of a particular cultural point of view which the language does not convey
nor implicitly recognize?” (Mudimbe, 1988, p. 72).

One way the discursive response works is by challenging and shifting the gaze. Instead of
Africans as subjects of the Western narrative, they become active participants in their narrative,
injecting Indigenous perspectives into their self-perception. Mudimbe also advocates for the
dismantling of the hierarchized nature of knowledge, allowing for an equal and symbiotic
relationship that acknowledges and respects diverse landscapes of knowledge. As expressed by
Tsenay Serequeberhan, “the task of African philosophy today…is to provide a critical elaboration
of the African present, no more, no less” (Serequeberhan, 1994, p. 32). An explicit example of
this response can be seen in the work of Nigerian philosopher, Innocent Onyewuenyi, whose
seminal book, "The African Origin of Greek Philosophy: An Exercise in Afrocentrism," (1993)
attributed the origins of Greek philosophy to ancient Egypt, reconstructing the historical
narrative and eluding the pastoral power of Western philosophical discourse.

Michel Foucault, a renowned French philosopher, has been crucial in scrutinizing societal power
structures and the dynamics of discourse in a modern context. An essential part of his work
involves the idea of ‘panopticism,’ an omnipresent disciplinary technique inspired by Jeremy
Bentham’s panopticon prison design. While typical examinations of Foucault’s works confine
themselves within Western contexts, it is significant to consider his theories from the perspective
of non-Western societies such as Africa. In his paper 'Surveillance and cultural panopticism':
Situating Focault in African Modernities' (2012), Pascah Mungwini utilizes Foucault's notions to
examine Africa's socio-political dynamics.

Mungwini's exploration of Foucault’s theories within African modernities provides a compelling

analysis of disciplinary power and panopticism. The author applies Foucault’s ideas to the
postcolonial African situation, elaborating that African modernities are marked by different
forms of power and forms of knowledge, shaped by the effects of internal and external
influences.

As stated by Foucault, power is “everywhere” and often infiltrating society in less apparent
methods. This subtle imposition of power structures is more concerning as it could lead to self-
censorship, limiting free discourse. Mungwini relates this idea of disciplinary power to the
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African politics, arguing that the African continent is known for authoritarian leadership where
power is wielded surreptitiously, often leading to the populace's stifled voices (Mungwini, 2012).

Foucault's panopticism concept always involves the unseen presence of authorities, leading to
societal self-regulation. Mungwini uses this idea to scrutinize the role of international institutions
and media in Africa. The author posits that the Western gaze often acts as a panoptic mechanism
in Africa, whereby standards of governance, economics, and other societal components are
inescapably placed under scrutiny, creating an awareness of constant observation, thereby
exerting power over the continent (Mungwini, 2012).

However, it is important to note that Mungwini is not merely presenting a bleak picture of
suppressed discourse in Africa, subjected to internal and foreign forces. In line with Foucault's
vision, the author emphasizes the potential for resistance. Discursive responses can be powerful
tools in challenging the status quo, as people often devise ways to assert agency despite
suffocating power structures.

Mungwini highlights the significance of Indigenous knowledge systems as forms of discursive

resistance in Africa. The author argues that these local ways of thinking and understanding can
present alternatives to hegemonic western-centric paradigms, thereby pushing back against the
panoptic control of external entities (Mungwini, 2012). An example is the new generation of
African writers who imbue their works with indigenous nuances, rejecting the imposed
narratives and stereotypes about the continent.

While Mungwini's discourse pertains to the African context, the author's analyses possess a
resonance that extends well beyond the confines of the continent. The concept of panoptic
surveillance and the strategies employed to resist it hold relevance for any society that has
encountered hyper-vigilance or oppressive power structures.

Mungwini's 'Surveillance and cultural panopticism': Situating Focault in African Modernities'

(2012), invites readers to critically appraise Michel Foucault’s theories in a non-Western context.
The author makes a compelling case for the relevance of Foucault’s ideas beyond the
geographical confines of the West, foregrounding the need for more contextualized, localized
interpretations of his works.
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Through the lens of two pivotal works, Desiree Lewis's (2008) "Rethinking Nationalism" and
Adrienne Rich's (1980) "Compulsory Heterosexuality and Lesbian Existence," we embark on an
exploration of traditionally established notions of nationalism and sexuality. This essay examines
the interconnection between gender, sexuality, and nationalism, particularly in how they
contribute to and shape individual identities and social power structures.

In "Rethinking Nationalism," Lewis (2008) reasserts Michel Foucault's influential observations

of sexuality, urging us to perceive it within its broader socio-political context. Foucault (1976)
proposed that sexuality is not a natural construct, but something wielded by institutions to
control and shape individual identities. He stated, "Where there is power, there is resistance"
(Foucault, 1976, p. 95), implying an inherent linkage between sexuality and dominance.

Lewis (2008) argues that this concept mirrors nationalist ideologies, asserting that nations not
only dictate sexuality but also create cultural norms, controlling citizens within their perceived
and prescribed roles. Analogously, Rich's (1980) "Compulsory Heterosexuality and Lesbian
Existence" exposes the pervasive pressure toward heteronormativity, revealing it as a mechanism
employed by the patriarchal nation-state to maintain gender disparity.

In arguing against this compulsory heterosexuality, Rich (1980) states that "to assume that all
women are innately heterosexual is a denial of the reality of women's existence" (p. 633). This
denial, which infringes on the existence of lesbian women, is part of a larger nationalist discourse
shaping gender and sexual relationships. Similarly, Foucault contends that the normative
discourse of sexuality has historically played a role in oppressing groups that exist outside the
heterosexual norm. Nationalism and sexuality, as understood in these discussions, stand as social
and cultural constructs. The nation-state system, with its nationalist ideology, commands the
power to dictate normative sexuality, construe it as a tool of control, and, as Rich argues, even
suppress certain forms of it.

However, resistance emerges as a recurring theme against these hegemonic norms. Just as
Foucault (1976) articulates, societal power induces resistance, and this, too, becomes evident in
lesbian existence and their struggle against compulsory heterosexuality. Rich (1980) ensconces
the lesbian existence as a means of challenging and resisting the heteronormative order instated
by patriarchal systems. She regards lesbianism not merely as an individual sexual orientation, but
as "an act of resistance" (Rich, 1980, p. 638). The intersection of these socially constructed fields
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– nationalism, sexuality, and heteronormativity – allows us to perceive how power dynamics are
shaped and perpetuated in societies. Lewis and Rich have persuasively challenged the collective
consequence of these constructs.

At the same time, the resistance to these power mechanisms also deserves attention. Rich's
advocacy for the recognition of lesbian existence serves as a catalyst for marginalized
communities seeking to redefine their places within a heteronormative nationalist system.
Likewise, Lewis's work problematizes nationalism, urging a reconsideration of its implications
on sexuality.

Lewis and Rich collaboratively analyze the complicated dynamics of power entwined in
nationalism and heteronormativity. Their valuable perspectives urge us to critically examine
these constructs and scrutinize their pervasive impact on our individual and collective identities.

Discourse refers to systems of language, communication, and knowledge that shape the ways in
which individuals perceive and understand themselves and the world around them. Mudimbe
(1985) explores the role of colonial discourse in constructing subjectivities in African societies.
He argues that colonial powers imposed their language, aesthetics, and cultural paradigms on
colonized peoples, leading to the erasure and marginalization of indigenous subjectivities.

Similarly, Mungwini (2012) examines the impact of media discourse on subjectivity formation in
postcolonial Zimbabwe. He asserts that dominant media narratives perpetuate stereotypes,
reinforce power imbalances, and restrict individuals' agency, thereby shaping subjectivities
within specific socio-political contexts. Lewis (2008) extends these discussions by exploring the
intersections of gender, race, and sexuality within discursive formations of subjectivity. She
argues that discourse plays a pivotal role in shaping individuals' understandings of their own
identities and their place within society.

The production of alternative discourses offers a counterpoint to dominant narratives and enables
the formation of alternative subjectivities. By challenging or subverting established discursive
systems, alternative discourses disrupt the power dynamics that govern subjectivity formation.
Adrienne Rich's (1980) poetry serves as an exemplar of how alternative discourses can be used
to reinvent subjectivities and challenge oppressive systems. Rich's poetry examines issues of
gender, sexuality, and patriarchy, offering alternative discourses that resist the mainstream
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understanding of subjectivity. Through her use of vivid imagery and personal reflections, she
constructs narratives that empower marginalized voices, disrupt normative ideologies, and
facilitate the formation of alternative subjectivities.

The production of alternative discourses can give rise to various socio-cultural issues, as they
challenge existing power structures and provoke resistance from dominant groups. This
resistance is often rooted in fear of losing privilege, as alternative subjectivities challenge the
status quo and disrupt the hierarchy of power. For instance, in post-colonial societies, the
production of alternative discourses may be met with resistance from those who cling to the
colonial legacy and seek to maintain the dominant discursive systems. This resistance can
manifest in various forms, including censorship, marginalization, and even violence against those
advocating for alternative subjectivity formations.

The formation of alternative subjectivity through alternative discourses involves reconciling

multiple identities and navigating intersecting social categories. This can result in tensions and
conflicts within communities as individuals challenge societal norms and construct alternative
subjectivities.

Socio-cultural issues are complex and dynamic, requiring creative engagement to address them
effectively. Throughout this assignment, we have examined various socio-cultural issues,
including inequality, discrimination, environmental degradation, and the erosion of cultural
diversity. We have also explored different strategies and initiatives already in place to tackle
these issues. However, to make lasting change, it is crucial to consider future possibilities for
creative engagement. In this concluding section, we will suggest several ways in which socio-
cultural issues can be creatively engaged with in the future.

Arts and Culture: Art and culture have the power to fight against social norms, by promoting
empathy, and generation of dialogues in the society. This comes with the encouragement of
artists and cultural to make the issue of socio-cultural known with the influence of their work.
For example, the installations of the public art, theatre projects in the community, festivals for
cultural that will come with certain topics can have a major influence to promote good
understanding and social change.
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Education and Awareness: When it comes to addressing the issue of socio-culturalism,

education is the significant and the powerful tool to address it. The helpful way will be to
integrate social justice cultural awareness in the curricula of school will create the attitude of
empathy and enough undemanding among young individuals. Going further, this can also be
achieved through the method of social media awareness campaigns, and public service
announcement will lead it to be reached by many viewers and leave them with an education.

Collaborative Partnerships: Socio-cultural issues need the collective determination of work

coming from different stakeholders. For example, Governments, NGOs, private businesses, and
communities are supposed to collaborate to ensure that they establish innovative solutions. Thus,
to address the socio-cultural issues, creative ideas should be established using creating spaces for
dialogue and collaboration.

Technology and Innovation: Technology and innovation are possible coming with new
platforms to address socio-cultural issues. This can be achieved using digital platforms and
mobile applications which will bring people together, provide information, and bring an
opportunity to discuss social issues until they come with a formidable action.

Grassroots Movements: Empowering grassroots movements will be an effective factor to bring

a change in society. All the local organizations and initiatives based in the community report the
socio-cultural so that there will be a change. For example, provide funds for grassroots
organizations that are impactful, and taking seriously what they voice out will bring an impactful
change. [386]
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References:

Lewis, D. (2008). Rethinking nationalism in relation to Foucault’s History of Sexuality and

Rich’s “Compulsory Heterosexuality and Lesbian Existence.”

Longhurst, B., Smith, G., Bagnall, G., Crawford, G., and Ogborn, M. 2017. Introducing Cultural
Studies. (Third Edition). London: Routledge. ISBN: 9781138915725.

Masolo, D. A. (2010). Self and Community in a Changing World.

Mudimbe, V. Y. (1988). African Gnosis: Philosophy and the Order of Knowledge.”

Mungwini, P. (2012) 'Surveillance and cultural panopticism’: Situating Foucault in African

Modernities, South African Journal of Philosophy, 31:2, 340-353, DOI:
101.1080/02580136.2012.10751780.

Rich, A. (1980). Compulsory Heterosexuality and Lesbian Existence, Signs: Journal of Women
in Culture and Society, 5(4), pp. 631-660.