The Role of Archeology in the Yucatán Peninsula: from Nationalism to Tourism

Introduction

Archeology and ancient remains serve different purposes in different nation-states. In

some countries, such as in Switzerland, pile dwellings, also known as prehistoric stilt houses,

were used to create a “national and transnational identity.”1 Meanwhile, in other countries,

archeology is used to reinforce a conquest. For example, in some places archeological remains

were destroyed or built on top of to “demonstrate the lowly cultural state of the previous

inhabitants” – such as in the case of Tenochtitlán and Mexico City.2 In the Yucatán Peninsula, the

way in which ancient sites and remains sit in the national and international imagination have

evolved over time. The archeology in the Yucatán Peninsula of Mexico transitioned from serving

a purpose of building a national patrimony in the 19th and early 20th centuries, to having the

function of being a major revenue source for the Mexican economy from the late 20th century to

present day.

Analyzing the causes for this shift can provide a better understanding of the impact that

neoliberal ideologies have on Latin American countries. Further, such an analysis can help to

contextualize the remains of pre-Columbian Indigenous cities in the present. That being said, this

analysis cannot be used to generalize the intersection of archeology and nationalism in every

Latin American country, as each nation-state has a unique relationship between their national

identity and the ancient remains of their land.

This essay is divided into five sections. The first will cover theoretical definitions and

frameworks to understand the creation of a national identity, nationalism, and nationalistic

1
Sommer, U. (2017). Archaeology and Nationalism, In Key Concepts in Public Archaeology, edited by Gabriel
Moshenska, 166-186
2
Sommer, U. (2017). Archaeology and Nationalism, In Key Concepts in Public Archaeology, edited by Gabriel
Moshenska, 166-186
archeology. The second section will focus on how archeological evidence and remains allowed

for the rise of a national identity in Mexico. This area will refer specifically to the 19th and 20th

centuries, colonialism, and the role of Indigenismo. The third section will cover the intersection

of nationalism, economics, and tourism. That section will focus on global context and the impact

that neoliberal ideologies had on the national perception of archeology in Mexico allowing for

tourism to transpire. The fourth section will cover archeological tourism in the Yucatán Peninsula

specifically. This portion will discuss how archeology was commodified in this region, which

will be supported through analyzing Chichén Itzá and the Tren Maya. The last section of the

article will provide an analysis of the previous sections.

Nationalism and Archeology

To understand the intersection of nationalism and archeology, these two terms must first

be defined and contextualized. Archeology is the systematic study of the human past through its

material remains. In other words, archeologists use objects to understand past societies. This

discipline is conceptually straightforward; the definition of nationalism is more complex and

convoluted.

According to Kohl, nationalism is “the program for creating nations and exists prior to

the formation of the nation.”3 Using this definition, nationalism can arise even though a

nation-state has yet to exist. In the same way, nationalism “focuses on a glorious past to build

present and future imagined communities.4” As such, nationalism and national identities that

were created in the past can be used in modern day to support current and future political and

economic initiatives.

3
Kohl, P. (1998). Nationalism and Archaeology: On the Constructions of Nations and the Reconstructions of the
Remote Past, Annual Review of Anthropology, vol 27: 223-246.
4
Anderson, B. (2016). Imagined communities. Verso Books.
 Putting these two concepts together creates nationalistic archeology. Since archeology is

the study of the past through physical remains, “it [can be] used to justify national narratives”

that call on the past to build a national identity.5 This results in the findings of archeological

excavations to be appropriated by the leaders of nation-states to build a story that serves a

national purpose. Kohl supports this idea, noting how “historically, archeologists have helped

underwrite many nationalist programs.”6 In this way, archeologists support the narratives of what

Trouillot would consider “the winners of history.7” The case study of the archeological findings

of the Yucatán Peninsula and the national identity created by the Mexican government provides

an example of the rise of nationalistic archeology and its implications in one region.

Nationalism and Archeology in the 19th and 20th Centuries

The national identity of Mexicans today originates from before the nation was built,

following the definition of nationalism that Kohl provides. Criollos, the children of Spanish

colonists born in Latin America, wished to gain economic and political power over the land by

separating themselves and the natives from the Peninsulares. This was not easy, as a “challenge

included the need to create citizens out of colonial subjects and national identities from

fragmented, hierarchical colonial societies.”8 However, they were able to achieve their goal by

defining the identity of their group “by birthplace rather than race … transforming Peninsulares

into foreign enemies.”9 Additionally, Criollos used the “pre-Columbian past as an alternative

ancestry,” allowing them to create a national history that did not include the colonial country and

5
Sommer, U. (2017). Archaeology and Nationalism, In Key Concepts in Public Archaeology, edited by Gabriel
Moshenska, 166-186
6
Kohl, P. (1998). Nationalism and Archaeology: On the Constructions of Nations and the Reconstructions of the
Remote Past, Annual Review of Anthropology, vol 27: 223-246.
7
Trouillot, M. (2015). Chapter 1: The Power in the Story, In Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of
History.
8
Puerto, A. (2008). Nationalism and Ethnicity: Latin America. In Encyclopedia of Race and Racism.
9
Puerto, A.(2008). Nationalism and Ethnicity: Latin America. In Encyclopedia of Race and Racism.
proving that national political autonomy was possible.10 This resulted in a unified identity,

allowing for Mexican independence to transpire.

Following independence, the rise of Indigenismo as a political tool allowed for

nationalism to occur by continuing to base the national identity on the Indigenous and

pre-Columbian past. More specifically, according to Barnet-Sanchez, the Indigenismo movement

was “aim[ing] at characterizing the material culture and artistic production of pre-Hispanic

civilizations and living Indians and incorporating these within modern Mexico.”11 Similarly,

another definition for Indigenismo is “the idealization of Indigenous culture.”12 This concept was

popularized by Mexican president Porfirio Diaz who, ironically, also used racial science “to

rationalize the dispossession of rural Indigenous communities.”13 These negative sentiments

towards Indigenous people arose because present-day Indigenous peoples were “declared

incapable of participating in the life of the nation” and indeed imagined as a threat to national

well-being.”14 Diaz’s goal was to build a “modern” Mexico and the Indigenous population was

not allowing this to happen. Indigenismo was a solution to this problem by superficially

integrating them into society, while simultaneously creating a national identity. Unsurprisingly,

“Indigenismo is generally voiced by non-Indigenous criollos or mestizos, rather than by

Indigenous people themselves” since it did not help the Indigenous population in any way.15 This

is due to the fact that Indigenismo further supports the Mexican identity that exploits Indigenous

culture.

10
Tarica, E.(2016). Indigenismo. In The Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Latin American History.
11
Barnet-Sánchez, H. (2001). Indigenismo and Pre-Hispanic Revivals. In The Oxford Encyclopedia of
Mesoamerican Culture. vol. 2, pp. 42–44. Oxford University Press
12
Walker, C. (2009). Chapter 2: A Brief History of Mexican Archeology, Chapter 3: Heritage and Archaeological
Tourism in Mexico and Quintana Roo, In Heritage or Heresy.
13
Puerto, A. (2008). Nationalism and Ethnicity: Latin America. In Encyclopedia of Race and Racism.
14
Tarica, E. (2016). Indigenismo. In The Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Latin American History.
15
Tarica, E. (2016). Indigenismo. In The Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Latin American History.
 This phenomenon was further inscribed into the national identity with the popularization

and creation of mestizaje following the Mexican Revolution. Mestizaje has two definitions, the

first is the idea of a “genetic blend of European, American, and African populations,” while the

second is “a cultural blend of Indigenous and imported traditions into a synthesized Mexican

culture.”16 It was popularized after the Mexican Revolution with the goal of creating a “unifying

principle that could ‘homogenize’ Mexico’s diverse cultures into a single national culture that

was both modern and distinct.”17 José Vasconcelos – an intellectual, government official, and

politician – argued that this “cosmic race” would “propel Mexico into the future and the

international stage as a world power.”18 This demonstrates how the national identity also served

an economic and political purpose. As such, Indigenismo and mestizaje were political and social

tools. But, how could these collective ideas be accepted without material evidence? This is where

the study of the material remains of the past are able to create a national narrative.

Archeology in Mexico, similar to the idea of Mexican nationalism, began before the

official formation of the state. Originally, excavations served the purpose of finding objects that

European elites could add to their collection.19 After the Mexican independence, the organization

of archeology did not change much – in that bureaucratic elites still overlooked projects and

excavations. This set a precedent that “archaeological projects [means] currying favor with

current government executives.”20 In other words, in order to take part in an excavation one

would need to have governmental authorization and support. This resulted in much of the

narratives arising from archeological evidence to be controlled by the Mexican government. One

of the most prominent characters from this time was Mexico’s first professional archeologist and
16
Walker, C. (2009). Chapter 2: A Brief History of Mexican Archeology, In Heritage or Heresy.
17
Tarica, E. (2016). Indigenismo. In The Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Latin American History.
18
Higbee, Lauren (2012) Maya Aesthetics of Mestizaje: Mexican Revolutionary Architecture in the Yucatán.
Unpublished manuscript.
19
Walker, C. (2009). Chapter 2: A Brief History of Mexican Archeology, In Heritage or Heresy.
20
Walker, C. (2009). Chapter 2: A Brief History of Mexican Archeology, In Heritage or Heresy.
the director of anthropology in 1917: Manuel Gamio.21 Most notably, Gamio was “credited with

developing the concept of a practical… motivation for scientific archaeology by declaring that

research had both an archaeological component and a ‘patriotic instruction’ component.”22 This

indicates that post-Revolution, ancient remains and Mexican identity were clearly linked; in

other words, nationalistic archeology was the main type of archeology at this time.

During the 20th century, official archeology in Mexico had the goal of developing sites of

national patrimony; places where the national identity could be materialized. As mentioned

previously, Indigenismo can be defined as “an idealization of the Indigenous culture.”23 This does

not mean that all aspects of Indigenous culture are accepted in the national discourse, rather, only

certain portrayals are accepted. Due to this desire to depict a specific image of the ancient past,

the largest temples and monuments which idealized the Maya elite were the focus of archeology.

If Indigenous culture could be represented as sophisticated and grand, this meant that Mexican

culture fit the same descriptions – especially since at this point in time, Mexican culture was

synonymous with Indigenous culture.24 Archeological remains, such as monumental sites,

allowed for this idea to physically be supported. The combination of wanting an ideal Indigenous

narrative and the evidence that archeology provided in the creation of this story made ancient

sites the “centerpiece of the national consciousness.”25 Thus, nationalism led to an emphasis on

nationalistic archeology, which led to a focus on tourism. The natural question then becomes,

what ushered this change in priorities?

21
Walker, C. (2009). Chapter 2: A Brief History of Mexican Archeology, In Heritage or Heresy.
22
Walker, C. (2009). Chapter 2: A Brief History of Mexican Archeology, In Heritage or Heresy.
23
Walker, C. (2009). Chapter 2: A Brief History of Mexican Archeology, Chapter 3: Heritage and Archaeological
Tourism in Mexico and Quintana Roo, In Heritage or Heresy.
24
Walker, C. (2009). Chapter 2: A Brief History of Mexican Archeology, Chapter 3: Heritage and Archaeological
Tourism in Mexico and Quintana Roo, In Heritage or Heresy.
25
Walker, C. (2009). Chapter 2: A Brief History of Mexican Archeology, Chapter 3: Heritage and Archaeological
Tourism in Mexico and Quintana Roo, In Heritage or Heresy.
Nationalism, Economics, and Tourism in Mexico

As mentioned above, during the presidency of Porfirio Diaz, modernizing Mexico was

his goal – both culturally and economically. By emphasizing industrialization and expanding the

national railroad system, he was able to achieve a healthy level of sustained economic growth

during his three decades as president.26 At the same time, Mexico was entering the world stage.

This led the Mexican government to want to depict a specific image of the country to the

international community. A main reason for this was to increase foreign investment and

European immigration into the country, as this was deemed as a way to modernize it.27 The

government elites believed that if “only they heard about Mexico’s beauty and wealth,”

foreigners would invest in their country.28 The newly introduced national identity was a tool they

were able to use to achieve this. By calling on the “Indigenous history” of the country through

the portrayal of the Aztec Palace at the 1889 World Fair, they were able to display a culturally

rich and fertile land.29 This shows that nationalism can facilitate economic goals as “they are

complementary: the economic goals would have been inconceivable without the unifying myths

of the nation and its nationality” – while at the same time, the creation of the national identity

“could not have been understood without its economic imperatives.”30 The Mexican

government’s participation in World Fairs and the connection between nationalism and

economics persisted overtime. Before, the goal was to present a “modern” and respected country

to the world, however, during the 1930s, there was a shift to emphasize the economic power of

the country due to the global emphasis on neoliberal ideologies and free-market capitalism. More

26
Tenorio-Trillo, M. (1996). Chapter 2: The Imperatives of Mexican Progress. In Mexico at the World’s Fairs. p.33
27
Tenorio-Trillo, M. (1996). Chapter 2: The Imperatives of Mexican Progress. In Mexico at the World’s Fairs.
28
Tenorio-Trillo, M. (1996). Chapter 2: The Imperatives of Mexican Progress. In Mexico at the World’s Fairs. p.31
29
Tenorio-Trillo, M. (1996) Chapter 5: The Aztec Palace and the History of Mexico, In Mexico at the World’s Fairs.
30
Tenorio-Trillo, M. (1996). Chapter 2: The Imperatives of Mexican Progress. In Mexico at the World’s Fairs. p.37
specifically, “the overall aim was to highlight the possibilities for commerce and investment to

appeal to the twentieth century’s new industry: tourism.”31

Tourism can be defined as “a separation from normal life in order to experience, however

briefly, an alternative life that meets different mental and cultural needs.”32 For people who are

not native to the northern part of the Yucatán Peninsula, in present day Mexico, this area is able

to provide this “escape” and the cultural differentiation that tourists want. This can be seen

through “the idealized Maya world at Xcaret, which is touted as a source of revenue for the

region and is very popular with the public,” in which people are able to pretend to live and walk

through an ancient site.33 This source of income is not unique to Mexico, as it is widely noted

how “archeological tourism, a variation of heritage tourism, is a particularly important economic

asset for…developing countries.”34 By creating this relationship between underdeveloped

countries and tourists, it makes the underdeveloped countries become dependent on

archeological tourism. In this context, it facilitates an economic system under which the

government is reliant on tourism for economic growth.

To continue, Mexican tourism is dependent on foreign investment and tourists. In 1991,

tourism was Mexico’s second largest generator of foreign currency and the second biggest

employer in the country.35 This then makes the Mexican economy and labor market dependent on

foreign influences; a form of neocolonialism. This relationship was facilitated by the United

Nations (U.N.), an institution that encourages neoliberal ideologies. In the late 1990s, “an

31
Tenorio-Trillo, M. (1996). Chapter 13: The 1929 Seville Fair, In Mexico at the World’s Fairs. p. 235
32
Walker, C. (2009). Chapter 3: Heritage and Archaeological Tourism in Mexico and Quintana Roo, In Heritage or
Heresy. p. 45
33
Walker, C. (2009). Chapter 3: Heritage and Archaeological Tourism in Mexico and Quintana Roo, In Heritage or
Heresy. p. 44
34
Walker, C. (2009). Chapter 3: Heritage and Archaeological Tourism in Mexico and Quintana Roo, In Heritage or
Heresy. p. 37
35
Walker, C. (2009). Chapter 3: Heritage and Archaeological Tourism in Mexico and Quintana Roo, In Heritage or
Heresy. p. 49
International Year of Tourism was declared by the U.N.… when there was optimism that

travelers from wealthier countries would positively contribute to the economic advancement of

developing countries36. This resulted in Mexico, like many other developing countries, to

aggressively promote and encourage the development of tourism in the country. In the Yucatán

Peninsula, this meant increasing the excavation of large archeological sites.

Archeological Tourism in the Yucatán Peninsula

In the early 20th century, the Yucatán Peninsula was bountiful with henequen, which was

in great demand across the world, as this spiky plant was essential for rope and package twining.

However, the economic power of this area fell in the 1930s due to “the advent of synthetic

petroleum-based ropes and fibers in the global north” – a cheaper substitute for henequen –

creating a need for a new revenue stream in this region.37 In the long-run, this did not impact the

archeological projects in the area as the excavation of Maya ruins and study of this civilization

continued, which in the following decades allowed for a new industry to form in the region. Most

notable, the ancient Maya hieroglyphic system was decoded by a Russian linguist. This increased

“the international prestige of the ancient Maya” resulting in a higher demand for archeological

tourism in the area.38 This made “the archaeological sites that were once buried in the

jungle…accessible to a growing tourist industry.”39 As discussed in the previous section, the

Mexican government believed that tourism would allow for economic growth, thus promoting

this industry.

36
Walker, C. (2009). Chapter 2: A Brief History of Mexican Archeology, Chapter 3: Heritage and Archaeological
Tourism in Mexico and Quintana Roo, In Heritage or Heresy. p. 47
37
McAnany, P. (2016). Chapter 2. Forging Nationalism and Indenturing Labor, in Maya Cultural Heritage. Rowman
& Littlefield.
38
Chinchilla Mazariegos, O. (2012). Archaeology in Guatemala: Nationalist, Colonialist, Imperialist. In The Oxford
Handbook of Mesoamerican Archaeology, edited by Deborah L. Nichols. p. 64
39
Chinchilla Mazariegos, O. (2012). Archaeology in Guatemala: Nationalist, Colonialist, Imperialist. In The Oxford
Handbook of Mesoamerican Archaeology, edited by Deborah L. Nichols. p. 64
 More generally, tourism as an industry grew all over Latin America during the 20th

century. This created a need for Mexico to differentiate itself from other tourist-based countries;

archeological ruins were the solution to this problem. However, the Maya civilization was not

situated in only what is modern-day Mexico, but rather across Central America, and all countries

wanted a share of the emerging industry. This resulted in the International Ruta Maya program of

1989. It was “a joint agreement among Mexico, Guatemala, Belize, El Salvador and Honduras to

promote ecotourism…The presidents from the five countries met together …and agreed to share

jurisdiction over the Maya territory in order to inaugurate the massive tourism plan that included

a 1,500-mile-long road linking the five countries.”40 This demonstrates the importance and value

of archeological tourism for these countries in the late 20th century. Additionally, it indicates the

commodification of the ruins as mostly having an economic purpose for these countries.

Analyzing the Maya site of Chichén Itzá from a historical perspective allows for a clear

narrative of commodification to be seen. Today, this Maya site, which is located in the northern

portion of the Yucatán Peninsula, is one of the most visited archeological sites in Mexico and is

considered an UNESCO World Heritage site.41 Its popularity and international recognition allows

for the site’s function of creating a national identity to serve an economic purpose to be evident.

More specifically, this story can be seen when the land that the ruins are situated on was legally

exchanged between Edward Thompson and the Barbachano family in 1955. Author Lisa Breglia

notes how “this land swap is an example of how..the presence of archeological movements did

not factor significantly for all parties in the negotiation of landholding or value.”42 In this case,

Thompson and his family did not see much future value in the monuments themselves, but the

40
Walker, C. (2009). Chapter 2: A Brief History of Mexican Archeology, Chapter 3: Heritage and Archaeological
Tourism in Mexico and Quintana Roo, In Heritage or Heresy. p. 45
41
Chichen Itza. (n.d.). Chichen Itza | Mexico | Mayan Ruins | Archaeological Site.
42
Breglia, L. (2006). Chapter 3: Chichén Itzá: A Century of Privatization, In Monumental Ambivalence: The Politics
of Heritage. p.84
Barbachano family did. Breglia goes on to call him the first tourist entrepreneur, as he had a

vision to build a hotel next to the ruins.43 This is also a result of the neoliberal ideology, which

believes that private ownership of land allows for better usage of the terrain, leading to greater

efficiency and profits. These influences are also seen in federal Mexican law, which allows for

the land around national monuments to be privatized, though the monuments themselves remain

public property.44 As a result, Chichén Itzá became a place of both national and private

ownership, allowing for archeological tourism to transpire.

The effect of tourism on archeology in Mexico is still evident today. Today, tourism is

still one of the most important industries in Mexico. According to the Organization for Economic

Cooperation and Development tourism accounted for eight percent of the national gross domestic

product in 2019.45 In the same year, over four million Mexican nationals were employed in the

tourism sector, which is about nine percent of the total national employment46 Prior to the

COVID-19 Pandemic, there was an upward trend in the number of international tourists visiting

Mexico in a year – reaching 97.4 million in 2019, in comparison to 75.7 million in 2011.47 This

shows how there is a growing potential and demand for this industry. According to the Embassy

of Mexico, tourists visit the country to “see the archeological sites, colonial architecture, the

dramatic scenery and beautiful beaches.”48 This demonstrates how archeology is one of the main

forces pulling tourists and money into the country – reaping economic benefits for the Mexican

state.

43
Breglia, L. (2006). Chapter 3: Chichén Itzá: A Century of Privatization, In Monumental Ambivalence: The Politics
of Heritage
44
Breglia, L. (2006). Chapter 3: Chichén Itzá: A Century of Privatization, In Monumental Ambivalence: The Politics
of Heritage
45
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. (2022, July 29). Mexico - Tourism in the Economy and
Outlook for Recovery.
46
Secretaria de Turismo. (2020, February 24). 2019 Results of Tourism Activity. Datatur.sectur.gob.mx.
47
Secretaria de Turismo. (2020, February 24). 2019 Results of Tourism Activity. Datatur.sectur.gob.mx.
48
Embassy of Mexico United Kingdom. (n.d.). The Economy.
 The tourism market had been growing for almost a decade, which has led to an increase

in public investment in the tourism industry. Currently, the Mexican government’s newest project

is the Tren Maya. As of July 2022, the project is estimated to cost nearly $20 billion.49 The train

itself will be 1,525 km long (947 miles) and will connect the “Maya World,” which will decrease

costs for transporting goods and for tourists who want to visit the different archeological sites.50

As part of the U.N.’sPartnership Accelerator 2030 Agenda, the Mexican government has decided

to focus on creating more sustainable tourism in the Yucatán Peninsula. Its main objective is to

“design and co-create a partnership to to support sustainable tourism in the Yucatán peninsula.

Decreasing environmental impact and ensuring sustainable development based on principles of

human rights and gender equality.”51 Supporting this goal, the train officially aims to “improve

the quality of life, take care of the environment, and promote sustainable development.”52 It is

important to note that, though it is marketed as an economic and environmental project, the

development of the train is headed by the department of tourism.53 This new venture

demonstrates how the national goals for archeology are no longer to create a national identity,

but rather to promote economic growth and development in the country.

In cultural economical terms, the government’s motivation to invest in archeological sites

has changed.54 Originally, the main reason as to why the Mexican government invested resources

in ancient remains in the 20th century was to create a concise national identity and gain global

prestige. In the past few decades, the government’s interest and involvement in archeology has

49
Navarro, A. (2022, July 26). Mexico's Maya Train Project to Cost Up to $20 Billion, 70% Over Budget.
Bloomberg
50
Gobierno de Mexico. (n.d.). Proyecto Regional Tren Maya | Fondo Nacional de Fomento al Turismo | Gobierno |
gob.mx. Gobierno de México.
51
Findlay, R. (2021, June). MEXICO. Sustainable Development Goals.
52
Tren maya | Campaña | gob.mx. (n.d.). Gobierno de México
53
Tren maya | Campaña | gob.mx. (n.d.). Gobierno de México
54
Ginsburgh, Throsby, D., Ginsburgh, V. A., & Throsby, D. (2013). Chapter 30: Culture in Urban and Regional
Development. Handbook of the economics of art and culture: Repr (1st ed., Vol. 25). North-Holland. p. 1051 - 1099.
shifted, and now hopes that archeological tourism will support the local and national economy

through public investment and private subsidization. This can be seen in their support for the

Tren Maya and continuous excavation and restoration of archaeological sites throughout the

country. Archeology today serves an economic purpose.

Concluding Thoughts

By focusing on the creation of archeological tourism in the Yucatán Peninsula and

nationalism in Mexico overall, the shift of the purpose of archeology is evident. Previously,

Indigenismo and mestizaje were the drivers in creating a national function for archeology. The

Mexican government used archeological remains and glorified pre-Columbian societies for

nationalistic purposes and to create a romanticized consciousness of the country. This practice

was prominent in the 19th and 20th centuries. It is important to mention that this idealization of

culture was superficial, as Indigenous people have yet to be fully accepted into Mexican society,

suffering racism and marginalization in a country that has based its identity on their past.

Overtime, specifically in the late 20th century, neoliberal ideologies shifted the function

of archeology in Mexico. Tarica notes that “Indigenismo as state policy has lost most of its

relevance in the age of neoliberal globalization.”55 Consequently, capitalism and international

perceptions caused the objective of archeology to change. Mexico, wanting to increase its

economic power during this time turned to tourism, specifically archeological tourism, to achieve

its goal. This led to the commodification of ancient sites and monuments, such as that of Chichén

Itzá. The Tren Maya can serve as a case study that showcases how this practice is still relevant

and present in modern-day Mexico, and its impact is yet to be analyzed. Though the relationship

between archeology and the Mexican state has changed overtime, evidence suggests that it is

here to stay.
55
Tarica, E. (2016). Indigenismo. In The Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Latin American History.
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