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BAMBOO
Climate Change Adaptation and Mitigation
BAMBOO
Climate Change Adaptation and Mitigation

Arun Jyoti Nath, PhD


Gudeta W. Sileshi, PhD
Ashesh Kumar Das, PhD
Apple Academic Press Inc. Apple Academic Press, Inc.
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Burlington ON L7L 1A4, Canada Palm Bay, Florida 32905, USA
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This book contains information obtained from authentic and highly regarded sources. Reprinted material is quoted with permis-
sion and sources are indicated. Copyright for individual articles remains with the authors as indicated. A wide variety of references
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Names: Nath, Arun Jyoti, author. | Sileshi, Gudeta W., author. | Das, Ashesh Kumar, author.
Title: Bamboo : climate change adaptation and mitigation / Arun Jyoti Nath, Gudeta W. Sileshi,
Ashesh Kumar Das.
Description: Palm Bay, Florida : Apple Academic Press, [2020] | Includes bibliographical references and index.
| Summary: “This new book, Bamboo: Climate Change Adaptation and Mitigation, presents an abundance of
important information and case studies that deal with bamboo farming and its effects from and on climate change
adaptation and mitigation. There is a lack of research on the role of bamboo in climate change adaptation and
mitigation; this volume helps to fill that gap by providing information that will enable policymakers to consider
bamboo farming and its implications in carbon trading. Bamboo represents one of the world’s highest yielding
renewable natural resources and is an important source of non-timber forest products for subsistence use as well as
for materials with many commercial and industrial uses. There are over 1500 documented applications of bamboo
products, including materials for bridges, construction, furniture, agricultural tools, handicrafts, papers, textiles,
boards, edible shoots, and bioenergy applications. With their fast growth rate and rapid propagation, bamboo
forests have a high C storage potential, especially when the harvested culms are transformed into durable products
and thereby prolonging the C storage. Environmentalists love bamboo for its quick growth and for the fact that it
can be harvested without harming the environment. This volume will be a rich resource on the role of bamboo in
ecological farming and climate change mitigation. Key features: Explores the role of bamboo on climate change
and environment and ecosystem-based adaptation to climate change Considers overlooked bamboo biomass
resources Explains carbon capture and storage potential in bamboo Assesses opportunities for carbon farming and
carbon trading in bamboo Looks at the role on bamboo cultivation on the livelihood of rural populations Details the
soil properties needed for bamboo-based agroforestry systems”-- Provided by publisher.
Identifiers: LCCN 2019057577 (print) | LCCN 2019057578 (ebook) | ISBN 9781771888301 (hardcover) |
ISBN 9780429297311 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Bamboo. | Bamboo--Utilization. | Carbon dioxide mitigation.
Classification: LCC SB317.B2 N368 2020 (print) | LCC SB317.B2 (ebook) | DDC 633.5/8--dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019057577
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019057578

Apple Academic Press also publishes its books in a variety of electronic formats. Some content that appears in print may not be
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Dedication

To My Beloved Parents
—Arun Jyoti Nath
About the Authors

Arun Jyoti Nath, PhD


Assistant Professor, Department of Ecology and Environmental Science,
Assam University, Silchar, India
Arun Jyoti Nath, PhD, is an Assistant Professor of Ecology and Environ-
mental Science at Assam University, Silchar, India, and a PLOS ONE
Academic Editor since 2017. He is an ecologist with diverse experience in
research and teaching. He holds a BSc degree in Botany, an MSc degree in
Ecology, and a PhD degree in plant ecology and management. He has over
15 years of experience in bamboo research. His research interest includes
ecosystem carbon dynamics at regional and landscape scale.

Gudeta W. Sileshi, PhD


Senior Scientist in Agro-Ecology; Senior Fellow, School of Agriculture,
Earth and Environmental Science, University of KwaZulu-Natal,
South Africa
Gudeta W. Sileshi, PhD, is a senior scientist in agro-ecology and was
formerly the regional representative of the World Agroforestry Centre
(ICRAF) in southern Africa and a lecturer at the Alemaya University of
Agriculture in Ethiopia. He is currently a freelance consultant in agricul-
ture and the environment and a Senior Fellow in the School of Agriculture,
Earth and Environmental Science at the University of KwaZulu-Natal,
South Africa. He holds a BSc degree in biology, an MSc degree in agricul-
ture, and a PhD degree in insect ecology. He has over 25 years of experi-
ence in agricultural research and development. His major research interest
is in production ecology linking plot level patterns to landscape level
processes and ecosystem services. With over 200 papers in peer-reviewed
journals and three co-edited books, he has widely published on forest
ecology, sustainable agriculture and food security across sub-Saharan
Africa and the Indian sub-continent.
viii About the Authors

Ashesh Kumar Das, PhD


Professor, Department of Ecology and Environmental Science,
Assam University, Silchar, Assam, India
Ashesh Kumar Das, PhD, is a Professor in the Department of Ecology and
Environmental Science at Assam University in Silchar, Assam, India. His
research interests include tree diversity and ecology, carbon management
in forest and agricultural ecosystem, and soil ecology. Professor Das has
published over 120 peer-reviewed research papers in leading journals.
Contents

Abbreviations ....................................................................................................... xi
Preface ............................................................................................................... xiii

1. General Introduction .................................................................................. 1


2. Ecosystem Services and Human Uses of Bamboos ................................ 11
3. Soil Quality Assessment of Bamboo-Based Systems .............................. 31
4. Role of Bamboo in Ecosystem-Based Adaptation .................................. 43
5. Traditional Bamboo Products: Are They Green? .................................. 55
6. Biomass Models ......................................................................................... 65
7. Bamboo-Based Home Gardens: Opportunities for
Biomass Production and Carbon Sequestration .................................... 89
8. Soil Properties and Carbon Sequestration in
Bamboo-Based Systems .......................................................................... 105
9. Carbon Farming and Carbon Trading ................................................. 119
10. Challenges, Conclusions, and Recommendations ................................ 135

Color insert of illustrations .......................................................................... A–H

Index ................................................................................................................. 141


Abbreviations

AGB aboveground biomass


AGC aboveground carbon
BBFFs bamboo-based family forests
BFFs bamboo family forests
BGC belowground carbon
CDM clean development mechanism
CEC cation exchange capacity
CICES Common International Classification of Ecosystem Services
CO2 carbon dioxide
CRI cumulative rating index
DBH due to its smaller size
DRC Democratic Republic of Congo
EbA ecosystem-based adaptation
FTFA Food and Trees for Africa
GHG greenhouse gas
IEA International Energy Agency
INDCs independently determined national contributions
LUC land-use change
MBC microbial biomass carbon
MIT Massachusetts Institute of Technology
MTE metabolic theory of ecology
PES payment for ecosystem services
R&D Research and Development
REDD reducing deforestation and forest degradation
RMSE root mean square of error
SOC soil organic carbon
SQI soil quality index
TEC total ecosystem carbon
UNEP United Nations Environment Programme
UNFCCC United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change
Preface

Combating greenhouse gas (GHG) emission through reducing sources or


enhancing sinks of GHGs has been the priority theme of global research
since the mid-1990s. Among the GHGs, the increase in carbon dioxide
(CO2) concentrations in the atmosphere through anthropogenic activities
has been the prime cause of global warming. Since direct CO2 emission
from deforestation and land-use change (LUC) contributes ~10% of total
anthropogenic emission, it is one of the most important human-driven
anthropogenic sources of atmospheric CO2. Forests play a major role
in global terrestrial carbon (C) cycling. In recent years, the C cycle has
become an important issue in the world, and plants play a major role in C
storage. Global climate change has inspired an increasing interest within
the scientific community and policymakers in the development of low-cost
methods to sequester atmospheric CO2. In that regard, the potentiality of
forestry and agroforestry systems in carbon sink management has been
prioritized in climate policies, while bamboo dominated systems, in
particular, remain little explored.
Bamboos are a group of large woody grasses that belongs to the grass
family. Bamboos consist of about 118 genera with around 1482 species
worldwide. Bamboos represent one of the world’s highest yielding
renewable natural resources. Bamboos are an important source of non-
timber forest products for subsistence use, and also materials with several
commercial and industrial uses. They have over 1500 documented appli-
cations, including material for building bridges, construction materials,
making furniture, agricultural tools, handicrafts, paper, textiles, boards,
edible shoots, and bioenergy applications. With their fast growth rate and
rapid propagation, forests have a high C storage potential, especially when
the harvested culms are transformed into durable products and thereby
prolonging the C storage. Bamboos also sequester the significantly higher
amounts of C than many terrestrial ecosystems around the world.
This book aims to provide useful information on carbon farming with
bamboos in the form of biomass storage and C sequestration through
managed village and forest stands and their potential role in ecosystem-
based adaptation and climate change mitigation. The book also addresses
xiv Preface

the challenges in the development of biomass estimation models for


precise estimation of village and forest bamboo biomass and carbon stor-
ages. The book also recommends that carbon farming with bamboos be
given greater recognition in research and policy decisions not only for
its value in climate change mitigation but also for its potential to provide
industrial raw materials, water shade management, and income generation.
CHAPTER 1

General Introduction

1.1 BACKGROUND

Recent studies indicate that climate change is increasing at an unprec-


edented rate, and this change is driven by anthropogenic greenhouse gas
emissions (GHG), particularly carbon dioxide (CO2). According to the
International Energy Agency (IEA), GHG emissions from fossil fuels
grew by 1.4% in 2011, and it reached a record level of 31.6 GtCO2 equiva-
lents per year in 2012, which was the highest level in history (IEA, 2013).
Researchers at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) have
projected that global GHG emissions may rise to 64 GtCO2 equivalents
by 2050. They also project that it will rise to 78 GtCO2 equivalents by
2100 (MIT Joint Program on the Science and Policy of Global Change,
2017). These levels of GHG emission may result in 2.6–5.2°C increases
in temperature by 2100 (Rogelj et al., 2016). Over the years, a number of
international actions have been suggested to be implemented under the
United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC)
to reduce atmospheric CO2 concentrations (Burns and Nicholson, 2017).
A number of mitigation approaches have also been proposed to main-
tain temperatures below 2°C (Burns and Nicholson, 2017). The primary
geoengineering approaches currently in use seek to remove and sequester
CO2 mainly through biological, geochemical, or chemical means (Burns
and Nicholson, 2017; Williamson, 2016). The most frequently cited
options include fertilization of oceans with iron, enhanced weathering,
direct air capture, bioenergy carbon (C) capture and storage systems, and
afforestation (Burns, 2016; Burns and Nicholson, 2017). Afforestation has
several positive effects. First, C sequestration in both above, and below-
ground tree biomass is an important mitigation strategy, which is now
referred to as carbon farming (Becker et al., 2013; Toensmeier, 2016).
Secondly, through increased forest cover, daily surface temperatures may
2 Bamboo: Climate Change Adaptation and Mitigation

be reduced in subtropical regions due to changes in the surface energy


balance. Thirdly, a variety of additional effects may be achieved, such as
the production of biofuel and soil nutrients, as well as the creation of a
healthier environment (Becker et al., 2013).
Carbon farming, by definition, involves changing or introducing
specific on-farm practices designed either to reduce GHG emissions, or to
store carbon in the landscape (Sileshi and Nath, 2017). In this approach,
woody perennials are believed to play a significant role, especially through
activities that focus on the restoration of marginal cropland or degraded
forest lands (Guo et al., 2002). A transition from annual cropping to a
system that involves woody perennials typically increases in aboveground
and belowground C inputs, thus leading to system C sequestration (Paus-
tian et al., 2016).
Among the perennials, bamboo can particularly be a powerful tool
in carbon farming (Nath et al., 2015; Sileshi and Nath, 2017) and rural
livelihoods (Lobovikov et al., 2012). Bamboos belong to the grass family
(Poaceae), but they have a tree-like growth habit. Unlike trees, the bamboo
plant does not have a central trunk or main axis in its basic frame (Banik,
2015a). With over 1500 documented uses, bamboos are known to be multi-
purpose crops in the tropics (Bystriakova et al., 2004). However, they have
received very little attention in research, development, and global policy
and agreements related to climate change (Sileshi and Nath, 2017). As a
means for mitigating climate change impacts, the clean development mech-
anism (CDM) promotes carbon forestry activities in the developing world
(UNFCCC, 2002). So far, CDM projects have mainly focused on tree
planting in degraded forestland with fast-growing tree species (Sohel et al.,
2015). Although bamboos are fast-growing and are characterized by high
biomass productivity (Scurlock et al., 2000; Nath et al., 2015), they have
been neglected in the selection of species for plantation (Sohel et al., 2015).
The harvest time for bamboos is very short (3–5 years) in comparison to
most timber species, which take 10–50 years (Desalegn and Tadesse, 2014).
Bamboos also have a high potential for biomass production and carbon
sequestration (Wang et al., 2013; Zhang et al., 2014; Zhou et al., 2011; Nath
et al., 2009, 2015; Yuen et al., 2017). Due to the ambiguity relating to the
classification of bamboos as trees, initially, bamboos were not considered
in CDM projects (Lobovikov et al., 2012). In its 39th meeting, the CDM
executive board has decided that bamboos can be considered equivalent
to trees in afforestation and reforestation (Lobovikov et al., 2012) but the
General Introduction 3

decision on whether or not to include them in CDM projects has still been
left to the designated national authorities (Sohel et al., 2015). In many parts
of the world, there is a culture of bamboo farming. For example, in China,
there are millions of farmers who grow bamboo as a component in inte-
grated farming systems (Banik, 2015b).
There is some uncertainty regarding the identity of endemic bamboo
species, state of the bamboo resource base, and their potential for commer-
cial exploitation. Therefore, the objective of this chapter is to provide
a synthesis of the state of the bamboo resource, their diversity, and the
potential for carbon farming.

1.2 BAMBOO ENDEMISM, DIVERSITY, AND DISTRIBUTION

With an estimated area of 30 million hectares, bamboos account for 1% of


the total global forest area (Kuehl, 2015). The latest estimate puts the total
global bamboo forest area at 30.5 million hectares (Du et al., 2018). Bamboos
grow in all continents, with the exception of Antarctica and Europe (Table
1.1). They grow in association with a wide variety of mesic to wet forest
types in both temperate and tropical regions. Some species have adapted to
open grasslands, while others occur in more specialized habitats.

TABLE 1.1 Changes in the Total Area of Bamboos in the World Between the Years 1990
and 2010 Within Various Regions of the World
Total Area (Million ha)
Region
1990 2000 2005 2010 % Change
Africa 3.69 3.66 3.64 3.63 –1.7%
Asia 15.41 16.31 16.94 17.36 12.6%
South America 10.40 10.40 10.40 10.40 0.0%
North and Central America 0.04 0.04 0.04 0.04 5.4%
Oceania 0.02 0.04 0.05 0.05 95.7%
World 29.56 30.44 31.07 31.47 6.5%
(Source: Kuehl, 2015).

Bamboos belong to one of 12 subfamilies (i.e., subfamily Bambusoi-


deae) within the grass family (Poaceae) (Kelchner and BPG, 2013). They
represent the only major grass lineage to diversify in forests (Clark et al.,
2015). There are nearly 1,500 species in 119 genera globally (Clark et al.,
4 Bamboo: Climate Change Adaptation and Mitigation

2015), and extant species are classified into three tribes (Kelchner and
BPG, 2013; Bamboo Phylogeny Group, 2012). These are the tribe Arun-
dinarieae (mainly temperate woody bamboos), tribe Bambuseae (tropical
woody bamboos), and Olyreae (herbaceous bamboos) (Kelchner and BPG,
2013; Bamboo Phylogeny Group, 2012). The woody bamboos (Arundi-
narieae and Bambuseae) are characterized by complex rhizome systems,
a tree-like habit, usually hollow culms, well-differentiated culm leaves,
and well-developed aerial branching. In contrast, Olyreae (herbaceous
bamboos) is characterized by a lack of well-differentiated culm leaves and
restricted vegetative branching (Clark et al., 2015).

1.2.1 TRIBE ARUNDINARIEAE

The Arundinarieae consists of 546 species in 30 genera distributed


primarily in forests of the northern temperate zone, but also in some high
elevation tropical regions of both the northern and southern hemispheres
(Clark et al., 2015). With some exceptions, the Arundinarieae occupy
temperate deciduous forests, mixed coniferous, and deciduous forests,
or coniferous forests in the Northern hemisphere (Clark et al., 2015).
They are commonly found in the understory, often forming the dominant
element on wet sites (Clark et al., 2015). With over 430 species, East Asia
is the center of diversity of Arundinarieae, with their areas of endemism,
including China (over 180 species), Japan (80 species), Southeast Asia (60
species), Sri Lanka (5 species). Some species are also known to be endemic
to North America and tropical Africa, including Madagascar (Table 1.2).

1.2.2 TRIBE BAMBUSEAE

This tribe consists of 812 species of tropical woody bamboos in 66 genera


(Table 1.3) widely distributed in both Paleotropical (the Old World) and
Neotropical (New World) regions. Paleotropical Bambuseae consists of
407 species in 45 genera, while Neotropical Bambuseae comprises at least
405 species in 21 genera (Clark et al., 2015). Paleotropical Bambuseae
is distributed throughout South-East Asia, northern Australia, India, Sri
Lanka, and Africa, including Madagascar. The areas with the greatest
diversity of Paleotropical Babuseae include China, India, Myanmar,
Thailand, Vietnam, and Madagascar. The distribution of Neotropical
General Introduction 5

TABLE 1.2 Genera in the Tribe Arundinarieae, the Number of Extant Species and Their
Region of Endemism
Genera Number Region of Genera Number Region of
of Species Endemism of Species Endemism
Acidosasa 11 Asia Oldeania 1 Africa
Ampelocalamus 13 Asia Oligostachyum 15 Asia
Arundinaria 3 North Phyllosasa 1 Asia
America
Bashania 2 Asia Phyllostachys 51 Asia
Bergbambos 1 Asia Pleioblastus 40 Asia
Chimonobambusa 37 Asia Pseudosasa 19 Asia
Chimonocalamus 11 Asia Sarocalamus 3 Asia
Drepanostachyum 10 Asia Sasa 40 Asia
Fargesia 90 Asia Sasaella 13 Asia
Ferrocalamus 2 Asia Sasamorpha 5 Asia
Gaoligongshania 1 Asia Semiarundinaria 10 Asia
Gelidocalamus 9 Asia Shibataea 7 Asia
Himalayacalamus 8 Asia Sinobambusa 10 Asia
Indocalamus 23 Asia Thamnocalamus 4 Africa, Asia
Indosasa 15 Asia Yushania 80 Asia
Kuruna 6 Asia
(Source: Bamboo Phylogeny Group, 2012).

Bambuseae ranges from Mexico along Central America to South America


and the Caribbean Islands (Clark et al., 2015).

1.2.3 TRIBE OLYREAE

The Olyreae or herbaceous bamboos consist of 124 species in 22 genera


and are native to tropical Asia, with the exception of the genus Eremitis
(Clark et al., 2015). Species in this tribe typically occur in rain forests
and less commonly in lower montane forests at altitudes of up to 1,500
m. The centers of diversity of the Olyreaeare include eastern and northern
Brazil, the Guianas, Colombia, Panama, and Cuba (Table 1.4) (Clark et
al., 2015).
6 Bamboo: Climate Change Adaptation and Mitigation

TABLE 1.3 Genera in the Tribe Bambuseae, the Number of Extant Species and Their
Region of Endemism
Genera Number Region of Genera Number Region of
of Species Endemism of Species Endemism
Actinocladum 1 S. America Melocalamus 5 Asia
Alvimia 3 S. America Melocanna 2 Asia
Apoclada 1 S. America Merostachys 48 South America
Arthrostylidium 32 S. America Mullerochloa 1 Asia
Athrostachys 1 S. America Myriocladus 12 South America
Atractantha 6 S. America Nastus 20 Africa
Aulonemia 47 S. America Neohouzeaua 7 Asia
Bambusa 100 Asia, Africa(*) Neololeba 5 Asia
Bonia 5 Asia Neomicrocalamus 5 Asia
Cambajuva 1 S. America Ochlandra 9 Africa(*)
Cathariostachys 2 Asia Olmeca 5 Central America
Cephalostachyum 14 Africa(*), Asia Oreobambos 1 Africa
Chusquea 172 S. America Otatea 8 Central America
Colanthelia 7 S. America Oxytenanthera 1 Africa
Cyrtochloa 5 Asia Parabambusa 1 Asia
Davidsea 1 Asia Perrierbambus 2 Africa(*)
Decaryochloa 1 Africa(*) Phuphanochloa 1 Asia
Dendrocalamus 41 Asia Pinga 1 Asia
Dendrochloa 1 Asia Pseudobambusa 1 Asia
Didymogonyx 2 S. America Pseudostachyum 1 Asia
Dinochloa 31 Asia Pseudoxytenanthera 12 Asia
Elytrostachys 2 S. America Racemobambos 17 Asia
Eremocaulon 4 Asia Rhipidocladum 18 South America
Filgueirasia 2 Asia Schizostachyum 51 Africa(*), Asia
Fimbribambusa 2 Asia Sirochloa 1 Asia
Gigantochloa 30 Asia Soejatmia 1 Asia
Glaziophyton 1 S. America Sphaerobambos 3 Asia
Greslania 4 Asia Stapletonia 1 Asia
Guadua 32 S. America Teinostachyum 2 Asia
Hickelia 4 Africa Temburongia 1 Asia
Hitchcockella 1 Africa Temochloa 1 Asia
Holttumochloa 3 Asia Thyrsostachys 2 Asia
Kinabaluchloa 2 Asia Valiha 2 Asia
Maclurochloa 2 Asia Vietnamosasa 3 Asia
Africa (*) = restricted to Madagascar.
(Source: Bamboo Phylogeny Group, 2012).
General Introduction 7

TABLE 1.4 The Number of Genera in the Tribe Olyreae, the Number of Species in Each
Genus and Their Region of Endemism
Genera Number of Species Native Range
Agnesia 1 America
Arberella 7 America
Buergersiochloa 1 Oceania
Cryptochloa 8 America
Diandrolyra 3 America
Ekmanochloa 2 America
Eremitis 3 America
Froesiochloa 1 America
Lithachne 4 America
Maclurolyra 1 America
Mniochloa 1 America
Olyra 24 America
Pariana 33 America
Parianella 2 America
Parodiolyra 5 America
Piresia 5 America
Piresiella 1 America
Raddia 9 America
Raddiella 8 America
Rehia 1 America
Reitzia 1 America
Sucrea 3 America
(Source: Bamboo Phylogeny Group, 2012).

1.3 GROWTH AND REPRODUCTION

1.3.1 GROWTH

Bamboos are known to be one of the fastest-growing higher plants in the


world. Their shoot system consisting of what are called culms, grows from
underground stems called rhizomes. The rhizome is a subterranean and
highly branched system forming the structural foundation of the plant (Banik,
2015a). Bamboos often form dense stands with their culms being connected
by an extensive rhizome and root systems (Janzen, 1976). Based on their
growth habits, bamboos can be categorized into two groups: monopodial
8 Bamboo: Climate Change Adaptation and Mitigation

(indeterminate) and sympodial (determinate). Monopodial bamboos grow


horizontally, and their rhizome buds develop either upward generating
a culm, or horizontally with a new tract of the rhizomal networks. These
bamboos generate an open clump with culms distant from each other and
can be quite invasive (Kuehl, 2015). Monopodial species are usually found
in temperate regions and are mainly represented by the genera Phyllostachys
and Pleioblastus. The rhizomes of sympodial bamboos are short and thick,
their culms develop aboveground forming a compact clump, and they are less
likely to be invasive (Kuehl, 2015). With the main genus being Bambusa,
sympodial bamboos are mainly native to tropical regions (Kuehl, 2015).
The rhizome system of bamboos survives selective harvesting of indi-
vidual culms as the harvested biomass is usually replaced by new culms
within a year. As such, bamboo ecosystems can remain productive for
several years and continue to store carbon in the soil and their aboveg-
round parts.

1.3.2 MASS FLOWERING AND DEATH

Bamboos are characterized by monocarpy; a phenomenon in which the


plant flowers once in its lifetime, and then the whole stand dies (Banik,
2015b). Flowering often occurs synchronously in patches that some-
times cover several hectares, after which the stand dies (Hall and Inada,
2008). In most cases, flowering occurs after a long period of vegetative
growth, usually taking 15–60 years in tropical species and 60–120 years in
temperate species. The simultaneous death of the stand is often attributed
to what is referred to as reproductive exhaustion (Banik, 2015b), which
is caused by the depletion of the food reserves from the vegetative parts.

KEYWORDS

• bamboo
• carbon dioxide
• clean development mechanism
• greenhouse gas
General Introduction 9

REFERENCES

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Kelchner, B. P. G., (2013). Higher level phylogenetic relationships within the bamboos
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Kuehl, Y., (2015). Chapter 4: Resources, yield, and volume of bamboos. In: Liese,
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worldwide: Estimates and uncertainties. Forest Ecology and Management, 393, 113–138.
CHAPTER 2

Ecosystem Services and Human


Uses of Bamboos

2.1 ECOSYSTEM SERVICES

Traditionally ecosystem services are grouped into four categories, namely:

1. Provisioning services;
2. Regulating services;
3. Supporting services; and
4. Cultural services (Daily, 1997; Tallis and Kareiva, 2005).

In this chapter, we will follow the Common International Classification


of Ecosystem Services (CICES) developed following the environmental
accounting framework of the European Environment Agency (Haines-
Young and Potschin, 2017). According to the CICES, ecosystem services
are now grouped into the following three:

1. Provisioning services;
2. Regulation and maintenance services; and
3. Cultural services.

The discussion in this chapter is structured following this classification.

2.1.1 PROVISIONING SERVICES

Provisioning services cover all nutritional, non-nutritional materials, and


energetic outputs obtained from ecosystems, including food, medicine,
feed, fiber, energy, genetic materials, and freshwater (Figure 2.1).
12

Ecosystem Services

Provisioning Regulation/maintenance Cultural Economic

Food Bamboo culture Carbon trading


Erosion regulation

Construction Traditional medicine Water trading


timber Air quality regulation

Landscape Value addition


Fodder Carbon sequestration
Nature conservancy

Bio-fencing Furniture

Community well-being
Fiber Land restoration
Traditional roofing Paper making

Energy Water purification


Educational Musical instrument

Wind break

• Income stream for rural communities


• Sustainable forest management
• Climate change adaptation and mitigation

FIGURE 2.1 Ecosystem services provided by bamboos.


(Source: Adapted from Nath et al., 2015).
Bamboo: Climate Change Adaptation and Mitigation
Ecosystem Services and Human Uses of Bamboos 13

2.1.1.1 PROVISION OF FOOD

A number of bamboo species are used as human food in many parts of the
world (Table 2.1). Nevertheless, their role in local diets has been over-
looked and their potential remained untapped. Local tribal communities in
Asia have been consuming the tender shoots of bamboos (Banik, 2015).
Over 500 species of bamboo shave been reported to produce edible shoots,
including many species in the genera Phyllostachys, B. polymorpha,
Dendrocalamus asper, D. latiflorus, D. longispathus, D. hamiltonii, etc.
Gigantochloa apus and G. atter produce edible shoots (Banik, 2015). For
example, the shoots of Phyllostachys pubescens are either canned or traded
fresh, supplying the bamboo shoots industry in China (Benton, 2015). The
young shoots of Bambusa balcooa are edible in India (Bhatt et al., 2003).
Similarly, the young shoots of Oldeania alpina and Oxythenantera abyssi-
nica are eaten in western Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania (Bystria-
kova et al., 2004; Feleke et al., 2012; Hall and Inada, 2008). In Tanzania,
O. abyssinica is used in the production of bamboo wine known as ulanzi
(Bystriakova et al., 2004). Bamboo tea is known for centuries as a healthy
drink, and now it is spreading into western societies. The youngest leaves
of the broad-leaved bamboo Sasa sp. are cut during the first five weeks,
cleaned, dried, and roasted to make tea. Bamboo tea is recommended for
various pharmaceutical applications, especially stomach pain and can
been joyed warm or cold (Liese et al., 2015).
One of the limitations of dependence on natural stands is the mass
flowering and large-scale death of bamboos, which often causes shortages
of edible shoots. For example, the recent (1995–2010) mass flowering
of Dendrocalamus asper and T. siamensis in Thailand and M. baccifera
and D. hamiltonii in the northeast India, northwest Myanmar including
sporadic death of B. tulda, S. dullooa, and D. longispathus have resulted
in an alarming shortage of edible bamboo shoots with potential negative
influence on the nutrition and health of local people (Banik, 2015). This
highlights the need for planting and appropriate management of bamboos.

2.1.1.2 PROVISION OF FODDER

Bamboo leaves are an important food for animals. Cows and goats are
known to consume leaves in Ethiopia. Leaves are also collected as a
supplementary fodder for feeding animals during the dry season (Liese et
al., 2015).
14 Bamboo: Climate Change Adaptation and Mitigation

2.1.1.3 PROVISION OF MATERIALS FOR CONSTRUCTION AND


COTTAGE INDUSTRY

Bamboo is popularly known as “poor man’s timber” denoting its popularity


among poor people as a good substitute for expensive wood from trees
(Lobovikov et al., 2012). Bamboos provide material suitable for small-
scale construction, residential fencing, furniture making, handicrafts, and
cottage industry products such as basketry, mats, toothpicks, and decorative
items (Chihongo et al., 2000; Kelbessa et al., 2000; Ongugo et al., 2000).
Culms of many bamboo species can be used in construction (Table
2.1), serve as structural components (pillars, posts, columns, roof trusses,
or stringers) or in split versions as cover, shingles, wall cladding, and many
other applications (Liese et al., 2015). Bamboo culms are also used as
load-bearing elements for building bridges and towers (Sileshi and Nath,
2017). Bamboos are also considered as one of the most environmentally
friendly building materials with low energy use and carbon emissions in
residential building (Yu et al., 2011).
Bamboos also are wood substitute in industrial applications. For
example, in Asia, they represent a significant basic material for construc-
tion (Scurlock et al., 2000). With a tensile strength that rivals steel, bamboo
is one of the strongest building materials (Muchiri and Muga, 2013) and
a viable replacement for wood in making panels, particle boards, and
pulpwood (Mark and Russell, 2011). According to Embaye (2000), it is
possible to harvest about 3 million tons of oven-dry biomass annually
from the 1 million ha of bamboo in Ethiopia. This could supply part of
the particleboard, fiberboard, pulp, furniture, construction, and energy
requirements of the nation (Embaye, 2000). The potential of bamboos in
reinforced concrete beams in rural construction has also shown promise in
Ghana (Mark and Russell, 2011). Recently, bamboos have been used for
the construction of bicycle frames in Ghana (Agyekum et al., 2014) and
Zambia. Promoting the use of bamboo as a substitute for wood from trees
may reduce pressure on forests, thereby helping to avoid further deforesta-
tion and forest degradation (Lobovikov et al., 2009).

2.1.1.4 PROVISION OF ENERGY

As the population grows, the demand for energy has dramatically increased
globally. In rural areas, demand for fuelwood and charcoal continues to
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degraded, and that the true prescription to elevate, reform, and
purify the public service is to prevent the clerks from being removed
out of their places in the Departments. This brotherhood has not
been hitherto very largely re-enforced from the Democracy. If there
has been an original civil-service reformer who has deserted from the
ranks of the Democracy, history does not record his name. It has
been left to the party to which I belong to afford conspicuous and
shining illustrations of that class of political thinkers who are never
quite sure that they are supporting a party unless they are reviling
the candidates and denouncing its platform, who are not positive
that they are standing erect unless they are leaning over backward,
and whose idea of reforming the organization in which they profess
to be classified is to combine with its adversaries and vote for
candidates who openly spurn their professions and depreciate the
stock in trade which they denominate their principles. Standing on
the corners of the streets, enlarging the borders of their phylacteries,
they loudly advertise their perfections, thanking God that they are
not as other men, even these Republicans and Democrats; they
traffic with both to ascertain which they can most profitably betray.
Mr. President, the neuter gender is not popular either in nature or
society. “Male and female created He them.” But there is a third sex,
if that can sex be called which sex has none, resulting sometimes
from a cruel caprice of nature, at others from accident or malevolent
design, possessing the vices of both and the virtues of neither;
effeminate without being masculine or feminine; unable either to
beget or to bear; possessing neither fecundity nor virility; endowed
with the contempt of men and the derision of women, and doomed to
sterility, isolation, and extinction. But they have two recognized
functions. They sing falsetto, and they are usually selected as the
guardians of the seraglios of Oriental despots.
And thus to pass from the illustration to the fact, these political
epicenes, without pride of ancestry or hope of posterity, chant in
shrill falsetto their songs of praise of non-partisanship and civil-
service reform, and apparently have been selected as the harmless
custodians of the conscience of the national Executive.
Sir, I am not disposed to impugn the good faith, the patriotism, the
sincerity, the many unusual traits and faculties of the President of
the United States. He is the sphinx of American politics. It is said
that he is a fatalist; that he regards himself as the child of fate—the
man of destiny; and that he places devout and implicit reliance upon
the guiding influence of his star. Certainly, whether he be a very
great man or a very small man, he is a very extraordinary man. His
career forbids any other conclusion.
The Democratic party was not wanting when its convention
assembled at Chicago in many renowned and illustrious characters;
men who had led the forlorn hope in its darkest and most desperate
days; men for whose character and achievements, for whose fame
and history, not only that organization but the country had the
profoundest admiration and respect. There was Thurman, and
Bayard, and Hendricks, and Tilden, and McDonald, and others
perhaps not less worthy and hardly less illustrious, upon whom the
mantle of that great distinction might have fallen; but the man at the
mature age of thirty-five abandoned a liberal and honored profession
to become the sheriff of Erie, without known opinions and destitute
of experience or training in public affairs, outstripped them all in the
race of ambition; and when but little more than a year ago he entered
this Chamber as the President elect of the United States, he
encountered the curious scrutiny of an audience to whom he was a
stranger in feature as in fame; a stranger to the leaders of his own
party as well as to the representatives of all the nations of the earth
who had assembled to witness the gorgeous pageant of his
inauguration.
Sir, the career of Napoleon was sudden, startling, and dramatic.
There have been many soldiers of fortune who have sprung at one
bound from obscurity to fame, but no illustration of the caprices of
destiny so brilliant and bewildering is recorded in history as the
elevation of Grover Cleveland to the Chief Magistracy of sixty
millions of people.
If when he was inaugurated he had determined that the functions
of Government should be exercised by officers selected from his own
party the nation would have been content; but he did not so
determine, and herein and hereon is founded the justification that
the majority of the Senate can satisfactorily use and employ in
demanding that no action shall be had in connection with these
suspensions from office until there has been satisfactory assurances
that injustice has not been done. If it were understood that these
suspensions and removals were made for political reasons the
country would be content, the Republican majority in the Senate
would be content. But what is the attitude? Ever since his
inauguration and for many months before, by many utterances,
official and private, in repeated declarations never challenged, Mr.
Cleveland announced that he would not so administer this
Government. At the very outset, in his letter of acceptance, he
denounced the doctrine of partisan changes in the patronage, and
through all of his political manifestoes down to the present time he
has repeated these assurances with emphatic and unchanging
monotony.
He has declared that there should be no changes in office, where
the incumbents were competent and qualified, for political reasons,
but that they should be permitted to serve their terms. Like those
who were grinding at the mill, one has been taken and another has
been left. Some Republicans have been suspended and others have
been retained. What is the irresistible inference? What is the logic of
the events, except that, in view of what the President has declared,
every man who is suspended is suspended for cause, and not for
political reasons? It is not possible to suspect the President of
duplicity and treacherous deception.
For the purpose of illustration, let me call the attention of the
Senate and through the Senate the attention of the country, which is
to judge of this matter, to the basis on which this inquiry proceeds. I
read from the letter of Grover Cleveland, dated Albany, August 19,
1884, accepting the nomination for the Presidency of the United
States. He says:
The people pay the wages of the public employés, and they are entitled to the fair
and honest work which the money thus paid should command. It is the duty of
those intrusted with the management of their affairs to see that such public service
is forthcoming. The selection and retention of subordinates in Government
employment should depend upon their ascertained fitness and the value of their
work, and they should be neither expected nor allowed to do questionable party
service.
There is another utterance in this document to which I might
properly allude further on, but which appears to me to be so
significant that I will read it now. It has a singular fitness in
connection with this subject that we have been discussing. Speaking
of honest administration, he says,
I believe that the public temper is such that the voters of the land are prepared to
support the party which gives the best promise of administering the Government
in the honest, simple, and plain manner which is consistent with its character and
purposes.
And now:
They have learned that mystery and concealment in the management of their
affairs cover tricks and betrayal.
Yes, they have learned that mystery in the administration of the
patronage of the Government, by the concealment from the people of
the documents and papers that bear upon the character and conduct
of officials suspended and those that are appointed, cover tricks and
betrayal. “I thank thee for that word.” A “Daniel” has “come to
judgment.” No more pertinent and pungent commentary upon the
facts of the present situation could be formulated than that which
Grover Cleveland uttered before his foot was upon the threshold, that
mystery and concealment in the management of the affairs of the
people covered tricks and betrayal. There are tricks and somebody
has been betrayed.
Again, on the 20th day of December, 1884, after the election, some
of the contingent of Republican deserters who elected Mr. Cleveland
to the Presidency, becoming apprehensive that there might be
trouble about their thirty pieces of silver, formulated their
uneasiness in words and addressed him a letter calling his attention
to the professions upon which he had been elected and demanding
further guarantee. To that letter, on the 25th day of December, 1884,
Mr. Cleveland replied, and from that reply I select certain
paragraphs, not being willing to tax the patience of the Senate or
waste my own strength in reading what is not strictly material.
I regard myself pledged to this—
That is, to this practical reform in the civil service, this refusal to
turn out competent and qualified officials and put in Democrats—
because my conception of true Democratic faith and public duty requires that
this and all other statutes should be in good faith and without evasion enforced,
and because, in many utterances made prior to my election as President, approved
by the party to which I belong and which I have no disposition to disclaim, I have
in effect promised the people that this should be done.
Not his party, but the people, Republican as well as Democrats.
Then he proceeds to castigate the Democratic party:
I am not unmindful of the fact to which you refer that many of our citizens fear
that the recent party change in the national Executive may demonstrate that the
abuses which have grown up in the civil service are ineradicable. I know that they
are deeply rooted, and that the spoils system has been supposed to be intimately
related to success in the maintenance of party organization, and I am not sure that
all those who profess to be the friends of this reform will stand firmly among its
advocates when they find it obstructing their way to patronage and place.
He goes on thus, and this is a most significant promise and pledge:
There is a class of Government positions which are not within the letter of the
civil-service statute but which are so disconnected with the policy of an
administration that the removal therefrom of present incumbents, in my opinion,
should not be made during the terms for which they were appointed solely on
partisan grounds, and for the purpose of putting in their places those who are in
political accord with the appointing power—
And then follows that celebrated definition which lifted the lid
from the box of Pandora—
but many men holding such positions have forfeited all just claim to retention
because they have used their places for party purposes in disregard of their duty to
the people, and because, instead of being decent public servants, they have proved
themselves offensive partisans and unscrupulous manipulators of local party
management.
The letter closes with this somewhat frigid assurance of
consolation to the Democratic party.
If I were addressing none but party friends, I should deem it entirely proper to
remind them—
That is, party friends—
that though the coming administration is to be Democratic—
Strictly Democratic—
a due regard for the people’s interest does not permit faithful party work to be
always rewarded by appointment to office, and to say to them that while
Democrats may expect a proper consideration, selections for office not embraced
within the civil-service rules will be based upon sufficient inquiry as to fitness,
instituted by those charged with that duty, rather than upon persistent importunity
or self-solicited recommendations on behalf of candidates for appointment.
“Here endeth the first lesson!” This was in the year 1884. I now
come to the declaration of 1885. Just as the Democratic State
convention which nominated the present governor of New York for
the position that he now holds, was about to assemble at Saratoga on
the 24th, I think, of September, the President gave out for
publication the letter of resignation of Dorman B. Eaton, a civil-
service commissioner, which was dated July 28, 1885, and
accompanied it with a letter of his own accepting that resignation
which was dated September 11, 1885. It was alleged in Democratic
newspapers that the President held back these letters in order to give
publicity to his reply at that time for effect upon the convention, and
it was remarked that it had caused a panic among the Democracy.
His letter is dated, as I said, September 11, 1885, and I will read a few
paragraphs showing his opinion of the Democratic party and the
course that they had pursued in attempting to force him off the civil-
service reform platform. After some rather glittering platitudes in
regard to the work accomplished by Mr. Eaton, he proceeds:
A reasonable toleration for old prejudices, a graceful recognition of every aid, a
sensible utilization of every instrumentality that promises assistance and a
constant effort to demonstrate the advantages of the new order of things, are the
means by which this reform movement will in the future be further advanced, the
opposition.
Now, this is an epithet to which I desire to call particular attention

The opposition of incorrigible spoilsmen rendered ineffectual and the cause
placed upon a sure foundation.
But not content with applying his scourge to the “incorrigible
spoilsmen” of the Democratic party, the President took occasion to
express his opinion in rather picturesque language of another class of
politicians that had somewhat afflicted him, and to whom he was
under bonds:
It is a source of congratulation that there are so many friends of civil-service
reform marshaled on the practical side of the question; and that the number is not
greater of those who profess friendliness for the cause, and yet, mischievously and
with supercilious self-righteousness, discredit every effort not in exact accord with
their attenuated ideas, decry with carping criticism the labor of those actually in
the field of reform, and ignoring the conditions which bound and qualify every
struggle for a radical improvement in the affairs of government, demand complete
and immediate perfection.
“Supercilious self-righteousness, attenuated ideas, and carping
criticism,” can not be regarded as complimentary phrases when
applied to the apostles of this new evangel of political reformation.
He continues—
I believe in civil-service reform and its application in the most practicable form
attainable, among other reasons, because it opens the door for the rich and the
poor alike to a participation in public place-holding. And I hope the time is at hand
when all our people will see the advantage of a reliance for such an opportunity
upon merit and fitness, instead of a dependence upon the caprice or selfish interest
of those who impudently—
To whom does he refer?—
who impudently stand between the people and the machinery of the
Government.
You will agree with me, I think, that the support which has been given to the
present administration in its efforts to preserve and advance this reform by a party
restored to power after an exclusion for many years from participation in the
places attached to the public service, confronted with a new system precluding the
redistribution of such places in its interest, called upon to surrender advantages
which a perverted partisanship had taught the American people belonged to
success, and perturbed with the suspicion, always raised in such an emergency,
that their rights in the conduct of this reform had not been scrupulously regarded,
should receive due acknowledgment and should confirm our belief that there is a
sentiment among the people better than a desire to hold office, and a patriotic
impulse upon which may safely rest the integrity of our institutions and the
strength and perpetuity of our Government.
The first official utterances of President Cleveland upon the 4th of
March, 1885, renewed the assurance that had been given. He
declared:
The people demand reform in the administration of the Government and the
application of business principles to business affairs. As a means to this end civil-
service reform should be in good faith enforced. Our citizens have the right to
protection from the incompetency of public employés who hold their places solely
as the reward of partisan service, and from the corrupting influences of those who
promise and the vicious who expect such rewards. And those who worthily seek
public employment have the right to insist that merit and competency shall be
recognized instead of party subserviency or the surrender of honest political belief.
How this system, thus inaugurated, this amphibious plan of
distributing the patronage of the country among his own partisans
and at the same time insisting upon the enforcement of civil-service
reform doctrines practically resulted finds its first illustration in the
celebrated circular of the Postmaster-General that was issued on the
29th of April, 1885. I do not propose to defile my observations by
reading that document. I allude to it for the purpose of saying that a
more thoroughly degraded, loathsome, execrable and detestable
utterance never was made by any public official of any political
persuasion in any country, or in any age. It was an invitation to every
libeller, every anonymous slanderer, every scurrilous defamer, to
sluice the feculent sewage of communities through the Post-Office
Department, with the assurance that, without any intimation or
information to the person aspersed, incumbents should be removed
and Democratic partisans appointed. I offered a resolution on the
4th of this month calling on the Postmaster-General for information
as to the number of removals of fourth-class postmasters, not
requiring confirmation by the Senate, between the 4th day of March,
1885, and that date. It was a simple proposition. It required nothing
but an inspection of the official register and a computation of
numbers. No names were required and no dates. There was a simple
question of arithmetic to ascertain the number of removals of fourth-
class postmasters not included in the list sent to the Senate by the
President, the salary being less than $1,000. Eighteen days elapsed.
There seemed to be some reluctance on the part of the Department
to comply with that request, and I thereupon offered a supplemental
resolution, which was adopted by the Senate, asking the Postmaster-
General to advise us whether that first resolution had been received,
and, if so, why it was not answered, and when a reply might be
expected.
On the second day following an answer came down. It does not
include the number of places that were filled where there had been
resignations. It does not include the list of those appointed where
there had been vacancies from death or any other cause; but simply
those who had been removed without cause and without hearing in
the space of the first twelve months of this administration pledged to
non-partisanship and civil-service reform. The number foots up
8,635. Eighty-six hundred and thirty-five removals of fourth-class
postmasters under an administration pledged by repeated utterances
not to remove except for cause, making an average, counting three
hundred and thirteen working days in that year, of twenty-eight
every day; and, counting seven hours as a day’s work, four removals
every hour, or at the rate of one for every fifteen minutes of time
from the 4th day of March, 1885, until the 4th of March, 1886. And
that is civil-service reform! That is non-partisanship in the
administration of this Government! That is exercising public office as
a public trust!
Mr. Cockrell. How many of these fourth-class postmasters are
there?
Mr. Ingalls. I do not know.
Mr. Cockrell. About fifty-one thousand, are there not?
Mr. Ingalls. It makes no difference how many; they did the best
they could, and angels could do more. I see that the Senator from
Missouri is impatient; he is anxious that the axe should fall more
rapidly.
The President pro tempore. The Senator from Kansas will pause
a moment. It is the duty of the Chair to inform the occupants of the
galleries that the rules of the Senate forbid any expression of
approbation or disapprobation. It will be the painful duty of the
Chair to enforce that rule, if it is insisted upon.
Mr. Ingalls. I hope the Senator from Missouri will curb his
impatience and restrain his impetuosity. The Postmaster-General
will get through if you only give him time.
Mr. Cockrell. He will get through in four years at this rate.
Mr. Ingalls. One every fifteen minutes!
Mr. Cockrell. Fifty-one thousand is the number of fourth-class
postmasters, I believe, and only eight thousand in a year have been
removed.
Mr. Ingalls. Only one every fifteen minutes! How often do you
expect them to be removed? He has done the best he could. And this
does not include the number of those who resigned; this does not
include any except those who have been removed. To the Senator
from Missouri rising in his seat, impatient at the dilatory
procrastination of the Post-Office Department in not casting out
more Republican postmasters, I say this does not include all.
Undoubtedly many more than eighty-six hundred and thirty-five
have fallen beneath the axe of the Department or have been filled by
partisans of the party in power as a reward for efficient and faithful
party service in consequence of the retirement of thousands of
patriotic Republicans: and when the Senator from Missouri attempts
to convey the impression here that out of fifty-one thousand fourth-
class postmasters only eighty-six hundred and thirty-five have been
changed during this past year he is entirely outside the record. It is to
be observed that this is but a single Department. How many have
gone out of the State department, how many have gone out of the
Interior department, how many out of the Army and Navy
departments, and out of that illuminated Department of Justice, and
out of the Treasury, of course is entirely unknown, and probably will
always remain unknown till the secrets of earth are revealed at the
last day. They are carefully concealed; there are no lists furnished to
the press for publication. Therefore I trust that the friends of the
administration will be consoled, that the complaints which have been
so frequent hitherto of the want of activity on the part of the
administration in finding places for their friends will be tempered by
the consideration that they have done the best they could in the time
at their disposal.
Mr. President, the list of official utterances is not yet complete. On
the first day of this session President Cleveland again repeated his
declaration that the civil service was to be divorced from
partisanship, and he took occasion to inflict some more castigation
upon those who were endeavoring to force him off the civil-service
platform which he had declared he intended to occupy. This was his
language:
Lay siege to the patronage of Government, engrossing the time of public officers
with their importunities, spreading abroad the contagion of their disappointment,
and filling the air with the tumult of their discontent.
Rather florid, rather oriental phrase, but in its exactness
mathematical; a demonstration in geometry could not be more
explicit and satisfactory than that description by President Cleveland
of the occupation and the lamentations of the Democratic party. It
will bear repetition.
Lay siege to the patronage of Government, engrossing the time of public officers
with their importunities, spreading abroad the contagion of their disappointment,
and filling the air with the tumult of their discontent.
A besieging, importunate, contagious, tumultuous, discontented
organization.
There is more to the same effect in this document that I should like
to read, but time does not serve, nor is it material, because there are
other independent utterances to which I must pass; and I do this for
the purpose of showing the consistent and persistent adhesion of the
President of the United States to the declarations with which he
started out when he commenced to administer the Government.
On the 30th day of January, 1886, the ordinary avenues of
communication with the public being inaccessible, President
Cleveland availed himself of the interviewer, and in the Boston
Herald was printed a long letter detailing in quotations a
conversation with President Cleveland, the many points of which will
be found below. This was after this controversy, if you call it so,
between the President and Senate, had begun to develop and there
were some indications of approaching misunderstanding or
disagreement:
He next spoke of his position toward the Senate in the matter of confirmations to
office. He said it gave him some anxiety, for the Senate had been a good while in
disclosing what it meant to do. “They seem”—
He says plaintively—
“to distrust me,” said he, “if I am to accept what I hear from others. But I hear
nothing from them. They have not called upon me for information or for
documents.”
That complaint no longer exists.
“I have tried”—
He says—
“to deal honorably and favorably by them. My purpose was announced at the
beginning of my administration. I meant then to adhere to it. I have never changed
it. I do not mean to change it in the future. It seems to me unjust and ungenerous
in them”—
That is, in the Senate—
“unjust and ungenerous in them to suspect that I do. If I had not meant to
adhere to my policy it would have been foolish in me to begin it. I should have
escaped much in refusing to begin it. It is not at all pleasant for me to disappoint,
and I fear sometimes to offend, my party friends. Nothing but a sense of duty has
brought me to this step. Why run all this risk and incur this hard feeling only in the
end to retreat? It seems to me it would have been as impolitic as it is wrong. No; I
have tried to be true to my own pledges and the pledges of my party. We both
promised to divorce the offices of the country from being used for party service. I
have held to my promise, and I mean to hold to it.”
Then there was an answer to a question propounded by the
interviewer, in which he defines his relation toward offensive
partisanship in the Democratic party:
“I did not propose to hold party service in the past in the Democratic ranks as
against a man. On the contrary, it gave him a strong, equitable claim to office. He
had been excluded for twenty-four years because he was a Democrat. He should be
remembered for the same reason when a Democratic administration came into
power, provided he was a competent man for the position to be filled. What I
understand by civil-service reform, as I am carrying it out, is that the office-holders
shall be divorced from politics while they fill their positions under this
government. That rule I have meant to stand by.” I asked him if he was aware of
any deviation from it among his appointees. “If there has been any,” said he, “it has
not been called to my attention.” I suggested that some such charge had been made
in New York. He said he did not believe that there was any foundation for it, and
that it was well known there that his wishes were that the office-holders should
attend to the duties of their positions, and interfere neither with candidates nor
election contests.
And here comes in the significant statement bearing upon the duty
of Republicans in connection with these suspensions and removals
from office:
“My removals from office, such as are made,” said he, “are made for cause. It
would be absurd for me to undertake to give the country my reasons in all cases,
because it would be impracticable. When I have removed a Republican for political
reasons or for any other reasons, I would apply the same rule to my own party. I
think the Republican Senators should be just enough to believe this of me. They
ought to appreciate that I am trying to do my duty. Why they should continue to
distrust me I do not see. They do not come to me either personally or by committee
to get an understanding of my attitude, or to obtain explanations on points of
action to which they object. They stand off and question the sincerity of my
purposes.”
The eight thousand six hundred and thirty-five fourth-class
postmasters and the six hundred and forty-three suspensions before
the Senate and the thousands of changes in other departments “are
made for cause,” not for political reasons merely; but to give those
who have been so removed the opportunity to explain or defend
themselves would be “absurd” and “impracticable.”
But this is not all. Later in the winter the Civil Service Commission
was reorganized, and in a newspaper printed in this city appeared a
statement alleged to be “personal” and included in quotation marks,
and which it is commonly reported was in the handwriting of the
President.
I cannot rid myself—
He said, after speaking about the personnel of the Civil Service
Commission—
I cannot rid myself of the idea that this civil-service reform is something
intended to do practical good and not a mere sentiment invented for the purpose of
affording opportunity to ventilate high-sounding notions and fine phrases.
He alludes to the action of the Civil-Service Commission about a
weigher in the city of Brooklyn, and says:
When the Civil Service Commission consulted with me as to the status of Mr.
Sterling and the true construction of the rule bearing upon that subject, I agreed
with them in their second opinion that the position of weigher was subject to an
examination, and that it should be filled by one who by means of a proper
examination under the law proved himself competent and eligible. But it seemed to
me that the good of the service required that the person to be appointed should be
possessed of certain traits and qualifications which no theoretical examination
would develop. One having in charge two or three hundred men of the class with
which a weigher has to deal should possess personal courage, energy, decision and
firmness of character. It is entirely certain that the possession of such
qualifications could not in the least be determined by the result of an examination
organized for the purpose of testing an applicant’s knowledge and education.
And he closes:
No cause can gain by injustice or by a twisting of its purposes to suit particular
tastes. And when a result is fairly reached through the proper operation of methods
adopted to further a reform, it should be accepted—especially by the friends of the
movement. They should not permit those of whom they require submission to say,
with any semblance of truth, that they themselves submit only when the result
accords with their views.
This closes the public declarations of the President of the United
States upon the views which he entertains as to the method and
plans and system upon which the public service is to be conducted
under his administration. There are some interesting details as to the
practical effects and results of the effort of the administration to
purify the public service, which I would be glad if I had time to refer
to, but I believe I will forbear. I can only say that it seems from an
inspection of the record as if the cry “put the rascals out” had been
changed in effect to “put the rascals in.” Of course Mr. President, no
party is exempt from accidents, no organization has a monopoly
either of good men or of bad men, and in calling attention to the
results of civil-service reform as applied to this administration, I
should be insincere if I were to assume that such results had followed
from any predetermined purpose to put bad men into office.
We heard a great deal during the campaign about the corruptions,
profligacy, misdeeds, and maladministration of Republican officials.
I can only say that in view of what has occurred under this
administration, if I were inclined to be uncharitable I could with
entire propriety say that while the Republican party was in power it
endeavored whenever it detected crime anywhere to punish it; but
one of the practical results of Democratic administration has been
the reverse, and that is to place in office a very large number of
admitted and convicted felons. I have before me a selection from
which I will, I believe, in support of this view of the case, give a law
extract, stating in advance that these compilations are made from
Democratic newspapers which, of course, is a mitigation of the
slander, though it does not necessarily destroy its credibility.
Mr. ——, of Baltimore, who was made an Indian inspector in 1885,
had been involved in notorious election frauds and was condemned
by the civil-service reform Independents of Maryland as a
companion of Higgins, as a ballot-box stuffer, and a professional
gambler.
The postmaster at Sioux City, Iowa, was convicted and sentenced
in Dakota for violation of the pension laws. The man who was
removed to make a place for this eminent civil-service reformer had
eight months yet to serve, and there was no complaint against him
even to the extent that he was an offensive partisan.
Mr. Holmes, a postmaster in Mississippi, had been involved in
notorious election-fraud scandals.
Mr. Shannon, appointed postmaster at Meriden, Miss., was the
editor of the Mercury newspaper, which after President Grant’s
death contained a rabid editorial attacking the General’s character;
and he had been indicted in the United States court for “unlawfully
and criminally conspiring with many others for the evasion of the
civil rights law.”
In Rhode Island a Democratic postmaster was appointed who had
been in the preceding three months arrested nine times for violation
of the liquor law.
In Pennsylvania a man was appointed in the Philadelphia Mint
who openly confessed to writing a forged letter from Neal Dow to be
used in influencing the German vote in the State of Ohio the
preceding year.
There have been some strange things done in Maine. I almost
hesitate to quote this, but if I am wrong the Senators from that State
will undoubtedly correct me. It is alleged that the postmaster in the
town of Lincolnville was at the time of his appointment actually in
the Portland jail, where he was serving a term for a misdemeanor.
An agent by the name of Judd, who was appointed in the Bureau of
Labor Statistics, was, upon inquiry as to the fact whether he had
been a horse-thief and served in the penitentiary, suspended from
office. The writer states that the only ground for supposing that he
was not a horse thief arose from the fact that they do not put men in
the penitentiary for stealing horses out West: that if he was alive it
was a reasonable, natural conclusion that he had not stolen any
horses. Nobody denied the penitentiary.
A gentleman named Richard Board, of Kentucky, was appointed in
July, on the recommendation of Comptroller Durham, clerk in the
railway mail service and assigned to duty in New Mexico. This is
under the Postmaster-General, who found leisure between removing
postmasters every fifteen minutes to appoint this man in another
branch of the service where he incautiously mentioned to his friends
something about his previous history, and it appeared that he had
been three times arrested in Cincinnati for obtaining money under
false pretenses, that he had been twice arrested for stealing in
Kentucky, and once in Texas—a variegated and diversified career.
“No pent up Utica” contracted his powers. He had stolen in three
states. His father was a very wealthy man in high standing who had
spent a great deal of money to protect his son, and through him he
secured the endorsement of Comptroller Durham, and after he had
been in service for a few weeks he committed a number of robberies,
stole $163 from the money order service, and at the date of this
communication was lying in jail at Santa Fé awaiting trial.
The Senator from Indiana [Mr. Voorhees] yesterday took
occasion to advert with somewhat of animated hilarity to the
suggestion of the Senator from Iowa about the evolutionary
condition of the Democratic party, and dwelt with considerable
unction upon a term that the Senator from Iowa had applied to the
Democracy in his very able and interesting speech: “a protoplasmic”
cell, and the Senator then proceeded to give us the definition of the
term as it appears in the dictionaries, and suggested that if those
facts had been known at the time when the canvass was pending Mr.
Cleveland would undoubtedly have been counted out in New York.
The Senator from Iowa might have gone further in his application
of the doctrine of evolution with much propriety. Geology teaches us
that in the process of being upward from the protoplasmic cell,
through one form of existence to another there are intermediary and
connecting stages, in which the creature bears some resemblance to
the state from which it has emerged and some to the state to which it
is proceeding. History is stratified politics; every stratum is
fossiliferous; and I am inclined to think that the political geologist of
the future in his antiquarian researches between the triassic series of
1880 and the cretaceous series of 1888 as he inspects the jurassic
Democratic strata of 1884 will find some curious illustrations of the
doctrine of political evolution.
In the transition from the fish to the bird there is an anomalous
animal, long since extinct, named by the geologists the pterodactyl,
or the winged reptile, a lizard with feathers upon its paws and
plumes upon its tail. A political system which illustrates in its
practical operations the appointment by the same administration of
Eugene Higgins and Dorman B. Eaton can properly be regarded as in
the transition epoch and characterized as the pterodactyl of politics.
It is, like that animal, equally adapted to waddling and dabbling in
the slime and mud of partisan politics and soaring aloft with
discordant cries into the glittering and opalescent empyrean of civil-
service reform.
The President closes his recent message to the Senate in this
language:
The pledges I have made were made to the people, and to them I am responsible
for the manner in which they have been redeemed. I am not responsible to the
Senate and I am unwilling to submit my actions and official conduct to them for
judgment.
There are no grounds for an allegation that the fear of being found false to my
professions influences me in declining to submit to the demands of the Senate. I
have not constantly refused to suspend officials, and thus incurred the displeasure
of political friends, and yet willfully broken faith with the people for the sake of
being false to them.
Neither the discontent of party friends nor the allurements constantly offered of
confirmation of appointees conditioned upon the avowal that suspensions have
been made on party grounds alone, nor the threat proposed in the resolution now
before the Senate that no confirmations will be made unless the demands of that
body be complied with, are sufficient to discourage or deter me from following in
the way which I am convinced leads to better government for the people.
He is not responsible to the Senate, nor is the Senate responsible
to him; both are alike responsible to the people. But in the cases at
bar we are compelled to inquire, in justice to the people, whether
those pledges have been redeemed, or whether they have been
broken, violated, and disregarded. Had the patronage of the
Government, within proper limits, been turned over for its exercise
to the party intrusted with power by a majority of the people there
could have been no complaint, but upon the assurances that I have
read, the declaration was made that in every case where an
incumbent was competent and qualified he should remain in office
till the expiration of his term.
When, therefore, some were suspended and others were left, what
is the irresistible inference, after the declarations of the President,
except that these persons were suspended for cause either affecting
their personal integrity or their official administration? Upon the
ground, then, of personal justice, if no other, we are entitled to know
whether wrong has been done by the accusations that have been filed
in the Departments, so that we may protect those who are unable to
defend themselves from injustice and defamation.
But there is another reason, and to me a still more convincing
reason, why we should be advised in the case of these suspensions
what are the papers, the official documents, and the reports on the
files of the departments affecting the administration of these offices,
and that is this: under the tenure-of-office act, every official
suspended is reinstated by the provisions of section 1768 of the
Revised Statutes, if the Senate adjourns without confirming the
designated person, and continues to exercise and discharge the
duties of that office, until he is again suspended by the President.
Therefore, in acting upon these cases we have a double duty to
perform; in the first place, to decide whether the person suspended
was properly suspended, and in the next place, whether he is a
competent person to be restored to office under and by virtue of the
operation of the statute under which he was suspended. If he is not a
competent person then he ought not to be restored, and we cannot
determine whether he is competent and qualified and fit to discharge
the duties of that office until we have the official declarations and
statements upon which the action of the President was based.
Since this debate began, there are indications that the President
has become convinced that his position is untenable, and that he has
concluded to yield to the reasonable requests of the Senate and
relieve suspended officials from the otherwise inevitable imputations
upon their conduct and character. I find the following
correspondence in one of the metropolitan journals, which if
authentic relieves the relation between the President and the Senate
of the principal restraint:
Committee on Finance, United States Senate, March 17, 1886.

Dear Sir: Will you please advise the Committee on Finance whether or not there
are any papers or charges on file reflecting against the official or moral character of
——, late collector of internal revenue for the first district of ——, suspended?
If there are any such papers or charges will you please communicate their nature
and character to the committee?

Very truly, yours,


JUSTIN S. MORRILL.

Hon. Daniel Manning,


Secretary of the Treasury.

March 19, 1886.

Sir: Your communication on behalf of the Finance Committee of the Senate,


dated March 17, 1886, asking whether or not there are any papers or charges on file
reflecting against the official or moral character of ——, late collector of internal
revenue for the first district of ——, suspended, is received.
In reply thereto I have the honor to state that, so far as this inquiry relates to a
suspension from office, I feel bound by the rules laid down in the President’s recent
message to the Senate upon the general subject of such suspensions.
But in order that I may surely act within the requirements of the statute relating
to the furnishing by this Department of information to the Senate, I beg leave to
remind the committee that the office referred to has no fixed term attached to it,
and to further state that the President is satisfied that a change in the incumbency
of said office will result in an improvement of the public service, and that the policy
of the present administration will be better carried out by such change.
Except as the same may be involved in these considerations, no papers
containing charges reflecting upon the official or moral character of the suspended
officer mentioned in your communication are in the custody of this Department.

Respectfully, yours,
D. MANNING, Secretary.

Hon. Justin S. Morrill,


Chairm’n of the Senate Com. on Finance.
But whether this be true or not, this is not the forum in which this
controversy is to be ultimately decided. The Executive is not on trial
before the Senate; the Senate is not on trial before the Executive; but
both, as to the sincerity of their professions and the consistency of
their actions, are on trial before that greater, wiser, and more
powerful tribunal—the enlightened conscience of the people, from
whose verdict there is neither exculpation nor appeal.
THE GREAT TARIFF CAMPAIGN OF 1888.

The views which point to the tendency of the Democratic party in


the direction of Free Trade, at least to their antagonism to the theory
of Protection for protection’s sake, are well given in the special
message of President Cleveland, given elsewhere in this work. A wing
of the Democratic party, headed by Samuel J. Randall, of
Pennsylvania, dissented from this view, and opposed both the
Morrison and the Mills bills. For the purpose of illustrating the views
of this class of Democrats, as well as because of the distinction of the
speaker, we append

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