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Cultural Spaces, Production and
Consumption

This book explores the concept of cultural spaces, their production

and how they are experienced by different users. It explores this
concept and practice from formal and informal arts and heritage
sites, festivals and cultural quarters – to the production of digital,
fashion and street art, and social engagement through cultural
mapping and site-based artist collaborations with local communities.
It offers a unique take on the relationship between cultural
production and consumption through an eclectic range of cultural
space types, featuring examples and case studies across cultural
venues, events and festivals, and cultural heritage – and their usage.
Cultural production is also considered in terms of the transformation
of cultural and digital-creative quarters and their convergence as
visitor destinations in city fringe areas, to fashion spaces, manifested
through museumification and fashion districts. The approach taken is
highly empirical supported by a wide range of visual illustrations and
data, underpinned by key concepts, notably the social production of
space, cultural rights and everyday culture, which are both tested
and validated through the original research presented throughout.
This book will appeal to students and researchers in human
geography, arts and museum management, cultural policy, cultural
studies, architecture and town planning. It will also be useful for
policymakers and practitioners from local and city government,
government cultural agencies and departments, architects and town
planners, cultural venues, arts centres, museums, heritage sites, and
artistic directors/programmers.

Graeme Evans is Emeritus Professor of Creative and Cultural

Economy at the University of the Arts London. He served as
founding director and professor at the Cities Institute, London, and
the Centre for Urban & Euregional Studies, Maastricht University, and
held the posts of Professor of Design Cultures and the director of the
Art & Design Research Institute, Middlesex University, and Professor
of Design at Brunel University. Key publications include Cultural
Planning: An Urban Renaissance? (Routledge), Designing Sustainable
Cities and Mega-Events: Placemaking, Regeneration and City
Regional Development (Routledge), and over a hundred chapters in
edited books and journal articles. He has undertaken numerous
grant-funded research projects for UK research councils, the
European Commission and commissioned research studies on
cultural policy for the Department for Culture Media and Sport
(DCMS), Arts Council England, Historic England, HM Treasury,
Council of Europe, UNESCO and the OECD; regional development
agencies, including Creative London, Toronto Metro and Limburg
Province, the Netherlands; and international cultural development
agencies in South Korea, China, Canada and Sweden. Prior to
academe, he was a musician, co-director of an arts centre in North
London and director of the London Association of Arts Centres.
Cultural Spaces, Production
and Consumption

Graeme Evans
Designed cover image: © Graeme Evans

First published 2024

by Routledge
4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

and by Routledge
605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa

business

© 2024 Graeme Evans

The right of Graeme Evans to be identified as author of this work

has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or

reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical,
or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including
photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or
retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks

or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and
explanation without intent to infringe.

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Evans, Graeme, author.
Title: Cultural spaces, production and consumption / Graeme Evans.
Description: First edition. | New York : Routledge, 2024. | Includes
bibliographical references and index. | Contents: Introduction—A
Place
for the Arts—Events and Festivals—Cultural Heritage—Cultural and
Creative Quarters—Digital Cultural Space—Fashion Spaces—Graffiti
and Street Art—Socially Engaged Practice and Cultural Mapping.
Identifiers: LCCN 2023041906 (print) | LCCN 2023041907 (ebook) |
ISBN 9781032106823 (hbk) | ISBN 9781032106830 (pbk) |
ISBN 9781003216537 (ebk)
Subjects: LCSH: Heritage tourism. | Culture and tourism.
Classification: LCC G156.5.H47 E83 2024 (print) | LCC G156.5.H47
(ebook) | DDC 338.4/791—dc23/eng/20231106
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023041906
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023041907

ISBN: 978-1-032-10682-3 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-032-10683-0 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-003-21653-7 (ebk)

DOI: 10.4324/9781003216537

Typeset in Times New Roman

by Apex CoVantage, LLC
On a personal note, special thanks are made to Claudia for
support and image editing and to Edie, Robbie and Isla for
whom cultural spaces will continue to play an important
part in their lives.
Contents

List of Figures
List of Tables
Acknowledgements

1 Introduction

2 A Place for the Arts

3 Events and Festivals

4 Cultural Heritage

5 Cultural and Creative Quarters

6 Digital Cultural Spaces

7 Fashion Spaces

8 Graffiti and Street Art

9 Socially Engaged Practice and Cultural Mapping

References
Index
 Figures

2.1 Sphinx, Maastricht and C-Mine, Genk

2.2 La Friche and Muceum, Marseilles
2.3 Museum of Old and New Art (MONA), Tasmania
2.4 Gateshead Borough Libraries: Location, Governance and Where
Members Last Used a Library
2.5 DQI Pilot Individual Impact Results
2.6 Schouwburgplein, Rotterdam
3.1 Hungary Pavilion, Giardini, Venice
3.2 Dutch Pavilion, Shanghai EXPO 2010 and Italian Pavilion, Milan
EXPO 2015
3.3 London Architecture Biennale, Clerkenwell, London
3.4 UK City of Culture, Coventry 2022
4.1 Place-Economy-Culture
4.2 The End, Fourth Plinth, Trafalgar Square
4.3 Sutton House GIS-Participation Comments
5.1 Creative City Policy Rationales in Large and Small Cities
5.2 Art-Related Cluster in Inner-City Bilbao, 2006
5.3 Amsterdam-Noord (Tolhuistin Pavilion; Eye Building and Former
Royal Dutch Shell Tower)
5.4 Distillery District, Toronto
5.5 Liberty Village, Toronto
5.6 Clerkenwell Land-Use: Ground, First and Second Floors and Above
6.1 Print and Publishing and ICT Firms, City Fringe, London
6.2 Outernet, Tottenham Court Road, London
7.1 Hierarchy of Fashion and Fashion Space
7.2 Fashion and Textile Museum, London
7.3 LVMH, Paris and Prada, Milan Museums
7.4 New York City Fashion Design Production System
7.5 Co-Location of Designer Fashion and Fashion Firms in the City
Fringe
7.6 London College of Fashion Oxford Street and East Bank Stratford
7.7 John Smedley Factory, Derbyshire
7.8 Burel Textile Factory, Manteigas, Portugal
7.9 Charity Clothes Collection Point, Municipal Swimming Pool Car
Park, North London
7.10 Kuniko Maeda Fashioned From Paper Bags
8.1 Big Pun ‘Memorial’, The Bronx, New York
8.2 Art on the Underground, Stockholm and Graffiti on Amsterdam
Bus Shelter
8.3 Street Art, Lisbon
8.4 Electricity Museum and Storage Tank Graffiti (Vhils Dissection
Exhibition), Lisbon
8.5 Graffiti Art on Base of Former Royal Dutch Shell HQ, Amsterdam-
Noord
8.6 Canal Project Commissioned Graffiti Art, Hackney Wick
8.7 Graffiti Art, Hackney Wick
8.8 Shoreditch Graffiti: Stik, Banksy and Dscreet
8.9 Bees Graffiti, Shoreditch
9.1 North Northants Community-Scale Cultural Facilities and Growth
Areas
9.2 Woolwich Cultural Facility and Heritage Assets
9.3 Multipurpose Visual and Performing Arts Venue Catchments
9.4 Hornsey Town Hall, ‘Not For Sale’
9.5 Hornsey Town Hall Exhibition Feedback Walls
9.6 DEN-City Festival, Fish Island
9.7 Cultural Ecosystems Services Conceptual Framework
9.8 Mill House, Water Turbine Installation and Schoolchildren, Three
Mills
9.9 Sinking Future, Three Mills Exhibition
 Tables

2.1 What Audiences Like About Arts Centres

2.2 Frequency of Attendance at Arts Centres
2.3 Percentage of Audience Attending Different Numbers of Art Forms
2.4 Amateur and Voluntary Arts Participation
2.5 Design Quality Indicator Questionnaire Extract
4.1 Survey of Residents in Old Quebec
4.2 Relationship Between Place, Heritage and Placeshaping
5.1 Forms of Urban Design and Quarters
5.2 Advantages of Mixed Use
Acknowledgements

Much of the material and many of the ideas in this book have arisen
from working in collaboration with colleagues on numerous research
projects, notably at the Cities Institute; at Maastricht University; and
at University of the Arts London. Valuable insights have also been
gained through international workshops organised as part of the
Regional Studies Mega-Events Research Network and AHRC SmART
Cities and Waste Network, as well as conference sessions convened
at the AAG, ISA and other international meetings.
This work could not have been realised without partners, too
many to single out, but they include arts centres, museums, the
London Festival of Architecture, cultural agencies, including the
Department for Culture Media and Sport, Arts Council England,
Council of Europe, OECD, UNESCO, British Council, and funding
bodies, notably the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC),
Historic England, and regional governments in London, Toronto,
Quebec, Limburg and in the Midlands UK.
Special mention is due to my Research Fellow Dr Ozlem Tasci-
Edizel, and the artists Lorraine Leeson, Simon Read, Rebecca Feiner,
Arts Researcher Phyllida Shaw, the Hackney Wick Cultural Interest
Group, City Fringe Partnership, Three Mills Heritage Trust, Digital
Shoreditch and Crouch End Preservation Trust.
1
Introduction
DOI: 10.4324/9781003216537-1

Art is a social product … to be seen as historical, situated and

produced.
(The Social Production of Art, Wolff 1981, 1)

Twenty-something years ago in Cultural Planning: An Urban

Renaissance? (2001), I appraised the role and place of culture in the
development of cities and urban spaces over time – in classical,
medieval, early industrial and late capitalist eras. Manifested over
the past 50 years in urban regeneration and latterly placemaking
efforts, culture in its various artistic, built, political economic, spatial
and symbolic forms was demonstrated to have been used and
abused, as an amenity, exceptional and everyday community
resource, and increasingly in order to accommodate both
consumption and production imaginaries and the growth of the
cultural and creative industries worldwide (Wu 2005; Evans 2009c).
Much place-based culture, of course, depends on participants –
audiences, users, consumers, visitors and modern-day flaneurs – in
order to be validated, and in a mixed-economy system, valorised.
Indeed, as MacCanell opined in 1996, tourism was now the cultural
component of globalisation, and although this is less exclusively so
today with the advent of digital media, cultural consumption in situ
still relies on people to go to the place of production, whether or not
it is curated and staged (e.g. film studio tour, museum), distributed
and experienced every day (e.g. library, local festival, broadcast,
cinema), and whether spectacular or sacred, such as pilgrimages
and local festivals and national and international events (Bauman
1996). Digital platforms are also increasingly used, as the book
reveals, in transporting ‘live’ places and performance to local places
of collective experience, as well as converting ‘real’ cultural
experience to the virtual – from computer games, immersive art and
performance to archiving collections.
It has also been 50 years since Henri Lefebvre’s thesis on the
Production of Space (1974) shone a light on the relationship
between the urban environment, power and space – local amenity,
public and private spaces – and the social context, governmental
systems and norms that create and often impose these
environments and, importantly, how they are experienced rather
than consumed. As Lefebvre observed, you don’t use a work of art
such as a sculpture, but you experience it. This sounds obvious
today, not least with the identification of the so-called experience
economy (Pine and Gilmore 1998) – as if experience, entertainment
and the aestheticisation of consumption were absent beforehand
(Paterson 2006) – and a corporate shift from product to brand value,
a shift not limited to consumer products but to place itself through
the conflated concepts and practice of creative place branding
(Kavaratzis, Warnaby and Ashworth 2014; Evans 2014a), place-
making (Markusen and Gadwa 2010) and placeshaping (Evans
2016). This place-valuation process arises in most of the cultural
spaces discussed in this book in both predictable and unexpected
places. The latest paradigm of urban economic space is
encapsulated in what human geographer Alan Scott terms cognitive
cultural capitalism (2014). This state, he argues, has supplanted the
more instrumental models of post-industrial growth represented by
notions of the creative city inhabited by the eponymous Creative
Class (Landry 2000; Florida 2002) and further characterised by the
nomadic ‘creative’ and cultural tourist (Richards and Wilson 2006),
where ‘a core element of the creative fields within these cities
consists of the clusters of technology-intensive, service and cultural
producers’ (Scott 2014, 570). Cultural spaces in their social and
creative guises do not tend to feature in these economic
metanarratives of the contemporary city, other than through their
subsidiary amenity value.
The cultural content flow between the arts-cultural-creative
production ‘chain’ and the positive spatial relationship observed
between arts and cultural facilities and creative industry clusters
(Noonan 2013) provides us with another cultural production and
consumption heuristic. It is no accident that many of the
starchitectural public buildings created in the last 50 years have
been cultural – from performing arts and civic centres, museums,
galleries and libraries to large-scale sculptures, installations and
plazas (Sudjic 2005; Ponzi and Nastasi 2016; Foster 2013), a
seemingly counterfactural development in the era of the digital
economy and networked society. The desire for collective and place-
based cultural exchange has not however diminished – in fact, this
has proven to be the corollary to social atomisation – whilst cultural
production populates the content industry on which the digital
economy relies. A living culture requires space for development,
knowledge and skills acquisition, for traditional and new cultural
practices, and places that are both accessible and non-exclusive.
Where this is not the case, culture can only be partial and ultimately
sterile, and the conditions for its social production are therefore
fundamental to a society’s cultural health.
Lefebvre’s triad of space production (1991) – spatial practice,
representations of space and representational space – offers, to a
certain extent, a conceptual framework for the consideration of
cultural space, but which, as this book argues, also needs to look at
culture from the perspective of the user and participant and the
relationship between production and consumption. Arguably, this is
one of the foundations of Lefebvre’s concept, accepting the
ambiguity and fluidity of space creation, production and usage, and
the non-exclusivity between these modes of perception, conception
and lived experience. Culture as an everyday practice, and as a
special and heightened activity, is strongly influenced by symbolic
and social knowledge, by prior experience and cultural capital.
Formal cultural space production is also highly conceived and
codified through planning (‘technocratic sub-dividers’), functional
and affective design norms, whilst cultural content and
programming, including the work of artists (Wolff 1981), are also
pre-conceived through arts policies, education, tastes and fashions,
directly influencing its social production, dissemination and
replication. Mainstream culture is also subverted through sub-
cultures, avant-garde, radical art and resistance and renewed
through culture’s essential experimental nature, in addition to
traditional arts that exist outside of the prevailing hegemony.
Participation in culture of course varies in intensity and engagement,
active and passive, but it would be misleading to present the
audience member in say a theatre or cinema as a mere observer and
usager of cultural space, or a museum visitor as necessarily an
active participant (Bourdieu and Darbel 1991). Experience is
influenced by the social setting within which we live, and the ‘space
which is presented before an individual is loaded with symbolism and
stimuli with a visual essence infused with the social reality from
which it exists’ (Brown 2020, 3). Furthermore, you cannot play, or
learn how to play golf, without access to a golf course, and whilst
some culture is self-generated and domestic, collective culture
demands spaces and facilities at a quality and scale within which
skills and collaboration can be nurtured, cultural artefacts and
professional performance can be staged, exchanged and
experienced, and here we see the essentially uneven nature of
access to cultural experience which has varied both historically and
across social and political systems. Notions of cultural rights have in
consequence been enshrined in various charters and treaties since
Lefebvre’s Rights to the City of Paris 1968, in which he also included
cultural rights (Lefebvre 1968, 1970).

Cultural Rights
Applying this social production concept – blending and juxtaposing
ideas of rights to the city (Lefebvre 1996) with notions of cultural
amenity and access, and the planning of cultural space – is therefore
the driving foundation of this new book. Whilst culture maybe almost
benign or secondary in comparison with wider social and economic
concerns, it is also the case that cultural rights (CEC 1992; Fisher
1993) and the European Urban Charter (Council of Europe 1992)1
have emerged as important elements in human rights and in
sustainable development principles, with culture now considered to
be the fourth pillar in sustainability (UCLG 2004; UNESCO 2009;
Hawkes 2001) – alongside the social, economic and environmental
(Evans 2013). Cultural practices and traditions are also often one of
the first victims of totalitarian regimes, war and conflict, as well as
vulnerable to the effects of globalisation, commodification and the
privatisation of space, whilst hegemonic power also limits greater
diversity and resources available to so-called minority and
community cultures. This is evident, for instance, in the uneven
geographic and financial distribution of resources for cultural
facilities and programmes (Evans 2016) and in the response of
artists and cultural groups in activism and resistance in the pursuit of
cultural and social justice (Lacy 1995).
Social change and demographic shifts have also increased demand
for public culture and spaces. Smaller family size, single occupancy
living and a growing elderly population have all contributed to this
shift, manifested through the demand for more easily accessible
social opportunities outside of the home. The workplace has also
changed:

many jobs have been emptied of social and creative content by

technology and efficiency measures. More people have more
time and at the same time a number of social and creative
needs must be satisfied through outlets other than the
traditional (home) and workplace – the residential area, the city,
public spaces – from the community centre to the main square.
(Gehl 2001, 52)

Global movement and displacement – not just post-industrial tourism

– also influence cultural development and cultural space formation
and experience through diasporas, ethnic communities and clusters,
creating multicultural and intercultural spaces, including museums
and new public realms (Bagwell et al. 2012). Conversely, the export
of national culture provides another example of hard branding/soft
power (Evans 2003a) undertaken by cultural and educational
institutions through cultural diplomacy programmes (e.g. UK British
Council, German DAAD, French Alliance Francais), as well as
corporate expansion seen in major investments in
outposts/franchises in regions representing new markets for cultural
consumption and university education – for example, in the Middle
East, notably Abu Dhabi, Qatar and the UAE (vis satellites of
Guggenheim, Louvre, Smithsonian) and ‘offshore’ campuses2 (UCL
and NYU). The production of these cultural spaces is therefore far
from benign and less than social in intent. Nonetheless, they
represent a long line in boosterist efforts to celebrate and wield
‘cultural’ power and wealth, in contrast to more organic and engaged
forms and places of cultural exchange.
The material used and case studies, which have formed the basis
of detailed investigation, have been drawn from intensive and in
some cases longitudinal empirical research that I have undertaken –
as an individual and group member of teams I have been fortunate
to be part of as a result of leading research centres and institutes
both in the UK and in the Netherlands – drawn from across the
social sciences, humanities and art and design practice, including
working with policy-makers in the cultural, architecture, planning
and environmental spheres, as well as with practicing artists. This is
in contrast with much work and writing on urban culture which relies
on a superficial and distant relationship with their subject of
observation or a technical analysis of enterprises, transactions,
buildings and space, and a less-than-engaged relationship with those
stakeholders who both produce and experience cultural space in
everyday and exceptional ways. These actors (sic) are generally
reductively represented (or not) through sociological stratification in
arts and cultural activity studies, as reflected in secondary and
audience/user surveys and datasets (Evans 2016b). The basis of
these studies is generally limited, of course, to usage of official
culture and spaces, notably the selective high/subsidised arts,
gallery and museum venues and heritage sites where socio-
economic difference in both frequency and depth of usage (e.g. time
spent in cultural venue) is amplified. This narrative has remained
largely unchanged (and unchallenged) since Bourdieu’s early work in
the museums of continental Europe in the mid-1960s, to the
perennial government-sponsored cultural activity surveys today
(ibid.), despite the fact that time spent away from home, work and
travelling has doubled over this period (nVision 2006). As Gehl again
observes: ‘Cultural assumption now means ever-shifting networks of
taste, activity and enjoyment that are not easily correlated with the
usual social categories of race or class, age or gender’ (2001, 52).
Likewise, the academic and official narratives of the creative
industries are typically presented as aggregate groups of anonymous
enterprises and firms, divided into now-dated industrial sectors
which reflect neither contemporary cultural and creative production
processes (in fact omitting much arts and cultural production
altogether – Metro-Dynamics 2010) – nor consumption and
experience (O’Connor 2007, 2010; Higgs, Cunningham and Bakhshi
2008). As Scott warns us: ‘“creativity” is also a concept that calls for
enormous circumspection’ (2014, 566).
This situation has therefore also demanded qualitative research
approaches that encompass ethnographic, participant observation,
participatory arts and action research, and a longitudinal frame for
community and site-based engagement with cultural spaces and
their communities. The work drawn upon in this book has also
benefited from opportunities afforded through international agencies
and collaborative projects, notably between London, UK, and
Ontario, Canada (Creative Spaces); UNESCO Creative City and
ICOMOS heritage initiatives (Diversity and Development – UK,
Mexico, South Korea); British Council (Eastern China, Quebec);
Council of Europe (Cultural Routes, Intercultural Spaces); Regional
Studies Association (Mega-Events Research Network); CABE/CABE
Space (Design Quality) and the Arts & Humanities Research Council’s
(AHRC) Connected Communities programme. The latter has also
supported the development of participa-tory research through site-
based cultural mapping, and art- and design-inspired engagement in
collaboration with host communities, cultural clusters and other local
stakeholders in cultural space development. In particular, my earlier
experience as an arts centre director, musician and arts network
director provided deep and lasting insight into the value of arts
provision and programmes at neighbour-hood level and the
importance of cultural space in amenity and community life – a
positive relationship I have observed worldwide.

Cultural Spaces
But what/why Cultural Space? As I have argued earlier (Evans
2001), spaces for culture have been an enduring feature of cities
and social life generally through the ages, and provided a key
distinction that particular cities – and societies – have demonstrated
and imposed (Hall 1998). Many of these spaces, facilities and
traditions – tangible and intangible – provide important legacies for
cultural activity today both physically and symbolically. However, as
Scott observed, ‘a distinction was frequently made between cities of
industry and commerce, on the one hand, and cities of art and
culture, on the other’ (2014, 569). This is reinforced today through
selective creative city and cities of culture and heritage designation
and competitions, despite their well-meaning intentions. Cultural
spaces are therefore neither universal nor homogenous,
notwithstanding the globalisation of cultural organisation and forms
– both institutional and popular, and where seemingly homogenised
cultural space has been conceived, and its users/inhabitants still
negotiate and experience these spaces differently (Lefebvre 1991).
So that whilst policy convergence and transference are evident in
this field (Peck 2005), and localised models of policy formulation and
intervention appear similar – including built forms and themes
(culture and regeneration, city branding, creative city) – local
conditions and variations such as the historical, social and cultural
identities, as well as governance and geographies/scales, should be
equally considered in order to avoid falling into a reductive trap of
universality at the cost of understanding the importance of the
particular (Evans 2009c, 1006)
It has also been the so-called cultural turn associated with post-
modernity that has emphasised the role and visibility of art and
culture in both social change and in a conceptual shift towards
meaning, cognition and symbols, not limited to high art. So as Scott
goes on to argue:
 Today, this distinction is disappearing in favour of a more
syncretic view of cities that is in some degree captured under
the rubric of the postfordist city, one of whose declinations is
the creative city, i.e. a city where production, work, leisure, the
arts and the physical milieu exist in varying degrees of mutual
harmony.
(ibid.)

This widening of the cultural sphere, Jameson had earlier argued,

saw culture as

coterminous with market society in such a way that the cultural

is no longer limited to its earlier, traditional or experimental
forms, but it is consumed throughout daily life itself, in
shopping, in professional activities … in production for the
market and in the consumption of those market products …
social space is now saturated with the image of culture.
(1998, 111; Paterson 2006)

As Craik also puts it:

[T]he spaces and places in which consumption occurs are as

important as the products and services consumed. …
Consumption occurs within, and is regulated by, purpose-built
spaces for consumption characterised by the provisions of
consumption-related services, visual consumption and cultural
products.
(1997, 125)

At the urban scale, Simmel maintained that consumption also

provided a bridge between the communal and individual (1950), and
using the example of fashion, mediated the relationship between the
self and society. The mediating relationship between production and
consumption had been observed earlier by Marx, first arguing that
production is also consumption since human energy and other
resources and materials are used up in the making, but that
consumption was also production, in the case of art and aesthetic
production providing a means of enjoying the growth of our
imagination and sensibilities (Chanan 1980, 122), and thereby
developing aesthetic tastes: ‘the object of art, like every other
product, creates a public which is sensitive to art and enjoys beauty.
Production thus not only creates an object for the subject, but also
the subject for the object’ (Marx 1973, 88). Whilst production and
consumption should not be conflated (Wolff 1981), they are thus
complementary, and in terms of cultural spaces, they can, of course,
be subject to supply and demand, or structure and agency
relationships, but as Bourdieu argued (1993) where the ‘economic
world is reversed’, there needs to be a consideration of the specific
conditions (e.g. power, hierarchy/hegemony) within the field of
cultural production at a particular time – and place. The role of
cultural intermediaries (Bourdieu 1993; Jacob and van Heur 2014) is
important here, since they can exert a similar influence over cultural
space production to those experts – architects,
planners/masterplanners, engineers (social and physical) and other
specialists – who conceive public space through representations
based on prior knowledge, codification and signs and therefore
dictate its access and functions, which can also be subject to change
over time and from ‘above’.
It would be amiss however to reduce cultural spaces and sites for
exchange, experience and participation to inevitable victims of, or
collaborators in, commodification and conspicuous consumption.
This dominant narrative is persuasive given the evident spaces of
consumption (Miles 2010), the seeming collaboration of cultural
organisations in urban regeneration (Evans 2005) and place
branding (Protherough and Pick 2002, 349), and the conflation of
culture in the creative industries as rationales for public investment,
preservation and survival. Arguably however, the gradual move
towards the democratisation of culture has also enabled wider
access and distribution of cultural spaces and programmes and a
greater consideration for diversity in cultural production, including
social architecture, critical curating and inclusive design (Evans
2018). This has been at the risk of a loss of authenticity, autonomy
(e.g. of the artist and participant as agent) however, and arguably
innovation, but cultural democracy ultimately should provide an open
cultural economy in which these freedoms flourish.
Much cultural engagement is however not consumed or
considered to be consumption at all by participants, but is
celebratory, communal and participatory – essentially self-generated,
from amateur to community arts and arts in education activities, and
likewise the spaces that serve as host and sites for everyday arts,
crafts, exhibition, performance and memory. The ‘everyday’ is often
posited in binary opposition to the ‘special’, conceived space of
professionals, experts, artists and the super-creative. In this biased
sense, everyday experience is the kind of knowledge or doxa that
Plato had little time for, because it arises from common sense, not
the analysis of experts. Common sense knowledge in this view is
‘disjointed, episodic, fragmented, and contradictory’ (Hall 1996,
431), but since we are all participants, such knowledge is (also)
inherently democratic (Duncum 2002, 4). From this perspective,
everyday life is mundane (and seemingly unaffected by great events
and the extraordinary) and involves the reproduction and
maintenance of life, not the production of new ways of thinking and
acting (ibid.); however, this both undervalues and omits the value of
cultural exchange and engagement (and innovation) which can and
does occur at all levels, in formal and informal spaces, through the
media, and on the margins, not just (or no longer) in the Agora.
The degree of publicness of cultural spaces is also an indication of
their role and contribution to the society within which they are
situated:
 There is nothing natural about the public domain. It is a gift of
history, and a fairly recent history at that. It is literally a
priceless gift. The goods of the public domain cannot be valued
by market criteria, but they are no less precious for that. They
include welcoming public spaces, free public libraries, subsidized
opera … the broadcasts of the BBC World Service.
(Marquand 2004, in Worpole 2013, v)

Nonetheless, this axiom has not prevented economists (and self-

styled ‘cultural economists’) from applying market economic
valuation methods to public culture, encouraged by government
cultural and other agencies, ostensibly to aid in their policy and
decision-making.3
Book Structure
The cultural spaces and related urban phenomena, which are the
subject of this book, thus represent an eclectic but congruent and
contemporary range of scenarios of continuity and change within
which urban culture is both experienced and consumed – and
produced – and the social context and forces which have influenced
this relationship and the urban landscape. This encompasses both
the formal, designated and informal spaces where cultural activity
takes place and is practiced – and can be observed (or in some
cases, is hidden). This is reflected in opening chapters on
institutional and circumscribed cultural spaces and their evolution by
movements such as Arts Labs and Centres, and districts where
cultural facilities such as museums, galleries, theatres, arts centres
and libraries are located; as well as more temporal spaces for events
and festivals and their legacies. Events and festivals are a particular
phenomenon of fixed and fluid cultural space production that are
transformed as they evolve from conception, execution and
repetition, producing idiosyncratic and curious legacies – physical, in
memory and also in community cultural development.
Sites of and for cultural heritage present a particular
problematique, not just their interpretation, representation and
preservation, but their distinction through a hierarchy of historic
selection and designation on the one hand, and lived or everyday
and intangible heritage on the other. The next chapter therefore
considers the role of heritage in cultural space formation and usage,
highlighting the deficit in surveys of participation and attitudes
towards cultural heritage, as in the case of engagement in the arts
more generally (Evans 2016b). The re-use and adaption of heritage
buildings presents a rich scenario for cultural space reproduction,
situating these sites of memory and their sense of place as
expressed by resident communities and others. Examples and
contrasts are presented between world heritage cities, including
resident attitudes to living within a heritage site and the radically
different treatment of ostensibly similar industrial heritage
constructions, but ones located in different geographies and
societies – confirming that it is place in the socially produced sense,
not the heritage and material content that creates this distinction in
lived cultural space. As with the critique of arts and festival spaces,
cultural heritage is considered both in its more institutional form, as
well as through its relationship to a sense of place and user
engagement with local history and sites of memory.
The next section focuses on spaces of cultural production and
exhibition, where creative industries cluster and generate place
branding opportunities and dynamic zones for innovation and
investment, most recently in the digital economy, as well as more
traditional sectors such as fashion. The relationship – historic,
symbolic, economic and cultural – between early forms of cultural
production, emerging industrial districts and newer creative
industries clusters is a recurring theme. This is a phenomenon that
now encompasses cultural consumption preferences, reflecting,
perhaps, Marx’s idea of the continuity of production with signification
and performativity (Joseph 1998). The coming together of these
areas as sites for cultural production and consumption has presented
placemakers, investors (venture capital and property) and city-
dwellers an opportunity to share in the cultural production scene in
situ against a backdrop of street art, street markets and social
networks, and café culture, clubs and cool clothing outlets. This
narrative seemingly plays into the Creative Class concept associated
with urban economic growth (Florida 2003; Nichols Clark 2011);
however, stronger historic and cultural factors have determined
these sites of innovation particularly in their embryonic stage,
Another random document with
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itself. The details of the process have not, however, been well
ascertained.

Trematoda digenea (endoparasitica).

Occurrence and Habits of Digenea.—Endoparasitic Trematodes

have been found in almost all the organs of Vertebrate hosts
excepting in the nervous, skeletal, and reproductive systems. The
alimentary canal, however, is the most usual habitat. From the
buccal cavity to the large intestine, or even to the cloaca, its different
regions are the resorts of various Trematodes. No Digenea have
been found in the mouth, pharynx, or oesophagus of Mammals; but
in Birds, Reptiles, Amphibia, and especially in Fishes, these parts
are largely affected. It is a striking fact that Trematodes should occur
in the stomach of (chiefly) large predaceous fishes, such as the Pike,
Sharks, the Angler-fish, and others, considering the powerful
digestive action of the gastric juice of these carnivores. The peculiar
nature of the defence which must be employed by the parasites
against this digestive action, becomes still more marked when it is
considered that if a Trematode normally living in the stomach of one
host be transferred to that of another, it is usually speedily digested,
as is shown (p. 65) in the case of Distomum macrostomum. From
these considerations the suggestion has been made that the
cutaneous secretions of these Trematodes must act, not only as a
protection against digestive or other ferments, but that the action in
each case must be a specific one (Frenzel, Braun).

Fig. 30.—Distomum luteum v. Baer (immature), to show the

arrangement of the excretory vessels. × 50. ex.o, Excretory
 aperture by which the terminal contractile duct opens—the finer
vessels end in flame-cells; int, intestine; m, mouth-sucker; ph,
pharynx; vs, ventral sucker. (After la Valette.)

It is, however, in the small intestine that most Trematodes occur, as

the examination of the common Frog[75] will readily demonstrate.
Both this and the edible Frog are attacked by a dozen Distomatidae,
only a few of which, however, are common to both hosts, and a
number of Holostomatidae also pass a stage of their development
within these Amphibia. Some idea of the extent to which animals,
whose habits lead to infection, may be attacked by Trematodes (to
say nothing of Cestodes and Nematodes, which often occur also)
may be gathered from the fact that in dissecting a black stork,
Nathusius found several hundred Holostomum excavatum and about
a hundred Distomum ferox in the small intestine, twenty-two D. hians
in the oesophagus, five others in the stomach, and one D. echinatum
in the intestine. Snipe, Woodcock, Sandpipers, Dunlin, Gulls, Bittern,
Geese, and Wild Ducks are, to mention a few cases, greatly infested
by members of this group.

The following Trematodes have occurred in man[76]:—

Distomum hepaticum Abild.

" lanceolatum Mehlis.
" conjunctum Cobbold.
" spathulatum Leuckart (= D. sinense Cobb., D.
japonicum R. Blanch.).
" rathouisi Poir. (probably = D. crassum Busk, D. buskii
Lank.).
" heterophyes v. Sieb.
" pulmonale Bälz (= D. ringeri Cobb., D. westermanni
Kerb.).
" oculi humani Ammon (= D. ophthalmobium Dies.).
Monostomum lentis v. Nord.
Amphistomum hominis Lewis and M‘Connell.
Bilharzia haematobia Cobb.
Life-histories of the Digenea.—The classification of Trematodes
according to their life-histories, expressed in the divisions
Monogenea and Digenea, though a very useful one, breaks down
entirely in the case of certain forms. Thus the life-history of
Gyrodactylus is probably digenetic rather than monogenetic.
Aspidogaster conchicola,[77] which lives in the pericardial cavity of
the fresh-water mussel (possibly the only case of a Trematode
becoming normally mature in an Invertebrate host, since other
species of Aspidogaster live in Chelonia), produces larvae which
enter another Anodonta and develop directly into the sexual form. In
other words, Aspidogaster, though structurally a digenetic form,
possesses a life-history which is direct and simple, i.e. monogenetic.

The Holostomatidae, which live in birds of prey and aquatic birds,

give rise to eggs from which a minute larva escapes. The fate of this
aquatic larva is not directly known, but in all probability after entering
a host (Fish, Amphibian, Mollusc), it undergoes a gradual change
into what has long been known as a Tetracotyle, from the frequent
presence of four (sometimes only three) adhering organs. Fig. 31
exhibits a species which is abundant in the lens and vitreous humour
of the eye of the Perch. Its further history is not known, but
presumably the Perch is presently devoured by the final host in
which the Diplostomum attains maturity. Thus the Holostomatidae
are "metastatic" (Leuckart), their (probably) direct development
requiring the presence of two hosts.[78]

The other Digenea, the life-histories of which are known, belong to

the Distomatidae and Amphistomatidae, and we may distinguish the
steps by which the complex life-history of the liver-fluke (Distomum
hepaticum) has been brought about, by a consideration of that of
Distomum macrostomum.
 Fig. 31.—Diplostomum (Tetracotyle) volvens. (After v. Nordmann.) ×
130. cv, Contractile excretory vesicle; d, intestine; e, calcareous
bodies in excretory tubules; ex.o, excretory aperture; gl, glandular
adhesive body; ms, oral sucker; ph, pharynx; vs, ventral sucker.

Distomum macrostomum.—This form occurs in the intestine of

several common Passerine birds. It is remarkable not only for the
large oral sucker, but also on account of the position of the common
genital pore at the hinder, and not as usual, at the anterior, end of
the body (Fig. 32, A). The eggs pass out through this pore, and are
discharged with the bird's excrement. Should a certain snail
(Succinea putris) happen to rasp off the epidermis of a leaf upon
which the faeces have fallen, the eggs are swallowed and a minute
active larva is set free (Fig. 32, B). This penetrates through the thin
wall of the digestive tract of the snail, and passing into the
connective tissue, throws off its cilia and assumes the shape of Fig.
32, C. This sporocyst, as the larva is now termed, grows rapidly in all
directions (Fig. 32, D) at the expense of the snail's tissues, until it
becomes impossible to separate parasite and host completely.

Fig. 32.—Life-history of Distomum macrostomum Rud. A, Immature

Distomum (really a tailless Cercaria) found in the swollen terminal
parts of Leucochloridium (Fig. 33, B) and enclosed in two
 protective membranes, × 40; B, larva which hatches out of the
egg of D. macrostomum, × 125; C, the metamorphosed larva
(sporocyst) fourteen days after having entered Succinea putris,
and pierced through its intestinal wall; D, actively growing
sporocyst. (After Heckert.) go, Genital aperture; int, intestine; ms,
mouth sucker; n, nervous system; ov, ovary; ps, ventral sucker;
te, testis.

Those branches which lie superficially in the cephalic region of the

snail become greatly swollen, cylindrical, and contractile. They are
banded with green and white, ornamented with red terminal spots,
and pulsate rapidly. Hence these fertile branches of the sporocyst
(which in this condition was known as Leucochloridium paradoxum,
Fig. 33, B) naturally attract the attention of insectivorous birds, which
peck off the tentacles of the snail, and with it the swollen sporocyst-
branch. A sphincter muscle closes the cut end of the fertile sac when
the bird's bill nips it off. The sac contains large numbers of young D.
macrostomum (Fig. 32, A), produced by the division of embryonic
cells of the larva (Fig. 32, B), which are apparently blastomeres of
the egg reserved for this future use. It is a remarkable circumstance
that the old bird itself is immune from infection, and if it swallows
these young Distomes, they are digested. Should, however, the
snail's tentacle and its contents be offered as food to the nestlings,
their weaker digestive powers merely set the Distomes free from the
protective membranes (Fig. 32, A), and thus the Blackcaps,
Sparrows, and other birds infested by D. macrostomum have
acquired the parasite when they were nestlings by the unintentional
agency of their parents.[79] The snail regenerates its lost tentacles
only for the sporocyst to again bud off fertile branches into them.
 Fig. 33.—A, Succinea putris, infested by B, Leucochloridium
paradoxum, or the fully-formed sporocyst of Distomum
macrostomum. (After Heckert.) A, Natural size; B, × 7.

The egg of this Distome thus gives rise to a larva which enters the
tissues of one particular Mollusc. Here it becomes a branched
sporocyst within which the sexual worms are formed, apparently
each from a single embryonic blastomere ("Keimzelle"), by a process
comparable with the development of a parthenogenetic ovum, and
the whole cycle has been termed Alloiogenesis, i.e. alternation of
sexual and parthenogenetic generations (Grobben).[80] Leuckart[81]
and Looss,[82] however, consider that what was once a
metamorphosis of an individual (as in the Holostomatidae) has now
become, by maturation of the Cercaria in the comparatively modern
warm-blooded bird, a metamorphosis extending over two or more
generations.

Distomum (Fasciola) hepaticum.—The liver-fluke of the Sheep,

which produces the disastrous disease, liver-rot, has a distribution as
wide as that of a small water-snail, Limnaea truncatula, the
connexion between the two being, as Thomas[83] and Leuckart
discovered, that this snail is the intermediate host in which the earlier
larval, sporocyst, and redia stages are passed through, and a vast
number of immature flukes (Cercariae) are developed. These leave
the snail and encyst upon grass, where they are eaten by the sheep.
Over the whole of Europe, Northern Asia, Abyssinia, and North
Africa, the Canaries, and the Faroes, the fluke and the snail are
known to occur, and recently the former has been found in Australia
and the Sandwich Islands, where a snail, apparently a variety of
Limnaea truncatula, is also found.[84] Over these vast areas,
however, the disease usually only occurs in certain marshy districts
and at certain times of the year. Meadows of a clayey soil, liable to
be flooded (as in certain parts of Oxfordshire), are the places where
this Limnaea occurs most abundantly, and these are consequently
the most dangerous feeding-grounds for sheep. The wet years 1816,
1817, 1830, 1853, and 1854—memorable for the occurrence of
acute liver-rot in England, Germany, and France—showed that the
weather also plays a considerable part in extending the suitable
ground for Limnaea over wide areas, which in dry years may be safe
pastures. In 1830 England lost from this cause,[85] one and a half
million sheep, representing some four millions of money, while in
1879-80 three millions died. In 1862 Ireland lost 60 per cent of the
flocks, and in 1882 vast numbers of sheep perished in Buenos Ayres
from this cause. In the United Kingdom the annual loss was formerly
estimated at a million animals, but is now probably considerably less.
After infection during a wet autumn, it is usually in the succeeding
winter that the disease reaches its height.
The symptoms of "rot" appear about a month after infection, more acutely in
lambs than in sheep, and again, less in oxen than in sheep. At first, death may
result from cerebral apoplexy, but if the first few weeks are passed through, a
pernicious anaemia sets in, the sheep are less lively and fall at a slight touch,
the appetite diminishes, and rumination becomes irregular. The conjunctiva is of
a whitish-yellow colour, the dry, brittle wool falls off, and there is sometimes fever
and quickened respiration. In January, about three months after infection, the
wasting, or fatal, period sets in. Oedemas or swellings, usually visible before,
become larger at the dependent parts of the body, a large one in the
submaxillary region being especially well marked, and this is considered one of
the most characteristic symptoms ("watery poke"). Through this period few of the
infected sheep survive, but should they do so, the flukes begin to migrate,
though some remain much longer within the liver. Migration is effected through
the bile-duct into the duodenum and outwith the faeces, in which the altered
remains of the Distomum are sometimes scarcely recognisable. Under these
circumstances (or owing to death of the fluke in situ) the sheep recover more or
less fully.

The preventive measures seem to be: (1) Destruction of the eggs and of the
manure of rotten sheep; (2) slaughter of badly fluked sheep; (3) adequate
drainage of pastures; (4) an allowance of salt and a little dry food to the sheep;
and (5) dressings of lime or salt on the ground to destroy the embryos.[86]

Distomum hepaticum, contrary to most Trematodes, enjoys a wide range of

hosts. Man himself occasionally falls a victim; thus in Dalmatia, in the Narenta
Valley, the disease is endemic but slight in its effects. The horse, deer, camel,
antelopes, goat, pig, rabbit, kangaroo, beaver, and squirrel have all been known
to harbour this fluke occasionally. In the Italian deer-parks at Mandria a large
species, D. magnum, decimated the herds some years ago; and this species,
probably imported from Italy, is now almost as dangerous a parasite on the
western plains of the United States as D. hepaticum.

Bilharzia haematobia.[87]—This formidable parasite was discovered by Bilharz in

1853 in the veins of the bladder of patients at the Cairo Hospital, and is
remarkable from its abundance on the east coast and inland countries of Africa
from Egypt to the Cape, as well as in the districts bordering Lake Nyassa and
the Zambesi river, while westwards it occurs on the Gold Coast. Mecca is a
source of infection whence Mohammedans carry the disease to distant places.
In Egypt about 30 per cent of the native population is affected by the serious
disease known as Haematuria, resulting from the attacks of Bilharzia, so that, of
the many scourges from which in Africa man suffers, this one is perhaps the
most severe.
 Fig. 34.—Bilharzia haematobia Cobb. × 10. The female ( ♀ ) lying in the
gynaecophoric canal of the male (♂). d, Alimentary canal; ms, oral sucker of
male; vs, ventral suckers. (After Leuckart.)

The worm is found usually in couples, which have been proved to be male and
female individuals (Fig. 34), often in considerable numbers in the veins of the
pelvic region, chiefly the veins of the bladder and of the large intestine, and it is
tolerably certain that Bilharzia enter these vessels from the portal vein. Their
long slender bodies enable them to penetrate into the finer vessels, which get
partially or entirely choked up, and the circulation accordingly impeded. But the
most serious consequences are observed in the urinary bladder. The mucous
membrane is swollen and inflamed here and there, chiefly on the dorsal surface,
the capillaries appear varicose and covered with mucus, mixed with blood-
extravasations in which Bilharzia-eggs are noticeable. The eggs also cause
numerous swollen knots in the submucous tissue. Should the disease not pass
beyond this stage (and such is usually the case, especially in South Africa), a
temporary haematuria ensues. The urine, which is only expelled with great effort,
accompanied by intense pain, is mixed with blood, mucous clots, and masses of
Bilharzia-eggs, from which some of the embryos have already hatched out. The
symptoms, however, may gradually pass away, and a more or less complete
recovery accomplished. The disease may indeed be of a far less severe
character, and may not interfere with the usual occupations of the patient; but,
on the other hand, a far more extensive thickening of the wall of the bladder
sometimes occurs; hard masses of eggs, uric acid crystals, and other deposits,
may lead to the formation of stones, degeneration of the substance of the ureter,
and eventually to that of the kidney itself. The stone, indeed, has long been
known to be a prevalent disease in Egypt, and it is now known to arise from
concretions formed round masses of Bilharzia eggs. From the portal vein, again,
other Bilharzia may gain access to the rectum, or the liver, and it has also been
found in the lungs, and may give rise to most serious complications, if indeed the
patient lives.

How infection occurs is a question to which at present no satisfactory answer

can be made. The attempt to introduce embryos of Bilharzia into the common
fresh-water animals of Alexandria has hitherto proved fruitless (Looss[88]),
although there seems little doubt that the comparative immunity of Europeans
from the disease is in some way owing to their drinking purer water than the
natives. Possibly, as Leuckart suggests, the embryo becomes a sporocyst in
man himself, somewhat as Taenia murina is known to develop in the rat without
an intermediate host.[89] The immense numbers of the parasite in one host
would then readily receive an explanation.

A Bilharzia, possibly B. haematobia, was found by Cobbold in the portal vein of

Cercopithecus fuliginosus; and B. crassa infests the cattle of Egypt, Sicily, and
certain parts of India, but does not produce haematuria.

Of the other Trematodes of man and domestic animals there is not room to
speak fully. Distomum pulmonale, which occurs in the lungs of the cat, tiger, and
dog, as well as in man, is especially common in Japan, China, Corea, and
Formosa. D. sinense and D. rathouisi have been also found in inhabitants of
these countries.

Bisexual Trematodes.—Zoologically, Bilharzia is interesting from its bisexual

condition. It is not, however, the only bisexual Trematode. In cysts in the
branchial chamber of Ray's bream, Brama raii, two worms are found, which are
probably the slender male and the swollen female of the same species
(Distomum okenii). The only doubt that can arise proceeds from the tendency in
all Trematodes for the male organs to ripen before the female organs. Until we
certainly know that the swollen egg-bearing form ( ♀ ) does not arise from a
previously male form ( ♂ ), the case is open to suspicion. Since, however,
Kölliker[90] never found intermediate hermaphrodite conditions, this Distomum
may be almost certainly regarded as of distinct sexes. Didymozoon thynni
(Monostomum bipartitum), from cysts on the gills of the Tunny (Thynnus), is
another case. Two slender worms flattened posteriorly, come together, and the
body of one becomes folded to receive that of the other. They fuse completely
except for a small lateral opening through which the anterior parts of both worms
may freely protrude. The enclosing individual contains a coiled uterus filled with
eggs, and is the female, whereas the smaller individual never possesses eggs,
and is probably the male.[91] Nematobothrium (Fig. 22, A), which occurs also in
the Tunny, in the form of two immensely long individuals intricately wound about
each other in a cyst, is, however, not bisexual.
 Fig. 35.—Distomum okenii Köll. Showing male and female as they occur together
in the branchial cavity of Bramaraii (Ray's bream). (From Bronn, after
Kölliker.) Nat. size.

Table of Digenetic Trematodes and their Life-Histories.[92]

Host into which the

larva enters, and Host into which the
in which Cercariae migrate
Species. Final host.
Cercariae are and encyst; eaten by
eventually final host.
formed.
Diplodiscus Insect-larvae,
Smaller species
(Amphistomum) Rana, Bufo, Rana, Bufo, but
of Planorbis
subclavatus Triton frequently
and Cyclas
Göze omitted
Distomum advena
Duj. (D. migrans Sorex araneus Not known Limax
Duj.)
Lucullus acuspes,
D. appendiculatum Centropages
Clupea alosa Not known
Rud. hamatus
(Copepoda)
Limnaea
Ephemera, Perla,
stagnalis
D. ascidia v. Ben. Species of Bats Chironomus
Planorbis
plumosus
corneus
Frogs and
Physa
D. atriventre Weinl. Toads of Not known
heterostropha
N. America
D. brachysomum The Dunlin
Not known Anthura gracilis
Crepl. (Tringa alpina)
Hedgehog
D. caudatum
(Erinaceus Helix hortensis
v. Linst.
europaeus)
Limnaea ovata
D. clavigerum Rud. Rana Planorbis Not known
corneus
D. cygnoides Zed. Rana Pisidium, Limnaea sp.
 Cyclas (Cercaria
macrocerca Fil.)
D. cylindraceum
Rana Limnaea ovata Ilybius fuliginosus
Zed.
D. dimorphum Ardea, Ciconia Different species of
Not known
Dies. (Brazil) Fishes
Species of
Cygnus, Anser, Species of
D. echinatum Zed. Limnaea,
Anas Limnaea
Paludina vivipara
L. stagnalis,
Gammarus
Limnaea
D. endolobum Duj. Rana pulex, larvae of
stagnalis
Limnophilus
rhombicus
Limnaea stagnalis,
L. ovata,
Succinea
pfeifferi,
D. globiporum Rud. Perca fluviatilis Not known
S. putris, Physa
fontinalis,
Planorbis
marginatus
Sheep, Oxen, Limnaea
D. hepaticum Abild. Omitted
Man, etc. truncatula
Lophius
D. hystrix Duj. Not known Marine Fishes
piscatorius
Warblers, Tits,
D. macrostomum
Woodpeckers, Succinea putris Omitted
Rud.
etc.
Paludina
D. militare v. Ben. Common Snipe P. vivipara
vivipara
Bithynia Cyprinus, Acerina
D. nodulosum Zed. Perca fluviatilis
tentaculata cernua
Probably omitted.
D. ovocaudatum Species of (Cercaria known
Rana esculenta
Vulp. Planorbis as C. cystophora
Wag.)
D. retusum Duj. Rana Limnaea L. stagnalis, larvae
 stagnalis of Phryganeidae
D. squamula Dies. Polecat Unknown Rana temporaria
Tropidonotus
D. signatum Duj. Unknown Rana
natrix
D. trigonocephalum Paludina
Badger, Polecat Unknown
Rud. vivipara
Ostrea edulis,
Gasterostomum Cardium
Dogfish, Rays Belone vulgaris
sp. rusticum,
C. edule
Unio, Anodonta
(Cercaria
G. fimbriatum Leuciscus
Perca, Esox known as
v. Sieb. erythrophthalmus
Bucephalus
polymorphus)
Species of Gadus
G. gracilescens Lophius (e.g.
Unknown
Rud. piscatorius G. aeglefinus),
Molva, Lophius
Monostomum Planorbis
Anas Omitted
flavum Mehl. corneus

Classification of Trematodes.—We have seen (p. 63) that it is hardly possible

to carry out fully the division of Trematodes into Monogenea and Digenea.
Nevertheless, pending further investigation on the doubtful points, this
classification may still be used. Monticelli[93] has proposed the main divisions of
a new classification, which has been also adopted by Braun, and is based on the
nature of the suckers. These divisions are indicated below in brackets.

A. Monogenea v. Ben. (Heterocotylea Mont.).

1. Fam. Temnocephalidae Hasw.
Gen. Temnocephala Hasw.
2. Fam. Tristomatidae Tschbg.
Sub-Fam. 1. Tristomatinae Mont.
Gen. Tristomum, Nitzschia, Epibdella, Trochopus,
Acanthocotyle, Phyllonella, Placunella, Encotylabe.
Sub-Fam. 2. Monocotylinae Tschbg.
Gen. Pseudocotyle, Calicotyle, Monocotyle.
Sub-Fam. 3. Udonellinae v. Ben.-Hesse.
 Gen. Udonella, Echinella, Pteronella.
3. Fam. Polystomatidae Tschbg.
Sub-Fam. 4. Octocotylinae v. Ben.-Hesse.
Gen. Octobothrium, Pleurocotyle, Diplozoon, Anthocotyle,
Vallisnia, Phyllocotyle, Hexacotyle, Platycotyle,
Plectanocotyle, Diclidophora.
Sub-Fam. 5. Polystomatinae v. Ben.
Gen. Polystomum, Onchocotyle, Erpocotyle, Diplobothrium,
Sphyranura.
Sub-Fam. 6. Microcotylinae Tschbg.
Gen. Microcotyle, Gastrocotyle, Axine, Pseudaxine.
4. Fam. Gyrodactylidae v. Ben.
Sub-Fam. 7. Gyrodactylinae Par. et Per.
Gen. Gyrodactylus, Dactylogyrus, Tetraonchus, Diplectanum.
Sub-Fam. 8. Calceostominae Par. et Per.
Gen. Calceostomum, Anoplodiscus.
5. Fam. Aspidobothridae Burm. (= Aspidocotylea Mont.).
Gen. Aspidogaster, Platyaspis, Cotylogaster, Macraspis.

B. Digenea v. Ben. (Malacocotylea Mont.).

6. Fam. Holostomatidae Brandes (= Metastatica Leuckart).
Gen. Diplostomum, Polycotyle, Hemistomum, Holostomum.
7. Fam. Amphistomatidae Mont.
Gen. Amphistomum, Diplodiscus, Gastrodiscus,
Homalogaster, Gastrothylax, Aspidocotyle.
8. Fam. Distomatidae Mont.
Gen. Distomum (and sub-genera), Rhopalophorus,
Koellikeria, Bilharzia.
9. Fam. Gasterostomatidae Braun.
Gen. Gasterostomum.
10. Fam. Didymozoontidae Mont.
Gen. Didymozoon, Nematobothrium.
11. Fam. Monostomatidae Mont.
Gen. Monostomum, Notocotyle, Ogmogaster, Opisthotrema.

CHAPTER III

CESTODA
INTRODUCTION—NATURE OF CESTODES—OCCURRENCE OF CESTODES—THE TAPE-
WORMS OF MAN AND DOMESTIC ANIMALS—TABLE OF THE LIFE-HISTORIES OF THE
PRINCIPAL CESTODES OF MAN AND DOMESTIC ANIMALS—STRUCTURE AND
DEVELOPMENT OF CESTODES—TABLE FOR THE DISCRIMINATION OF THE MORE
USUAL CESTODES OF MAN AND DOMESTIC ANIMALS—CLASSIFICATION.

The Cestodes or Tape-worms are exclusively endoparasitic Platyhelminthes

living, in the adult condition, in the alimentary canal of Vertebrates, with the
exception of Archigetes (Fig. 37), which may become mature in the body-cavity
of Tubifex. In relation with this wholly parasitic existence, the Cestodes exhibit
certain characteristic modifications in structure and mode of development, such
as the formation, by the segmentation of the "neck," of a (usually) long chain of
"proglottides" or joints, which form the "body" of the Cestode; and the entire
absence of an alimentary tract, both in the larva and adult. As an adaptation to
the fixed mode of life, the anterior end (head, scolex) is modified to form an
adhering organ. Various adaptive forms of larvae are known. These live in the
internal organs of one or more intermediate hosts, and are transferred to the
final host passively during a meal. Lastly, there is the curious metamorphosis by
which the adult is formed from a portion (scolex) of the larva.[94]

Fig. 36.—Echinobothrium affine Dies., from the intestine of Torpedo, × 43. hd,
Head; hk, hooks; hl, lobes of the head; ov, ovary; pe, penis; ps, penis-sheath;
te, testes; ut, uterus; vag, vagina; yg, yolk-glands. (After Pintner.[95])

Taenia solium, from man (Fig. 39, B), or Echinobothrium (Fig. 36), from an
Elasmobranch fish, is fixed to the mucous lining of the intestine of its host by
means of a radially-constructed apparatus of four suckers and a circlet of hooks
(Fig. 39), which are borne by the "head" or "scolex," being that part of the worm
which is directly derived from part of the larva, and which contains the central,
commissural portion of the nervous system. Firm adhesion to the host's intestine
is necessary, in order to avoid the loosening action of the peristaltic movements
of the intestine as the food passes along. The heads of different Cestodes
exhibit a marvellous variety of suckers and hooks, from a mere muscular
depression in Schistocephalus, to the compound proboscides of
Tetrarhynchus[96] which is found in Elasmobranchs. The jointed body, often of
enormous length (up to 20 yards in Bothriocephalus latus), is usually separated
from the head by a slender neck, from which the proglottides are segmented off
from behind forwards, and become more and more individualised as they recede
farther away from the neck by the intercalation of younger joints. Thus in Fig. 36
the mature, distal proglottis has passed through all the stages represented by
the other segments.

Fig. 37.—Archigetes sieboldii (appendiculatus), from the coelom of Tubifex

rivulorum. × 40. app, Persistent larval appendage; go, genital pore; hk,
persistent larval hooks; ov, ovary; sc, sucker; te, testes; yg, yolk-glands.
(After Leuckart.)

The longitudinal muscles, the nerves, and excretory vessels which supply the
proglottides are continuous throughout and with those of the head. Each joint
contains at first male genitalia comparable with those of a Trematode; then the
female organs develop, and finally self-fertilisation follows. The Cestodes feed
through their skin, probably by the aid of fine protoplasmic processes, which
penetrate the tough investing membrane and absorb the already digested food
which bathes them. When a proglottis of Calliobothrium is approaching maturity
it separates from the parent, the broken ends of muscles, nerves, and excretory
vessels speedily heal, and it is now capable of continued growth and of fairly
active movement if it remains in the intestine of the host. According to van
Beneden, it may even attain a size equal to, or exceeding, that of the whole
parent or "strobila."[97] These considerations led Leuckart, von Siebold, P. J. van
Beneden, and others, to Steenstrup's conclusion that a jointed tape-worm is
really a colony composed of two generations—the head and neck derived from
the larva, and the proglottides produced by the segmentation of the neck.[98]
This view of the colonial nature of jointed Cestodes was generally adopted from
1851 to 1880. During the last fifteen years, however, the varied interpretations of
the facts of the ontogeny of this group have led some authors to adopt the
monozootic view (that a Cestode is one individual), others are still of the older
opinion, and Hatschek (Lehrbuch, p. 349) and Lang take up intermediate
positions. Lang considers that the formation of the joints of a tape-worm from a
small fixed "scolex," is not only largely comparable with the strobilation of a
scyphistoma and the consequent formation of a pile of medusae, as in the life-
history of Aurelia, but that both processes have arisen from the power of
regenerating the necessary organs in each of the new segments. The result in
both cases is the rapid formation of a number of joints, which gradually separate
from the parent, to carry the eggs and young to new stations. Just as some
Coelenterata (Lucernaria) may be regarded as not having advanced much
beyond a scyphistoma stage, so there are unisegmental Cestodes (e.g.
Archigetes, Fig. 37) which have remained as a slightly altered but sexual scolex,
directly comparable with a Trematode, and, as all authors are agreed,
representing one generation only. Such monozootic forms are now classed as a
special family, the Cestodaria or Monozoa, of which Caryophylleus mutabilis,
from the intestine of various Cyprinoid fish, is the most abundant representative,
while Amphiptyches (Gyrocotyle) urna, from Chimaera monstrosa of the
northern hemisphere, is paralleled by A. rugosa, found in Callorhynchus
antarcticus of the southern seas.

Fig. 38.—Scolex polymorphus Rud. (larva of Calliobothrium filicolle Zschokke),

from the muscles of Apogon, a Mediterranean fish; also found in many
Invertebrates (e.g. Sepia). A, Inverted scolex, with calcareous bodies; B,
everted older larva. br, Brain; exo, terminal excretory aperture; fc, flame-cells;
for.sec; secondary excretory pores; hk, hooks of the adult Cestode; inrag, pit
at the bottom of which the head is developed; msc, anterior sucker; nl, lateral
nerve; sc, suckers; tl, tp, lateral and main excretory vessels. (After Monticelli.)
Occurrence of Cestodes.—The distribution of Cestodes and their larvae is
analogous to that of the digenetic Trematodes, although the absence of an
alimentary canal limits the habitat of the mature worms to certain sites, such as
the blood-vessels, the lymphatic and coelomic spaces, and the digestive system,
where their body may be bathed by a nutritive fluid. Almost all groups of
Vertebrates are attacked by Cestodes. Those of fishes, and particularly of
Elasmobranchs, are distinguished by certain structural and developmental
features; those of birds by others; those of mammals, by a third set of
characters. The young stages of the Cestodes of Sharks and Rays occur
encysted in the body-cavity, or in the pyloric appendages, of Teleosteans, which
probably swallow them along with those invertebrate animals upon which they
prey. The larvae of the Cestodes of carnivorous mammals or piscivorous birds,
live respectively in herbivores and fishes, but how the latter are infected we
know in very few instances. Cestode larvae are known to occur in many
Invertebrates, and occasionally are taken free swimming in the sea, presumably
crossing from one host to the next. Ctenophores, Siphonophores, Copepods,
Ostracods, Decapods, various Molluscs especially Cephalopods, Earthworms,
and other Annelids, are the intermediate hosts of these larvae (see Fig. 38), the
fate of which, however, has been determined in but few cases.

Occurrence of Cestodes in Man.[99]—Tape-worms, either in the adult or larval

stages (bladder-worms), have, from ancient times, been known to occur in man,
and in the animals that serve him as food. Until comparatively recent times,
however, the true nature of these parasites, and particularly of "hydatids" (cystic
larvae), was unrecognised. Up to the seventeenth century the larvae were
regarded as abscesses or diseased growths of the affected organs, and it was
only at the close of that century that their animal nature was even suggested.
Even at the beginning of the nineteenth century, three modes of origin of
Cestodes—by "generatio aequivoca" from the tissues of the body, or by the
union of previously distinct proglottides, or again by metamorphosis of free-living
worms drunk with water by cattle or birds (as Linnaeus suggested)—were still
variously held, at a time when Malpighi, Pallas, and Goeze had recognised the
true connexion between the cystic and segmented states of Taenia crassicollis
(the cat tape-worm), and when Goeze had seen the eggs of Taeniae, and
Abildgaard[100] had even conducted the first helminthological experiments
(conversion of the larval Schistocephalus, Fig. 40, into the adult form).
 Fig. 39.—A, Taenia saginata Goeze. Nat. size. (From a specimen in the
Cambridge Museum.) The approximate lengths of the portions omitted in the
drawing are given. At * (after Leuckart) the branched uterus and the
longitudinal and transverse excretory vessels are shown. The genital
apertures are seen as a lateral opening on each of the larger proglottides. B,
Head (scolex) of T. solium Rud. × 12. (After Leuckart.)

Generally speaking, "a tape-worm" in Western Europe will prove to be Taenia

saginata Goeze (the beef tape-worm, Fig. 39, A), exceedingly prevalent also in
the East, and indeed cosmopolitan, occurring wherever the infected flesh of the
ox is eaten in a raw or half-cooked state. Its attacks are fortunately not usually
severe. Taenia solium Rud. (the pork tape-worm) is found wherever the pig is
kept as a domestic animal, and has consequently a world-wide distribution. Its
size (6-9 feet long) and powers of adhesion would alone render T. solium a
formidable parasite. But the danger of its presence in the body of man, or in the
flesh of pigs, lies in the fact that the larva or bladder-worm (known as
Cysticercus cellulosae) can live in the most varied organs. Thus if by accident a
mature proglottis be eaten, the embryos escape, bore their way into the wall of
the stomach, and entering the portal vein, may reach in time the muscles, the
brain, the eye, or even the heart itself, and attain the cystic condition. Even more
disastrous may be the result, should some ripe joints of a mature worm work
their way from the intestine back towards the stomach. Should this happen (and
though it has not been directly proved, the possibility is to be reckoned with), the
result would be the release of vast numbers of embryos capable of inflicting fatal
injury on the host. An abnormal Cysticercus of this species is probably the
Taenia (Cysticercus) acanthotrias Weinl. (see, however, Leuckart, loc. cit. p.
711).
Taenia (Hymenolepis) nana v. Sieb.[101] is found in man in Egypt, Italy, England,
Servia, Argentine Republic, and the United States. Though small (¾-1 inch
long), its numbers usually excite digestive and nervous disorders of considerable
severity, more serious, indeed, than those caused by the commoner tape-
worms. H. diminuta Rud. (flavopunctata Weinl.), normally found in Rodents, has
been rarely recorded in man. Taenia (Dipylidium) caninum L. (= T. cucumerina
Bloch = T. elliptica Batsch), the commonest parasite of pet cats and dogs, and T.
(Davainea) madagascariensis Davaine, have occasionally been recorded from
infants and young children. But the attacks of these species are insignificant in
comparison with those of the cystic stage (Echinococcus polymorphus) of a
tape-worm (T. echinococcus v. Sieb.) which lives when mature in the dog.

Echinococcus is most frequent in Iceland, where it affects 2 to 3 per cent of the

population, and a still larger proportion of sheep; while in Copenhagen, Northern
Germany, some districts of Switzerland, and Victoria it is not uncommon, but is
frequently found during post-mortem examinations when no definite symptoms
of its presence had been previously noticed. Echinococcus[102] varies greatly in
size, form, and mode of growth, but is distinguished in the formation not of one
scolex only, as in the Cysticercus, but in the production of a number of vesicles,
usually from the inner wall. Within these, large numbers of scolices may be
developed. The whole organism continues to swell by the formation of a watery
liquid within it, and if its growth be rapid the fluid tension may cause the rupture
of the enclosing connective-tissue capsule formed around the parasite, at the
expense of the host, and the protrusion of the daughter vesicles. It is the
consequent injury to the surrounding organs of the host, at this critical stage,
often only reached after the lapse of several years, that occasions serious or
even fatal results. Zoologically, Taenia echinococcus and T. coenurus are
interesting, since they exhibit an indubitable alternation of asexual generations in
the larval state, with a sexual adult stage.

Bothriocephalus latus Brems., the broad tape-worm, which attains a length of

20-30 feet, or even more, occurs in man endemically in the eastern Baltic
provinces, certain parts of Switzerland, generally throughout Russia (especially
near Kasan), in North America, and commonly in Japan,—that is, in districts
where the population partake largely of pike or other fish in a raw or partially-
cooked state. Elsewhere it occurs sporadically, and in Munich, where it was
unknown before 1880, its presence has been traced to emigrants from infected
districts, who settled on the shores of the Starenberger Lake, from which Munich
was supplied with fish. How the pike, the usual but not invariable intermediate
host, becomes infested (and its musculature is frequently riddled with the larvae)
we do not accurately know, but some Invertebrate, the prey of the pike, is
probably the first host into which the free-swimming ciliated larva (Fig. 42) finds