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Textbook Emotional Labour and Lesson Observation A Study of England S Further Education 1St Edition Ursula Edgington Auth Ebook All Chapter PDF
Textbook Emotional Labour and Lesson Observation A Study of England S Further Education 1St Edition Ursula Edgington Auth Ebook All Chapter PDF
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Ursula Edgington
Emotional
Labour
and Lesson
Observation
A Study of England's Further Education
Emotional Labour and Lesson Observation
Ursula Edgington
Emotional Labour
and Lesson Observation
A Study of England’s Further Education
123
Ursula Edgington
Cambridge, Waikato
New Zealand
vii
Preface
Interest in emotion work and in the emotional labour of teaching and learning in
different educational sectors is a growing area of research interest. It is particularly
relevant within the context of Further and Higher Education sectors where many
researchers are themselves based. This book presents research based in England’s
Further Education sector where increasing emphasis on marketised systems means
accountability and audit cultures have become embedded within everyday teaching
practice. Uniquely, this book explores micro-level issues of the managerial policies
regarding classroom lesson observations; the profoundly emotional, philosophical
aspects within the processes of these situations, which research asserts causes stress
and anxiety for many staff.
For those interested in researching the subject of classroom observation, a small
number of ‘how-to’ guides exist, aimed at helping teaching staff and management
with the practical aspects of preparation and stress management before and during
these events. Most of this literature is based in schools rather than post-compulsory
sectors. There are also chapters about lesson observations within teacher-training
textbooks which aim to support new teaching staff entering education, or staff
development. However, this research provides very little in-depth discussion of the
philosophical and psychosocial aspects of observations. This book illuminates
contextualised individual experiences of lesson observations, within the increasing
pressures of a global, marketised education system. Drawing on psychosocial
theoretical concepts exploring the interplay of hidden or ‘underground’ micro- and
macro-elements of teaching and learning contexts, this book argues how the
presence of an observer fundamentally alters the dynamics of a classroom. This is
because the observer embodies a witness to emotional labour that is an unarticu-
lated personal act which paradoxically is not measurable, nor perceived as of great
value. So, it is not necessarily the performativity that creates the stress and anxiety
in an observation, it is the individual’s perception of this performativity and how it
relates to a wider consideration of their emotional labour in the classroom. For this
ix
x Preface
reason, this book puts forward a case for ending the formal, graded method of
lesson observations, in favour of a developmental, holistic approach that is sensitive
to the emotional nuances of the individuals involved as well as the social and
historical contexts of the institutions in which they are situated.
Because of the diverse use of lesson observations as a tool for staff development
and quality assurance policies, educational researchers, policymakers, teachers and
managers from many different sectors and backgrounds will find this book valuable.
xi
Contents
xiii
xiv Contents
xvii
xviii Abbreviations
Formal lesson observation policies take many forms. In the UK, schools and
tertiary1 or Further Education (FE) institutions comply with demands from stake-
holders and inspectorates for self-assessment reports (SARs) that, in turn, fulfil
public-sector funding requirements. The inspectorate (UK Office for Standards in
Education: ‘Ofsted’) conduct regular evaluations of institutions, in line with
specified (and frequently changing) standardised criteria. For example, the fol-
lowing is taken from a 2015 document ‘How do Ofsted inspectors evaluate teaching
in the FE and skills sector?’:
• Inspectors will also conduct formal observations of teaching, training or
assessment activities. These should be of sufficient length to ensure the inspector
has enough evidence to form clear judgements and give a grade.2 The inspector
will usually provide feedback to the person observed. This will normally include
the grade awarded, with a short summary of the strengths and areas for
development. Other forms of learning activity that are not teaching or assess-
ment sessions may be graded; for example progress reviews.
• Inspectors will conduct short, focused observations of activities. These will
usually last approximately 15 min and have a specific focus, for example learner
support, the use of information and learning technology, attendance, or per-
sonalised learning. Inspectors will not normally give feedback to the person
observed following these sessions.
• The lead inspector will give the provider overall feedback on the quality of
teaching, training and assessment, but they will not produce a profile of the
grades awarded.
• The lead inspector may, in discussion with the provider, select one or more
learning sessions or assessments for a joint observation. A joint observation
comprises an Her Majesty's Inspectorate (HMI) or additional inspector and a
member of the provider’s own observation team. The inspector will observe the
learning session jointly with the provider’s observer.
1
In some countries, (some) post-compulsory sector education is referred to as tertiary. However,
because this book is based on research from England, the term Further Education (FE) is used to
define this specific sector (described in full in Chapter 2). College is the term used to describe an
FE institution.
2
The specific detail of the grading structure is discussed below.
Accountability and Performativity in the Global Tertiary Education Sector 5
• At the end of the joint observation, the inspector will record a grade but will not
share this with the observer or teacher/trainer/assessor. It is the responsibility
of the provider’s observer to provide feedback to the person observed. After
leaving the teaching/training session the inspector will listen to the observer’s
recorded observations and proposed grade and then feedback to the observer.
[Ofsted 2016: Annex A (my emphasis)]
Each institution’s lesson observation policies, SARs and other measurements of
quality are based upon interpretations of Ofsted’s own documents like the extract
above. Strategies therefore vary between (and sometimes within) institutions. One
example of such a document—a lesson observation ‘Assessment Sheet’ based on
the Ofsted criteria (from my own teaching practice portfolio) is included in
Appendix A. This is the kind of document that would be used by a trained observer
(s) (e.g. an Advanced Practitioner3(AP) and/or manager) to prompt marks and
comments against the criteria. Observations of lessons are usually between forty to
fifty minutes, the result of which forms a designated overall grade for the teacher of
between 1 and 4: ‘inadequate’, ‘requiring improvement’, ‘good’ or ‘outstanding’.
Importantly, arbitrary quantitative statistics derived from these measurements are
perceived to have significance and to be comparable and controllable between
teachers,4 institutions and over time. This marketised model relies on regularly
updated ‘league tables’, constructed from\subjective measurements and analysis of
these statistics that allow parents, students and other stakeholders to compare and
contrast perceived efficiencies and effectiveness of each institution. This issue is
discussed fully in Chap. 4.
It has long been argued that reductionist surveillance strategies like formally
graded observations can decontextualise learning and deprofessionalise staff by
assessing only the externally observable (Jeffrey and Woods 1996;
Villeneuve-Smith et al. 2008). For instance, Grace (1985) pointed out his concern
that evaluation of teachers was more than a measurement of technicalities, but has
ideological and political dynamics. Specifically, research from the UK and USA
suggests the intrinsic evaluative and performative nature of some observation
policies is often bureaucratic and punitive in nature, creating unnecessary stress and
anxiety for staff (Halford 2013; O’Leary 2013). Alongside the requirements for
regularly performing lesson observation ‘success’, other neoliberal, audit culture
policies simultaneously force pressure on teachers’ and managers’ everyday roles.
For instance, reporting of student absence and participation is not necessarily
3
An AP is a staff member who usually has advanced teaching qualifications and many years’
experience. They would also have undertaken internal and external training in mentoring other
teachers, or perhaps be a qualified teacher educator (e.g. in partnership with a local university).
4
There are complex issues related to the interpretations of differences between the terms ‘teacher’,
‘lecturer’ or ‘tutor’ and other such roles. However, ‘teacher’ was a term more commonly used by
the participants of the research for this book, to describe their own identity (even though their
official role might have been ‘lecturer’). Therefore, the terms ‘teacher’ and ’lecturer’ are used
interchangeably throughout this book.
6 1 Introduction
straightforward and depends upon strategic dates for institutional and/or course
funding deadlines. Moderation and other reviews of student assessments can be
time-consuming and bureaucratic for staff nominated to undertake them.
Photocopies and other crucial learning administration are restricted by financial
constraints, and administrative support can be minimal. The artificial managerial
division of internal departments’ budgets means that failure to adhere to agreed
contractual agreements or reach specified objectives can result in fines.5 Overall, it
is widely understood how perceived failure in one or more of these areas can have
serious consequences, e.g. by placing an individual’s job at risk, especially in an
environment where the institution itself is sometimes under the microscope due to a
previous ‘inadequate’ judgement from Ofsted (Page 2014).
These pressures from the ongoing fallout from the global economic recession,
bring risks of redundancies and other financial burdens, contributing to an audit
culture that for many educationalists can be demoralising. Indeed, for some
(principles in particular), the pressure and potential impact of a ‘negative’ judge-
ment for their institution is so great that it may contribute to emotional and physical
harm to individuals, for example through clinical depression or even suicide
(Adams 2015; Ratcliffe 2014).
Participants in the research for this book described a wide range of emotions
about lesson observations: anger, resentment, shame, fear, disappointment, anxiety,
depression, joy and pride. But stakes are high, and understandably, some staff felt at
risk of being penalised (by themselves and others) if they revealed aspects of their
personal selves present in their teaching but at the same time ‘hidden’ (Honneth
2004). These negative feelings were exacerbated by institutional policies which
prevent a developmental approach to observations, ones which (for example) pre-
vent or discourage opportunities for professional dialogue about the objectives and
outcomes from the session, both before and after the event. There is an intrinsic
power struggle within these situations which is often unexplored. What I illustrate
in this book are my interpretations of the connections between the manifestations of
these emotions and the lived experiences of staff undergoing formal, internal lesson
observations, including some of the possible reasons for the tragic consequences
mentioned above.
This book outlines the need for a more sensitive and nuanced approach to
observations in FE. Whilst I fully acknowledge the requirement for an element of
explicit ‘evidence’ of teaching skills during an observation, this should not rule out
the inclusion of our humanness. This book demonstrates a need for a more holistic
approach. A deeper understanding of the inherent hidden or ‘underground’ aspects
to teaching and learning is required, and aspects of the contexts that are unique to
all individuals involved and that by definition cannot (and arguably should not) be
subjected to arbitrary assessment strategies like those ‘snapshots’ commonly uti-
lised by FE college management when observing a particular lesson.
5
For example, booked rooms may be checked against actual physical location of a class at a
random time during the day.
Aims and Rationale for This Book 7
6
As I explain later in this book, the terms ‘lecturer’ or ‘teacher’ and ‘manager’ can be ambiguous
because of the often diverse roles and duties of FE staff.
7
Where appropriate I have been explicit about these relationships in the ‘pen portraits’ at the
beginning of each analysis section.
Aims and Rationale for This Book 9
observation contexts. The theoretical concepts drawn upon in this research emerge
from the sociology of the emotions—more specifically, social constructionist and
psychoanalytical perspectives. It is crucial that alongside these interpretations I
constantly reflect on my own (concealed) presence within these data in an approach
that is explicit about my own positioning and potential impact on the outcomes
(Letherby 2000; Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992). Likewise, I encourage you, the
reader, to engage in your interpretations of these concepts throughout this book.
Having outlined the boundaries of this research and the objectives, below are
questions which the research for this book aimed to address:
Drawing on specific examples from interview data with staff involved with
internal lesson observations, I present insights into the emotional impact of these
observations. I explain how concepts from the writing of Pierre Bourdieu can add
meaning about these emotions, and I furnish these ideas with psychoanalytical
notions; in particular, those from Object Relations theory (Elliott 2002), perspec-
tives of which are centred on interpretations of the possible private or ‘inner’
meanings of these conceptual ideas rather than explicit linguistic or articulated
issues. Finally, I bring these ideas together within an interpretative interactionist
paradigm (Denzin 1989) and illustrate how concepts of professional habitus and
narrative unconscious can add meaning to the research presented in this book.
I illustrate how it is crucial, for teachers and their practice, to raise awareness of the
complex and fluid nature of the emotions that surround observations. Indeed, how
these discussions could be beneficial to improvements in teaching and learning.
This is especially important when considering the increasing pressures on
employees within marketised education systems worldwide.
10 1 Introduction
background, and this further emphasised for me the importance that context has to
our learning processes (Knowles 1985; Mead 1969). During my studies, a job
opportunity arose at my university that suited my administration skills and expe-
rience. The potential to save valuable travelling time to/from evening classes was
too good to miss. I applied and got the job. Working full time whilst studying was
extremely challenging at times, but each module of the degree was fascinating and
assignment deadlines were met and new ones replaced them each term. My con-
fidence in this new academic environment grew.
Soon I transferred to an administrative position within the university’s medical
faculty. Within this work experience, together with modules I was completing at the
time on the ‘Sociology of Health and Illness’ and the ‘Sociology of Education’, my
life events developed new meaning. For instance, tragically, my brother-in-law was
the victim of a road accident that left him a tetraplegic aged only 21, and reading
Michael Oliver’s (1996) seminal book which questioned the deficit model of dis-
ability helped me make better sense of his situation and the challenges it posed for
those supporting him. I also realised that I had been a victim of an embedded social
structure that had gone virtually unquestioned (by me at least) for most of my life.
The polarising consequences of the English ‘eleven-plus’ examination haunted me
—as it does many adults in different ways. I felt pleased that I was beginning to
climb out of my ‘haze’ of naivety and into some kind of new awareness. However, I
was acutely aware of how others—some very close to me—were prevented from
achieving their potential simply because of the language they used or that others
used to negatively label them. My ambitions towards teaching took on a new
meaning in this light.
In response to government rhetoric and funding policies of the time, during my
undergraduate studies, my institution became more supportive of the challenges
mature students faced. Human resources contributed funds towards my fees, and
later I was given some extended leave to complete my qualification in Teaching
English to Speakers of Other Languages (TESOL). After this achievement, I
undertook unpaid teaching work at an inner city community centre and rediscov-
ered my love of teaching which began for me in childhood ballet classes and later,
musical instrument workshops for teenage friends at school. For me, the particular
joy of teaching English for Speakers of Other Languages (ESOL) was how
autonomous it was, the government syllabus was flexible; I found it easy to create
ways to include music, newspaper articles or other everyday things that brought
context and fun to the learning experience. I found that students were surprised at
what they could achieve if they were encouraged and supported in a
non-judgemental, informal atmosphere. Strikingly, this was so different from my
own learning experiences at school.
I went on to specialise in post-compulsory education. The qualification provided
me with a placement teaching opportunity at a nearby inner city FE college and
closer contact with a broad range of teaching styles and subjects. My mentor was an
inspiration. To him, formative feedback, changing assessment styles, differentiation
and all the other educational terminologies that I had learned about during my
studies seemed an innate, embodied part of his practice and indeed a natural part of
12 1 Introduction
his personality. His enthusiasm was seemingly endless, and the students loved his
lessons. Being observed as part of my summative assessment for my qualification
was bound to be stressful, but if my mentor was due to observe me during a lesson I
felt like I was unaware of his presence in the room.8 Some of my most rewarding
lessons were when I was observed by my mentor or someone who I shared a similar
rapport with. This sparked my interest in how teaching within a lesson observation
impacts upon the teacher’s performance and therefore students’ learning.
After completing my MA studies, I taught at another FE college in a nearby
town. It had been a long time since I had not been actively engaged in studying and
working simultaneously. Due to my husband’s promotion, financial pressures were
lessened; I was able to teach part-time and without the added pressures of studying.
I had the ‘luxury’ of donating most of my spare time to creating and preparing
resources for my students, and then marking their work. New staff joined who were
completely new to teaching, and it was a joy to be able to guide them through the
educational literature in their new qualification. By now, the authors had become
familiar to me, and it was very rewarding to be able to provide help and support to
colleagues. I firmly believe that this peer support in the staffroom, which could be
defined a community of practice (Lave and Wenger 1999), is underrated and
under-researched and forms an integral part of the coping strategies of (student)-
teacher staff (lisahunter et al. 2011).
Some years later, the college where I taught had an Ofsted inspection. Hopes
were high that after a relatively poor report three years earlier, improvements had
made an impact and overall the rating would improve. I was confident that our
students’ needs came first and that the right policies were in place, and indeed, our
department achieved ‘Outstanding’ in the Ofsted report. Sadly, however, other
departments did not fare so well. This did not surprise me as the cooperation
between departments had been poor and the quality of some of the teaching I had
witnessed outside our faculty was less structured than the Ofsted criteria stipulated.
However, my colleagues and I were confident that we would now be called upon to
help the other departments improve. Surely, we were now the ‘gold standard’ which
others could learn from.
Unfortunately, this did not happen. Instead of being able to provide positive
suggestions, our department fell victim to a blame culture and treated like other
‘failing’ departments. Instructions followed that management’s new policies were
going to be enforced that would ‘root out’ poor teaching. Observations were the
primary strategy of what was, understandably, perceived by staff and the unions as a
‘witch hunt’. Instead of the supportive, informal, positive learning opportunity
experienced previously, observations would now be formally linked to disciplinary
procedures. In the interests of ‘objectivity’, the observer would be someone ‘un-
known’ to the teacher and would judge the lesson on an ad hoc basis. In short, we
would all be subjected to a 40 min ‘pass or fail’ test of our teaching.
8
A problematic phrase which becomes a recurrent theme in Part II in this book.
About the Author: Insider Researcher 13
I have written about this elsewhere (Edgington 2010), but it is important here to
emphasise the experiences which began the journey towards this research. Because
of the pressures instigated by these new observation procedures, stress levels
amongst staff increased. I saw close friends who I knew were competent, confident,
articulate, intelligent and well-qualified teachers, reduced to tears or vomiting as a
direct result of the stress from this policy. Significantly, despite all I had been
through, it was enough for me to question whether I wanted to remain in teaching.
After all the time I had spent and the challenges I had overcome to get to the job I
loved, I knew I was resilient enough to carry on. However, I also knew that many of
my colleagues were not as resilient as me. This made me angry. I was angry at the
management for allowing this situation to occur, but also I was angry at my col-
leagues. Why didn’t they speak up about the way they felt? Why did they call me
‘brave’ when I felt it was my duty to simply communicate the facts to management
about the anxiety and fear they were (presumably unintentionally) causing. There
was also little support from unions or other educational organisations. Without
guidelines from the authorities, it seemed we were at an impasse.
Fortunately, since these experiences, the situation at my previous workplace has
now changed for the better. However, disputes continue and observations at this
and other colleges continue to be a controversial and contentious issue for many FE
staff. The intellectual and emotional journey within this book is a culmination of
many objectives: firstly, it is a continuation of my personal lifelong learning
journey. Secondly, it is the opportunity to continue to be involved in research about
teaching and to further my understanding of the teaching and learning process.
Thirdly, it is an opportunity to meet a responsibility that I had taken upon myself for
the sake of both my students and my colleagues. My motives continue to be
founded on raising awareness about the emotional aspects of teaching and learning.
My past experiences during my various teachers’ training and continuing profes-
sional development (CPD) courses re-enforce the value of a teaching mentor who is
understanding and sensitive to a teacher’s emotions. By understanding the affec-
tivity around observations in FE, we may be able to understand the differences in
the emotional experiences and be more reflexive—both personally and sociologi-
cally—about our teaching practice. With this in mind, research into FE teachers’
life histories and emotional experiences is limited—hence this book is particularly
important.
Chapter 3 outlines the theoretical context of this book. The concept of emotional
labour is introduced, and its value to understanding observations. Theoretical
concepts of teachers’ identity are also explored, underpinned by writings from
Bourdieu including social and educational capital, professional ‘habitus’ and
embodied dispositions, field and doxa of the classroom within the context of
observations.
Chapter 4 delves further into the philosophical and theoretical aspects of
observations, in particular, the philosophical debates around subjectivity and
objectivity and concepts of performativity and ‘authenticity’. It introduces some of
the psychoanalytical concepts which are valuable in the exploration of this topic
and are discussed fully in relation to the research data in chapters which follow.
Finally, it summarises the methodology of the research for this book (see Edgington
(2015) for further details).
Part II of this book explores the empirical data from the UK-based research
fieldwork for this book, first by positioning the participants through a brief ‘pen
picture’ of their biographies. In Chap. 5, an outline of the findings from the research
is presented, using the narratives from the autobiographical interviews of the lec-
turers who are observees. The analysis draws on the multidisciplinary theoretical
concepts described in Chaps. 3 and 4.
In Chap. 6, the research data are further explored through the presentation of the
observers’ narratives—these are participants with various degrees of management
responsibilities in overseeing the quality of teaching and learning within their in-
stitution and their staffs CPD. Again, the participants’ perspectives are located
within the theoretical framework presented in the Part 1 of this book and because of
the managerial roles of these participants, these narratives present interesting
comparative data to that discussed in Chap. 5.
Chapter 7 returns to the initial aims of this book and outlines the conclusions and
recommendations. It also summarises the strengths and shortcomings of this
research and the potential consequences for policy and practice. In particular, it
highlights the contrast between the educational environments summarised in Chap. 3
and the development of the marketised model of education. In this chapter, I assert
how the emotions wrapped up in teachers seeking personal recognition form an
intrinsic part of the potential for anxiety within the situation of observations. Also,
how the concept of emotional labour within the context of professional habitus can
provide some valuable meanings to the narratives from the research.
In Chap. 8, I conclude this book with some final thoughts in respect of the future
of observation policies in FE and potential implications for other institutions
worldwide. For example, with the significant increase in online learning environ-
ments, such as Massive Open Online Courses (‘MOOCs’), how will teaching and
learning, CPD and quality assurance surveillance strategies develop? How can
teachers play a part in this development? I conclude with a reflection upon my own
teaching practice and how I hope these outcomes can be utilised elsewhere.
NB. Throughout this book, I have included various reflections—my own and my
students—that illustrate examples of the theoretical points I make. These are
highlighted in shaded boxes and serve to encourage further reflection for the reader.
References 15
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transferable. What one people takes over from another—in
“conversion” or in admiring imitation—is a name, dress and mask for
its own feeling, never the feeling of that other. The old Celtic and old
Germanic myth-motives have to be treated, like the repertory of
Classical forms possessed by the learned monk, and like the entire
body of Christian-Eastern faith taken over by the Western Church,
simply as the material out of which the Faustian soul in these
centuries created a mythic architecture of its own. It mattered little
whether the persons through whose minds and mouths the myth
came to life were individual skalds, missionaries, priests or “the
people,” nor did the circumstance that the Christian ideas dictated its
forms affect the inward independence of that which had come to life.
In the Classical, Arabian and Western Cultures, the myth of the
springtime is in each case that which we should expect; in the first
static, in the second Magian, in the third dynamic. Examine every
detail of form, and see how in the Classical it is an attitude and in the
West a deed, there a being and here a will that underlies them; how
in the Classical the bodily and tangible, the sensuously-saturated,
prevails and how therefore in the mode of worshipping the centre of
gravity lies in the sense-impressive cult, whereas in the North it is
space, force and therefore a religiousness that is predominantly
dogmatic in colouring that rule. These very earliest creations of the
young soul tell us that there is relationship between the Olympian
figures, the statue and the corporeal Doric temple; between the
domical basilica, the “Spirit” of God and the arabesque; between
Valhalla and the Mary myth, the soaring nave and instrumental
music.
The Arabian soul built up its myth in the centuries between Cæsar
and Constantine—that fantastic mass of cults, visions and legends
that to-day we can hardly even survey,[496] syncretic cults like that of
the Syrian Baal and of Isis and Mithras not only transported to but
transformed in Syrian soil; Gospels, Acts of Apostles and
Apocalypses in astonishing profusion; Christian, Persian, Jewish,
Neoplatonist and Manichæan legends, and the heavenly hierarchy of
angels and spirits of the Fathers and the Gnostics. In the suffering-
story of the Gospels, the very epic of the Christian nation, set
between the story of Jesus’s childhood and the Acts of the Apostles,
and in the Zoroaster-legend that is contemporary with it, we are
looking upon the hero-figures of Early Arabian epic as we see
Achilles in the Classical and Siegfried and Percival in the Faustian.
The scenes of Gethsemane and Golgotha stand beside the noblest
pictures of Greek and Germanic saga. These Magian visions, almost
without exception, grew up under the pressure of the dying Classical
which, in the nature of things unable to communicate its spirit, the
more insistently lent its forms. It is almost impossible now to estimate
the extent to which given Apollinian elements had to be accepted
and transvalued before the old Christian myth assumed the firmness
that it possessed in the time of Augustine.
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