Professional Documents
Culture Documents
vol.42 14변창욱
vol.42 14변창욱
vol.42 14변창욱
42
I. Introduction
II. Background of the Debate
III. Controversial Issues of the Valladolid Debate
IV. Missiological Lessons for Today’s Mission
V. Conclusion
Abstract
Keywords
Las Casas, Sepúlveda, encomienda, Valladolid Debate,
Intellectual Capacity of American Indians
The Valladolid Debate between Las Casas and Sepúlveda of 1550
on the Conquest and the Intellectual-Religious Capacity of American Indians 259
I. Introduction
1
Ángel Losada, “The Controversy between Sepúlveda and Las Casas in the Junta
of Valladolid,” in Bartolomé de Las Casas in History, eds. Juan Friede and Benjamin Keen
(DeKalb, Illinois: Northern Illinois University, 1971), 279.
2
Bonar Ludwig Hernandez, “The Las Casas-Sepúlveda Controversy: 1550-1551,”
available from http://userwww.sfsu.edu/~epf/2001/hernandez.html (accessed June 14,
2011).
3
David M. Traboulay, Columbus and Las Casas: The Conquest and Christianization
of America, 1492-1566 (Lanham, Maryland: University Press of America, 1994), 169.
260 Korea Presbyterian Journal of Theology Vol. 42
In order to make your sins to you I have mounted this pulpit, I who as
the voice of Christ crying in the wilderness of this island … This voice
declares that you are in mortal sin, and live and die therein by reason
of the cruelty and tyranny that you practice on these innocent people.
Tell me, by what right do you wage such detestable wars on these people
who lived mildly and peacefully in their own lands? ... Why do you so
greatly oppress and fatigue them, not giving them enough to eat or car-
ing for them when they fall ill from excessive labors, so that they die or
rather are slain by you, so that you may extract and acquire gold every
day?... Are these people [Indians] not men? Do they not have rational
souls? [emphasis added] Are you not bound to love them as you love
yourselves? ... Be sure that in you present state you can no more be saved
than the Moors or Turks.5
4
Luis N. Rivera, A Violent Evangelism: The Political and Religious Conquest of the
Americas (Louisville, Kentucky: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1992), 242.
5
Guillermo Cook, ed. New Face of the Church in Latin America: Between Tradition
and Change, American Society of Missiology Series no. 18 (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1994),
5-9. See also H. McKennie Goodpasture, ed. Cross and Sword: An Eyewitness History of
Christianity in Latin America (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1989), 11-12.
The Valladolid Debate between Las Casas and Sepúlveda of 1550
on the Conquest and the Intellectual-Religious Capacity of American Indians 261
6
Lewis Hanke, All Mankind Is One: A Study of the Disputation between Bartolomé
de Las Casas and Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda in 1550 on the Intellectual and Religious Capac-
ity of the American Indians (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1974), 4; Tom
Horwood, “Las Casas: A Sixteenth Century Approach to Mission,” The Month 33 (January
2000), 18.
7
Gustavo Gutiérrez, Las Casas: In Search of the Poor of Jesus Christ, trans. Robert
R. Barr (Maryknoll: Orbis Books, 1993), 21-44, 279-301.
262 Korea Presbyterian Journal of Theology Vol. 42
8
“I also saw the sermon by a Dominican friar called Antonio Montesinos [sic]…
what he said has left me in astonishment because what he said does not have any good
theological foundation nor canons nor laws according to what the scholars, theologians,
and canon lawyers say who have seen the grant that our very Holy father Alexander VI
made to us… so it is reasonable that you will impose on the one who preached it… some
punishment because his error was very great… They [Montesinos and his Dominican
brothers] may not speak from the pulpit nor outside, directly or indirectly of this matter,
not of related ones… in public no in secret.”(Rivera, A Violent Evangelism, 236, 234).
9
Gustavo Gutiérrez, Las Casas, 31-37.
10
Luis N. Rivera, A Violent Evangelism, 76-77, 237-50; Gutiérrez, Las Casas, 482 n.2.
11
Gustavo Gutiérrez, Las Casas, 29, 43, 476.
12
Luis N. Rivera, A Violent Evangelism, 240.
The Valladolid Debate between Las Casas and Sepúlveda of 1550
on the Conquest and the Intellectual-Religious Capacity of American Indians 263
You are doomed, you shepherds of Israel! You take care of yourselves,
but never tend the sheep. You drink the milk, wear clothes made from
the wool, and kill and eat the finest sheep. But you never tend the sheep.
You have not taken care of the weak ones, healed the ones that are sick,
bandaged the ones that are hurt, brought back the ones that wandered
off, or looked for the ones that were lost. Instead, you treated them cru-
elly.” (Ezekiel 34:2-4)
Las Casas also alluded to the New Testament text James 5 which
sheds light on the outcome of slavery inflected on the Indians by the
Spaniards—it will give rise to divine wrath. The encomenderos, however,
did not change their attitude. Thus, Las Casas finally decided to go to
the King with Antonio Montesinos. In September 1515, one year after
having publicly declared that he was abandoning his encomineda, Las
Casas left for Spain, along with Montesinos.13
13
Gustavo Gutiérrez, Las Casas, 53.
14
Arguing in the affirmative was Sepúlveda; Las Casas presented the opposing view.
15
Lewis Hanke, All Mankind Is One, 68.
264 Korea Presbyterian Journal of Theology Vol. 42
before them. The junta did not reach any definite conclusion, but the
council was “closely concerned with arguments on the capacity of the
Indians as they affected royal policy.”16 In the end, the discussions had
notable influence on the creation of modern international law and mis-
sionary mentality for today.17
During that period there were two contending parties. One was
headed by Sepúlveda, confessor of the emperor, philosopher, theo-
logian, and an exponent of the use of force to overcome the opposi-
tion of the newly discovered peoples to the preaching of Christianity.
Sepúlveda, a follower of Aristotle who later became Grand Inquisitor
of Spain and Archbishop of Toledo, considered them barbarians or
“apes” who lacked reasoning capacity, and who were incapable of self
government. Because of these deficiencies, they had to be subjected to
bondage by nature.
The other was headed by the Dominican Las Casas, Bishop of Chia-
pas, who was totally opposed to the use of force to bring the Indians to
Christianity and under the jurisdiction of Christian rulers. He insisted
that “native Americans did not belong to the class of barbarians that
Aristotle recommended to be hunted and brought forcefully to civilized
life.”18 On the contrary, he contended that they are “very talented in
learning, and very ready to accept Christian religion.”19
Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo was the “royal officer and offi-
cial historian” who Sepúlveda relied upon “as an authority on Indian
capacity.”20 Las Casas directly refutes Oviedo’s “assertion that the Indi-
ans are unteachable and incorrigible” by stating that “I [Las Casas] do
not know whether there is any people readier to receive the gospel,” and
he describes the Indians as “our [Spaniards’] brothers” and as people
who are “simple, moderate, and meek.”21 Las Casas’ main point for the
Indians was that “not all barbarians are irrational or natural slaves or
unfit for government. Some barbarians, in accordance with justice and
16
Ibid., 70.
17
Ibid., 67-68. See also Friede and Keen, Bartolomé de Las Casas, 281-82.
18
David M. Traboulay, Columbus and Las Casas, 172.
19
Lewis Hanke, All Mankind Is One, 74.
20
Ibid., 105.
21
Ibid., 76.
The Valladolid Debate between Las Casas and Sepúlveda of 1550
on the Conquest and the Intellectual-Religious Capacity of American Indians 265
nature, have kingdoms, royal dignities, jurisdiction, and good laws, and
there is among them lawful government.”22
It is believed that the majority of influential Spanish theologians
adopted the principle that every human being is by nature free and that
no nation by natural law deserves to be enslaved.23 For example, Do-
mingo de Soto, a junta member, expressed it this way: “by natural law
all men are born free”; and Melchor Cano, another junta member: “no
man is a slave by nature.”24 According to Gutierrez, Soto, Las Casas’
ally and friend, did not renounce the theology of “forced” conversion,
because hepresented a more moderate stance of it. Las Casas, however,
had a stronger view against it.25
2. Euro-centric Mentality
Ibid., 75.
22
Ibid., 67-82.
29
The Valladolid Debate between Las Casas and Sepúlveda of 1550
on the Conquest and the Intellectual-Religious Capacity of American Indians 267
They are truly barbarians either becauseof their evil and wicked char-
acter … They lack the reasoning and the way of life suited to human
beings … They have no laws which they fear or by which all their af-
fairs are regulated … they lead a life very much that of brute animals …
Barbarians of this kind are rarely found in any part of the world and are
few in number.32
The controversial issue at the debate was the justice of waging war
against the Indians. Sepúlveda defended Spain’s responsibility to for-
cibly Christianize the Indians. He considered the Spaniards amply justi-
fied in carrying out a war against them as a prerequisite to Christianize
them. In support of his argument, Sepúlveda reiterated:
[I]f you know the customs and nature of the two peoples [Spaniards and
Native Americans], that with perfect right the Spaniards rule over these
barbarians of the New World and the adjacent islands, who in wisdom,
30
Ibid., 83-87.
31
Ibid., 75.
32
Ibid., 83.
268 Korea Presbyterian Journal of Theology Vol. 42
Those who go away from the Christian religion wander on the path of
error and walk toward a sure precipice, unless even against their will we
retrieve them by whatever means possible … Thus I affirm that those
barbarians should not only be invited, but also compelled to do good,
that is to be just and religious.34
Las Casas, however, argued that the Indians should not be forced
by war to let them in the fold of the church under no circumstances.
The gospel message of Christ should be spread in a peaceful and per-
suasive way. He did acknowledge the necessity of just war but in a very
limited sense. For example, just war could be waged against heretics
who rejected Christian faith after having previously been exposed to
it. However, the war with non-believers, like the AmericanIndians, was
wrong because they were not heretics who are subject to punishment.
For Las Casas, just war against the Indians would do more harm to the
Christian witness than good. He went on to say that the Indians would
“never be under obligation to lend credence to any preacher of our holy
faith, as long as that preacher is accompanied by tyrannical persons,
men of war, plunderers and murderers such as the Doctor [Sepúlveda]
would like to introduce.”35
Both the Defense and later the monumental Apología (Apologética-
historiasumaria) rely on an exhaustive description of Indian cultures to
refute the arguments presented by Sepúlveda in support of their natu-
ral inferiority.36 Lewis Hanke has pointed out that the Defense and the
Apología (c.1559) are closely related in so far as the latter develops the
33
Juan Ginésde Sepúlveda [1550], quoted in Alejandro García-Rivera, “Artificial
Intelligence and de Las Casas: A 1492 Resonance,” Journal of Religion and Science 28
(December 1993), 546.
34
Luis N. Rivera, A Violent Evangelism, 219.
35
Gustavo Gutiérrez, Las Casas, 104.
36
Lewis Hanke, All Mankind Is One, 73-108.
The Valladolid Debate between Las Casas and Sepúlveda of 1550
on the Conquest and the Intellectual-Religious Capacity of American Indians 269
former’s basic themes in much greater breadth and detail. A large part
of the Defense is devoted to demonstrating that the Indians had “king-
doms, royal dignities, jurisdiction, and good laws and there is among
them lawful government.”37 In fact, “Las Casas made it clear at the be-
ginning of the Defense that his principal concern was to attack those
who condemned “en masse so many thousands of people [Indians]” for
faults that most of them did not have.”38 Las Casas rebutted Sepúlveda’s
reasons for just cause for war by going on to say that the motivations of
the Spanish conquistadores were very impure. Thus, “just” war against
the Indians was completely unjust.
As for Sepúlveda’s mode of argumentation, his supporting evidence
concerning the Indian cultures suffers from the weaknesses of lack of
detail and authoritative sources. He himself had no first-hand experi-
ence in American matters. Sepúlveda himself never came to America,
but relied for his information on historians like Oviedo who had taken
a dim view of Indian rights.39 Hence, his pronouncement on the nature
of the Indians was often nothing more than reformulations of the com-
mon prejudice of his time.
The Valladolid debate reflects the two basic positions on the mis-
sionary conquest and the nature of the American Indians in the six-
teenth century. Sepúlveda portrayed the natives of the New World as
morally and intellectually deficient barbarians who must be “corrected”
at any cost, including the use of force. On the contrary, Las Casas main-
tained that the Indians were fully rational human beings who exhibited
a high degree of prudence and natural wisdom in their religious be-
liefs and political institutions. Las Casas further argued that the Indians
shouldn’t be compelled by force for their Christian conversion. This dis-
pute between Bartolomé de Las Casas and Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda took
place in the most crucial moment for Spanish America. The outcome
Ibid., 84.
37
Ibid., 82.
38
39
David M. Traboulay, Columbus and Las Casas, 167. See also Rivera, A Violent
Evangelism, 149.
270 Korea Presbyterian Journal of Theology Vol. 42
The debate that enfolded between the two sides led to one of the
most complicated and controversial issues in the history of the Spanish
colonization of the American Indians. That is to say, “Is war lawful as
a means for spreading Christianity in America?” This question entails
two presuppositions. One is the legality of just war and the other is the
nature of the American Indians.40 Las Casas disagreed with Sepúlveda’s
stance for just war against the Indians, and instead criticized his oppo-
nent for misapplying just cause for war to defend Spanish colonialism.
To hide the presumptions of cultural and religious superiority of the
Spaniards (as we may call toady) the unjust war was justified theologi-
cal dogmas.
The debate of Valladolid is not merely a matter of philosophical
curiosity, for behind it lies the theology of the medieval church of the
times. This theology explains a good part of the missionary zeal of the
sixteenth century both in America and elsewhere. The religious and
political motives were strongly intertwined into the Spain of medieval
Christendom of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The religious mo-
tivation not only justified, but also judged, the colonial enterprise. It was
a time when Hispanicity and Catholic orthodoxy seemed synonymous.
The Christian religion became the official ideology for the Spanish gov-
ernment’s imperial expansion.41
Implicitly andexplicitly the missionary text of Luke 14:23 (“Com-
pel them to come in”) exerted an enormous influence on the mission-
ary mentality of Sepúlveda of the sixteenth century. Sepúlveda used the
parable of the wedding feast in Luke 14 and Matthew 22, where the
master of the feast commands his servants to go out to the streets and
compel any passerby to come to the celebration. Sepúlveda interpreted
this Bible verse to imply that pagans should be Christianized by force.
Las Casas, however, interpreted that this verse did not refer to force but
to persuasion. He argued that Christ commanded the apostles to preach
Gustavo Gutiérrez and Richard Shaull, Liberation and Change (Atlanta, Georgia:
41
2. Forced Conversion
3. Missionary Conquest
The unity of God and gold, mission and conquest is perhaps no-
where more strikingly expressed as in the conquest and evangelization
of the Spanish colonization of the Americas in the sixteenth century.
The image of the Spanish missionary was that he was a priest missionary
and, at the same time, the king’s officer. Evangelization was intimately
tied to the accumulation of gold. Gold was mediator of the gospel. As
a result, many indigenous leaders were able to see through the colonial
system and unmask the real theology which sustained and gave mean-
ing to the adventure of the conquest and colonization. The god of the
Spaniards was gold.47
For the Indians, Christianity and slavery went together; there was
no Christianity in liberty. As soon as the slaves revolted to claim their
liberty, they were branded heathen and, consequently, un-Christian. In
this light, the missionaries played a very important role in the process of
conquest. To the conquistadors, the Amerindians were worse than the
infidels. The trail of blood and exploitation can be traced to the ethno-
centric mindset of our day.
In general, military conquest and missionary conversion in America
went hand in hand in the evangelization of America. The linkage of
conquest and Christianization was so intertwined that the former was
formally perceived in conjunction with the latter; in the end, the latter
was considered fruitful only based upon the former.
4. Crusade Mentality
See John L. Robinson, “The Black Legend: Myth and Reality Through Five Cen-
48
V. Conclusion
52
Ibid., 236; Margarita Durán Estragó, “The Reductions,” in The Church in Latin
America, 1492-1992, ed. Enrique Dussel (New York: Orbis Books, 1992), 357.
The Valladolid Debate between Las Casas and Sepúlveda of 1550
on the Conquest and the Intellectual-Religious Capacity of American Indians 275
Bibliography
Beozzo, José Oscar. “Humiliated and Exploited Natives.” In The Voice of the Victims, 1492-
1992, edited by Leonardo Boff and Vigil Elizondo. London: SCM Press, 1991.
Bosch, David. A Spirituality of the Road. Scottdale. PA: Herald Press, 1979.
. Transforming Mission: Paradigm Shifts in Theology of Mission. Maryknoll, New
York: Orbis Books, 1992.
Cook, Guillermo, ed. New Face of the Church in Latin America: Between Tradition and Change.
American Society of Missiology Series. No. 18. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1994.
Dussel, Enrique, ed. The Church in Latin America, 1492-1992. New York: Orbis Books,
1992.
Estragó, Margarita Durán. “The Reductions.” In The Church in Latin America, 1492-1992,
edited by Enrique Dussel. New York: Orbis Books, 1992.
García-Rivera, Alejandro. “Artificial Intelligence and de Las Casas: A 1492 Resonance.” Jour-
nal of Religion and Science 28 (December 1993).
Gonzalez, Justo L. “The Christ of Colonialism.” Church & Society (January/February 1992),
5-36.
Goodpasture, H. McKennie, ed. Cross and Sword: An Eyewitness History of Christianity in
Latin America. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1989.
Gutierrez, Gustavo. Las Casas: In Search of the Poor of Jesus Christ. Translated by Robert R.
Barr. Maryknoll: Orbis Books, 1993.
Gutierrez, Gustavo, and Richard Shaull. Liberation and Change. Atlanta, Georgia: John Knox
Press, 1977.
Hanke, Lewis. All Mankind Is One: A Study of the Disputation between Bartolomé de Las Casas
and Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda in 1550 on the Intellectual and Religious Capacity of the
American Indians. DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1974.
Hernandez, Bonar Ludwig. “The Las Casas-Sepúlveda Controversy: 1550-1551.” Available
from http://userwww.sfsu.edu/~epf/2001/hernandez.html (accessed June 14, 2011).
Horwood, Tom. “Las Casas: A Sixteenth Century Approach to Mission.” The Month 33 (Janu-
ary 2000), 18- 23.
Koyama, Kosuke. “What Makes a Missionary? Toward Crucified Mind, Not Crusading
Mind.” In Mission Trends No. 1: Crucial Issues in Mission Today, edited by Gerald H.
Anderson and Thomas F. Stransky. New York: Paulist Press, 1974.
Losada, Ángel. “The Controversy between Sepúlveda and Las Casas in the Junta of Val-
ladolid.” In Bartolomé de Las Casas in History, edited by Juan Friede and Benjamin
Keen. DeKalb, Illinois: Northern Illinois University, 1971.
Neely, Alan. “Mission as Kenosis.” The Princeton Seminary Bulletin 10 (New Series 1989),
202-23.
Rivera, Luis N. A Violent Evangelism: The Political and Religious Conquest of the Americas.
Louisville, Kentucky: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1992.
Robinson, John L. “The Black Legend: Myth and Reality Through Five Centuries.” Restoration
Quarterly 34 (First Quarter 1992), 15-29.
Traboulay, David M. Columbus and Las Casas: The Conquest and Christianization of America,
1492-1566. Lanham, Maryland: University Press of America, 1994.
276 Korea Presbyterian Journal of Theology Vol. 42
한글 초록
변창욱
장로회신학대학교 선교신학
주제어
라스카사스, 세풀비다, 엔코미엔다, 바야돌리드 논쟁, 남미 원주민의 지적 능력
Date submitted: August 23, 2011; date accepted: September 19, 2011; date confirmed: September 26, 2011.