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The Urban Book Series

Cathy Yang Liu Editor

Immigrant
Entrepreneurship
in Cities
Global Perspectives
The Urban Book Series

Editorial Board
Fatemeh Farnaz Arefian, University of Newcastle, Singapore, Singapore;
Silk Cities & Bartlett Development Planning Unit, UCL, London, UK
Michael Batty, Centre for Advanced Spatial Analysis, UCL, London, UK
Simin Davoudi, Planning & Landscape Department GURU, Newcastle University,
Newcastle, UK
Geoffrey DeVerteuil, School of Planning and Geography, Cardiff University,
Cardiff, UK
Andrew Kirby, New College, Arizona State University, Phoenix, AZ, USA
Karl Kropf, Department of Planning, Headington Campus, Oxford Brookes
University, Oxford, UK
Karen Lucas, Institute for Transport Studies, University of Leeds, Leeds, UK
Marco Maretto, DICATeA, Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering,
University of Parma, Parma, Italy
Fabian Neuhaus, Faculty of Environmental Design, University of Calgary, Calgary,
AB, Canada
Steffen Nijhuis, Architecture and the Built Environment, Delft University of
Technology, Delft, The Netherlands
Vitor Manuel Aráujo de Oliveira , Porto University, Porto, Portugal
Christopher Silver, College of Design, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL, USA
Giuseppe Strappa, Facoltà di Architettura, Sapienza University of Rome, Rome,
Roma, Italy
Igor Vojnovic, Department of Geography, Michigan State University, East Lansing,
MI, USA
Jeremy W. R. Whitehand, Earth & Environmental Sciences, University of
Birmingham, Birmingham, UK
Claudia Yamu, Department of Spatial Planning and Environment, University of
Groningen, Groningen, Groningen, The Netherlands
The Urban Book Series is a resource for urban studies and geography research
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The series publishes peer-reviewed volumes related to urbanization, sustainabil-
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More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/14773

Cathy Yang Liu
Editor

Immigrant Entrepreneurship
in Cities
Global Perspectives

Photo credit: Liu 2017

123
Editor
Cathy Yang Liu
Andrew Young School of Policy Studies
Georgia State University
Atlanta, GA, USA

ISSN 2365-757X ISSN 2365-7588 (electronic)

The Urban Book Series
ISBN 978-3-030-50362-8 ISBN 978-3-030-50363-5 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50363-5
© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021
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Acknowledgements

I would like to take this opportunity to acknowledge the contributors for their belief
in this book project, the importance of the topic, and their efforts in their respective
chapters that bring the world into one book.
I attribute the idea of this book—the study of urban in the global from a com-
parative perspective—to the various programs and opportunities offered at my
Ph.D. institution (University of Southern California, USC) and current institution
(Georgia State University, GSU). Through USC’s Urban and Global Fellowship
Program and GSU’s Global Partnership for Better Cities Initiative, I was able to
benefit from the lively discussions and collaborative research with scholars and
students on these topics as well as embark on adventures to experience various
global cities. Conferences organized by GSU and its partner institutions that took
place in Atlanta 2016 and 2019, and in Hong Kong 2017, provide platforms for
in-depth dialogue that further reinforced my interest in this area.
I thank Juliana Pitanguy and Sanjiev Mathiyazhagan at Springer for guiding me
through the publishing process. Special thanks go to Lauren Forbes, doctoral stu-
dent of Public Policy at GSU’s Andrew Young School of Policy Studies, for her
excellent assistance in putting this book together.

v
Contents

1 Introduction: Immigrant Entrepreneurship Research

from a Comparative Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Cathy Yang Liu

Part I Theories, Patterns, and Contexts of Reception of Immigrant

Entrepreneurship
2 Migrant Entrepreneurship and Urban Development
in Global Cities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
Lauren W. Forbes and Cathy Yang Liu
3 Immigrant Entrepreneurship in Sydney: Australia’s Leading
Global City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
Jock Collins
4 Immigrant Entrepreneurship in Hong Kong . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
Biyang Sun and Eric Fong
5 Comparative Notes on the Context of Reception and Immigrant
Entrepreneurship in New York City, Washington, DC, El Paso,
Barcelona, and Paris . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
Ernesto Castañeda

Part II Changing Spaces, Business Clustering, and Placemaking

of Immigrant Entrepreneurship
6 De-Bunking Myths? International Migrants, Entrepreneurship
and the Informal Sector in Gauteng, South Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125
Sally Ann Peberdy
7 Migrant Entrepreneurs in Industry Cluster Formation
and Innovation: The Case of Semarang, Central Java,
Indonesia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153
Holi Bina Wijaya, Iwan Rudiarto, and Herlina Kurniawati

vii
viii Contents

8 Business Connections of Migrant Entrepreneurs: Finding a Niche

in the Diverse City of Amsterdam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175
Juan Francisco Alvarado Valenzuela
9 The Impact of Immigrant Entrepreneurship on City Building:
Learning from Toronto . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195
Zhixi Cecilia Zhuang

Part III Global Networks, Local Connections, and Policies

of Immigrant Entrepreneurship
10 “Flushing—The Bigger, Better and Downright Sexier Chinatown
of New York”: Transnational Growth Coalitions and Immigrant
Economies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215
Tarry Hum
11 Grassroots Globalization in the Twenty-First Century’s First 15
Years: New Immigrant Communities in the Political Economy
of Asia and Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243
James H. Spencer
12 Revitalizing Urban America Through the EB-5 Immigrant
Investor Program . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265
Edward S. Smith
Editor and Contributors

About the Editor

Dr. Cathy Yang Liu is Professor and Chair of the Public Management and Policy
Department at the Andrew Young School of Policy Studies, Georgia State
University, where she directs and teaches in the Planning and Economic
Development Concentration. She conducts research and publishes widely in the
areas of community and economic development, urban labor market and inequality,
migration and entrepreneurship, as well as international urban development.
Dr. Liu currently serves as a managing editor for Journal of Urban Affairs and
an associate editor for Economic Development Quarterly. She received her Ph.D. in
Urban Planning from the University of Southern California and Master of Public
Policy from the University of Chicago.

Contributors

Juan Francisco Alvarado Valenzuela Amsterdam University of Applied

Sciences, Amsterdam, The Netherlands
Ernesto Castañeda Department of Sociology, American University, Washington,
DC, USA
Jock Collins Business School, University Technology Sydney, Sydney, NSW,
Australia
Eric Fong Department of Sociology, The University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam
Road, Hong Kong
Lauren W. Forbes Andrew Young School of Policy Studies, Georgia State
University, Atlanta, GA, USA

ix
x Editor and Contributors

Tarry Hum Department of Urban Studies, Queens College, CUNY, New York,
NY, USA
Herlina Kurniawati Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Diponegoro
University, Semarang, Indonesia
Cathy Yang Liu Andrew Young School of Policy Studies, Georgia State
University, Atlanta, GA, USA
Sally Ann Peberdy Independent Researcher and Writer, Dwyran, Isle of
Anglesey, United Kingdom;
Independent Researcher and Writer, Johannesburg, South Africa;
The Annexe, Hendy, Dwyran, Llanfairpwllgwyngyll, Isle of Anglesey, Wales, UK
Iwan Rudiarto Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Diponegoro
University, Semarang, Indonesia
Edward S. Smith Andrew Young School of Policy Studies, Georgia State
University, Atlanta, GA, USA
James H. Spencer Department of City Planning and Real Estate Development,
Clemson University, Clemson, SC, USA
Biyang Sun Department of Sociology, The Chinese University of Hong Kong,
Shatin, Hong Kong SAR, China
Holi Bina Wijaya Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Diponegoro
University, Semarang, Indonesia
Zhixi Cecilia Zhuang School of Urban and Regional Planning, Ryerson
University, Toronto, ON, Canada
Chapter 1
Introduction: Immigrant
Entrepreneurship Research
from a Comparative Perspective

Cathy Yang Liu

Abstract As cities around the world continue to attract both international migrants
and domestic migrants into their bustling metropolises, immigrant entrepreneurship
emerges as an important urban phenomenon that calls for careful examination. This
book assembles 12 chapters that represent case studies from 16 cities, which represent
14 countries and five continents: North America, Europe, Asia, Africa, and Australia.
It seeks to advance the literature in several ways. First, a comparative approach is
taken to include perspectives from both the Global North and South, West and East, to
broaden the theoretical framework in this area, especially pertinent to the emerging
economies. Second, it covers multiple scales from local community placemaking
to urban contexts of reception, to transnational networks and connections. Third, it
engages in numerous disciplinary approaches, research methods, and topical areas
including the entry dynamics, trends and patterns, business performance, challenges,
and impact of immigrant entrepreneurship in urban areas. Finally, it pays particular
attention to federal and urban policies toward immigrant entrepreneurship. Potential
future research directions are also identified.

Keywords Immigrant entrepreneurship · Urban development · Global cities ·

Transnational networks · Policy

1.1 Motivation and Overview of the Book

It is estimated that there are 272 million international migrants in the world today
(World Migration Report 2020). As global cities around the world continue to attract
both international migrants and domestic migrants into their bustling metropolises,
immigrant entrepreneurship emerges as an important urban phenomenon that calls for
careful examination. From Chinatown in New York (Zhou 1992) to Silicon Valley in
San Francisco (Saxenien 2007), immigrant-owned businesses are not only changing

C. Y. Liu (B)
Andrew Young School of Policy Studies, Georgia State University, 14 Marietta Street, Atlanta,
GA 30303, USA
e-mail: cyliu@gsu.edu

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 1

C. Y. Liu (ed.), Immigrant Entrepreneurship in Cities, The Urban Book Series,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50363-5_1
2 C. Y. Liu

the business landscape in their host cities, but also transforming the spatial, economic,
social, and cultural form of local communities.
The study of immigrant entrepreneurship has accumulated interdisciplinary schol-
arship in the past decades, ranging from sociology, geography, urban studies, and
urban planning to economics, business, and public policy, among others. While this
scholarship covers various aspects of immigrant entrepreneurship, this book is partic-
ularly interested in how this phenomenon manifests itself in urban areas, and its
interaction with the cities along different dimensions. As I step into a Vietnamese
nail salon in Atlanta, shop alongside African merchants at Guangzhou’s malls, or
enjoy an authentic Szechuan dinner in Amsterdam, it becomes increasingly apparent
that the many demographic, cultural, economic, and spatial changes that immigrant
entrepreneurs bring to the global cities are vivid. Beyond our personal experiences
and daily encounters, however, it is a scholarly inquiry to examine such transforma-
tions in a systematic manner to inform our understanding and shed light on planning
and policy.
While the literature is voluminous for this important inquiry, this book is intended
to highlight several important themes and fill some understudied gaps. I will not
conduct a comprehensive review of the literature in this introduction as some of it
is covered in my coauthored Chap. 2. Excluding this introductory chapter, there are
11 chapters in this book which draw evidence from global cities around the world
and explore various dimensions of immigrant entrepreneurship and urban develop-
ment. It provides a substantive contribution to this literature in several ways. First of
all, a comparative approach is taken with case studies from both the Global North
and Global South, West and East, to broaden the theoretical framework in this area,
especially pertinent to the emerging economies. Second, it covers multiple scales
from local community placemaking to urban contexts of reception, to transnational
networks and connections. Third, it engages in numerous disciplinary approaches,
research methods, and topical areas including the entry dynamics, trends and patterns,
business performance, challenges, and impact of immigrant entrepreneurship in
urban areas. Finally, it pays particular attention to federal and urban policies toward
immigrant entrepreneurship.
In this sense, this book attempts to move one step further beyond important existing
collections in this broad area, which focuses mostly on the Global North (e.g., Li
2006; Aytar and Rath 2011). As cities in the Global South have increasingly become
nodal points for the movement of people, goods, and ideas both internationally (north-
south and south-south) and internally with their rural areas, they will occupy vital
positions on the world city map for our discussion of immigrant entrepreneurship.
Whether existing theories derived from the Western context can be readily applied
to the rest of the world is a question to be tested against emerging urban realities.
Comparative analyses that draw evidence from different contexts and different groups
have the potential of generating new insights to answer these questions. In what
follows, I introduce the chapters in this book, grouped by the several broad themes
I identify in this literature.
1 Introduction: Immigrant Entrepreneurship Research … 3

1.2 Outline of Themes and Chapters

Taking the case studies from all chapters together, this book covers 16 cities around
the world, which represent 14 countries and five continents: North America, Europe,
Asia, Africa, and Australia, as mapped out in Fig. 1.1. These cities include established
multiethnic global cities like New York, London, Amsterdam and Toronto, border
town of El Paso, emerging gateways like Washington, DC, as well as cities in Asia
(Hong Kong, Ho Chi Minh City, and Semarang), and Africa (Johannesburg and
Addis Ababa) that are less represented in this literature. Berlin, Athens, Sydney,
Barcelona, and Paris are also discussed. Such a broad coverage of case study areas
ensures relatively diverse perspectives from different parts of the world on this topic.
Summarizing the chapters as well as the general literature behind them, I divide this
book into three parts.

Part I. Theories, Patterns, and Contexts of Reception of Immigrant

Entrepreneurship
A growing literature examines trends and patterns of immigrants’ entrepreneurial
behavior, demographic characteristics, and other factors associated with their
entrepreneurial motivation and entry, as well as contexts of reception to foster or
hinder their entrepreneurial success. An important theoretical framework for under-
standing the interplay of group characteristics, social networks, contextual condi-
tions, and policy environment of host cities is the “mixed embeddedness” perspec-
tive (Kloosterman 2010). While immigrant groups are diverse and local contexts are
varied, such interactions and resulting business dynamics are evident in all the case
study cities in this part.
In many cities around the world, immigrants tend to have a greater propensity
toward self-employment than their native-born counterparts, due to a combination

Fig. 1.1 Case study cities covered in this book

4 C. Y. Liu

of push and pull factors, and out of necessity or opportunity. In each of the six
cities—Toronto, Amsterdam, London, Johannesburg, Berlin, and Athens—examined
in Chap. 2, Forbes and Liu showed that immigrant entrepreneurs are diverse in terms
of their national origin, educational level, generational status, migratory experiences,
and the business sectors that they engage in. They, however, face structural and
cultural barriers in operating their businesses which could affect their chosen market
and business performance.
The multicultural city of Sydney also serves as a good case in point for immigrant
entrepreneurship, as Chap. 3 illustrates. Collins provides a detailed portrait of Korean
and Muslim entrepreneurs in the city and how they were able to utilize their family,
community, and religious networks to overcome potential challenges in business
start-ups. A different group worth mentioning is the “refugee entrepreneurs” who find
their way into self-employment through resilience and determination despite their
relatively low endowments. The Ignite! Refugee small business start-up program
established in 2014 also played a positive role in the process.
In the Asian entrepôt of Hong Kong, we see a somewhat different demo-
graphic composition and economic environment which is reflected in its immigrant
entrepreneurship patterns. In Chap. 4, Sun and Fong used the 2016 census microdata
to perform a comprehensive analysis of this group composed of China mainlanders
(differentiated by those arrived prior to 1997 and after), other East Asians, South
Asians, as well as Westerners. While their business concentration and earnings vary,
regression analysis shows that those with longer duration in Hong Kong, speak the
local language, and have higher educational attainment are more likely to become
entrepreneurs, similar to findings from the Western context.
With a comparative study of five cities, Chap. 5 demonstrates how local contexts
and opportunities help shape immigrant behavior at different times and places.
Castaneda took us on a journey to observe New York with Irish, Italian and Jewish
influence, El Paso with Mexican investors, Washington, DC neighborhoods where
Thai, Ethiopian and central American businesses abound, Barcelona storefronts
owned by immigrants from Pakistan, China, the Philippines, and Morocco, as well
as Paris boulevards where Desi (southeast Asian) and African shops coexist. It
highlights the fact that entrepreneurial attributes are not necessarily “intrinsic” to
a group, but stimulated from its interplay with hosting environments and thus can
take different forms. For example, Chinese and Mexican immigrants have somewhat
different characteristics and perceptions in the American cities versus in Barcelona.

Part II. Changing Spaces, Business Clustering, and Placemaking of Immigrant

Entrepreneurship
While the first part of the book largely focuses on immigrant entrepreneurs them-
selves, the second part shifts attention to the performance of the businesses they
establish and the impact they have on urban spaces and places. Research has tradi-
tionally elaborated on immigrant businesses’ reliance on the support, clientele, and
workers in ethnic enclaves and their overrepresentation in small-scale main-street
establishments such as restaurants and retail shops. Recent accounts, however, start
to showcase their contribution to high-skilled professional and high-tech sectors (Liu
1 Introduction: Immigrant Entrepreneurship Research … 5

et al. 2015). In addition, their spatial footprints have already reached beyond central
cities and ventured into suburban areas (Li 1998; Liu 2012). Chapters in this part
speak to such business clustering and spatial dynamics from various locations and
perspectives.
Post-apartheid South Africa sees the inflow of immigrants from elsewhere in
Africa, East Asia, and South Asia. In Chap. 6, Peberdy documents the vibrant new
retail landscape created by immigrant entrepreneurs, many of whom operate in the
informal economy, in Gauteng’s city centers, suburban areas as well as townships.
These businesses reshape urban spaces, generate tax revenue and employment for the
local economy, and provide goods and services including food, groceries, clothing,
and hairdresser essentials to residents’ daily life. However, their business success was
challenged by exclusionary policies and hostile attitudes that attribute some existing
societal problems to immigrants’ “trade secrets”.
Shifting to Semarang, the capital of central Java, Indonesia, Wijaya, Rudiarto, and
Kurniawati described how migrant entrepreneurs play an important role in the city’s
industrial cluster innovations in Chap. 7. From metal production to goat cooking and
smoked fish, migrant newcomers to the locality are leaders and champions to five of
the seven clusters in the area through product diversification, adoption of new equip-
ment, and novel marketing strategies. The “strength of weak ties”, local government,
universities, and NGOs also interact with migrant entrepreneurs in achieving such
cluster formation and innovation. In this sense, the “mixed embeddedness” frame-
work can potentially help explain Global South phenomenon though via different
manifestations.
The importance of connections in business start-up and expansion is equally
evident in Amsterdam, as Chap. 8 illustrates. Valenzuela adopted network analysis
to examine the role of business connections for immigrant entrepreneurs in finding a
niche and adapting to the market in a new city. Many of the interviewees are highly
skilled immigrants from Western countries, who use similar and diverse connections
in terms of nationality, level of education, and place of residence to identify local and
global opportunities and refine their business ideas. Even for this elite expat group,
language barriers still exist as well as legal, regulatory, and cultural unfamiliarity in
their business operations.
Paying particular attention to spatial dimension and physical planning implication
of immigrant entrepreneurship, Zhuang uses Toronto as an example to portray how
ethnic businesses are (re)defining space and (re)shaping communities in Chap. 9.
As Toronto’s immigrant communities move outward to suburban areas, they are
(re)making the places through ethnic malls, cultural symbols, visual references, and
architectural features which signal their identity. While suburban land use is not as
inductive to the dense streetscape as central cities, these cultural elements have the
effect of creating unique urban dynamics with desirable amenities. However, how to
effectively plan for diversity in light of insufficient policy and institutional support
proves to be an important task for planners.
6 C. Y. Liu

Part III. Global Networks, Local Connections, and Policies of Immigrant

Entrepreneurship
While immigrant entrepreneurship’s effect on local communities is multifaceted (Liu
et al. 2014), its significance in transnational and global networks emerges as a new
area of inquiry. Immigrant-owned businesses in the U.S. tend to exhibit a greater
tendency toward transnational activities in terms of whether they export, outsource
jobs, and have overseas establishments (Wang and Liu 2015). These global networks
of capital, people, and information flow into spaces of work, leisure, and consumption
in locations near and far, creating “Shanghai on the Flushing River” or Nigerian
community in Ho Chi Minh City.
Hum painted the bustling Flushing in Queens, New York, with thousands of busi-
nesses and a majority Asian population comprising Chinese, Korean, and South
Asian immigrants in Chap. 10. A rezoning plan in 2004 resulted in denser resi-
dential and commercial development which prompted transnational capital to flow
into the area. Asian banks and professional services in real estate, law, and finance
are bringing Shanghai into Flushing and changing the neighborhood character. The
tension between global consumption trends and local needs pose challenges to the
small businesses that used to serve a working-middle class population.
South–south connection deepens as Asia and (sub-Saharan) Africa continue to
develop their economy and rise on the world stage. In Chap. 11, Spencer analyzes
a “mirror image” of two interesting cases of “grassroots globalization”: the Chinese
community in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, and the Nigerian community in Ho Chi Minh
City, Vietnam. The neighborhood around Bole airport in Addis Ababa became a
middle-class enclave for Chinese technical experts who service the various Chinese
transportation and telecommunications companies that operate in Africa. Across the
globe, Nigerians and other Africans migrate to Ho Chi Minh city as English teachers,
football players, as well as traders and form their communities. These new forms
and spaces of immigrant entrepreneurship and global connections will become more
widespread and create unprecedented changes in cities of the Global South.
While policies and institutional environment at national, urban, and local levels
are frequently referred to in all the above chapters, scholarly works on this topic
are relatively limited and tend to focus more on best practices and less on the
actual impact on policies. As examples, Kloosterman (2003) detailed some poli-
cies aimed at increasing openings for immigrant entrepreneurs in the Netherlands,
and Rath and Eurofound (2011) gathered policy experiences to promote ethnic
entrepreneurship from selected European cities. In the U.S. context, Huang and
Liu (2018) introduced the new welcoming cities initiative which seeks to integrate
immigrants in urban economic and social fabrics. Our most recent research (Huang
and Liu 2019) looks specifically at local efforts to achieve economic development
through immigrant entrepreneurship. We examined the policy documents from 16
1 Introduction: Immigrant Entrepreneurship Research … 7

selected welcoming cities, especially emerging immigrant gateways, and derived 20

specific programs across five types: information, language, business service, finan-
cial support, and place-based approach. We find that the breadth and depth of policy
adoption vary: while 16 cities used information hub strategy, only two considered
immigrant-friendly financing schemes. As cities vary in their immigrant profile and
immigrant business profile, tailored policies are called for to facilitate immigrant
entrepreneurship.
In Chap. 12, Smith provides a detailed account of the EB-5 Immigrant Investor
Program established in the U.S. in 1990. It is an economic development tool designed
to attracted foreign investment to revitalize America’s urban areas, especially high
unemployment areas and rustbelt industrial cities that suffer from the loss of manu-
facturing jobs. The Brooklyn Navy Yard was able to raise $60 million of the EB-5
investment, or over 40% of total capital stock, for its redevelopment project, attesting
to a story of “immigrant growth machine”. However, the future is uncertain for this
federal policy as ongoing debate considers raising the investment threshold for this
visa program from the current 1 to 1.8 million (for high unemployment area from
0.5 to 0.9 million).

1.3 Future Research Directions

To summarize, this book with its 12 chapters offers a comparative collection of immi-
grant entrepreneurship in global cities. It particularly accommodates views from
the Global South and Global East which were traditionally understudied but have
become increasingly significant in this discourse. Several chapters perform compar-
ative analysis within their chapters and demonstrate the value of seeking similarities
and differences. The important question to ask in such inquiries would be: what
to compare? Is it the same groups in different places, different groups in the same
places, or different processes in similar conditions? The list can go on. Such “com-
pare and contrast” can generate meaningful insights to pinpoint the group-specific,
place-specific, or process-specific mechanisms in effect. Going forward, there are
several potential directions I would like to suggest.
First, migration flows have become more multidirectional in the current world—
North-South, South-South, South-North, and North-North—forming a complex web
of networks. Previous single-group enclaves are turned into multiethnic communi-
ties, as chapters in this book illustrate. These emerging urban realities, especially
happening in places that are not historically immigrant-receiving destinations, call
for new research agenda.
Second, various methodological approaches can be adopted to examine immigrant
entrepreneurship: from secondary census data analysis to primary data collection
through surveys, interviews, and field observations. Chapter 8 uses network analysis
to generate interesting findings regarding immigrants’ connections in business start-
ups. Some recent research uses cartography and data visualization tools to map out
spatially bounded immigrant urbanism (e.g., Kim 2012). While some secondary
8 C. Y. Liu

datasets like American Community Survey data, Survey of Business Owners (SBO)
data, Eurostat data, and other national census microdata are publicly available, they
usually do not contain all the desirable variables pertaining to entrepreneurs and
their businesses. Cross-country comparative research would be especially difficult
as questionnaires are not compatible across nations. Thus, multisite collaborative
data collection will have the potential to gather directly comparable information for
different contexts.
Third, there is a lack of evidence on the relative effectiveness of local policies
toward immigrant entrepreneurship. Part of the reason is that these policies are rela-
tively new and limited in scale, making any formal evaluation difficult. As we collect
more best practices of local programs, evaluation analysis would be able to demon-
strate the relative cost-effectiveness of these programs, their impact on businesses,
and ultimately guide future policy design.
In closing, I hope this book opens a new window toward our understanding of
immigrant entrepreneurship and urban development on various scales, from different
perspectives, and for cities in Global North and South. Future research along these
directions have the potential to advance scholarship and practice on this topic in
important ways.

References

Aytar V, Rath J (eds) (2011) Selling ethnic neighborhoods: the rise of neighborhoods of leisure and
consumption. Routledge
Huang X, Liu CY (2018) Welcoming cities: immigration policy at the local government level. Urban
Aff Rev 54(1):3–32
Huang X, Liu CY (2019) Immigrant entrepreneurship and economic development: a local policy
perspective. J Am Plann Assoc 85(4):564–584
International Organization for Migration (IOM) (2019) World migration report 2020. Available
online https://publications.iom.int/books/world-migration-report-2020
Kim A (2012) Introducing the mixed-use sidewalk: vending the property rights in public space. J
Am Plann Assoc 78(3):1–14
Kloosterman R (2010) Matching opportunities with resources: a framework for analyzing (migrant)
entrepreneurship from a mixed embeddedness perspective. Entrepreneurship Reg Dev 22(1):25–
45
Kloosterman RC (2003) Creating opportunities. Policies aimed at increasing openings for immigrant
entrepreneurs in the Netherlands. Entrepreneurship Reg Dev 15(2):167–181
Li W (1998) Anatomy of a new ethnic settlement: the Chinese Ethnoburb in Los Angeles. Urban
Stud 35(3):479–501
Li W (ed) (2006) From urban enclave to ethnic suburb: new Asian communities in Pacific Rim
Countries. University of Hawaii Press
Liu CY (2012) Intrametropolitan opportunity structure and the self-employment of Asian and Latino
immigrants. Econ Dev Quart 26(2):178–192
Liu CY, Miller J, Wang Q (2014) Ethnic enterprises and community development. Geo J 79(5):565–
576
Liu CY, Painter G, Wang Q (2015) Immigrant entrepreneurship and agglomeration in high-tech
industries in the U.S. In: Karlsson C, Gråsjö U, Wixe S (eds) Innovation and entrepreneurship in
1 Introduction: Immigrant Entrepreneurship Research … 9

the global economy: knowledge, technology and internationalization. Edward Elgar, Cheltenham,
pp 184–209
Rath J, Eurofound (2011) Promoting ethnic entrepreneurship in European cities. Office of the
European Union, Luxembourg
Saxenian A (2007) The new argonauts: regional advantage in a global economy. Harvard University
Press
Wang Q, Liu CY (2015) Transnational activities of immigrant-owned firms and their performances
in the USA. Small Bus Econ 44(2):345–359
Zhou M (1992) Chinatown: the socioeconomic potential of an urban enclave. Temple University
Press
 Part I
Theories, Patterns, and Contexts
of Reception of Immigrant
Entrepreneurship
Chapter 2
Migrant Entrepreneurship and Urban
Development in Global Cities

Lauren W. Forbes and Cathy Yang Liu

Abstract In this chapter, we review the current state of knowledge on migrant

entrepreneurship including various conceptual frameworks about entrepreneurial
activities and urban development in the global cities in which migrant entrepreneur-
ship occurs. We also provide a comparative analysis of migrant entrepreneurship in
six global cities (Amsterdam, London, Berlin, Toronto, Johannesburg, and Athens),
illustrating how this phenomenon varies across racial/ethnic groups and across urban
economic, social, and political contexts. Lastly, we discuss the impact of migrant
businesses and key challenges facing migrant entrepreneurs along with knowledge
gaps in the field and suggestions for future research.

Keywords Migrant entrepreneurship · Global city · Emerging economy ·

Comparative analysis · Globalization · Urban development

2.1 Introduction

The past four decades have been marked by unprecedented sociocultural and geopo-
litical changes in urban areas around the world. Enabled by the ascendancy of digital
and creative economies, these changes have created more multicultural and glob-
alized societies, and they are paralleled by structural transformations in the urban
economic landscape. Together, these shifts have precipitated the rise of global cities
into a new level of international prominence (Duncan and Popp 2017; Sassen 2005).
While in the past, nation-states were the center of governmental power, much of
that authority today is shared, perhaps somewhat begrudgingly, between nations and
the leading global cities situated within their boundaries (Sassen 2005). Importantly,

L. W. Forbes (B) · C. Y. Liu

Andrew Young School of Policy Studies, Georgia State University, 14 Marietta Street, Atlanta,
GA 30303, USA
e-mail: lforbes5@student.gsu.edu
C. Y. Liu
e-mail: cyliu@gsu.edu

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 13

C. Y. Liu (ed.), Immigrant Entrepreneurship in Cities, The Urban Book Series,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50363-5_2
14 L. W. Forbes and C. Y. Liu

these cities shape the environment in which residents live as well as the social,
economic, and political contexts in which immigrants arrive.
While global migration is far from a new phenomenon, the trends and impact of
contemporary migration in global cities as well as the sociopolitical climate in which
it occurs present new challenges and opportunities for local policymakers. Cities like
London, New York, and Amsterdam which have experienced high levels of migration
for centuries (Baycan-Levent and Nijkamp 2009; Cities for Local Integration Policy
2011) are well-suited to respond to contemporary migration patterns, while new
migratory hubs like Guangzhou, China (Liu and Chen 2015) and Atlanta, Georgia
are strategizing new ways to respond to the influx of international migrants. Despite
some opposition, there is widespread recognition among many of these localities that
immigrants generally make positive contributions to their host cities, in part through
the impact of their entrepreneurship activities (Duncan and Popp 2017; Marchand
and Siegel 2015; Price 2014). Beyond simply filling industry positions in the hard-
labor and high-skilled sectors that native-born residents in Western cities are often
unwilling or unable to fill, migrants in nearly every global city engage in entrepreneur-
ship at higher rates than their native-born counterparts (Baycan-Levent and Nijkamp
2009; Desiderio 2014; Dheer 2018; Marchand and Siegel 2015; New American
Economy 2012). Migrant entrepreneurs also tend to innovate more in their busi-
nesses (Dheer 2018; Nathan and Lee 2013; New American Economy 2012), utilize
transnational business networks at higher rates (Maas 2005; Ojo 2012; Portes and
Yiu 2013; Wang and Liu 2015), expand the product diversity of local markets (Dheer
2018), and contribute to the economic development of divested neighborhoods (Aytar
and Rath 2012; Liu et al. 2010). Municipal governments that recognize the contri-
butions of migrant entrepreneurs to the economic and cultural fabric of their cities
are now adopting policies designed to create an inclusive and “welcoming” environ-
ment that migrants will find attractive (Cities for Local Integration Policy Network
2011; Desiderio 2014; Marchand and Siegel 2015). Of course, these policies are
not without controversy and trade-offs; resultingly, local policymakers and urban
planners in global cities are tasked with the challenge of balancing often discordant
interests while still ensuring that their city is globally competitive.
This chapter introduces the topic of migrant entrepreneurship in global cities
and provides an overview of the state of knowledge on this subject, including the
scope and common theoretical frameworks of migrant entrepreneurship research,
a comparative analysis of select global cities, and a discussion of emerging areas
of study. In the first section, we will establish the definitions of key concepts and
provide a typology of global cities followed by a discussion of the central theories
guiding migrant entrepreneurship research. Next, we will profile six global cities
(Amsterdam, London, Berlin, Toronto, Johannesburg, and Athens) based on our
research and compare how entrepreneurship is manifested in these cities among
various migrant groups. Lastly, we will cover the impact of migrant entrepreneurship
in global cities and important areas for future study.
2 Migrant Entrepreneurship and Urban Development in Global Cities 15

2.2 Scope and Definitions

Before broaching the subject of migrant entrepreneurship, let us first set the param-
eters of this discussion with a few definitions. What exactly is an entrepreneur?
We define an “entrepreneur” as Wennekers and Thurik (1999) propose: “a person
perceiving and creating new economic opportunities and introducing their ideas into
the market, in the face of uncertainty and other obstacles” (Marchand and Siegel
2015). Notably, this definition does not distinguish entrepreneurs by education or
skillset, but rather it emphasizes their ambition, astuteness and willingness to take
risks. Entrepreneurs leverage their resources, however vast or meager they may be,
to create a business that ultimately brings some instrumental and/or symbolic fulfill-
ment to themselves, and often, to the broader community around them. While some
scholars suggest an implicit class hierarchy by differentiating “entrepreneurs” from
those who are simply “self-employed”, we do not differentiate these groups here
(Ahmad and Seymour 2012; Williams and Nadin 2011). Some scholars also suggest
that the informal economy is an alternative entrepreneurial domain (Callaghan
and Venter 2011; Debrah 2007; Snyder 2004). Where relevant, we will differen-
tiate between the formality of entrepreneurship, but the terms “self-employment”,
“entrepreneur”, and variations of both terms are used interchangeably in this chapter.
Table 2.1 provides a synopsis of the evolution of the concept of an entrepreneur in
the academic literature, highlighting its conceptual shift from being a passive recip-
ient of market forces to a change agent shaping the market context in which he/she
operates (Ahmad and Seymour 2012).
Our use of the term “informal economy” refers primarily to the legal status of
an entrepreneur’s business operation in a host city as opposed to the legality of
his/her business activity (Light 2004; Williams and Nadin 2011). Light (2004) and
Williams and Nadin (2011) suggest that public perception plays a significant role in
shaping entrepreneurial activities by determining which are deemed “informal”—a
distinction that can have major implications on business sustainability, depending on
the local context. In emerging economies such as Johannesburg, South Africa and
Athens, Greece where informal entrepreneurial activity flourishes, interaction with
these types of migrant businesses is part of the daily lives of many city residents,
and they have, perhaps ironically, become a characteristic feature of many local
economies (Balampanidis et al. 2016; Hart 2006; Herrington and Kelley 2012; Light
2004; Peberdy 2016).
Further, we intentionally use the term “migrant” rather than “immigrant” in order
to be inclusive of both intranational migration patterns from rural areas to urban
city centers (Levie 2007; White 2009) and the second- and third-generation immi-
grants whose ethnic heritage is non-native to the host city. Similar terms like “ethnic
entrepreneur” and “minority entrepreneur” have also be used in the literature on
migrant entrepreneurship (Dheer 2018; Sonfield 2005; Zhou 2004). These terms
generally refer to entrepreneurs with a shared cultural heritage (e.g., Central Amer-
icans and Koreans) or group identity (e.g., women, youth, and second generation).
16 L. W. Forbes and C. Y. Liu

Table 2.1 Entrepreneur definitions

Essence of definition Publication
Entrepreneurs buy at certain prices in the present Cantillion (1755/1931)
and sell at uncertain prices in the future. The
entrepreneur is a bearer of uncertainty
Entrepreneurs are “projectors” Defoe (1887/2001)
Entrepreneurs attempt to predict and act upon Knight (1921, 1942)
change within markets. The entrepreneur bears
the uncertainty of market dynamics
The entrepreneur is the person who maintains Weber (1947)
immunity from control of rational bureaucratic
knowledge
The entrepreneur is the innovator who Schumpeter (1934)
implements change within markets through the
carrying out of new combinations. These can
take several forms:
The introduction of a good or quality thereof
The introduction of a new method of production
The opening of a new market
The conquest of a new source of supply of new
materials or parts
The carrying out of the new organization of any
industry
The entrepreneur is always a speculator. He Von Mises (1949/1996)
deals with the uncertain conditions of the future.
His success or failure depends on the correctness
of his anticipation of uncertain events. If he fails
in his understanding of things to come, he is
doomed
The entrepreneur is coordinator and arbitrageur Walras (1954)
Entrepreneurial activity involves identifying Penrose (1959/1980)
opportunities within the economic system
The entrepreneur recognizes and acts upon profit Kirzner (1973)
opportunities, essentially an arbitrageur
Entrepreneurship is the act of innovation Drucker (1985)
involving endowing existing resources with new
wealth-producing capacity
The essential act of entrepreneurship is a new Lumpkin and Dess (1996)
entry. New entry can be accomplished by
entering new or established markets with new or
existing goods or services. New entry is the act
of launching a new venture either by a start-up
firm, through an existing firm or via “internal
corporate venturing”
(continued)
2 Migrant Entrepreneurship and Urban Development in Global Cities 17

Table 2.1 (continued)

Essence of definition Publication
The field of entrepreneurship involves the study Shane and Venkataraman (2000)
of sources of opportunities; the processes of
discovery, evaluation, and exploitation of
opportunities; and the set of individuals who
discover, evaluate, and exploit them
Entrepreneurship is a context-dependent social Ireland, Hitt or Sirmon (2003)
process through which individuals and teams
create wealth by bringing together unique
packages of resources to exploit marketplace
opportunities
Entrepreneurship is the mindset and process to Commission of the European Communities
create and develop economic activity by (2003)
blending risk-taking, creativity, and/or
innovation with sound management, within a
new or an existing organization
Source: Ahmad and Seymour (2012, Chap. 3, p. 35)

These categories often overlap with migration status and are sometimes ambiguous,
especially in large, diverse cities with long immigration histories.
Additionally, “transnational” entrepreneurs have emerged in the literature recently
as an important entrepreneurial subgroup (Drori et al. 2009; Fransen et al. 2017; Miera
2017; Portes et al. 2001; Rušinović 2006; Sequeira et al. 2009; Zhou 2010). Transna-
tional entrepreneurs implement business activities “in a cross-national context” and
are “embedded in at least two different social and economic areas” (Drori et al.
2009, p. 1001). One example of this is the German-Polish Aussiedlers whose ethnic
heritage and supply-chain networks enable them to be fully operational in both
localities (Miera 2017). For the Aussiedler entrepreneurs, the sociopolitical rela-
tionship between Germany and Poland as fellow EU members also opens the door
for ease of migration between Warsaw and Berlin (Hillmann 2009; Miera 2017).
Similarly, a large portion of migrant businesses in Johannesburg are operated by
African migrants from Zimbabwe, Mozambique, and other SADC countries (Agad-
janian 2008; Peberdy 2016; Zuberi and Sibanda 2004), many of whom travel, rela-
tively unobstructed, between Johannesburg and their home countries. However, the
ease of travel for SADC migrants is likely less a product of political relationships
between neighboring countries than a reflection of the relatively porous borders
between South Africa and its neighbors (Facchini et al. 2013). Thus, cross-border
migration enables transnational entrepreneurs to leverage their regional network ties
and markets for maximal business success, making them an important subgroup of
migrant entrepreneurship.
18 L. W. Forbes and C. Y. Liu

2.3 Global Cities and Emerging Economies

The concept of a “global city” is often used to describe major cities with an inter-
national presence that are not only economically prosperous and highly globalized,
but also conspicuously cosmopolitan, attracting both internal and external migrants.
The term was first introduced by Sassen (1991, 2005) to highlight the international
prominence and importance of certain cities to the global economy (IOM 2015).
Differentiating them from the similar concepts of “world cities” and “nation-states”,
Sassen indicates the unique and central role that these cities play on the global stage as
hubs of international trade and cultural exchange. Although the list of global cities is
hotly contested (McEwan et al. 2005), few would dispute that London and New York
are among the quintessential “global cities” (Nathan and Lee 2013; Sassen 1991).
Their unparalleled influence in the global marketplace, long histories as migration
destinations, and the presence of large, highly diverse migrant populations within
their jurisdictions make both of these localities nexuses of migrant entrepreneurship.
Another category of global cities is “emerging economies”, which can broadly be
defined as major cities in developing and middle-income countries whose economies
demonstrate characteristics of both developed and developing nations. Together,
middle-income nations represent approximately one-third of the global GDP (World
Bank 2019)—much of which is generated by commercial activities happening in
emerging economies. This category of global cities has been drawing increasing
interest from a number of stakeholders including international investors, government
agencies, and academicians (IOM 2015; World Bank 2019). The countries with
the leading emerging economies—Brazil, Russia, India, and China—are commonly
known by the acronym BRICS (Dahlman 2010; De Beer et al. 2014; Lawson and
Purushothaman 2003; Samans et al. 2015), with several scholars including South
Africa among them (De Beer et al. 2014; Herrington and Kelley 2012; Nathan and
Lee 2013). Cities that are often classified as emerging economies include, inter alia,
Moscow (White 2009), Guangzhou (Liu and Chen 2015), São Paulo (Benton-Short
et al. 2005; IOM 2015), Delhi (Dupont 2011), and Johannesburg (Peberdy et al.
2004; Peberdy 2016). These emerging economies are not only spearheading local
economic development, but also, through their growth, they may be enabling their
respective nations to ascend the ladder of international significance.

2.4 Theories on Migrant Entrepreneurship

As a global economic recession and labor market restructuring began to transform

the international economic landscape in the 1970s (Baycan-Levent and Nijkamp
2009), migrant entrepreneurship, soon after, began to emerge in the scholarly liter-
ature as an important area of study (Dheer 2018). Today, the field has produced a
rich compendium of theoretical and empirical research exploring the motivations,
strategies, and implications of migrant entrepreneurship at both the country and city
2 Migrant Entrepreneurship and Urban Development in Global Cities 19

Fig. 2.1 Motivators and outcome determinants of entrepreneurial decision-making. Source:

Marchand and Siegel (2015)

levels. This work has primarily focused on low-skilled migrants from the Global
South who migrated to the Global North, and it largely contains research from and
about the Western context (Aliaga-Isla and Rialp 2013; Dheer 2018). In recent years,
migrant entrepreneurship scholars have produced more literature exploring city and
neighborhood-level dynamics (Rath and Aytar 2012; Parzer and Huber 2015; Zhuang
2015) within traditional global cities and emerging economies (Benton-Short et al.
2005; De Beer et al. 2014; Liu and Chen 2015; Peberdy 2016; White 2009).
In a 2015 report by the International Organization for Migration, authors Marc-
hand and Siegel (2015) categorize the factors motivating migrants to launch busi-
nesses into three groups: personal characteristics, market conditions, and policies
and programs. These dimensions are analogous to Sahin’s (2012) entrepreneurship
motivation framework which consists of the culture of the migrant entrepreneur, the
economic environment of the host city, and the reactions of migrants to discrimina-
tion and other barriers (Kourtit et al. 2016). These endogenous and exogenous factors
are highly interdependent, and they shape the decision-making context of prospec-
tive entrepreneurs. Figure 2.1 depicts the Marchand and Siegel framework, and in
Table 2.2 we use it to classify the major theories about migrant entrepreneurship.

2.4.1 General Frameworks of Entrepreneurial Motivation

Among the most common frameworks used to characterize migrant entrepreneur-

ship are the parallel dichotomies of “push and pull” factors (Kariv et al. 2009)
and “necessity and opportunity” entrepreneurs (Liu and Huang 2016; Urban 2012).
“Push” factors such as low educational attainment, temporary residency status, labor
market discrimination, and precarious employment may leave an individual with
a few alternative options beyond self-employment to sustain themselves and their
families (McDowell et al. 2009; Watt 2003) because they often preclude a migrant’s
Table 2.2 Migrant entrepreneurship—major theoretical frameworks
20

Category Theory Example constructs Citations

Personal characteristics Capital theories • Sex Basu (2004), Basu and Altinay (2002),
• Human capital • Race/ethnicity Boyd (1998), Essers et al. (2010), Fairlie
• Social capital • Educational attainment (2012), Hammarstedt (2001), Khosravi
• Financial capital • Social networks (1999), Light (1972), Sanders and Nee
• Cultural capital • Income/assets (1996), Singh and DeNoble (2004),
• Marital status Wauters and Lambrecht (2008)
• Expertise
• Autonomy
Cultural theories • Cultural values (e.g., family tradition, Aliaga-Isla and Rialp (2013), Basu and
• Cultural thesis religious ties, and trust) Altinay (2002), Bonacich (1973), Light
• Ethnic resources thesis • Cultural insights (e.g., ethnic-specific (1979), Liu et al. (2010), Kim and Hurh
skills) (1985), Plüss (2005), Portes and Yiu
(2013), Sahin et al. (2006), Teixeira et al.
(2007), Ward (1983) and Werbner (1990)
Market conditions Discrimination theories • Economic downturn Basu and Altinay (2002), Grant and
Blocked mobility theory/ disadvantage • Precarious labor market Thompson (2015), Hammarstedt (2001),
theory • Ethnic penalty factors Hart (2009), Kloosterman (2003), Kontos
• Racial/ethnic prejudice (2003), Light (1972), McDowell et al.
(2009), Piperopoulos (2010), Price and
Chacko (2009), Singh and DeNoble
(2004), Teixeira et al. (2007) and Wauters
and Lambrecht (2008)
(continued)
L. W. Forbes and C. Y. Liu
Table 2.2 (continued)
Category Theory Example constructs Citations
Opportunity structures thesis • Emergence of new markets Aldrich and Waldinger (1990),
• Accessibility of needed materials Kloosterman (2010), Liu (2012), Liu and
• Labor market segmentation Huang (2016), Marchand and Siegel
• Product market (2015), Piperopoulos, (2010), Rušinović
• Financial market (2006) and Sahin et al. (2014)
• Colonial history
Policies and programs • Acculturation/Assimilation • Ethnic parades Aytar and Rath (2012), CLIP (2011),
• Multiculturalism • Ethnic districts Collins and Kunz (2009), Desiderio
• Festivalization/Marketization • Cultural festival (2014), Fairlie and Lofstron (2015),
• Cultural consumption • Local cultural “appetite” Hillmann (2009), Ireland (2004, 2006),
• Supply-side migration policies • Ethnomarketing Kontos (2003), OECD (2010), Price
• Special migration visas (e.g., H1B) (2014) and Zukin (1995)
Business strategies • Enclave/protected market • Labor supply channels Aldrich et al. (1985), Glick Schiller
• Middleman minority/dual labor • Insider knowledge of co-ethnic clientele (1999), Light (1972), Liu (2012), Portes
market • Ethnic goods supply chain with the home et al. (2002), Portes (1999), Vertovec
• Breakout strategy country (1999), Williams and Nadin (2011) and
• Informal economy • Access to credit/capital Zhou (2004)
• Transnationalism • Business formalization
Other • Mixed embeddedness • Reason for migration Abada et al. (2012), Herrington and
• Social equity perspective • Time until start-up Kelley (2012), Kloosterman et al. (1999),
2 Migrant Entrepreneurship and Urban Development in Global Cities

• Necessity/opportunity entrepreneurs • Entrepreneurial history Sahin et al. (2014)

• Social, political, and economic climate
• Migration policy infrastructure
Categories are broadly based on Marchand and Siegel (2015). “Other” category reflects theories and frameworks that clearly do not fit into a single category and
are not necessarily reflective of their significance in the migrant entrepreneurial literature. Other listed theories here could also be cross-listed in other categories
21
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
que los poetas antiguos fingieron
con su infidelidad: Flegeton,
Coçiton, Sthigie y Letheo. No los
campos Eliseos de deleyte
differentes de los de miseria. Ni la
varca de Acheron que passe[778]
las almas a la otra riuera. Ni ay
para qué vestir los muertos acá
porque no parezcan allá las almas
desnudas ante los juezes, como
lo hazian aquellos antiguos: pues
siempre que fueran a los
sepulcros hallaran sus defuntos
vestidos como los enterraron. Ni
tampoco es menester poner a los
muertos en la boca aquella
moneda que otros vsauan poner
porque luego los passasse
Acheron en su varca, pues era
mejor que no lleuando moneda no
los passara en ningun tiempo y se
boluieran para siempre acá. O
que si las monedas que algunos
defuntos lleuauan no corrian ni las
conoçian allá por ser de lexas
prouinçias, como aconteçe las
monedas de vnos reynos no valer
en otros, neçesario seria
entonçes no los passar, lo qual
seria auentajado partido a
muchos [779] que ally en el infierno
vi. Todo esto, Miçilo, cree que es
mentira y fiçion de fabulosos
poetas y historiadores de la falsa
gentilidad, los quales con sus
dulçes y apazibles versos han
hecho creer á sus vanos secaçes
y lectores. Avnque quiero que
sepas que esto que estos poetas
fingieron no careçe del todo de
misterio algo dello, porque
avnque todo fue fiçion, dieron
debajo de aquellas fabulas y
poesias a entender gran parte de
la verdad, grandes y muy
admirables secretos y misterios
que en el meollo y en lo interior
querian sentir. Con esto
procurauan introduçir las virtudes
y desterrar los viçios
encareçiendo y pintando los
tormentos, penas, temores,
espantos que los malos y
peruersos padeçen en el infierno
por su maldad; y ansi dixeron ser
el infierno en aquellas partes de
Syçilia, por causa de aquel monte
ardiente que está alli llamado
Ethna[780] que por ser el fuego
tan espantoso y la syma tan
horrenda les dio ocasion a fingir
que fuesse aquella vna puerta del
infierno; y tanbien porque junto a
este monte Ethna y syma dizen
los historiadores que Pluton, rey
de aquella tierra, hurtó a
Proserpina hija de Çeres que
siendo niña donzella andaua por
aquellos deleytosos prados a
coxer flores. Ansi con estos sus
nombres y vocablos de lugares,
rios y lagunas que fingian auer en
el infierno significauan y dauan a
entender las penas, dolores y
tormentos que se dan a las almas
por sus culpas allá. Ansi fingian
que Acheron (que significa
pribaçion de gozo) passa las
almas por aquella laguna llamada
Stigie, que significa tristeza
perpetua. En esto dan a entender
que desde el punto que las almas
de los condenados entran en el
infierno son pribados[781] de gozo
y consolaçion spiritual y puestos
en tristeza perpetua. Este es el
primero y prinçipal atormentador
de aquel, en contrario del estado
felicissimo de la gloria que es
contina alegria y plazer. Tanbien
fingen que está adelante el rio
Flegeton que significa ardor y
fuego, dando a entender el fuego
perpetuo conque entrando en el
infierno son atormentadas las
almas por instrumento y
execuçion de la justiçia diuina;
fingen más que adelante está el
rio Letheo, que significa oluido, al
qual llegan a beber todas las
almas que entran allá, diçiendo
que luego son pribadas de la
memoria de todas las cosas que
le pueda dar consolaçion. Y dizen
que todos estos rios van a parar
en la gran laguna Coçiton, que
significa derribamiento perpetuo,
dando a entender la suma de la
miseria de los malauenturados
que son perpetuamente
derribados y atormentados;
avnque prinçipalmente significa el
derribamiento de los soberuios.
Tanbien dizen que este varquero
Acheron hubo tres hijas en su
muger la noche obscura y çiega;
las quales se llaman Aletho, que
significa inquietud, y Thesifone,
que significa vengadora de
muerte, y Megera, que significa
odio cruel. Las quales tres hijas
dizen que son tres furias, o
demonios infernales,
atormentadoras[782] de los
condenados. En esto quisieron
dezir y dar a entender y descreuir
la guerra que cada alma consigo
tiene entrando allí, y en estas tres
hermanas se descriuen los males
que trae consigo la guerra que
son odio, vengança de muerte y
inquietud; que son tres cosas que
más atormentan en el infierno[783]
y avn acá en el mundo es la cosa
de mas daño y mal, porque
demas de aquellos trabajos y
miserias que consigo trae la
guerra, que por ser todos los
hombres que la siguen y en ella
entienden el más peruerso y bajo
genero de hombres que en el
mundo ay, por tanto a la contina
la siguen robos, inçendios,
latroçinios, adulterios, inçestos,
sacrilegios, juegos y continuas
blasfemias; y demas del espanto
que causa en el soltar de las
lombardas y artilleria, el relinchar
de los cauallos, la fiereza con que
se acometen los hombres con
enemiga sed y deseo de se
matar; de manera que si en aquel
encuentro mueren van perdidos
con Luzifer. Demas de todos
estos males que siguen a la
guerra ay otro mayor que es
anexo a su natural, que es el
desasosiego comun. Que toda
aquella prouinçia donde al
presente está la guerra tiene
alterado los spiritus; que ni se
vsan los ofiçios, ni se exerçitan
los sacrifiçios; çesan las
labranças del campo, y los tratos
de la republica; pierdese la
honestidad y verguença.
Acometense infinitas injurias y
desafueros y no es tiempo de
hazer a ninguno justiçia. En
conclusion es la guerra vna furia
infernal que se lança en los
coraçones humanos que los priba
de razon; porque con razon y sin
furia no se puede pelear. Esto
quisieron entender y significar
algunos de aquellos antiguos en
aquellas sus fiçiones; y todo lo
demas es poetico y fabuloso y
fingido para cumplir sus metros y
poesías; y otros ritos gentilicos
como vestir los muertos y
ponerles dineros[784] en la boca y
ofreçerles viandas que ellos
coman[785] allá en el infierno, todo
esto es mentira y vanidad de
gentiles herrados por el demonio
que los engañaua; lo qual[786]
todo tiene[787] reprobado la
cristiana religion conforme a la
verdad que te contaré y oyras
como yo lo vi, si me tienes
atençion; y porque el dia es
venido dexemoslo para el canto
que se seguira.

Fin del deçimo cuarto canto del

Gallo.
 NOTAS:
[762] Falta en R.
[763] R. (Tachado): Siguesse el deçimo quarto canto del sueño o
gallo de Luçiano, famoso orador griego, contrahecho en el
castellano por el mesmo auctor.
[764] G., puede.
[765] G., acompañadas.
[766] G., podremos.
[767] G., les.
[768] G., y haze.
[769] G., de.
[770] G., antes nos trabajan confundir que enseñar.
[771] G., sophismas.
[772] G., verdaderas imaginaçiones.
[773] G., a tal estado que ya se glosa y declara vuestra Scriptura
y Ley segun dos opiniones, nominal y real; y segun pareçe esta
multiplicaçion de cosas todo redunda en confusion de los injenios
que á estas buenas sçiençias se dan.
[774] G., como yo lo demande.
[775] G., despidiendome.
[776] G., miserias.
[777] G., Rhodamante.
[778] G., passa.
[779] G., muchas.
[780] G., Ethena.
[781] G., pribadas.
[782] G., atormentadores.
[783] G., cosas que a la contina residen en el alma que está en el
infierno.
[784] G., monedas.
[785] G., diziendo que las comen.
[786] G., y ansi.
[787] G., lo tiene.
 ARGUMENTO
DEL DEÇIMO
QUINTO
CANTO[788].

En el déçimo quinto canto que se

sigue el auctor imitando a
Luçiano en el libro que intituló
Necromançia finge deçendir al
infierno. Donde descriue las
estançias y lugares y penas de
los condenados[789].

Gallo.—Despierta, Miçilo, y
tenme atençion, y contarte he oy
cosas que a toda oreja pongan
espanto. No cosas que oí fingidas
por hombres que con arte lo
acostumbran hazer, pero dezirte
he aquellas que vi, comuniqué y
con mis pies hollé; y vi a hombres
padeçer con graue dolor.
Miçilo.—Di gallo, que atento me
ternas.
Gallo.—Faborezcame oy mi[790]
memoria Dios que no me falte
para dezir lo mucho que su
magestad tiene alli para muestra
de su justiçia y gran poder,
porque siquiera los malos por
temor çesen de ofender. Pues
viniendo al principio, por no dexar
cosa por dezir sabras, que desde
lo alto del çielo ya deçendiendo a
la tierra vimos unas brauas y
espantosas montañas en muy
grandes y asperos desiertos, que
segun tube cuenta con las
dispusiçiones del sol, çielo y
tierra, era la seca Lybya en tierra
de los garamantas, donde estaua
aquel antiguo oraculo de Jupiter
Amon, la mesa del sol y fuente de
Tantalo. Donde viben los satyros,
ægipanes, himatopodes, y psillos,
monstruosas figuras de hombres
y animales. Pues como aqui
llegamos sin se nos abrir puerta ni
ver abertura, sin que syerra ni
montaña nos hiziesse estorbo nos
fuemos lançando por aquellas
alturas y aspereças, lugares
obscuros y sombrios. Como
aconteçe si alguna vez vamos por
vna montuosa deesa çerrada de
altos y espesos castaños, robles y
ençinas. Sy aconteçe caminar al
puesto de vna nublosa luna,
quando la obscura noche quita los
colores a las cosas. En este
tiempo que a cada passo y sonido
de los mesmos pies resuena y
retumba el solitario monte y se
espeluzan y enheriçan los
cabellos, començe a caminar en
seguimiento de mi guia. Estauan
por aqui a las entradas gran
multitud de estançias y aposentos
de furias y miserias, y porque el
mi angel se me yua muy adelante
sin parar, a gran corrida le rogue
se parase y me mostrasse en
particular todas aquellas
moradas. Luego entramos en
vnos palaçios hechos en la
concauidad de aquella aspera
peña, lugubres y de gran
obscuridad. En lo mas hondo y
retraydo desta casa auiendo
pasado por muchas y muy
desbaratadas camaras y
aposentos asomamos la cabeça a
vn retrete, y a la parte de vn
rincon, a la muy quebrada y casi
no visible luz, como a claridad de
vna candela que desde que
començo a arder no se despabiló
y se queria ya apagar, ansi[791]
vimos estar sentada a vn rincon
vna muy rota y desarrapada
muger; esta era el lloro y tristeza
miserable. Estaua sentada en el
suelo puesto el cobdo sobre sus
rodillas, la mano debajo de la
barba y mexilla. Vimosla muy
pensatiua y miserable por gran
pieza sin se menear; y como al
meneo de nuestros pies miró
alcançé a la ver vn rostro amarillo,
flaco y desgraçiado. Los ojos
hundidos y mexillas que hazian
mas larga la nariz, y de rato en
rato daua vn sospiro de lo
intimo[792] del coraçon, con tanta
fuerça y afliçion que pareçia ser
hecho artifiçial para solo
atormentar almas con las
entristeçer. Es este gemido de
tanta efficaçia que traspasa y
hiera el alma entrando alli; y con
tanta fuerça que le trae cada
momento a punto de
desesperaçion; y esta es la
primera miseria que atormenta y
hiere las almas de los
dañados [793] y es tan gran mal
que sin otro alguno bastaua
vengar la justiçia de Dios. Tiene
tanta fuerça esta miserable muger
en los que entran alli que avn
contra nuestro preuillegio
començaba con nosotros a obrar
y empeçer. Pero el mi angel lo
remedió con su deydad y
pasando adelante vimos en otro
retrete donde estauan los
miserables cuydados crueles
verdugos de sus dueños, que
nunca hazen sino comer del alma
donde estan hasta la consumir,
como gusano que roe al madero
el coraçon. Aqui moran las tristes
enfermedades y la miserable y
trabajosa vejez toda arrugada,
flaca, fea y de todos aborreçida.
Aqui habita el miedo enemigo de
la sangre vital, que luego la
acorrala y de su presençia la haze
huyr. Aqui reside la hambre que
fuerça los hombres al mal, y la
torpe pobreza, de crueles y
espantosos aspectos anbas a
dos. Aqui se nos mostró el trabajo
quebrantado molido sin poderse
tener. Vimos luego aqui al sueño,
primo hermano de Antropos,
aquella cruel dueña, y la muerte
mesma se nos mostro luego alli
con vna guadaña en la mano,
cobdiçiosa de segar. Estauan
luego adelante las dos hermanas
del desasosiego; guerra y mortal
discordia. Por aqui nos salieron a
reçebir infinitos monstruos que
estauan arroxados por alli;
çentauros, sphinges, satyros y
chimeras; gorgones, harpias
sombras y lernas; y estando ansi
mirando todas estas miserables
furias infernales que era
çiertamente cosa espantosa de
ver sus puestos y figuras
monstruosas, sentimos venir vn
gran tropel y ruydo como que se
auia soltado vna gran presa que
estuuiesse hecha de muchos dias
de algun caudaloso braço de mar.
Sonaua vna gran huella de pies,
murmuraçion de lenguas de
diuersas naçiones, y como más
se nos yuan çercando sentiamos
grandes lloros y gemidos, y
açercandosenos más
entendiamos grandes
blasfemias[794] de españoles,
alemanes, françeses, ingleses y
ytalianos; y como sentimos que
se nos yuan más llegando y que
començauan ya a entrar por
donde nosotros estauamos me
apañó mi ángel por el braço y me
apartó a vn rincon por darles lugar
a passar; que venia tan gran
multitud de almas que no se
podian contar, y quanto topauan
lo lleuauan de tropel; y
preguntando qué gente era
aquella nos dixeron que el
Enperador Carlos auia dado vna
batalla campal al Duque de
Gueldres, en la qual le auia
desuaratado el exerçito y preso al
Duque, y que en ella auia muerto
de ambas las partes toda aquella
gente que yua alli.
Miçilo.—Pues ¿cómo, gallo,
todos fueron al infierno quantos
murieron en aquella vatalla? Pues
liçita era aquella guerra, a lo
menos de parte del Emperador.
Gallo.—Mira, Miçilo, que ya que
esa guerra no fuesse liçita segun
ley euangelica. basta serlo de
auctoridad eclesiastica para que
se pueda entre principes
cristianos proseguir; porque con
este titulo ayuda para ellas con
indulgençias su sanctidad. Pero
mira que no todos los que mueren
en la guerra van al infierno por
morir en ella, pues muchos
buenos y justos soldados andan
en ella; ni van al infierno por
causa de ser injusta la guerra[795]
porque saber la verdad de su
justiçia no está a cuenta de los
soldados, sino de los prinçipes
que la mueuen; los vnos por la
dar y los otros por se defender y
prinçipalmente si la mueue el
supremo prinçipe siempre se
presume ser justa. Pero sabe que
los soldados que mueren en la
guerra van prinçipalmente al
infierno porque en vniuersal los
toma la muerte en pecados que
los lleuan allá. En juegos,
blasfemias, hurtos, ninguna
guarda en los preçeptos de la
iglesia, ni religion. Enemistades,
yras, enojos, pasiones, luxurias,
robos, sacrilegios y adulterios; y
ansi duró este tropel de gente
más de seys meses continos que
no hazian a toda furia sino entrar
porque dezian que entonçes el
Emperador prosiguio la guerra
entrando por Françia con gran
mortandad y rigor hasta llegar a
vna çiudad que llaman Troya muy
prinçipal en aquel reyno, y por
otra parte entraua el rey de
Yngalaterra con grande exerçito
desolando a Françia sin auer
piedad de ninguna criatura que en
su poder pudiesse auer.
Marauillado estaua yo pensando
dónde podia caber tanta gente, y
entrando adelante vimos vna
entrada a manera de puerta que
pareçia differençiar el lugar.
Oyamos dentro gran ruydo de
cadenas, bozes, lagrimas,
sospiros y sollozcos que
mostrauan gran miseria. Pregunté
a mi ángel que lugar era aquel.
Respondiome ser el purgatorio,
donde se acaban de purgar los
buenos para subir despues a
gozar de Dios; y tanbien yo alçé
la cabeça y leí ser aquello verdad
en vna letra que estaua sobre la
puerta; y por no nos detener
determinamos de pasar adelante,
y en esto suçedio que llegaron
donde estauamos vn demonio y
vn angel que trayan vn alma; que
segun pareçe el angel era su
guarda y el demonio era su
acusador, como cada vno de
vosotros tiene en este mundo
mientras vibis; y como llegaron
donde estauamos paróse un poco
el su angel con el mío como a
preguntarle donde venía; el qual
nos respondio que a traer éste su
clientulo al purgatorio, que auia
sesenta años que le guardaua en
el mundo; y en el entretanto
arrebató el demonio de aquella
anima y corriendo por vn campo
adelante la lleuaua camino del
infierno, y como el alma conoçio
por la letra que la passaua del
purgatorio començó a dar vozes a
su angel que la defendiesse; y
ansi fue presto su angel y
alcançandolos tubo reçio della y
conuenieron ante nosotros como
en juizio. Dezia el demonio que la
auia de lleuar al infierno porque
no mostraua preuillegio de
auctoridad[796] para la dexar en el
purgatorio, y el alma mostró vna
fraternidad que traya, sellada y
firmada del General de San
Françisco; el demonio respondio
que no la conoçia ni la queria
obedeçer; luego, llorando, alegó
el alma tener la Bulla de la
Cruzada, sino que se le oluidó en
casa vna caxa de Bullas que tenía
en su camara, y rogo que le
dexasse boluer por ellas; y mi
angel los procuró conçertar
diziendo que se quedasse alli en
rehenes el alma mientras el angel
de su guarda boluia al mundo por
la Bulla; y ansi boluio, pero
tardóse tanto en buscarla que nos
descuydamos y el demonio cogio
del alma y lleuósela, que nunca
mas la vimos[797]. Prinçipalmente
porque la probó que la mayor
parte de la vida hauia sido
viçioso, comedor, gloton y
disipador de hazienda y tiempo, y
distraydo de la Ley de Dios; y a
esto la conuençio a consentir.
Pero por el contrario alegaron el
alma y su angel por su parte que
aunque todo esto fuesse verdad,
pero que a la contina tubo cuenta
con Dios y con su conçiençia,
confessando a los tiempos
deuidos sus pecados y haziendo
penitençia dellos, y[798] ansi lo
auia hecho en el diçeso y salida
de la vida reçibiendo todos los
sacramentos de la iglesia,
teniendo gran confiança en la
passion de Cristo con gran
arrepentimiento de sus culpas; y
ansi fue concluydo por mi angel
serles perdonadas por Dios, y que
solo quedaua obligada a alguna
pena temporal del purgatorio; y
ansi la dexó alli, y nosotros luego
començamos a caminar por vnos
campos llanos muy grandes
quanto nuestros ojos y vista se
podia estender[799].
Miçilo.—Pues dime, gallo, ¿no
dizes que estaua todo obscuro y
en tinieblas? ¿De dónde teniades
luz para ver?
Gallo.—Obscuro es todo aquel
lugar a solos los condenados por
la justiçia de Dios; pero para los
otros todos prouee Dios alli de
luz, porque do quiera que está el
justo tiene bastante claridad para
perspicaçissimamente ver; y
desde lexos començamos a oyr la
grita y miseria de las almas, el
ruido de los hyerros y cadenas,
los golpes y furia de los
atormentadores, el sonido y
tascar del fuego, humo y çentellas
que de aquellos lugares de
miseria salian. Era tan grande y
tan temerosa la desuentura de
aquel lugar que mil vezes me
arrepenti de venir alli, y quisiera
dexar de presentar la petiçion,
sino que el angel me esforço y no
me quiso boluer. Ya se desparçian
por aquellos campos (aun[800]
lexos del lugar de las penas)
tantas quadrillas de demonios tan
feos y de tanto espanto que avn
del preuillegio que lleuauamos no
me osaua fiar temiendo si auia de
quedar yo alli; y vna vez se llegó
vn demonio a me trauar, ¡o dios
inmortal en quanta confusion me
vi! que casi perdi el ser, y
prinçipalmente quando tornaua
aquel demonio que embió al
angel por la Bulla...[801] Es tan
suçia, tan contagiosa, tan
hidionda su conuersaçion, y
alança de si tanta confusion y
mal, que me pareçe que vna de
las prinçipales penas y males de
aquel lugar es su compañia y
conuersaçion. Porque ansi como
en el çielo aquellas almas
benditas de su naturaleza hasta el
mesmo suelo que hollamos, y el
ayre que corre por alli consuela,
alegra, aplaze y os anima y
esfuerça para vibir en toda
suauidad, ansi por el contrario
acá estos[802] demonios de su
natural, el lugar y el todo lo que
alli veys tiene toda tristeza y
desconsolaçion; y tanta que no la
podeis sufrir, porque todo está alli
criado, endereçado y puesto para
tormento y castigo, para
satisfazer la justiçia de Dios
despues que el pecador la injurió
traspasando[803] su ley.
Miçilo.—¿No ay puerta que
guarde estas almas aqui?
Gallo.—No tiene neçesidad de
puerta porque para cada alma ay
veynte mil demonios que no se
les puede yr, ni nunca momento
estan sin las atormentar. El vno
las dexa y el otro las toma: de
manera que nunca çesan para
siempre jamas: ni ellos se pueden
cansar, ni ellos pueden morir, sino
siempre padesçer. Ansi llegamos
a vn rio admirable, espantoso y
de gran caudal, que corria con
gran furia vn licor negro que a
paracer y juizio nuestro era pez y
çufre, y este ardia vn fuego el
mas fuerte y efficaz que nunca se
vio, o que Dios crió. Calentaua a
gran distançia y avn a infinita a
los condenados a él sin le poder