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The Psychology of Criminal Conduct
The Psychology of Criminal Conduct, Sixth Edition, provides a psychological and evidence-informed
perspective of criminal behavior that sets it apart from many criminological and mental health explanations of
criminal behavior. Drawing upon the General Personality and Cognitive Social Learning theory, James Bonta
and Donald Andrews offer a coherent theory of criminal behavior that is in Rosenfeld and Penrod’s Research
Methods in Forensic Psychology empirically supported throughout the book. They provide an overview of the
theoretical context and major knowledge base of the psychology of criminal conduct, discuss the eight major
risk/need factors of criminal conduct, examine the prediction and classification of criminal behavior along with
prevention and rehabilitation, and, finally, summarize the major issues in understanding criminal conduct.
This book also offers the Risk/Need/Responsivity (RNR) model, a model of offender assessment and treatment
that has guided developments in the subject throughout the world.
In this edition, the first since Andrews’ death, Bonta carefully maintains all the book’s original contributions
while presenting these core concepts succinctly, clearly, and elegantly. Appropriate for advanced
undergraduates and graduate students as well as for scholars, researchers, and practitioners, The Psychology of
Criminal Conduct, Sixth Edition, improves upon and extends the content of this important with further
refinements of the authors’ body of work.
James Bonta served as Director of Corrections Research at Public Safety Canada from 1990 until 2015. He
received his Ph.D. in Clinical Psychology from the University of Ottawa in 1979. Bonta was a psychologist, and
later Chief Psychologist, at the Ottawa-Carleton Detention Centre, a maximum-security remand facility for
adults and young offenders. Throughout his career, Bonta has held various academic appointments and
professional posts and was a member of the Editorial Advisory Boards for the Canadian Journal of
Criminology and Criminal Justice and Behavior. He is a Fellow of the Canadian Psychological Association, a
recipient of the Association’s Criminal Justice Section’s Career Contribution Award for 2009, the Queen
Elizabeth II Diamond Jubilee Medal, 2012, the Maud Booth Correctional Services Award, 2015, and the 2015
Community Corrections Award from the International Corrections and Prisons Association.
The late D. A. Andrews was a noted criminologist affiliated with Carleton University throughout his academic
career. His work on the psychology of criminal conduct produced what became known as the “theory of
correctional intervention,” which set the standard for successful intervention practices in the field of
corrections worldwide. He was a founding member of Carleton’s Criminology and Criminal Justice Program
and a Fellow of the Canadian Psychological Association. He received numerous awards for his work in the
criminal justice field, including recognition from the American Probation and Parole Association, Correctional
Service Canada, the International Community Corrections Association, and the American Society of
Criminology. After his retirement, he remained active in the criminal justice field as a Professor Emeritus and
Distinguished Research Professor.
2
The Psychology of Criminal Conduct
Sixth Edition
James Bonta
and
D. A. Andrews
3
First published 1994
by Anderson Publishing
by Routledge
by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
and by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park,Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
The right of James Bonta and D. A. Andrews to be identified as authors of this work has been asserted in
accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any
electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and
recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only
for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
4
5
Contents
Cover
Title
Copyright
Contents
List of Figures
List of Tables
Preface
PART 1 The Theoretical Context and Knowledge Base to the Psychology of Criminal Conduct
A Look Ahead
Part 1
Part 2
Part 3
Part 4
Worth Remembering
Meta-Analyses
Moderator Variables
A Comment on Aggregated Crime Rates
Worth Remembering
Recommended Readings
Criminological Theories
6
Strain Theory
Subcultural Perspectives
Labeling and Marxist/Conflict Theories
Control Theories
Differential Association Theory
Summary of Criminological Theories
Summary
Worth Remembering
Twin Studies
Adoption Studies
Then ...
And Now ...
7
The Assessment of Psychopathy: Hare's Psychopathy Checklist (PCL-R)
Worth Remembering
Recommended Readings
Gangs
Summary
Worth Remembering
Recommended Readings
Family of Origin
Primary Prevention
Secondary Prevention Family Programs
Summary
Marital Attachments
School
Work
Leisure/Recreation
8
Neighborhood
Summary
Worth Remembering
Recommended Readings
Alcohol Abuse
Drug Abuse
Prevalence
Treating Drug Abuse
Relapse Prevention
Motivational Interviewing
Mandated Treatment and Drug Courts
PART 3 Applications
Principle 1
Principle 2
Principle 3
Principle 4
Principle 5
Principle 6
Principle 7
Principle 8
Principle 9
Principle 10
Principle 11
Principle 12
Organizational Principles
Summary
Worth Remembering
Recommended Readings
9
Assessing Predictive Accuracy
PCC and Prediction
Offender Assessment and the Principles of Risk, Need, and Responsivity
Age
Gender
Race/Ethnicity
Summary
Study methodology
Publication bias
Characteristics of the samples
Supervision and control
Type of intervention
10
GPCSL and Intervention
Worth Remembering
Recommended Readings
Training Issues
The Evaluation of STICS
Results
Summary
11
Evaluations of Intermediate Sanctions
The Unfulfilled Promise of Fairness
Summary
CHAPTER 14 Criminal Subtypes: Intimate Partner Violence, the Mentally Disordered, and
Sex Offenders
Men Who Batter: How Different Are They from Regular Criminals?
Threat/Control-Override Symptomatology
12
A Few Closing Comments
Worth Remembering
Recommended Readings
Empirical Understanding
Desistance
Good Lives Model (GLM)
Prediction Instruments
Effective Prevention and Treatment
Specific Responsivity
The Impact of a Psychology of Criminal Conduct
Conclusion and Final Comments
References
Index to Selected Acronyms
Subject Index
Name Index
13
Figures
2.1 Pearson Product Moment Correlation (r)
2.2 Area Under the Curve (AUC)
2.3 Meta-Analysis
3.1 A General Personality and Cognitive Social Learning Perspective
4.1 Identical and Fraternal Twins
4.2 The Brain
6.1 Proximal Factors Affecting the Decision to Act
10.1 LS/CMI and the Central Eight Risk/Need Factors
10.2 Four Generations of Risk Assessment
11.1 Mean Effect Size by Adherence to RNR
11.2 Adherence to RNR by Setting
11.3 Adherence to the Risk Principle
11.4 Adherence to the Need Principle
12.1 Reduction in Recidivism by CPAI Score
12.2 The STICS Training Modules
12.3 STICS Session Structure
12.4 The 2011 STICS Experiment
12.5 STICS Skills
12.6 STICS Recidivism Outcomes
12.7 STICS Discussion Content: Control vs. Low and High Support
12.8 STICS Skills: Control vs. Low and High Support
12.9 Client Outcome and Clinical Support
13.1 Martinson's Call for Deterrence
13.2 A Summary of Conditions for Punishment to Work
14.1 Effectiveness of Sex Offender Treatment: Adherence to RNR
14
Tables
2.1 Type of Covariate,Type of Application, Research Design, and Criterion Variable
2.2 Correlates and Potential Risk/Need Factors from Two Classic Cross-Sectional Studies
2.3 Reconviction Rates at Five Years by Risk Score
2.4 Conversion Chart for Interpreting Predictive Validities of Risk Instruments
3.1 The Central Eight Risk/Need Factors
3.2 Types and Sources of Control
4.1 Cross-Fostering Analysis of Criminality in Male Adoptees by Criminality of Biological and
Adoptive Parents
5.1 Psychiatric Disorders of Relevance to Antisocial Behavior
5.2 The Psychopathy Checklist-Revised™ 2nd Edition: A Sample of the Items
5.3 The PCL-R as Seen from a Psychology of Criminal Conduct
6.1 Parents as Socialization Agents for Criminal Behavior
6.2 Kohlberg's Theory of Moral Development
6.3 Techniques of Neutralization
6.4 The Criminal Sentiments Scale
7.1 Family Intervention and Recidivism
8.1 Alcohol/Drug Problem and the Level of Service
8.2 Alcohol Abuse: Prevalence with Drug Abuse and Alone
8.3 Illegal Drug Abuse: Prevalence with Alcohol Abuse and Alone
8.4 Drug Abuse Only (without Alcohol): Predictive Validity with Recidivism
8.5 A Meta-Analytic Test of Seven of the National Institute of Drug Abuse's Principles of Effective
Drug Treatment
9.1 The Risk-Need-Responsivity Model of Offender Assessment and Treatment
9.2 Risk Level and Treatment
9.3 The Seven Major Risk/Need Factors and Some Noncriminogenic Needs
10.1 Two-by-Two Prediction Accuracy Tables
10.2 Examples of Second-Generation Risk Scales and Their Items
10.3 The Dynamic Validity of the LSI-R
10.4 A Brief Sampling of the Level of Service/Case Management Inventory™
10.5 The LSI-R and Violent Recidivism
11.1 Testing the RNR Model: Independent Meta-Analytic Reviews
12.1 Mean Effect Size by Level of RNR Adherence and by Demonstration and Regular Programming
12.2 Failures in RNR Implementation
12.3 Overview of the Correctional Program Assessment Inventory-2010
12.4 Discussion Content Results
12.5 RNR-based Training Programs for One-on-One Supervision: Challenges and Solutions
13.1 Decreasing the Chances of Crime
14.1 Assessment of Intimate Partner Violence: Example Items from the SARA and ODARA
14.2 The Prevalence of Mental Disorder
14.3 Criminal and Violent Behavior among Psychiatric and Nonpsychiatric Patients
14.4 Threat/Control-Override Symptoms as a Risk Factor for Violence
14.5 GPCSL and Clinical Predictors of General and Violent Recidivism for MDOs
14.6 Predictors of Recidivism by Sample
15.1 Central Eight Risk/Need Factors and Suggested Targets for Treatment
15.2 Mean Effect Size by Targeting Criminogenic and Noncriminogenic Needs
15.3 Criminogenic and Noncriminogenic Needs:A Listing
15.4 Principles of Specific Responsivity and Treatment Recommendations
15.5 Woman-Specific Needs, Responsivity, and Treatment Recommendations
15
15.6 Specific Responsivity: Stages of Change and Motivational Interviewing
15.7 International Applications of the RNR Model
16
Preface
This sixth edition of The Psychology of Criminal Conduct (PCC) reflects a number of significant changes.
The most significant is the passing of my coauthor, colleague, and friend, Don (D. A.) Andrews on October 22,
2010. Over five editions of this text we had many lively discussions of content, organization, and how best to
convey our view of criminal behavior. For this edition, I have tried to keep true to our past discussions.
In terms of the content and organization of the present edition, there are three important changes. First, I
tried to present the content in a less complex manner, hoping to reach a broader audience. PCC brings a
hopeful message to the criminal justice system. It is a message that says that criminal offenders can be helped
to become more prosocial and that a criminal justice policy that is evidence-informed can lead to safer
communities. This message, I believe, needs to be told to as many as possible. At the same time, I am cognizant
that researchers and scholars respected PCC for its rigor and complexity. Thus, I attempted to strike a balance
between “readability” and thoroughness. I leave it to the reader to judge how well I succeeded in this goal.
The second change, and related to the first point, is an almost complete rewrite and reorganization of the
theory chapters that appeared in Chapters 3 and 4 of the fifth edition. Previous reviewers thought that our
critical review of mainstream criminology was no longer necessary. Our point had been made that psychology
must be considered in any theory of criminal conduct. In 1994 when the first edition of PCC was published,
Don and I felt strongly that criminology had become too ideologically driven and that the evidence on the
psychological, biological, and immediate social contexts as major correlates of criminal behavior was being
ignored. Too much emphasis was placed on class and social structure, and we were sharply critical of this
approach and challenged it with evidence. I hope that the reviewers were correct that this is no longer needed.
Thus, the discussion of theory is rolled into one chapter with a brief summary of criminological theories and an
overview of the theoretical perspective taken in this text: the General Personality and Cognitive Social
Learning theory. Associated with this change is that the Risk-Need-Responsivity model of offender assessment
and rehabilitation now has its own chapter.
Third, my assessment of the evidence has led me to de-emphasize the “Big Four” risk/need factors. In
previous editions of PCC, we differentiated the Central Eight risk/need factors into the top four and the more
moderate correlates. I think that an argument for such a differentiation can no longer be justified based on the
research.
Those familiar with the fifth edition of PCC will notice other changes, such as placing all the research
methodologies and statistics needed to understand the evidence in support of PCC into one chapter (Chapter 2).
Of course, new research is presented, and emerging issues are discussed (e.g. staff training in evidence-
informed supervision practices). I hope the reader will find this edition as informative as the previous one.
Words of thanks are in order for the many colleagues from around the world who so generously sent me
their most recent publications. Their contributions were an enormous help in the preparation of this book. I
would like to have listed all of their names here, but I was afraid that I would miss some. However, there are a
few colleagues that deserve added recognition because they read sections, some a whole chapter, and gave me
their feedback to ensure accuracy and readability. My appreciation for their work is extended to Paul
Gendreau, Karl Hanson, Chris Lowenkamp, Paula Smith, Yvette Thériault, Scott VanBenschoten, and Steve
Wormith. Of course, I want to thank my longtime editor, Ellen Boyne (since the first edition); my new editor,
Pam Chester; and editorial assistants Irene Bunnell and Eve Strillacci for their support and patience as I
prepared this edition.
Work on the first edition of The Psychology of Criminal Conduct began in 1993, and it was published in 1994.
During the various editions, my family has been an enormous source of encouragement. Over the years, my
children Carolyn and Mark left home to pursue new lives and careers in different cities. However, they were
still on my mind when I wrote. Through all six editions, my wife, Christine, was there to support my work on
the book. As I write in the text, for every behavior there is both a reward and a cost. When I write, I feel a
sense of accomplishment, a reward, but it also means that there is a cost—mainly less time with my wife and
our family. I am grateful to her for her patience, understanding, and support, as this enabled me to have the
necessary time to write this book. I dedicate this edition to her.
17
James Bonta
18
PART 1 The Theoretical Context and Knowledge Base to
the Psychology of Criminal Conduct
19
CHAPTER 1 An Overview of the Psychology of Criminal
Conduct
Everybody has been touched by crime and everybody wants to know why this is so. The psychology of
criminal conduct (PCC) outlined in this book seeks to answer this question. PCC describes and accounts for the
fact that not all human beings are involved in crime and those that are engaged in crime vary in the number,
type, and variety of antisocial acts. They also differ in when and under what circumstances they act in harmful
ways, and they differ in when and under what conditions they reduce and may even cease their antisocial
activity. In brief, this psychology seeks to account for variation in the criminal behavior of individuals.
If PCC has something of value to offer, it should be able to assist in predicting who will or will not commit
crimes in the future and suggest deliberate interventions that will reduce future crime. As will be seen, we will
ask PCC to not only assist in predicting and influencing criminal activity but also to explain its occurrence in
theoretical terms. That is, how do we explain the facts that some people are more into criminal behavior than
others, that some get out of it and others do not, that some start early and may or may not continue, and that
some start late and may or may not continue?
Do we need different explanations for different types of offenses (e.g. violent and nonviolent) and for
different types of people (e.g. boys and girls, men and women, white and nonwhite) in different socioeconomic
circumstances (e.g. the rich and the poor)? In this book a general theoretical explanation is presented that
argues, for the most part, that there is little need to have a specific theory for sex offenders, white-collar
criminals, female offenders, and so on. Granted, aspects of the theory need to be tweaked or adjusted, but the
grand factors remain stable across offenders and their situations.
As much as PCC values a general understanding of wide applicability, special interests are going to press for
an appreciation of their concerns in particular circumstances. Such pressure is totally understandable, greatly
appreciated, and likely to ultimately enhance the overall levels of understanding achieved. A dramatic example
currently is in the domain of feminist criminology, wherein frequent references to “unique gendered contexts”
and to the limits of male-centric theory are employed to challenge general understandings. When accompanied
by systematic empirical research, explorations of unique contexts can only strengthen understandings, be they
general or specific.
20
Definition of the Psychology of Criminal Conduct
Professionally, a psychology of criminal conduct involves the ethical application of psychological knowledge and methods to the practical
tasks of predicting and influencing the likelihood of criminal behavior and to the reduction of the human and social costs associated with
crime and criminal justice processing.
This general description makes two points. In the first place, PCC does not encompass the wide variety of
interests that psychologists have in the area of criminology. Nor does it cover the many roles that psychologists
play in criminal justice. Many psychologists are interested in the behavior of victims, legislators, voters, and
the public in general. Similarly, many psychologists are interested in the behavior of police, judges, jurists,
prison guards, probation officers, and practitioners in forensic mental health. Moreover, many psychologists in
correctional practice probably spend more time dealing with the mental health needs of offenders than with
criminality issues. All of these matters are interesting and important, but they are of concern in this text only
insofar as they contribute to an understanding of individual criminal conduct.
Second, grounds have been established for making a distinction between psychology and the other
disciplines and professions that share an interest in crime. Our focus is the criminal behavior of individuals.
That focus is different from studies of bodily systems (biology), studies of variations in aggregate measures of
crime rates and the structure of groups (sociology), and studies of the history and political economy of law and
criminal justice. As important as these interests are for a general understanding of crime and criminal justice,
they are outside the main focus of this text.
At the same time, many biologists, sociologists, social workers, political scientists, and economists share an
interest in the psychology of criminal behavior. Their contributions to the psychology of criminal behavior are
significant and will be represented throughout this text. Indeed, in the areas of the measurement of criminal
behavior and in studies of the correlates of criminal behavior, many of the most important contributions of the
last 25 years have been made by sociologists who conducted studies of the social psychological variety.
21
Values at the Base of PCC
Before describing the objectives of PCC, some statements of values are required. The psychology of criminal
behavior outlined in this book has certain values at its base. These values include a respect for human diversity
and the complexity of human behavior. Respect for human diversity entails a respect for the differences
between people that extends well beyond the socially or biologically defined categories of ethnicity, race,
gender, social class of origin, or any other broad or narrow definitions of social arrangements. Individual
differences are apparent in biology, personality, cognition, behavioral history, and social relationships in the
domains of home, school, work, leisure, and community. Are all women the same? Of course not! Are all men
the same? Of course not! Likewise, the poor are not all the same. They will differ in their biological makeup,
aspirations, personality, and social relationships. These differences are clearly recognized and valued in PCC.
Thus, PCC is very suspicious of any account of human behavior that claims that individual differences in
behavior may be attributed to any single type of variable, be it biological (e.g. a crime gene), psychological (e.g.
poor self-control), or political-economic (e.g. poverty).
This psychology is holistic and interdisciplinary at its core by being open to the contributions of any
discipline that assists in accounting for individual differences in the criminal behavior of individuals. It is also
built to serve the interests of all who are interested in the criminal behavior of individuals, be they
criminologists, sociologists, social workers, or practitioners in justice, corrections, youth services, or any other
sector of society. It should be expected to serve the public as a whole (public well-being), individual members
of the public, and any subgroup defined in psychological, socio-economic, and/or political-economic terms.
PCC values personal autonomy as a key aspect of ethical practice and rehabilitation efforts. The person is
responsible and in control of his or her behavior. In earlier editions of this book, personal autonomy was not
emphasized enough and this is corrected in the sixth edition. With the recent contributions in clinical/forensic
psychology, now, beyond valuing collaborative relationships between clinicians and offenders, respect for
personal autonomy is underscored.
This psychology of criminal conduct also respects unsparing criticism of theoretical assertions and research
findings. Unsparing criticism is a major source of advancement. At the same time, all criticism, including
criticism of theoretical and research-based assertions, is best combined with respect for evidence. Additionally,
a reduction of the costs of both crime and criminal justice processing for offenders, victims, and the general
public are viewed as highly desirable.
This sixth edition continues to suggest that there exists a general personality and cognitive social learning
perspective within PCC that has conceptual, empirical, and practical value within and across social
arrangements, clinical categories, and various personal and justice contexts. PCC seeks a rational and empirical
understanding of variation in the occurrence of criminal acts and, in particular, a rational empirical
understanding of individual differences in criminal activity.
22
Objectives of PCC
The objective of the psychology of criminal conduct (PCC) is to understand variation in the criminal
behavior of individuals. In order to understand this objective, we need to dissect what we mean by criminal
behavior and variation.
“Criminal behavior” suggests a large number and variety of acts. Specific meanings vary according to the
concerns of users of the phrase as well as with historical and social contexts (Mannheim, 1965). This text draws
upon four definitions of criminal behavior and will be most concerned with those acts that fit within the
domains of all four definitions. These four definitions are as follows:
1. Legal: Criminal behavior refers to actions that are prohibited by the state and punishable under the
law.
2. Moral: Criminal behavior refers to actions that violate the norms of religion and morality and are
believed to be punishable by supreme spiritual beings.
3. Social: Criminal behavior refers to actions that violate the norms of custom and tradition and are
punishable by the community.
4. Psychological: Criminal behavior refers to actions that may be rewarding to the actor but inflict pain
or loss on others. That is, criminal behavior is antisocial behavior.
Criminal acts, no matter which of the four above-noted definitions are employed, are part of a more general
class of behavior that social psychologists have been calling “problem behavior” or “deviant behavior” since the
1970s (e.g. Jessor & Jessor, 1977; Ullmann & Krasner, 1976). Thereby, the essence of deviant acts is that their
occurrence places the actor at risk of being targeted for interventions by figures of authority, control,
regulation, and assistance. Problematic acts may occasion the intervention of parents, teachers, religious
leaders, and neighbors. They may place the actor at risk of being attended to by mental health professionals, or
by an army of regulators of business, labor, professional practice, government, and civil and human rights.
The psychological definition of crime as antisocial behavior is best combined with the broader definition of
“problem behavior.” If not so combined, some of the non-deviant practices of dentists, surgeons, and teachers
would surely be judged criminal. No definition of criminal behavior is totally satisfactory. Over the years,
criminologists have proposed definitions of criminal behavior that were culturally and morally dependent (e.g.
homosexuality was a crime in many countries until recently and remains a crime today in some countries). It
was also argued that since most people have broken the law or hurt someone at some point in their lives,
criminal behavior was normative. However, with thanks to Ullmann and Krasner (1976), our working
definition of criminal behavior is as follows:
Criminal behavior refers to antisocial acts that place the actor at risk of becoming a focus of the attention of criminal justice professionals
within the juvenile and/or adult justice systems.
An important positive function of this psychological definition (i.e. criminal behavior as antisocial behavior)
is to prevent us from losing touch with characteristics of offenders and the pain of victims.
As defined earlier, criminal behavior refers to acts that are injurious and prohibited under the law, and
render the actor subject to intervention by justice professionals. The specific acts included are many and they
may change over time and from culture to culture. However, the acts of theft, robbery, and physical assault
appear to be consistently denounced and punished across time and culture. Variation in the occurrence of acts
23
injurious to others is the primary focus of the psychology of crime, even though antisocial acts may not always
be prohibited under the law and, under some temporal and cultural circumstances, may even be prescribed (for
example, killing the enemy under conditions of war). With a general perspective, it makes sense to explore the
idea that variation in both types of injurious behavior may be predicted, influenced, and explained by the same
general psychology of human conduct.
The differences in the occurrence of criminal behavior are truly amazing. Criminal behavior is not black and
white; that is, committing a criminal or antisocial act does not define a person or his or her destiny. Just
because someone commits an assault does not mean he or she is a dangerous or violent person that will never
change. PCC wants to understand the variability in criminal acts. Variation in the occurrence of antisocial
behavior at the individual level is of two types. First, people differ in the number, type, and variety of criminal
acts in which they engage. This variation is typically referred to as inter-individual differences or the
differences between people. Simply reflecting upon your own social circle, you may find examples of inter-
individual differences. Some may have a criminal record and others do not, and there may be people that you
know who use illicit drugs or are abusive to their partners.
In addition, variation is found over time and across situations for particular individuals. This variation is
called intra-individual variation and refers to differences within the person either over time or in different
situations. Once again, simple self-observation may demonstrate this variation. For example, you may note
that when you were a teenager you engaged in some criminal activity or that you are more likely to lose your
temper when intoxicated than when sober.
Systematic observation (i.e. empirical research) yields more detailed information on the variation of criminal
conduct of individuals. To illustrate, we examine an important longitudinal study of crime from the United
Kingdom. The Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development (CSDD) was initiated by Donald West and has
continued under the leadership of David Farrington (Farrington, Auty, Coid, & Turner, 2013; Theobald &
Farrington, 2014). The CSDD began with a sample of 411 mostly white boys about the age of eight drawn from
a working class district in south London, England (West & Farrington, 1977). From 1961 to 1962, the boys, their
parents, and their teachers were interviewed, and official records of convictions were collected. This sample
has been followed through the years with interviews and checks for criminal convictions. Most recently,
interview data is available on 93 percent of the sample at age 48 and criminal record data up to the age 56 (31
of the men had died by age 56). Here are some results from the CSDD demonstrating the variability in criminal
conduct:
Overall, 42 percent of the sample had a criminal conviction by age 56. From a total of 829 offenses
committed by these men over the follow-up, the most frequent were nonviolent (a total of 656
nonviolent compared with 173 violent offenses).
Seven percent of the sample had ten or more convictions, and this 7 percent of "chronic offenders"
accounted for 52 percent of the total number of convictions.
Five percent of the boys were first convicted of an offense at age 14; 31.9 percent between the age of 10
and 20; 8.7 percent between the ages of 21 and 40; and 1.5 percent over the age of 40.
The number of men reporting criminal behavior was three times that of officially documented
convictions with over 10,700 offenses admitted.
Surveys of the findings of many research studies similar to the one just described have established a few of
the basic facts regarding the criminal behavior of official offenders—facts that have been established in many
areas of the world. Individual differences in criminal behavior are substantial:
1. Individual differences in criminal activity are apparent in many ways. They may be inferred from
knowledge of aggregated crime rates based on both official records of crime and surveys of victims.
They are discovered more directly by systematic surveys of criminal histories (officially defined or
self-reported) and by systematic studies of criminal futures (officially defined or self-reported).
2. Individual differences in criminal activity are apparent within samples of people differentiated by
country of origin, gender, age, race, social class, and any other means of differentiating subgroups of
humanity.
3. While victim- and self-reported crime rates are much higher than rates based on official records, the
24
demographic correlates (e.g. being young, male, nonwhite, poor) of criminal activity remain very
similar for different measures of criminal activity.
4. Official recidivism rates vary with the specific measure of official processing employed (for example,
arrested versus convicted versus incarcerated) and with length of the follow-up period.
5. Repeat offenders, a small subset of all offenders, account for a disproportionate amount of total
criminal activity. Careful study of criminal careers over the life span reveals, however, that early,
frequent, serious, and violent offending represent a small number of cases.
PCC has much to understand and explain given the facts of the differences in the criminal behavior of
individuals.
25
A Look Ahead
Part 1 of the text includes three chapters that summarize the empirical base and theoretical context of PCC.
Part 2 surveys the major risk/need factors, including the risk/need factors referred to as the “Central Eight.”
Part 3 gives a detailed review of applications of PCC in the areas of prediction and effective intervention along
with an exploration of how PCC can be applied to some specific criminal subpopulations. Part 4 pr esents the
summary and conclusions.
Part 1.
Following the introductory material of Chapter 1, Chapter 2 lays out how we examine research findings and
understand the empirical basis to PCC. For many students, Chapter 2 will serve as a primer on research designs
and statistics. The word “primer” is emphasized. This chapter is not meant to be comprehensive summary of
research methodology but will provide sufficient detail to give the reader an appreciation of the science in
support of PCC. The value of PCC does not simply reside in theoretical satisfaction (Part 2) but also in the
empirical support for PCC and, as described in Part 4, its applications.
Chapter 3 summarizes the dominant theoretical perspectives on criminal conduct. A variety of perspectives
from the criminological and psychological traditions are reviewed and compared with a General Personality
and Cognitive Social Learning perspective. The General Personality and Cognitive Social Learning (GPCSL)
perspective outlines how key personal and social relationship variables interact with the environment to shape
criminal behavior.
Part 2.
Chapters 4 through 8 explore potential sources of variability in criminal behavior that in total have been
major preoccupations for years within mainstream criminology. These chapters also summarize much of the
research around what GPCSL calls the “Central Eight” risk/need factors. In Chapter 4, biological origins are
reviewed along with genetics and the mediating variable of temperament (or personality as it emerges through
the interaction of biology and the environment). We will suggest that genetics and personality are well-
established risk factors for criminal activity, but only temperament/personality will enter our Central Eight set
of major risk/need factors (Chapter 5).
Chapter 6 explores procriminal associates and attitudes. Chapter 7 extends the discussion of the person in a
variety of social contexts, including family of origin, marriage and romantic attachments, school/work,
leisure/recreation, and neighborhoods. The focus of Chapter 8 is on substance abuse and crime.
Part 3.
Chapters 9 through 14 are concerned with applications of PCC through practical prediction and
rehabilitative programming, including the failure to treat, to offender subtypes. Chapter 9 describes the
relationship between GPCSL theory with the Risk-Need-Responsivity (RNR) model of offender assessment and
rehabilitation, which has become the premier model to guide applications in corrections and criminal justice.
Chapter 10 describes how the RNR model has influenced the development of offender risk/need instruments.
The inter-relationship between the RNR model and offender assessment is illustrated by the development and
application of the Level of Service assessment instruments. A history of offender rehabilitation and present
status is discussed in Chapter 11. A careful examination of the evidence shows that rehabilitation can be
effective in reducing criminal behavior, and dramatically so, if the rehabilitation programs follow the
principles of the RNR model. Chapter 12 outlines a major challenge in applications of the PCC knowledge.
Tightly controlled programming in the context of short-term demonstration projects reveal positive effects that
26
greatly exceed those found in “real world” programs. Real-world programs take what is shown to be effective
in a small demonstration and then tries to apply it on a large scale. Moving from the small, controlled study to
the real world is fraught with challenges and “technology transfer” has become a most exciting emerging field
of study.
Although a strong case is made for offender rehabilitation, deterrence is immensely popular. Getting tough
and punishing more swiftly and with more force is thought to deter criminal activity. Drawing upon the
evidence and the psychology of punishment, Chapter 13 will demonstrate that deterrence does not work in
reducing crime. In fact, a policy of deterrence has only resulted in increased financial costs to taxpayers and
misery for countless offenders, their victims, and members of the community at large.
Chapter 14 extends applications of PCC with special groups including the mentally ill and explores our
understanding of violence in its many forms (intimate partner violence and sexual violence).
Part 4.
Chapter 15 assesses the extent to which PCC achieves the objectives that were outlined in Chapter 1.
27
Worth Remembering
1. Definitions of criminal behavior draw upon legal, moral, social, and psychological factors. In PCC,
criminal behavior is behavior that brings attention and intervention from the criminal justice system.
2. The objective of PCC is to understand variation in the criminal behavior of individuals. This
variation can occur between people (inter-individual): Why does Joey commit crimes but not Sally?
Variation can also occur within the individual (intra-individual): Why does Joey behave badly in one
situation but not in another, and why was Sally always in trouble as a youth but not as an adult?
These are the questions PCC seeks to answer.
28
CHAPTER 2 The Empirical Basis to the Psychology of
Criminal Conduct
The understanding of criminal behavior sought by the psychology of criminal conduct (PCC) is empirical,
theoretical, and practical. In brief, this means that psychology seeks explanations of criminal conduct that are
consistent with the findings of systematic observation, rationally organized, and useful to people with practical
interests in criminal behavior. These three interrelated aspects of understanding criminal conduct are stressed
throughout the text.
Empirically, PCC seeks knowledge not only of the observable facts regarding the nature and extent of
individual variation in criminal conduct, but also knowledge of the biological, personal, interpersonal,
situational, and social variables associated with or correlated with criminal behavior. These are termed
covariates and include the correlates of individual differences in a criminal history and the predictors of the
criminal futures of individuals. The predictors are called risk factors, and when those risk factors are dynamic
(subject to change), they are called dynamic risk factors (or criminogenic needs). Perhaps most importantly,
PCC seeks knowledge of the causes of criminal conduct. Causal covariates offer the potential to influence the
likelihood of a criminal act through deliberate intervention. These three types of covariates—correlates,
predictors, and causal variables—may, once again, be found in biology, personality, attitudes and beliefs,
aptitudes and skills, learning history, family, peer relationships, broader social arrangements, and the
immediate situation of action.
Although the aforementioned appears straightforward, distractions from our quest for an empirical
understanding are many. The snake oil salesman is alive and well in the criminal justice system (Flagel &
Gendreau, 2008; Gendreau, Smith, & Thériault, 2009). Latessa, Cullen, and Gendreau (2002) described a number
of theories and interventions that have little basis in evidence and yet are accepted almost without question.
They called this “correctional quackery” and gave such examples as acupuncture, pet therapy, and drama
therapy. How do we differentiate quackery and snake oil from true evidence? In part, the answer lies in a solid
understanding of the scientific method, including the application of statistics to the research findings. This
chapter is not meant to provide a comprehensive summary of research design and statistics. It is intended to
give the necessary foundation to make decisions about whether the results from studies are worth considering
or should be thrown into the garbage bin. Therefore, this chapter presents a primer on research designs and the
statistics used in much of the research of interest to PCC.
29
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no related content on Scribd:
Kauhea tunne on saada edelliseen sukupolveen sidotut juuret
näennäisesti ylös revityiksi ja sanoa: »Nyt olen irti, minä seison
omilla jaloillani ilman mitään vanhempaa perustetta, mihin voisin
nojautua». Mutta semmoinen ihminen uskokoon, että Jumala on
Abrahamin Jumala, ja että kaikki elävät Hänestä, ja että me emme
seiso yksin tai omin apuinemme yhtä vähän kuin lapsena
ollessamme äitimme rinnoilla.
»Vähän ajan perästä ette näe minua, ja taas vähän ajan perästä te
näette minut; sillä minä menen Isän tykö», sanoi Herramme
puhuessaan omasta kuolemastaan murheellisille oppilailleen. Joh.
16:16. Ja jos näin on Kristuksen kanssa, silloin on samoin myös
niitten kanssa, jotka ovat Kristuksen omat ja joita me rakastamme.
He ovat osalliset Hänen kuolemaansa ja sentähden myös osalliset
Hänen ylösnousemiseensa. Uskokaamme tämä siunattu sanoma
kokonaan ja olkaamme rauhassa. Vähän aikaa näemme heitä, ja
vähän ajan kuluttua emme näe heitä. Mutta miksi emme? Siksi että
he ovat menneet Isän tykö — kaiken elämän ja voiman, kaiken valon
ja rakkauden lähteeseen ja alkuperään, että he saisivat elämää
Hänen elämästään, voimaa Hänen voimastaan, valoa Hänen
valostaan, rakkaudestaan — eikä varmaankaan turhan takia.
Totisesti ei turhan takia. Sillä jos he seurasivat Kristusta täällä maan
päällä eivätkä käyttäneet lahjojaan ainoasti itseään varten, jos he
tulevat Kristuksen kaltaisiksi nähdessään Hänet semmoisena kuin
Hän on, niin totisesti eivät he käytä lahjojaan itseään varten, mutta
Kristuksen tavalla käyttävät niitä rakkaittensa hyväksi. He voivat
varmaankin samoin kuin Kristus tulla ja mennä näkymättöminä.
Samoin kuin Kristus voivat he kenties hengähtää rauhattomiin
sydämiimme ja sanoa: »Rauha olkoon teille!» Eikä se ole turhaan —
sillä mitä he tekivät meidän edestämme ollessaan vielä maan päällä,
sen he voivat tehdä paljoa kokonaisemmin ollessaan taivaassa. He
näyttävät jättäneen meidät ja me kenties itkemme ja murehdimme.
Mutta se päivä on tuleva, jolloin harso otetaan pois silmiltämme ja
me näemme heidät semmoisina kuin he ovat — Kristuksen kanssa
ja Kristuksessa ijankaikkisesti — emmekä enää muista suruamme
ilon tähden, että vielä yksi ihmisolento on tullut ainoaan totiseen,
todelliseen ja ijankaikkiseen maailmaan, jossa ei ole tautia, ei
epäjärjestystä, muutosta, katoovaisuutta eikä kuolemaa, sillä sehän,
ei ole muu kuin Isän helma.
M.S.S. Sermons.
SYNNIN SYVYYDESTÄ.
Jumala tietää yhtä hyvin kuin te, jopa tuhannen kertaa paremmin,
mitä vastaan teidän on taisteltava. Hän tietää sen — mitäpä Hän ei
tietäisi? Rukoilkaa sentähden Häntä. Huutakaa Hänen puoleensa,
että Hän tekisi teidän tahtonne Hänen oman tahtonsa kaltaiseksi,
jotta te rakastaisitte, mitä Hän rakastaa, vihaisitte, mitä Hän vihaa ja
tekisitte, mitä Hän toivoo teidän tekevän; näin tulette te varmaan
huomaamaan todeksi, että ne, jotka koettavat tehdä oikein ja
kuitenkin tietävät, etteivät he itse voi tehdä oikein, Jumala on johtava
oikeaan.
National Sermons
National Sermons.
National Sermons.
National Sermons.
National Sermons.