Akadmiai Kiad

The Introduction of Staff Notation into Middle Europe Author(s): Janka Szendrei Reviewed work(s): Source: Studia Musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, T. 28, Fasc. 1/4 (1986), pp. 303319 Published by: Akadmiai Kiad Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/902429 . Accessed: 01/02/2012 17:42
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Akadmiai Kiad is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Studia Musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae.

http://www.jstor.org

VARI A

The

Introduction
Middle

of

Staff Europe

Notation

into

Janka SZENDREI of When the figured bass practice, this seemingly simple innovaticn historyit reflected, music in first appeared the European technique, notational to fact, a completelynovel approach handlingand surveying as a matter of was music,a new musicalhearingproper.The new approach both generating the case beingthat it was only through andsubjectto the notationalchanges the alterednotationaltechniquethat the new attitude couldfully materialize thus in the field of melody formation,rhythm, form and instrumentation, essentiallyin all areasof musicalthinking. The introductionof staff notation broughtalong similarbut even more changes.The changein musicalattitude can be easily detrectred fundamental And it behind the innovationthat appearsto have been purely technical. of a long processof development marksin this instance,too, the beginning would be in music history that extended over many centuriesand which and inherentinspirawithout the new possibilities completelyunimaginable of notation.Theintroductien staff notationis a prerequisite tions of the musical aid of and an immense forexactlydemonstrating and at the sametime a result the it relationships; promotes apperception and the tonal structure the interval it renderspessibleto compare of pitches throughdirect kinetic experiences; soundsandlast but not leastto arrive produced or simultaneously subsequently and large-scalesurvey of the temporal at an articulated comprehension progress. Attempts at notation can, of course, be traced back to times before of the A. D. 1000.Byzantineand similarschoolsoffera symbolicpresentation appliedin the Latin regionare much individualtones. The neumaticscripts The more in agreementwith the sensory elements of the melodic motion. be combinedthroughthe advantagesof these two trends could, however, staff notation only wherebyan exactly readiblemusicalscript of expressive at this forcecameinto being.The musichistoryof the east and west deviated with point ultimately or at least for long centuriesto come, simultaneously
28, 1986 Studia Mus?coloSica Academiae Scientiarum HunSaricae Budapest Akaddmiai Kiado,

304

J. Szendrei:T/te Intlodlfetionof Staff Notation

the great schism of the church. The diffusion of the new notational style throughout westein Europe started in the middle of the 11th century at a space and in a manner varying from region to region. The question arises here what was taking place in the "third historical region" of Europe at the time. The present paper tries to give an introduction into this set of problems. In the course of the investigation particular stress will be laid on those factors which, based on my previous research and the methodological insights gained by examining the history of Hungarian notation, shed new light on the subject matter in question. Problems of paleography considered to be common places in music history are not treated at any length, nor is an in-depth analysis given.
'

Staff notation was introduced into the European seriptoria susceptible to innovation and standing in the vanguard of progress in the time between the middle of the 11th century and the end of the 12th century, a period of one century and a half. It was, however, mostly in the 12th century that the nuluber of reformed scriptoria increased considerably and the movement spread over large geographic areas. In spite of that, European notational practice did not become homogeneous by the beginning of the 13th century. On the contrary, the notational rnap was never marked by such a variety and diversity than in exactly these decades. Certain scriptoria arrived at what seems to be the final conclusions concerningthe introduction of staff and the assessment of its capabilities: It was exactly in the esecathedralsin and around Paris where the western European polyphonic art music emerged. Oll the other hand, there were contiguous territories (such as e.g. northern and central Italy) where staff notation came into widespreaduse which may be attributed to the decision of an archdiocese and the network of the connected churches. In soIlle other regions such as the German-speakinglands the staff notation waJssporadically introduced into some remote scriptoria but not into the numerousrest. In these cases the reforlnwas mostly carriedout in the monasteries of the individual religious orders while the diocesan organization retained the old neumatic notation. It may have occurred in these same regions that though the authors of treatises on HlUSiC theory experimented with staff notation they failed to accord every-day practice with theory. Some important <archdioceses with a long tradition of their own-like for exatmple Lyon in the very middle of the advallced French notational region-refused to introduce staff notation for the sole reason to stress thereby their political independence. The examples could be continued without end since the attitude
Studia lliustcolcgica Academiae SciontiseFies Hegtg.riccle 28, 1986

of J. Szendrei:The Introduction Staff Notation

305

The towardsthe notationalreforlnwas influencedby a variety of factors.1 pictureof the notationalmap is to be ascribednot solely to the multifarious differencein time when the staff notation was introduced,so to say to the of The differentiation the types of notation was also unequaldevelopment. whichresultedin the processes at culminating this time. Innertransformation disintegrationof certain dialects into additional sets of variants may be observedeven with the survivingneumaticnotations without staff-most of Togetherwith the music all in the case of the Germanneumaticnotation.2 notational staff notationsthe numberof the European pictureof the reformed variants increasedall of a sudden to the multiple. Smits van Waesverghe himselftook the notationthe that Guido, innovator pointedout convincingly al customs of his own country as starting point and placed the middle Italian neumeformson the staff.3The melody materialhe wrote down was chant" this being no more than an abstract term not "the Gregorian but a concrete liturgical musical repertory, most probably that of the Cathedralof Arezzo which played a prominentpart in the 11th century. The reformedscriptoria following Guido were generally acting in much the same spirit. They adopted, whereverit was possible,the locally used thus the melodicvariantof the local neumeformsto the staff and recorded liturgical tradition by means of the new method which was the first to "express"intervals. There is no need to stress that while doing so a new notational picture arose since the adaptation of the various neume systems to the staff did not take place without alterations.An even greater numberof new solutionscan be observedin cases whenin the processof the notational reformmixed notations emergedfor reasonsnot discussedhere. researchthe importanceof the so-called "contact Though in paleographic neumesystems"over and above the "pure"neumeshas recentlybeen recogof the work,4 quersion the introduction nized,whichis mainlydueto S. Corbin's
1As to the introduction of the staff notation informations are to be found mostlv in Smits van Waesberghe, J. 1953 and in Stablein, B. 1975. See further Corbin, S. 197, Stephan, R. 1956, Irtenkauf, W. 1960, Schlager, K. 1984. The definition of the notations in the tractats: lIuglo, H. 1971. 2 Besides the Southern German neumatic notations (with a rounded pes and the 1 form vtrga), another dialect of the usual German neumes has been formed of a more conservative approach to preserving the traditional signs (with rounded pes and simple virga without episema or any other kind of "head" in drawing). We can observe in this type a number of small individual peculiarities in the realization of the signs (e.g. horizontal strokes-puncta Nplana-instead of points in the scandicus, puncta rotundain the form of the climacus), moreover a distinct character is shown in the "stilization" of the notation. See MGG 4 (1965), Taf. 21; MGG 7 (1958), Taf. 50, Abb. 2.- PalMus 3 (1892) pl. 128/A; Grove 13 (1980), 135, facsimile Nr. 10.; Angerer, J. 1979, facsimilia between p. 26 and 27.; Szendrei J. 1983, facsimile Nr. 55., etc. aSmits van Waesberghe, J. 1953, 67-71. 4Corbin, S. 1977, passim, first of all in 3.73-3.131 (the analysis of the French neumes). Cf. Corbin, S. 1980 (Grove), 130, 132.
St?sdia M?ssicoloSicaAcademiae Sci,entiarum BunQricae 28, -1986

20

J. Szendrei:The Introduction Stajf oj

306

Notatzon

of staff and of the contact neumes, that is of the relationship between notational mixtures is still left the new essentially unanswered. Investigations have shown that there are several among the 12th century significant formations reformed notations reorganizingthe traditional elements which have not even been given a name in the currently used nology. These new terminotational combinations enrich the map of scripts and modify its original inner boundaries. In this period the changedfor other reaeons as notational boundaries well: it occurred that some notation type developingby leaps and bounds theiroriginal place such superseded, simply removed other notations from as the staff notation of Normandy which thearchaic neumatic script of Bretagne.s replaced It is by no means easy to find one's way in this extremely period the European of eventful history of notation which can be said to be tionary many respects. in revoluPioneering work must be done western in research as the musical paleography which may look upon a always given preferenceto considerable past has investigating the first period of the cal script unfamiliar with staff history of ulusiyet and has neglected second the examination of the phase in comparison. As far as relevant research up to date is concerned it could be mainly centred two new insights. I on do deem that these two carrying a larger out view-points will facilitate research project, that is drawing up the history of middle European notations. the The first new view-point may also be worded as a notation related to is thesis: the reform in among other important factors the overall church reform movement which was later and hence called ''GEregorian" ascribed to Pope GregoryVII (1075-1085) but started at the end already. "Gregorian" of the 10th century The reform spirit formed the the ideological background of notational reform as well while the "Gregorian" of effective the movement itself was one promoters of its spreading. Space does not permit an in-depth treatment of the only considerations some above thesis thus will be added. In the literature explanation is mostly soughtthe case when for the staff notation was not introduced into a region or group of scriptoria. certain The region to hold out reformthe territory of the longest against the was the Germannotation its among other reasons, neumatic signs were, the least because suitable for being placed on Beneventan Aquitanian the staff.6The and script areas were also long the on grounds reforln unwilling to accept perhaps which is also stated in writing that their
Corbin, S. 1977, 3.82. Stablein, B. 1975, 57. Cf. Lipphardt, W. different Wagner, P. way: 1912, 323; Stablein, B.1961 (MGG), Sp. 1619. Explained in a 1975. 55 and 57.
5 6

St1wdta MustcoloSica Academzae Sczentxarz4m Hz4nSaricae28, 198G

of J. Szendrei:The Introductton Staff Notation

307

notation was advanced enough, "almost exactly readable" and thus no need this early, revolutionary phase of the introduction of staff notation if somebody did make the decisive step and took its consequences; similarly, it is rather the successes in the life of Guido that require explanation than his difficulties. The introduction of staff notation in the 11th and 12th centuries can by no means be regardedas internal matters of music theory and music education as we would be inclined to do by projecting the present state of affairs into the past. The importance of this reform was immediately recognized by the non-musician contemporaries as well. Not that they foresaw what we are aware now: that it would lay the basis for the special western European path of musical development. Guido's innovation made great demands on his contemporaries because art music was closely connected with all the traditional spheres of the cultural and social life of the time and in whatever sphere changes took place they necessarilyaffected the whole system. The educational network was completely interwoven with the in#titutions of the church. Not only to the extent that the bishop or the Pope had jurisdiction over educational affairs. The practical side must have been more decisive: the curriculum and the actual training at school were primarily preparing pupils for what was going on at church. Their instruction did not aim at a service to be performedsome time in the future but at current tasks since both pupils and masters were actively participating in the sung liturgical servic of the church parallel with their work at school everywhere. In places where, departing from the earlier practice music with staff notation wa# all of a sudden introduced to learn and sing from, the entire stock of codices of the church had to be sooner or later replaced by books much more espensive than the old ones. Music written on staves takes up much more room than the neumatic script occupying a thin band only. This required funda had resulted in the transformation of the work of the scriptoria. At the beginning the books could not be copied at all since the melodies had to be deciphered and the song books themselves rearranged.Contemporariesmust have been at a loss to sense a break in the continual tradition which, though hardly perceptible at the beginning became all the more evident later on, as the change of the music picture and the altered learning process influenced the traditional sounding ideal surviving in many places. The introduction of staff entailed an immense change of the function of for a reform was felt.7 In my opinion it calls much more for explanation in notation as well. The neumatic script, a device to be interpreted in many
7

Hiley, D. 1980 (Grove), 350.

Studta Musicolovica Academwe Scientiarum Ht4nvaricae 28, 1986

20*

308

J. Szendret:The Introd?ctzon Staff Notation of

ways and lagging behind, accompanying or reminding of the local practice was now replaced by a notation capable of becoming a, norm, preceding practice and determining its course of development, if necessary. This must have been the content element that made the new notation attractive in the eyes of the promoters of the church reform movement. Apart from its lively politica,l history the movement showed interesting cultural aspirations as well in that it made efforts to give a, new impulse to the general development of the intellectual life, to promote the use of written records and lawfulness, to raise the level of schools and to realize tendencies of powerful centralization parallel with rationalizing the local customs. (One of the dubious results of the GEregoria,n reforms was for example the substitution of the Roman ceremonial for the ancient Mozarabicrite.) It stands to reason that the GFuidonian notation, which was capable of becoming a norm in practice, lent itself better for purifying, controlling and guiding the liturgical singing tradition than the one-time neumes of mnemonic function that wereinterpreted according to local customs in each case. On investigating the first communities to introduce staff notation we come upon centres in middle Italy (Tuscia, Aemilia, etc.) that were firm supporters of the reform movement as well. The Camaldolians offer the most striking example in this respect.They were one of the driving intellectual forces behind the preparation of the reform movement and stuck to it all through; at the same timethey adopted the Guidonian notation back in the second half of the 11thcentury and acted as a kind of official "producers" of this script. (The Camaldolian order of Italy copied codices with staff notation ever for Spain; itis highly probable that the centuries old local tradition there could not havebeen replaced without the notational reforin.)8The example of the Camaldolians was followed by a11 those religious orders embracing the reform and thriving in the 12th century. The Carthusian, Cisterciatl and Premonstratensian orders were using staff notation. It is another question whether were actually handing over and they disseminatingit in their surroundings. would seem natural to answerin the It affirmative; concrete cases support, however, assumption that they were not. the It is appropriate to raise the point here, my second thesis that has stood test of a working theory up till now, the that the variety of notations prevailing great abundance in the 12th century in did not exist side by side in state of variegated confusion but rather a in a kind of order which coincided with boundaries and the organization of the the church establishments making use the given script. These boundaries of were fairly stable in the era under
8

Smits van Waesberghe,J. 1953, 70, cf. 76.

Sttbdia Mtbsicoloaica Academiae Scientiarum Xt4naricae 28, 1986

of J. Szendres:The Introduction Staff Notatson

309

investigation. No cathedral scriptorium is known to have changed over to the notation applied by some of the centralized monactic orders, such as the Cistercian monks, and the situation the other way round is still less probable. In the reformed orders statutes were already protecting the preservation of the integrity of the notational customs.9 At this age the existence of an own type of notation figured already among the means of exprering the identity of a given system of institutions. The fact that by the end of the 12th century such a varied multiplicity of musical notations evolved which harmonized with the structure of the ecclesiastical communitieswas largely attributable to the development of the different staff notations. As mentioned before the Guidonian notations were, from a formal point of view, locally transformed scripts based on certain common general principles and recorded the local melodic traditions. It is thus natural that these two factors determine the boundaries of their scope of validity. We don't think that such "boundaries" could be stable. The main points were for me that the co-existence of the notational types was governed by a certain logic, that their social conditions could be investigated and their consistent handing over might also be attributed to a conscious attitude. As a matter of fact, the staff notation applied in Eungary in the 12th century which is just one example of the specific combinations of the Guidonian notations-provided a warning to take the script boundaries seriously. This is a unique system of symbols created out of elements not traceable anywhere else for the time being.l There is no knowledge of its diffusion outside Hungary later on, for example in the time of its flourishing. The boundaries of the Esztergom or, so to say, Hungarian notation coincide with the frontiers of the medieval Hungary. So in the 12th century a musical notation could become a token of identity for the establishments of the secular churches, that is bishophries, chapters and parishesjust as well.-The coincidencewith political frontiersis evidently of secondary importance in this instance. That it was nevertheless so firm is characteristic of the Hungarian situation. By the way, in the 12th century the archbishopricof Esztergom, where the Hungarian staff notation evolved, was known to be a follower of the churchreformmovement, since the rule of Coloman Beauclerc (1095 1116)
Marosszeki,S. 1952, 29. Cf. Huglo, M. 1967, 121-123. 9Rubrics of the Cistercians: See further: Stablein, B. 1976, 56-57; Sunol, G. 1935, 387-391; lIuglo, M. 1971, 349and 367; Szendrei,J. 1985b.Like the sources of the Cisterciansthose of the Camaldulians Carhusians(partly the Premonstratensians,too) have the unmistakablefeatures in the notation. Although this mannerwas not so strictly regulatedlike in the case of the new orders of the 13th century (Franciscans, Black Friars), they strove, nevertheless, to keep their identity in music writing, too. 10SzendreiJ. 1983 and 1985^.Cf. SzendreiJ.-Rybarid, R. 1982.
Sttbdia MtbeicoloicaAcademiae Scientiartbm Etbnaaricae 28, 1986

310

J. Szendrei:The Introduction Staff Notation of

and the kings of Hungary supportedRome's political strivings directed against the imperial power.ll
*

The century and a half we have been dealing so far, that is the period of the introduction of staff notation is undoubtedly one of the golden eras of the history of musical notation in Europe. It is all the more astonishing to see how little researchhas been done into it. The maps of the European notation drawn up to cover medieval monody are static: none of them is constructed in a way to be able to express changes in time as well.l2 Comprehensive studies dealing with the history and the various cases of the introduction of staff notation are still missing. Several reformed notations have not even been given a name, though some include important individual solutions which have never been reproducedin facsimile so far.13 To gain a completely clear view of the notational reformin eastern Europe the Polish source material must be submitted first of all to thorough analyses and the identification of provenance. This work seems to be momentarily yielding negative results for the most part as the staff was not introduced into the diocesan centres of the Polish region at the end of the 12th century yet, and German neumatic notation was used in its stead.l4 At this time of history Guidonian notation was applied in the territory of Poland by the reformed monasteries only, above all by the Cistercian order which wae particularly liked there and which used its peculiarly shaped beautiful French-Messine mixed script.15In the scriptoria of the dioceses the staff notation appeared in the second half of the 13th century; there German-Messine contact neumes were introduced almost immediately in a Gothicized form. They seem to have been taken over in a perfect state and did not spread widely until the 14th century.l6 This process of evolution is not unique: it completely coincides in time with that of the northern and middle Germanregions.l7At the moment
ll Magyarorszag tortenete 1/2, 1984, 922-926, 953, 1179-1180, 1215-1218, 1235-1238, 1242-1244. 12 Sunol, G. 1935, Planche B; Le Graduel II. 1957, carte 2; Corbin,S. 1980 (Grove), Map 1-3. 13 Cf. Goller,G. 1969.An experimentto put the SouthernGermanneunls unto staff is documentedin the music fragments preservedin the boundings of the Cod 130. and Cod. 177. of the Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek. 14 Feicht, H. 1963 and 1965; Sutkowski, A. 1965; Feldmann, F. 1938;Musica Medii Aevi 1965-; Morawski,J. 1973; Miazga,T. 1981 and 1984; Muzyka religijna w Polsce 1975-. Germanneume notation of Polish provenance:MusicaMediiAevi I (1965), facsimilia Nr. 1-3; MGG 2 (1952), Sp. 285. 15 Facsimilia:MusicaMediiAevi I (1965),Nr. 4, 23, 29-32. Cf. Corbin, S. 1977,Taf. 14; Musica Medii Aevi III (1968), Nr. 10-19 and 21-23. The facsimile published in Corbin,S. 1980 (Grove, 135, Ex. 8.) with the inscription "Polish neumes"is of Cistercian origin. 16 Miazga, T. 1984, 34-44 17 Harting, M. 1963, passim.
Studia MusicoloSica Academiae Scienfia*flm Hu7?yaricae28, 1986

of The Introduction Staff Notat?,on J. Szendrez:

311

only one single source seems to slightly contradict (Evangeliary from Plock, the provenance of which ought to be scrutinized), which is written in German semi-diastemicneumes without staff mixed with some MeFine signs and dates from the middle of the 12th century.l8 Such a music picture of notation was generally preceding the reform applying staff. The question arises whether the Polish material does not contain after all data referring to the earlier execution of the reform? Was it actually a Polish scriptorium where the here surviving early combination of the two neumatic systems took place? There is no doubt that before being able to safely claim that the history of staff notation in Poland followed the "German path" and starting to examine the political, historical and jurisdictional reasons of this fact control researches are needed. The Polish source material would also prove suitable for testing the stability of the boundaries between the various systems of establishments. There were numerous very active Cistercian monasteries in this region. Is it porible that the country's scriptoria ignored the superior reformed notation of the Cistercian monks? Did not they place an order for a codex with Cistercian monasteries? Even the monasteries were not free from the influence of their environment: this is clearly shown by the increaee of their song repertory, moreover, by additional features of their notation in the 14th century.l9These problems will remain unsolved for a while yet. The answers received till now unambiguously bear out that the boundaries between the institutions stable. On the present Czech-Moravianterritories the medieval notational practice of the dioceses Prague and Olmutz (Olomouc)must be examined. Questions concerningthe introduction of staff notation are still unansweredfor the most part here, too, in spite of the fact that an excellent monograph on the Czech notation by Hutter has been available since 1930. The sources of Prague reveal that until the end of the 12th century German neumatic notation had been used.20 Although the Cistercian Friars introduced their Guidonian notation into this region, it remained without any effect on their environment.2l The Cathedral of Prague seems to have systematically adopted the staff notation in the 13th century. Archival data from that period mention that Vitus, (a canon of the Cathedral from 1234 on and the dean f--om1241
18 Feicht, H. 1962 (MGG 10), Sp. 1390, Abb. 4. l9 Morawski, J. 1973, passim; Pikulik, J. 1973, 28. Hutter, J. 1930, 53; Plocek, V. 1973, index on p. 20 Hutter, J. 1926, Prilohy I-IV; 731.; Nejedly Z. 1954, 36-46. Plocek, V. 1973, 818 and 828. 21 Feldmann, F. 1938, 28; Hutter, J. 1930, 54-60; A reform notation of its own was used in the Benedictine Monastery of St. George in Prague, too (see codices Praha, Statni Knih. XIV B 13, XIII C 7, XIV C 20, etc.). The Cistercian sources just as those made in the St. George monastery had no contact with the development leading to the 14th century Czech notation.

Studia Musicoloytca Academtae Sczenttarum Hunartcae 28, 1986

312

J. Szendrei:The Introduction Staff Notcltion of

until 1271) had the entire stock of codices rewritten seeing the confused state in which it was. The surviving codices of the dean Vitus (which must have aimed at a certain liturgical settlement at the same time) were already written in staff notation and has been copiedfor other churches,too. The notators of Prague were consistently applying it ever after.22 The 13th century notation of Prague is a purely Messinescript in which the German elements are completely missing. This notation preserved the Messine neume structures, which it took over right at the beginning, in the course of its whole later history: the continuity is clearly traceable.23The signs underwent, however, a unique process of stylization. Each dot meaning a note even within the compoundneumes was expressed by a rhomboidform whereas the connecting line between the rhombs was not a thick Gothic but a thin stroke. This process of stylization produced forms that varied from the Gothization prevailing in the greater part of Europe and in all regions around Prague. Thus the Messine script of Prague got transformed after all to a specific Czech notation.24 The ultimate crystallization of the Czech notation may be dated to the middle of the 14th century, the golden era of the Prague culture. After having got out of the jurisdiction of Mainz Prague became an archbishophricin 1344 and Olmutz, the companion once enjoying equal rights, soon became legally dependent of Prague. As a result the Prague alias Czech notation was also introduced with binding force into the scriptoria of Olmutz from 1376 onwards.25 The developmental process is clearly recognizable and is supported hy plenty of evidence. As regards the beginnings one single question, that is the issue of dating and interpreting the troper of Prague (Codex Kapitulni Knihovny v Praze, lim 4), has still remainedunsolved for which a whole series of research will be needed. This codex containing staff notation in several different hands was ranged among the books of dean Vitus in the literature up to the present. The paleographical analysis of the letters performed recently by P. Spunar dates the work in the first and second hand to the end of the 12th century.26Accordingly, the codex is supposed to preserve staff notat22 Nejedly, Z. 1954, 46-60; Spunar, P. 1957. On the new ecclesiasticalreforms of the Bisoph Tobias and the codices with staff notation preparedby him (end of the 13th century) see Nejedly, Z. 1954, 60-67; Hutter, J. 1930, 65. We know, however, of a case when Germanneums has been written into liturgical books of established Prague rite (Praha, Statni Knih. IV D 9). 23The notations made by the 1st and 2nd hands in Praha, Statni Knih. (B. U.) XIV A 19 show transitionalforms between the Messineand the Czechnotations. On the source cf. Plocek, V. 1973, 591-593. 24 Stablein, B. 1975, 206-207. Of the earlier studies see Hutter, J. 1930, 78-85. 25 Cf. Szendrei, J. 1985a, p. 168 and note 34. 26Spunar,P. 1957, 58; cf. Stablein, B., 1975, 198.
Studia Musicoloica Academiae Scientiarum Hunaricae 28, 1986

of J. Szendrei:The Introduction Staff Notation

313

ion originatingfrom the peried prior to the reformof Vitus and contains musicthe neumaticsystemof whichis relatedwith the laternotationswritten The elementsas well.27 dating to in Praguebut, contrary them,showsGerman of points, all the moreso, as the Pragueprovenance the has certainarguable troper also needs verification.One thing is sure that the final word in the notationalreformcannot be matter of the Prague history of the Guidonian spokenfor a long time yet. The work intended to trace the history of the Guidoniannotation in Olmutzwill similarlyrequirea longertime. Both the script patternand the mannerof the reformmust have been differentfrom those of Praguewhich is bornout by the fact that in the bookswith staff notationknownto me from Olmutzfrom the beginningof the 14th centuryan entirelyspecificMessine To fromthat of Prague.28 whatextent varyingconsiderably scriptis preserved is this system of symbolsconsistentand how far back does its traditiongo ? The questionof the writing traditionof the Olmutznotationhas not been literatureyet. raisedin the paleographical It is not easy to cannot decide for the time being whetherthe border line of Middle Europe can be drawnwith respect to the different "areas" of musicalnotation at the turn of the 12th and 13th centuriesat all and if so, where? There can be no doubt, however,that if we want to understand of the circumstances the introductionof staff notation into our regionthe regionsmust notational reformof the southernGerman,Bavarian-Austrian be thoroughlyexamined.It is all the more necessarysince in the view preis vailing in the literaturethis region,the Ostmark consideredas "the ends of the earth": everything eastwardof this point is seen as the functionof by the Europeanmusichistory. (Thisview is clearlydemonstrated the notational maps which end at the Vienna- Pragueline.) into the to In this light it is very astonishing realizehow little research notationalreformhas and circumstances the historyof the southernGerman been done. Only some smaller articles touchingupon the problemmay be After the anacited, noneof whichcontainsa full list of the sourcematerial.29 lysis of the accessiblematerialthe followingmodel emerges.The diocesan scriptoriadid not adopt the staff notationuntil the 13th century.Moreover:
27 Pes stratus, pes quassus; see facsimile in Spunar, P. 1957, Pl. 13. Cf. Szendrei 1985^,149.Wi 28 Rombic and quadratic noteheads are combined in neum structures of Messine type, cf. Olmutz, Statni Archiv CO 7. Combinationsof similar nature mentioned in 145., see Ex. c. Szendrei,J. 1985& 29 Hain, K. 1926; Ebel, B. o. J.; Sowa, H. 1933; Sidler, H. 1950; Stephan, R. 1956 Irtenkauf, W. 1960; Smits van Waesberghe,J. 1969, 76-77, 96-97, 110-111; Stablein B. 1975, 186-187, 192-193; Schlager, K. 1984.

Studia Musiooloaica Academule Scientiatum Hunaaricae 28, 1986

314

J. Szendrez: The Introd?letion of Staff Notatzon

in most places notators kept copying German neumatic script without staff as late as the 14th century. (Thus for example the first really readable monuments of the Gregorian melodic variants of the diocese Passau are codices surviving from the very end of the Middle Ages.) On Austrian territories a large number of monasteries of the Augustine Canons was established in the 11th-12th centuries. They entertained a high-level music life into which modein western influences were also assimilated. The notational reform was, however, not carried out in these centres in the period under investigation, except for one, and their scriptoria acted as the workshops of the German neumatic notation.30 Where was Guidonian notation used in the southern German region in the 12th century? Only in very few places, as it seems, and mostly isolatedfrom the majority of the notational centres. The Cistercian order which brought along its own peculiar reformnotation had its own scriptoria in each monastery (in Heiligenkreuz, Zwettl, etc.).31 In the Vienna monastery of the Scottish Benedictine Friars staff notation was applied in the 12th century. But even this was an import from far away, an insular variant of the advanced notation of Normandy.32 The only local formation appears to be the-in broader sense of the word-reformed notation which is referred to in the literature as "the notations of Klosterneuburg".33This excellent notation which passed for modern in its own time consists of southern German-Messine contact neumes and its features are very typical as far as the elaboration of the staff and its colouring are concerned.34Such a c&reful design of the staff bears evidence of a conscious planning of the notation based on music theoretical works. Where was this notation worked out and practised? How is it possible that it was not aWccepted used in the scriptoria of the southern and German dioceses? Literature offers an answer to one of these questions only: it is established with certainty that this notation was applied in the monastery of the Augustine Canons of Klosterneuburg which, being considered as the chancellery of the ruling prince, was a cultural centre of particular
30Lipphardt, W. 1961 (MGG 9), Sp. 1618-1620; Lipphardt, W. 1971 and 1977. We cannot agree with the remark that the Augustinian Canons were propagators of the Messine notation in the Southern German and Eastern European regions (Stablein, B. 1975, 56.). The position of Klosterneuburg was quite different from that of the other Augustinian monasteries. 31 Marosszeki, S. 1952; Stablein, B. 1975, 56 and 120-121; Szendrei, J. 1985b. 39 Its relics are kept among the fragments of the Schottenstift in Vienna. (I am indebted to Professor W. Pass for giving me an occasion to see the facsimiles before publications.) In the material preserved in this Monastery some samples of the 12th century reform notation of "Einsiedeln type" are to be found, too. 33 As to the terminology, see Szendrei, J. 1985a, p. 150 and note 20. 34Szendrei J. 1983, 38-41 and 128-129 Szendrei, J. 1985a, 146-149 (with a list of further bibliography).
Studia Musicoloyica Academiae Scientiarum HunSaricae 28, 1986

of J. Szendrei:The Introductton StclffNotation

315

importance in the 12th century. In Klosterneuburg a whole series of liturgical song books written in this reformed notation survive from the 12th century and this notation continued to predominate up to the end of the 14th century. Literature does not provide, however, any information orl where the other contemporary remnants of the same notation originating not in Klosterneuburg were made. The majority of the manuscripts cannot be located due to a variety of reasons including that they are fragments or the music appears as an insert only, and that they are tracts on music theory or palimpsests, etc.35There is some "rub" with almost each item which is characteristic as it is. According to our present knowledge no single comprehensive, intact liturgical chant book of some length written in this notation survives outside Klosterneuburg.Where does this other, more mysterious part of the surviving material originate from ? It must have been definitely written in scriptoria of the Benedictine order the case being that the fragments of the Office they contain are of Benedictine character-, and it is also sure that they were prepared in scriptoria where music theory was cultivated on a high level. In addition, it may also be shown that these scriptoria were active not so much in the Austrian than in the Bavarian region and a search for their location reveals that certain areas of the present Switzerland cannot be excluded, either. The more material I come to know from this region the more I become convinced that this "questionable" group of sources is the most important, primary one with respect to the history of origin and that the notation called Klosterneuburgianevolved in a group of the Bavarian Benedictine monasteries much interested in music theory in the first half of the 12th century. As regards origin the Klosterneuburg notation did not emerge in Klosterneuburg;it is only the continual, intensive use of this type of script that justifies maintaining denomination henceforward, too. On scrutinizing what might be common to these few southern GermanBenedictine monasteries and the centre of the Augustine Canons in Klosterneuburg I can presently detect features only like their exclusive nature, their bend for modernization and possibly their intensive international relationships.The gesture with which this notation was adopted had less to do with the Klosterneuburg of the Augustine Canonsthan with the "royal chancellery", the task Klosterneuburg assumed. Due to this particular notation Klosterneuburg deviates namely from a11the other monasteries of the Augustine Canons. On the other hand,
35 See the studies mentioned in notes 29 and 34. We may place to the field of the notation such sources as e.g. Munchen,Bayerische StaatsbibliothekClm. Klosterneuburg Cod. Nationalbibliothek Osterreichische 9921; Wolfenbuttel4641 (Gud.lat. 8 334); NVien, 573; Karlsruhe, LandesbibliothekCod. fragm. 53/I; Augsburg, Ordinariatsbibliothek 15/a. Cf. Ursprung, O. 1931, Taf. 7 (Wessobrunn). The relics are mostly monastic sources from the region of Augsburg's episcopate.

Studia MusicoloSica Academiae Scien;t?arumHunarxcae 28, 1986

316

J. Szendrei:The Introduction Staff lSotatzon of

the Benedictine monasteries carrying the reform into effect pcssessed necessarily characteristic features distinguishing them from the rest of the southern German Benedictine monasteries. The majority of the Benedictine monasteries in the southern German region is, in fact, famous for having firmly stuck to the neumatic notation without staff. It is exactly among them that examples of how people were singing from music without staff as late as the 15th century can be found. A solution in this respect may perhaps be expected from the more precise knowledge of the southern German church reform movements. This kind of Guidonian notations must have been first introduced into and used by some group of the reformed Benedictine monasteries.36 traces of the overall Do churchreformmovement and of the Guidoniannotational reformcoincide once again ? This seems to be verified by the fact that the relatively early and absolutely perfect music with staff was essentially objected to by their immediate surroundings so that it could not blossom outside Klosterneuburg. Its use soon petered out in the very monasteries concerned, too, since it was rather serving music theoretical purposes than everyday practice from the beginning. It may also have had some political reasons why it created so little stir. Just consider that the adversaries of the reform movement were not few in number, particularly in Germany. On the territory of the present-day Austria high-level reformed notation was used in several centres during the 12th century but they did not exert any influence on the tradition keeping practice of the diocesan scriptoria. Can it be possible that they did not affect each other mutually ? However strange it may sound, in-depth comparative analyses show that they did not, even if the individual contact neume systems had some common sources such as certain elements of the Messine script which are detectable in almost each of the reformed notations. The combinations themselves were, however, characteristic and turned out to be enduring for a while. A close scrutiny of the claim and the like in the literature that Klosterneuburg may have become acquainted with the Messine script through the neighbouring Heiligenkreuz37 shows that it is a complete paleographicnonsense. In Heiligenkreuz a minimal
3B Irtenkauf, W. 1960 hints to the sphere of the Hirsau congregation.Here is given, however, a location of another notation, probably. There is only one fragment in the Hirsau collection that used the Klosterneuburgnotation, while the others adapted the Einsiedeln type with the predominanceof German signs. We may suppose that these latter ones belong to the Hirsau sphereand this standpointis verifiedby a notation made known by Schlager, K. 1984 (from Prufening, i.e. from the environment of Hirsau). In my opinion-different from that of the Le graduele 1957, 79.-the notation of the manuscriptMunchen,BayersicheStaatsbibliothekClm. 10086is near to this Germantype rather, than to Klosterneuburgscript. 37 Froger, J. 1974 (PalMus 19), 41+.

Studia Musicoloyica Academiae Scientiarum IIunyaricae 28, 1986

of The J. Szenzlres: Introductzon Staff Notatiron

317

numberof the elements of the Messinescript were combinedwith French notation and even those were of an entirely differenttype from the large with the featuresof the southern of number the elementsmingledunseparably historyof the 12th century GermanneumaticnotationofKlosterneuburg.The of musicalscript of the present-dayAustriaoffers the most lucid e2ramples churchestablishments. the separationof notationsaccordingto

The only thing left undoneis to comparebriefly the regionsmentioned above,includingHungary. to With regard the intensityof the use of staff notationit is not irrelevant by whetherit was introduced the institutionsof the secularchurchor by the monastic orders.The formerincludes,in addition to the episcopalsee, all chapter and parish churchesand schools within a given contiguousarea of had no environment this kind. whereasthe monasteries In middleEuropeonly two regionscan be claimedto have usedthe early of reformednotation on a larger, that is diocesanscale: the surroundings fromthe one Pragueand Hungary.The Hungarian is positivelydocumented by Prayis supported a recentdiscovery the 12thcentury: evidenceof the Codex of Bela IIoll, the notation found on the 12th centurycover of the Codexof This notationwas widely spreadin the decadespreceding DemeterLaskoi.38 The date of the notational the MongolInvasionof Hungaryin 1241-1242.39 to ourpresentknowledge.It is, reformof Pragueis still uncertainaccording werenot earlierrewritten however,definitethat the codicesof the Cathedral than in the middleof the 13thcenturyandthat the othercentresof the diocese the sverefollowingsuit later on. Furthermore: two reformednotations are not local adaptationsin the same sense. The notation of Esztergomshows the in a specificstructureright fromits beginnings the 12th centurywheread knownin Praguenotationadopteda morewidely spreadnotationalstructure as somepartsof WesternEuropa,too and transformed well as stylized it so as to becomea Czechnotation by the 14th century. notationin middleEurope there was only one Guidonian Consequently, that can be claimedto have beenintensivelyusedon a diocesanscale,to have and is formationas far as its composition concerned to been an independent and that have emergedin the first phase of the Europeannotationalreform notation. is the Esztergomor Hungarian
38Holl, B. 1984. 39Szendrei J. 1983, 46-55.
Studia Musicol4tica Academiae ScxenUiarumBunancae 28, 1986

318

J. Szendrez: The Introduction Staff Notation of

Thisdevelopment definitelyrootedin the history of the establishments is of law and politics;there is a lot of research be performed many fields. to in This applieseven moreto the facts of the introduction staff notationinto of middleEurope. mostimportant The next step in this workwouldbe to identify the Benedictine reformed scriptoria southern in Germany to showup their and eventual Hungarian connections.

References
ANC^ERER, 1979 J. CORBIN, 1977 S. CORBIN, 1980 S. EBEI,, B. O. J. FEICHT, 1962 H. FEICHT, 1963 H. FEICHT, 1965 H. FELDMANN, 1938 F. FROGER, 1974 J. GOLLER, 1969 G. GROVE (1980) 13 HAIN, K. 1925. HARTING, 1963 M. HILEY,D. 1980 HOLLB. 1984 HUCALO, 1967 M. HUGLO, 1971 M. HUTTER, 1926 J. HUTTER, 1930 J. IRTENKAUF, . 1960 W LE GRADUEL 1957 II, LIPPHARDT, 1961 W. LIPPHARDT, 1971 W.

Lateinischeund deutsche Gesangeaus der Zeit der MelkerReform. Wien. Die Neumen. In: Palaeographie der Musik. Bd. I. :Fasc. 3.
Kolll

LIPPHARDT, 1977 W.

Neumatic notations. In: Grove 13, 128-144. Das alteste alemannische Hymnar mit Noten. Kodex 366 (472) Einsiedeln (XII. Jahrhundert).Einsiedeln. Polen. In: MGG 10, Sp. 1385-1396. MittelalterlicheChoralprobleme Polen. Musik des Ostens in Nr. 2, 84-90. Muzyka liturgiczna w polskisll sredniowieezu.Musica Medii Aevi I, 9-52. Musikund Musikpflegeim mittelalterlichenSchlesien.Breslau. Introduction. In: PalMus 19, Berne, 7+-42+. Zur Bezeichnung der Neumen in der germanischenChoralnotation des 12. bis 14. Jahrhunderts.Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch 53 99-100. The New Grove Dictionary of Musicand Musicians,edited by Stanley Sadie. London. Ein musikalischerPalimpsest. Freiburg in der Schweiz. Der Messgesang im Braunschweiger Domstift St. Blasii (Handschrift NiedersachsischesStaatsarchiv in Mtolfenbuttel VII B Hs 175). Regensburg. History of Western notation. 1. Plainchant. In: Grove 13, 344-354. Egy ismeretlen kozepkori iskolaskollyv es magyar verses nyelvemlek 1433-bol.(An unknownschoolbookand Hungarian linguistic recordfrom the year 1433.) Reglement du XIIIe siecle pour la transcription des livres notes. Festschrift Bruno Stablein. Kassel. 121-133. Les tonaires. Inventaire, analyse, comparaison.Paris. eeska notace I. Neumy. Praha. eeska notace II. Nota choralis.Praha. Beitrage zur Einfuhrung der Liniennotation im sud-westdeutschen Sprachraumum 1200. Acta Musicologica,33-39. Le graduel romain. Edition critique par les moines de Solesmes. II. Les sources. Solesmes. Die mittelalterliche Choralnotation (Nellnlen . In: MGG 9. ) Sp. 1611-1628. Studien zur Musikpflegein den mittelalterlichenAugustinerChorherrenstiftendes deutschen Sprachgebietes. In: Jahrbuch des Stiftes Klosterneuburg,Neue Folge, Bd . 7., 7-102, 230-247. Musik in den osterreichischenKlostern der Babenbergerzeit. MusicologicaAustIiaca 2., 48-68.

Studia .lWusicolovicaAcademiae Scientiarum Su7lvaricae 28, 1986

J. Szendre: The Introductzon (JfStaff Notatio)w

319

tortenete Magyarorszag tortenete. Elozmenyek es magyar tortenet MAGYARORSZAG 1242-ig. (The Ilistory of Hungary. From the dawn up to 1242.) 1/2, 1984 Foszerk. Szekely Gy., szerk. Bartha A. (Ed. by Szekely, Gy. and Bartha, A.) Budapest. Les origines du chant cistercien. Citta del Vat.vano. S. MAROSSZEXI, 1952 Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Allgemeine EnzykloMGG padie der Musik. Hrsg. von Fr. Blume. Bd. 1-15. KasselBasel, 1949-1973. Pontyfikaly Polskie. Graz. T. MIAZGA, 1981 Notacja gregorianska. GIaz. T. MIAZGA, 1984 Polska liryka muzyczna w sredniowieezu. Warszawa. J. MORAWSKI, 1973 Red. J. Morawski. Krakow (1965-). MUSICAMEDIIAEVI Red. J. Pikulik. Warszawa (1975-). RELIGIJNA MUZYEA W POLSCE D6jiny husitskeho zpbvu I. (Zpev predhusitsky). Praha. NEJEDLT,Z. 1954 Paleographie Musicale. Les principaux Manuscrits de Chant PALMus Gregorien, Ambrosien, Mozarabe, Gallican publies en facsimiles phototypiques par les Benedictins de Solesmes (1887-) . Solesmes, etc. Sekwencje Polskie. In: Musica Medii Aevi IV, 7-128. PIKULIX,J. 1973 Catalogus codicum notis musicis instructorum I-II. Praha. PLOCEK,V.1973 Neumenschrift und Liniensystem. Zum Notationswechsel in K. SCHLAGER, 1984 der Munchener Handschrift Clm 23037. In: Musik in Bayern 29, 31-41. Ein kostbarer Zeuge der deutschen Choraluberlieferung. H. SIDLER, 1950 Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, 34, 9-26. J. van WAESBERGE, De musico-paedagogico et theoretico Guidone Aretino SMITS eiusque vita et moribus. Florentiae. 19o3 Musikerziehung. Lehre und Theorie der Musik im Mittelalter. van WAESBERGHE, SMITS Leipzig. J. 1969 Zur Handschrift Clm 9921. Acta Musicologica V., 60-65., H. SOWA, 1933 107-120. Das Troparium (les Prager Dekans Vit. Scriptorillm 11. 50-62. P. SPUNAR, 1957 Introduction a la paleographie nlusicale gregorienne. ParisG. SUROL, 1935 Tournai-Rome. Cechy paleograficzne notacji muzycznych w po]skich rikoA. SUTEOWSKI, 1965 pisach sredniowieeznych. In: Musica Medii Aevi I, 53-68. Kozepkori hangjegyfrasok Magyarorszagon. A nzagyar notaJ. SZENDREI 1983 cio tortenete. - Nemet neumairasok Magyarorszagon. (Music Notations in the Medieval Hungary. The History of the Hungarian Notation. - German Neumatic Notations in Hwlgary.) Muhelytanulmanyok a magyar zenetortenethez 4. (Studies to the Music History of Hungary Nr. 4.) Szerk. (Ed. by) Albert G. Budapest. Choralnotation als Identitatsausdruck im Mittelalter. Studia J. SZENDREI, 1985a Musicologica XXVII, 139-170. Beobachtungen an der Notation des Zisterzienser-AntiphoJ. SZENDREI, 1985b ars Cod. 1799+ + in der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek. Studia Musicologica XXVII, 273-290. J. SZENDREI, -RYBARIC, Missale notatum Strigoniense ante 1341 in Posonio. Musicalia Danubiana I. Ed. by MTA Zenetudomanyi Intezet, R. 1982 Budapest. Einfuhrung in die gregorianischen Melodien. Bd. II. NeumenP. WAGNER, 1912 kunde. Leipzig.

Sci!erdtatumHungartcae 28, 1986 .1caderrlzae Sudta .:Melstcologtca