Bilingualism and code-switching in Philippine television advertisements: An exploratory study Marianne Jennifer M.

Gaerlan De La Salle University-Manila Introduction Code-switching is an interesting ability that only bilinguals (and multilinguals) have. What is even more interesting is knowing when bilinguals code-switch, how they code-switch and most especially, why they code-switch. A wide array of studies on codeswitching has looked into almost every aspect of this phenomenon, mostly from a sociolinguistic perspective. Surveying recent investigations that have looked into code-switching, one finds many fascinating and useful studies. Lowi (2005) examined naturally occurring telephone conversations between bilingual Spanish-English speakers to describe the types of codeswitching that occur. Results of the study revealed code-switches in lexicon, tags, expressions, phrases, and switches used as discourse features such as for emphasis, change of topic, and for display of affect. Angermeyer (2003) suggested that lexical cohesion be regarded as an important factor in determining lexical choice in bilingual speech. He theorized that speakers use insertions in an attempt to establish cohesive ties to utterances that they or others have made previously in the course of a bilingual conversation. He looked at occurrences of code-switching in Spanish-English bilingual speech in court testimonies and found that insertional code-switching may trigger a more accurate translation by interpreters, giving non-English litigants more control of the rendering of their statements.

Due to the fact that approximately eighty percent of the worlds population is bilingual, it is not surprising that there are numerous descriptions of code-switching in several different languages around the world. Jacobson (2002) offered some examples of Malay-English code-switching evident in naturally occurring conversations in university faculty meetings, in corporate and business meetings, and in court hearings. Mahootian (2002) chose to examine code-switching in a Spanish-English bilingual womens magazine and concluded that the switches are meant to create a sense of community among bilingual Spanish-English speakers. In the Philippines, some research has been done on code-switching including Bautistas (1999) analysis of the functions of English-Tagalog code-switching in e-mails and Chanco, Francisco, and Talamisans (1999 in Bautista, 1999) description of codeswitching patterns of some Filipino television hosts. Dayag (2002 in Martin, 2006) conducted a grammatical and pragmatic analysis of code-switching in Philippine print advertisements. Martin (2006) analyzed code-switching practices in Science courses taught in selected Philippine tertiary-level institutions and found that it is actually beneficial in delivering content knowledge. She concluded that code-switching is actually a pedagogical tool for motivating student response and action, ensuring rapport and solidarity, promoting shared meaning, checking student understanding, and maintaining the teaching narrative (p. 135). The very basic definition of code-switching as provided by Baker (2006) is when one language is mixed with another (p. 109) and the extent and type of mixing or switching has been identified, described, and categorized by numerous linguists. Poplack and Sankoff (1988 in Bautista, 1999) identified four mechanisms at play in a

code-switch: smooth switching at equivalence sites, flagged switching, constituent insertion, and nonce borrowing. Smooth switching is changing the language of the sentence only at syntactic boundaries which occur in both languages (p. 19), while flagged switching is switching marked by hesitation, metalinguistic commentary, or pauses to call attention to the code-switch (Bautista, 1999, p. 19). On the other hand, constituent insertion is inserting a grammatical constituent in one language at an appropriate point, for that type of constituent, in a sentence of the other language (Poplack & Sankoff, 1988 in Bautista, 1999, p. 19). Finally, nonce borrowing involves borrowing for the time being or for the occasion (Bautista, 1999, p. 20). These categories and descriptions overlap with several others provided by researchers on bilingualism such as Baker (2006) who made the distinction between code-mixing (when one word or a few words in a sentence change), code-switching (when the first phrase in a sentence is in one language and the second phrase is in another), and language borrowing. Language borrowing is perhaps the most difficult type of mix or switch to identify because it is used to describe foreign loan words or phrases that have become an integral and permanent part of the recipient language. Baker admits that all languages borrow words or phrases from other languages with which they come into contact (p. 110) and so code-switches and loans are not really separate and distinct. As was admitted by Eastman (1992, in Baker, 2006), efforts to distinguish code-switching, code-mixing, and borrowing are doomed (p. 110). Studies that have painstakingly identified types of switches and mixes between two languages used by a bilingual were usually those who were concerned about grammar and syntax or the analysis of discourse. From the perspective of those who do

research in the field of sociolinguistics on the other hand, the purposes or functions of code-switches is of utmost interest and importance. This inevitably dovetails with research in the fields of psycholinguistics and bilingualism where the concern is the processes that bilinguals undergo when they code-switch and also their purposes for doing so. Heredia and Altarriba (2001) asked the quintessential question, Why do bilinguals code-switch? and proceeded to explain why the oft-given explanation that bilinguals code-switch because they are compensating for lack of language proficiency does not hold water. They offered reasons for code-switching such as the fact that switching to English (or to another language) makes it easier and faster for a speaker to retrieve the word/s that he needs. There is also the fact that some ideas are better communicated in one language than another. Grosjean (1982) pointed out that codeswitching not only fills a momentary linguistic need, it is also a very useful communication resource (p. 148). Obviously, bilinguals and multilinguals take advantage of their having two or more languages as tools for communication. Despite numerous studies, it seems that the area of code-switching is far from exhausted in terms of investigations. As observed by Mahootien (2002), there seems to be a scarcity of research on code-switching in written discourse. In the Philippines, where almost everyone is at least bilingual (with a large percentage of the population possibly trilingual or multilingual due to the existence of many Philippine languages), codeswitching is apparent not only in naturally-occurring conversations, but also in media such as the Internet, newspaper and magazine articles, signage, news and television programs, and print and television advertisements.

Because English is a second language for Filipinos, it is not uncommon to find code-switches from Filipino to English and vice versa in both written and spoken discourse in the Philippines. Because media is such a great influence on language and society as a whole, many arguments have been put forth regarding the effects of codeswitching especially in the area of language learning and in the field of education. As Martin (2006) noted, although code-switching is natural and perhaps even necessary in Philippine education (due to the advantages that were discussed earlier), it remains to be a touchy issue. This is probably because many researchers and educators still believe that code-switching is evidence of a lack of proficiency in either or both of the languages that a bilingual knows. Nevertheless, because code-switching is natural for bilinguals, what would be more intriguing to know is why they do it even if they are proficient in both (or all) languages that they know. Kachru (1986, in Gao, 2005) talked about the concept of bilinguals creativity which refers to creative linguistic processes which are the result of competence in two or more languages. According to him, bilinguals linguistic creativity usually involves two things: 1) a discourse that features two or more languages (codeswitching or code-mixing) and 2) verbal strategies for various sociological, psychological, and attitudinal reasons. As mentioned earlier, code-switching is not only evident in naturally occurring but also in contrived or scripted discourse such as those found in television programs and advertisements. Advertisements are particularly interesting because they are practically everywhere: on the streets, on the Internet, in reading material, on the radio, on television. Copywriters, motivated by their purpose of persuading the consumer to purchase their product, craft advertisements that are both creative and persuasive.

In a bilingual or multilingual country such as the Philippines, many advertisements try to imitate naturally occurring conversation, which would include code-switches. In all forms of advertisement, some type of language mix or switch is apparent; as a matter of fact, on television, it is evident in around 40 to 50 percent of advertisements. Bayer (2005) said that communication through television is a significant mode to promote new discourse in multiple languages. Since advertisements are very influential and reflect a society, it would thus be a worthy endeavor to explore codeswitching in television advertisements. To date, very little research has been done on code-switching in Philippine television advertisements, specifically from the perspective of bilingualism. Most studies on code-switching have looked at it from a sociolinguistic angle. Thompson (2003) investigated language switching in Philippine television commercials to see the underlying values that advertisers hope will motivate Filipino consumers. The ads were categorized as being either predominantly English or predominantly Filipino. Results showed that Filipino-dominant ads were for products like food, health products, detergents, alcoholic beverages, and government services. On the other hand, Englishdominant ads were mostly for appliances, food, clothing, banking and finance, toiletries, and non-alcoholic beverages. Thompson concluded that the use of English in the ads was done to present English as promoter of good character, as promoter of good fortune, and as love potion. With regard to television in general, Bayer (2005) argued that this medium might promote language loss and/or shift of the powerless dialects, sociolects, and tribal home languages in India. As for print advertising, Gao (2005) examined the use of English in

Chinese-English bilingual print advertisements and concluded that it is evidence of bilingual creativity. He concluded that the use of English is not primarily intended for communicating information about advertised products, but is meant for other pragmatic purposes, such as to give potential buyers the impression that the products are of good and dependable quality, seeing that a superior quality is usually associated with the use of English for most Chinese people. Luna and Peracchio (2001) explored how bilinguals processed advertising messages written in their L1 and L2 and found that ad-related factors such as the congruity between the ads picture and its copy facilitate conceptual processing. They also found that processing motivation influence ad effectiveness by enhancing ad recall. Although there have been studies on code-switching specifically in the Philippines, there seems to be a scarcity of investigations on code-switches in television ads considering that the television is a big influence on language learning due to the fact that the common person is exposed to language in television probably as much as he is exposed to language used by the people around him. The present study aims to describe the occurrence of code-switching in Philippine television advertisements and will specifically try to answer the following research questions: 1) What types of code-switching occur in Philippine television advertisements? 2) Is switching from Filipino to English more common or is it the other way around? 3) What are the possible reasons/motivations behind these switches?

Methodology Data The advertisements analyzed in this study were from a corpus of 60 television advertisements audio-recorded from November 17-19, 2007 at different times of the day to ensure that advertisements shown on weekdays, weekends, morning, afternoon, and evening would be included. Only advertisements shown on local channels (ABS-CBN 2, ABC 5, GMA 7, RPN 9, QTV 11, and STUDIO 23) were recorded and only those advertisements where code-switches occurred were included in the analysis. Advertisements shown on cable channels were not included as it was presumed that there would be less or no occurrence of code-switching .

Data analysis The recordings were subsequently transcribed and each advertisement was first categorized according to product being advertised. Then, each ad was divided into idea units. An idea unit is a chunk of information, which is viewed by the speaker or writer cohesively as it is given a surface form, related to psychological reality for the encoder (Crookes, 1990). This unit of analysis was selected because it seems to be the more appropriate way of looking at code-switching in ads compared to analyzing in terms of utterances or sentences which tend to be difficult in instances when code-switches are not between utterances and sentences, but instead between ideas. Idea units in Filipino and English were identified, as well as the idea units that were code-switched. Despite the position of Eastman (1992, in Baker, 2006) that it is hopeless to try and make a distinction between codes-switching (or code-mixing) and

language borrowing, the type of code-switching in each ad in the present study was identified using Bakers (2006) categories for purposes of providing a richer description: Code-mixing when one or few words in a sentence change. Code-switching when the first phrase (or sentence) is in one language and the other is in another language. Language borrowing the use of foreign loan words or phrases that have become an integral and permanent part of the recipient language.

After identifying the type of code-switch, a modified version of Bakers (2006) taxonomy of purposes of code-switching was used to identify the possible purpose of code-switching in each advertisement; only those purposes deemed appropriate to codeswitches in television advertisements were used to categorize the present data:

1) For emphasis code-switches may be used to emphasize a particular point in a conversation. If one word needs stressing or is central in a sentence, a switch may be made. 2) To express a concept that has no equivalent in the culture of the other language words and phrases in two languages may not correspond exactly and the bilingual may switch to one language. 3) To clarify a point repetition of a phrase or passage in another language may be used. 4) To express identity, communicate friendship, or family bonding for example, moving from the common majority language to the home language or minority

language which both the listener and speaker understand well may communicate friendship and common identity. 5) To ease tension and inject humor. 6) To signal a change in topic in some bilingual situations, code-switching occurs regularly when certain topics are introduced (e.g. money, business). 7) To economize terms that will be too lengthy if said in a certain language. 8) To avoid using awkward-sounding words-to use terms that sound better.

The study identifies and discusses the types of code-switching found in Philippine television advertisements but the identification is not intended to be exhaustive but instead illustrative. The categorization is also not meant to be exclusive as there are overlaps between categories.

Results and discussion The breakdown of the ads according to product are as follows: Food (23), Medicines/Vitamins (13), Detergent/Cleaning aids (5), Toiletries/Cosmetics (13), Telecommunications (4), Public service (1), banking and finance (1), and Alcohol/Liquor (1). Out of the 320 idea units in the 60 advertisements, 88 or around 27 percent were in English, 103 or around 32 percent were in Filipino and 129 or around 40 percent were code-switched. These figures seem to prove that code-switching is indeed evident in Philippine television advertisements and in fact, it can be concluded from these figures that code-switching is dominant in these ads.

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With regard to patterns of code-switch in terms of which language switches to what, data show that 39 out of the 60 advertisements started in Filipino and switched to English, while the other 21 shifted from English to Filipino. This result is not surprising considering the fact that despite being proficient in English, Filipinos native language and mother tongue is still Filipino. As regards the specific type of code-switch, 49 of the 60 ads had code-mixed ideas, 22 out of the 60 ads had code-switched ideas, and 17 exhibited languageborrowing. It is possible that code-mixing occurred more than the other two types of switches because of reasons such as terms having no equivalent in the native language, or for economizing purposes. Note however that Baker (2006) was correct in saying that it is difficult to make distinctions between these three types of switches because all languages borrow words or phrases from other languages with which they come into contact (p. 110) and thus there exist overlaps; some code-switched and code-mixed ideas also used borrowed words from either English or Filipino, the two languages present in the ads used in this study. The types of switches and the overlaps that occurred will be described in detail with the use of examples (in idea units) from the corpus. Likewise, the purpose of the code-switch will be described:

Code-mixing

(1) Para sa ubo, may gamot na gawa sa chemicals na may possible side effects, at merong natural.

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In (1) which is an excerpt from the advertisement for Ascof Lagundi cough medicine, both code-mixing and language borrowing are evident. Note how the sentence is Filipino-dominant, with only a few words in English inserted. There are actually equivalent words in Filipino for chemicals, possible, and natural (kemikal, posible, and natural) but the copywriters probably decided to code-mix for emphasis (the fact that some other cough medicines are made of chemicals, and the word chemicals itself may possibly turn off some consumers who regard chemicals as something they would not want to ingest). The succeeding idea units seems to support this possibility:

(2) Ascof Lagundi, gawa sa one hundred percent Lagundi leaves (3) clinically proven safe and effective.

In (2) one hundred percent is in English probably for economizing purposes because it would be too lengthy to say it in Filipino (isang daang porsyento or isang daang bahagdan) and perhaps also because the succeeding words are in English. Likewise, leaves is in English probably for the same reason, despite the fact that there is an equivalent term in Filipino (mga dahon). Note also that in (1), use of the English phrase side effects is an instance of language borrowing as there is no equivalent term in Filipino and side effects as a term has already been adopted in the Filipino language. Thus, in the Ascof Lagundi advertisement, both code-mixing and language borrowing are evident.

(4) Mahirap ang may diabetes.

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(5) Kayat habang maaga, eat right, exercise at mag-Ampalaya Plus.

In (4), the use of the term diabetes is evidence of language borrowing because there is no equivalent term in Filipino and the term has been adopted in the Filipino language. In (5), eat right and exercise are in English probably for emphasis because these are the things that are being recommended to the consumer along with using the advertised product. Code-mixing may also be done to ease tension and inject humor such as in the following excerpt from the advertisement for CDO Carne Norte (corned beef):

(6) Dad, pwede na ba kong mag-boyfriend? (7) Anytime! (8) May pag-uusapan pa ba sa sarap ng bagong CDO Carne Norte? (9) Sa sarap palang, tapos na ang usapan! (10) Eh ako, pwede na ring mag-boyfriend?

In the CDO ad, the first idea unit was uttered by the character playing the teenage daughter in the family, while the last idea unit was uttered by the character playing the grandmother. In this case, the word boyfriend was used to inject humor because it was the same term used by the daughter and the ad wanted to make it seem incredulous that the grandmother was asking permission to have a boyfriend, too. Similarly, in the Hapee toothpaste sachet advertisement, humor is injected by way of code-mixing:

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(11) Dumarami na ang feeling rich. (12) Kaya salamat sa Hapee sachet, sa presyong limang piso, buy one take one all year round (13) mas mayaman ka, fresh breath ka pa!

The ad is referring to a buy one take one promotion of Hapee toothpaste. Feeling rich is actually a term commonly used by Filipinos (usually in a humorous way) to refer to people who, precisely, feel that they are rich. In this ad, the promo is supposed to make the consumers feel rich. Note also the language borrowing evident in the word sachet which has no equivalent term in Filipino, and the phrases buy one, take one, all year round, and fresh breath. Fresh breath can actually be translated into Filipino (preskong hininga), but in keeping with the humorous feeling rich concept, it is said in English instead.

Code-switching Earlier, a code-switch was defined as a sentence in which the first and second phrases are in two different languages, or in the case of the present data, where an idea unit in one language is preceded or followed by an idea unit in another language. The following example demonstrates this:

(14) (15)

The stronger your bones are, the more you can do in life. So get into the Anlene movement.

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(16) (17)

Make exercise plus Anlene a daily habit. Malaya kang gumalaw!

Here, the first three idea units are in English and the code-switch is seen in the last idea unit, which is in Filipino. Malaya kang gumalaw translates to You are free to move (around). The possible purpose of the switch is to express identity or communicate friendship (note the use of the pronoun ka [with the enclitic ing} which means you). Although the ad is in no way a sample of naturally occurring discourse or conversation, the copywriters who came up with it switched to Filipino for the last idea unit probably because they wanted the Filipino consumers to be able to relate to the ad even though the dominant language is English. In the following example, however, the switch was from Filipino to English, but apparently for the same reason:

(18) Baka hindi kaya ng suweldo ko. (19) Di ko kasi alam kung paano yun eh. (20) Reluctant to get a loan? (21) Come to BDO! (22) You might be surprised at how we find ways to make our loans affordable for you.

In the advertisement for BDO (Banco de Oro), the switch was made from Filipino to English when it was the banks (or advertisers) turn to talk. In this case, the purpose was probably to make the product both accessible and credible in the sense that the consumer will feel for the characters who were speaking Filipino but also feel

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welcomed by the bank despite the fact that the invitation is worded in English. Thus, the purpose of the switch may also be to express identity and communicate friendship. In the advertisement that follows (for Bonna Kid milk formula), the code-switch was probably done to clarify a point and at the same time to express identity:

(23) Bonna Kid with the most number of nucleotides to help strengthen your childs immune system. (24) Batang may laban!

The first idea unit describes in English what the product can do, (i.e. strengthen a childs immune system) while the second idea unit basically talks about the same thing, but in a more casual and Filipino way of saying that the child has a strong immune system. It may also be that batang may laban (child with strength) has other meanings aside from the literal. In Filipino, may laban (having strength or with strength) pertaining to a person describes the positive attributes courage and confidence.

Language borrowing Many words used in Philippine television advertisements are actually borrowed words from English but that are actually somehow no longer considered code-switching due to the fact that they either have no equivalent term in Filipino, or the idea or concept is much better expressed in English. Take a look at the following excerpt from the advertisement for Monterey Meats:

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(25) Hi, suki! Kamusta? (26) Hi! Nag-gi-gym na ko ngayon. (27) Dapat caldereta, for muscles!

The words gym and muscles are borrowed from the English language since there are no equivalent terms. Likewise, in the excerpt from the advertisement for New Era Head and Shoulders shampoo, concepts that are better expressed (or that seem to sound better) in English are said in English. These can be considered borrowed words because they are already very common in Philippine television advertisements:

(28) Kahit gaano ka-close, kitang kita ang healthy scalp because of New Era Head and Shoulders. (29) tinatanggal ang dandruff para ma-renew ang scalp naturally cell by cell kaya parang bago ulit! (30) Kaya sa scalp like new, kaya mo nang maging close!

Although there are equivalent terms in Filipino for healthy, scalp, dandruff, close and like new (malusog, anit, balakubak, malapit, and parang bago), the copywriters of this ad chose to switch to English. Their reason for doing so is difficult to ascertain unless it is theorized that it was done for artistic or creative purposes. It is also possible that celebrity endorsers had something to do with it. Head and Shoulders shampoo is endorsed by commercial models with whom upper-class viewers are supposed to be able to relate to or identify. This however is not consistent because there

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are several ads for Head and Shoulders and all of them are code-switched or have language borrowings from English, even the ones where local actors such as Angel Locsin and Richard Gutierrez (whose appeal is usually targeted to the masses) are the ones endorsing. The following excerpt from the advertisement for Olay Total Effects moisturizing cream shows code-mixing, code-switching, and language borrowing:

(31) (32) (33) (34)

I go for facial treatments Syempre to keep my skin younger looking In fact, there are many treatments to fight skin aging May lifting, exfoliation, wrinkle-prevention

From (31) to (32), code-switching is evident, as there is a shift from English to Filipino. This is also evident from (33) to (34). However, (32) and (34) can also be considered instances of code-mixing as there are Filipino words inserted, syempre (of course) and may (there is; the presence of). Language borrowing can be seen in words and phrases such as facial treatments, skin aging, lifting, exfoliation, and wrinkleprevention. Aside from having no equivalent (or appropriate) term in the native language, these terms sound much better when said in English. Note also that this product is endorsed by Gretchen Barreto, a Filipina actress and socialite. She is viewed by many as being rich and products that she endorses have connotations of being elegant, luxurious and expensive. If upper-crust viewers do not perceive her as such, then the appeal of the

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code-switches in this ad is actually for the masses, who may view the product as something that will make them elegant and luxurious, too. Similarly, in the ad for Palmolive Naturals Intensive Moisture Shampoo, celebrity endorser KC Concepcion who is perceived by the masses to be rich, welleducated and glamorous, uses code-switching: (35) (36) (37) (38) (39) (40) Girls, you wanna know a fashion secret that I learned in Paris? Its all about soft flow. Maganda siya sa fabric at maganda rin sa hair ko. Thanks to Palmolive Naturals Intense Moisture Shampoo. May formula na enriched with one hundred percent coco cream at milk protein (41) (42) (43) (44) that nourishes inside and out feels like a milk bath for your hair. Palmolive Naturals. With soft flow, youll always shine. At yan ang lagingin fashion!

In the Palmolive Naturals ad, the purpose of the copywriters for utilizing codeswitches is probably the same ones that the writers of the Olay Total Effects had: to create an image for the endorser and also for the product. Also, KC Concepcion was educated at an international school when she was studying in Manila and then she went to Paris for further education. The code-switch to English thus sounds very natural and the copywriters probably had that in mind when they wrote the spiel for the commercial.

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Code-switches in different types of products

Table 1. Dominant language according to product type Product type Total # of # English-dominant # Filipino-dominant English and Filipino equal ads ads ads Food/beverage 23 11 10 2 Medicine/vitamin 13 1 9 3 Detergent/cleanser 5 0 5 0 Toiletries/cosmetics 13 7 4 2 Public service 1 1 0 0 Banking/finance 1 1 0 0 Alcoholic drink 1 0 1 0 It can be seen in Table 1 that contrary to the results of Thompsons 2003 study of language and code-switching in Philippine television advertisements in which it was found that advertisements for food had Tagalog or Filipino as the dominant language, the present studys data yielded food advertisements that had English as the dominant language. This is probably due to the fact that more and more Filipinos (even the masses) speak English or at least code-switch from Filipino to English in recent times. This may be due to more exposure to the English language from media such as the Internet. Since writers of ads simulate naturally-occurring conversation, this is probably a reflection of current discourse features. Toiletries and cosmetics ads also had English as the dominant language, and this finding concurs with that of Thompson wherein it was found that ads for toiletries were predominantly in English. This is probably because toiletries compared to detergents or medicines are considered luxury items, especially the more high-quality ones. As Gao

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(2005) noted, the English language is used to connote good quality when used to describe a product. Likewise, as earlier mentioned, Thompson (2003) observed that English is used in advertisements to conjure an image of good fortune. Medicines and detergent ads are predominantly in Filipino possibly because these are not luxury items but are necessities. Thus, there is hardly any need to make the product seem glamorous or luxurious. Interestingly, the ad for the alcoholic drink, although a relatively expensive brand is predominantly in Filipino. Perhaps the purpose of the writers was to make the product more accessible to the consumer and to establish ties with the audience. Alcoholic beverages are highly saleable items in the Philippines, among consumers from all socioeconomic classes. Another surprising finding is the fact that the only ad in the data that is actually a public service announcement is predominantly in English. However, note that the commercial is actually not for a product that is local in origin but one that is American (Ronald McDonald House of Charities). The ad for the bank is understandably predominantly in English because it is usually the language used for business and commerce.

Summary and conclusions The present study examined the occurrence of code-switching in bilingual television advertisements in the Philippines. It was found that code-switched advertisements are actually dominant over advertisements in predominantly in English or predominantly in Filipino. Since a large percentage of the Filipino population own a television set and is exposed to advertisements for all kinds of products and services, language in advertisements can certainly be considered signs of the times especially

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since writers of these ads try to simulate natural conversation. These manifestations of code-switching should definitely be investigated further especially how it affects language learning and teaching. Future researchers would also do well to look into the processes that bilingual copywriters undergo as they come up with these ads.

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Baker, C. (2006). Foundations of bilingual education and bilingualism (4th Ed.) Clevedon, England: Multilingual Matters Ltd. Bautista, M.L & Tan, G. (Eds.) (1999). The Filipino bilingual: A multidisciplinary perspective. De la Salle University Press: Manila, Philippines. Bayer, J. (2005). Indian television globalizes multilingualism but is counterproductive. Retrieved November 10, 2007 from http://www.languageinindia.com. Crookes, G. (1990). The utterance and other basic units for second language discourse analysis. Applied Linguistics, 11, (2), 182-199. Gao, L. (2005). Bilinguals creativity in the use of English in Chinas advertising. In J. Cohen, K. McAlister, K. Rolstad, & J. MacSwan (Eds.), Proceedings of the 4th international symposium on bilingualism. Retrieved November 10, 2007 from www.cascadilla.com/isb4.html. Grosjean, J. (1982a). Life with two languages: An introduction to Bilingualism. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Heredia, R. & Altarriba, J. (2001). Bilingual language mixing: Why do bilinguals codeswitch? Current Directions in Sociological Science, 10 164-168. Jacobson, R. (2002, July). Language mixing in multilingual Malaysia. Paper presented a the World Congress of Sociology in Brisbane, Australia. Retrieved November 10, 2007 from http://www.crisaps.org/newsletter/backissue/Rodolfo %20Jacobson_summer2004.pdf. Lowi, R. (2005). Codeswitching: An examination of naturally occurring conversation. In J. Cohen, K. McAlister, K. Rolstad, & J. MacSwan (Eds.), Proceedings of the 4th international symposium on bilingualism. Retrieved November 10, 2007 from http://www.lingref.com/isb/4/110ISB4.PDF. Luna, D. & Peracchio, L. (2001). Moderators of language effects in advertising to bilinguals: A psycholinguistic approach. The Journal of Consumer Research, 28 (2), 284-295. Mahootian, S. (2002). Sending a message: Codeswitching and the bilingual identity. Paper presented at the ACTAS Proceedings II Symposio Internacional Bilingualismo. Retrieved November 10, 2007 from http://webs.uvigo.es/ssl/actas2002/07/09.%20Shahrzad%20Mahootian.pdf Martin, I. (2006). Code-switching practices in tertiary-level courses. Social Science Information, 34, 123-140.

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Thompson, R. (2003). Filipino English and Taglish. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company.

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