Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Migration Development
Migration Development
Focus Areas : Case Studies Working Definition Types of Migration Why Migration Occurs Patterns of Migration Facts & Figures Lost, Found & Reinvented Theoretical Approach
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Understanding Migration
1992- 500 Years of Discovery of New World Case of Central American Weavers & USA Apparel Market Brazilian Economist vs. LAC Economic Collapse & the case of Mexican Revenge Formation of NAFTA / TATAs Land Rovers Case Chinese Population Replacement in Siberia
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Growth of Shanti Towns in Urban locations Movement of Bihar/UP/Madras Presidency People to Caribbean Island & Plantation Drive Student Migration to Developed Countries
Political prosecution have also caused large scale migration both within the borders and beyond borders. Jews Migration Goans have migrated down south, Pundits have fled their home land in Jammu and Kashmir, Tamilians have also moved away from Sri Lanka and many more such examples. In the 1960s, Pakistan used population replacement in Chittagong Hill Tract (CHT) region to tamper and control the erstwhile East Pakistan.
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Migration is more and more visible in coming times as more and more barrier free trade negotiations are to dominate the international economics. Migration or free movement of work force from their place of birth to newer destinations of opportunity there fore, is more an economic model and is directly linked to market dynamics and development models.
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Countries may differ for the minimum length of stay required to qualify as an immigrant rather than as a visitor three months in Belgium and Italy, for example. 12 months in Ireland. Moreover, some countries classify asylum seekers as immigrants while others do not. Data for Germany, for example, include some asylum seekers, but not all.
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The movement can be within the nation or outside the national boundaries. The United Nations protocol on migration, considers it a case of migration when there is movement to a new place for more than a calendar year. Going by this standard, the United Nations estimated 191 million migrants world wide in 2005 which is 3% of worlds 6.4 billion population.
In contrast to sector distribution of global labour force, approximately 60% of the global migrants are located in developed or industrial countries indicative of the linkage between migration and scope and scale of economic development. Migrant work force distribution is also markedly different from that of native born work force. Approximately 10% migrants into the industrial countries labour force is engaged in agriculture sector, 40% in industry and remaining 50% is absorbed in service sector.
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Migration Patterns
Types of Migrants
Migrants can be divided into five main categories: Settlers, contract workers, professionals, unauthorized workers & asylum seekers and refugees.
Contract workers - They are admitted to other countries on the understanding that they will stay only for a specific period: the length of their contract. Some are seasonal workers. Others will be on longer-term contracts, of a year or more. Most are to be found in the Gulf countries.
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These tend to involve fairly small numbers, typically fewer than 1% of people employed in local affiliates are expatriates.
There are significant numbers in most immigration countries. Some have been smuggled in, others are overstaying their visas, or are working on tourist visas.
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Asylum seekers and refugees - Asylum seekers have left their homes to escape danger; if their claims for asylum have been accepted they are then classified as 'refugees'. In some cases of mass flight, however, when thousands of people escape across a border they are accepted as refugees without going through this individual process. These are the main categories but there are many other possibilities.
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Why People Migrate ? Wage Gap The Need for Workers Development Disruption
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Fundamentals of Migration
Recruitment
Labor Wage Disparity
Migration Triggers
Remittances Incentivizes
Hourly earnings for US workers are around $15, and range from a low of $10 in retail trade to $19 in construction. An average factory worker in the US earns around four times more than one working in Mexico, and 30 times more than a Mexican agricultural worker. On average in the US foreign-born men earned 71% as much as native born men in 2000, primarily because they were concentrated in lower-paid occupations.
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Within Europe one of the widest cross-border wage gaps is between Germany and Poland. Polish factory workers earning $250 per month often therefore choose to spend their holidays in Germany where they can harvest asparagus for wages of $900 a month. Similar gaps are evident all over the world: between Burma and Thailand, for example, or between Mozambique and South Africa.
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Does this mean that wages everywhere would have to be equal to stop migration? Probably not. In Europe in the 1960s and 1970s, for example, there was large-scale migration from Spain and Italy to France and Germany. But as the wage ratios gradually fell fewer people chose to leave even though significant gaps remained. This was probably because people were thinking not just about the present but about the future. When prospects brighten most people prefer to stay at home.
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South Korea, for example, used to export millions of its own workers, but by the early 1990s was facing severe labour shortages, particularly for construction, and drew in people from neighboring countries. The same situation is still evident in countries such as the United Kingdom which are desperately short of workers in many areas particularly in the health and education services. But the need for immigrants persists even during economic downturns.
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This is partly because once these flows start, they are difficult to stop; workers put down roots and want their families to join them. But more fundamentally the 'dual labour market', mentioned in the section on migration theory, persists and ensures there is an irreducible demand for immigrants to do the less popular work that local workers reject. This was highlighted during the economic crisis in Asia from 1997. The first instincts of the governments of Thailand and Malaysia was to halt employment of immigrants.
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But when farmers and factories complained that they now had no-one to do the work, their governments had to relent and remove the restrictions. Nevertheless long-term immigrants are also more likely to be unemployed: in most European countries, unemployment rates for foreigners are twice as high as for native workers. This is partly because they often work in more unstable jobs, but also because of discrimination, unofficial and official.
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Development disruption
Another factor influencing emigration is the disruption caused by economic and social development. Development & modernization break up many of the relationships that hold communities together. Large-scale commercial agriculture in Latin America and the Caribbean Basin, for example, has displaced millions of small producers. Mexico is one of the clearest examples. From 1989 onwards, the government started to dismantle the system of communally held 'ejido' land(Collective Land Ownership System) and reduced subsidies to farmers. Since then hundreds of thousands of Mexicans have left the land. Most of those farmers had to leave the countryside and flock to the towns and cities.
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But the cities generally cannot offer the jobs the immigrants need. So the millions of people who crowd the slums and squatter settlements may also ultimately be tempted - or forced - to look further afield. This is similar to the processes which European countries went through during the industrial revolution. Added to this, there have been profound demographic changes, largely as a result of falling death rates, that have resulted in rapid increases in population size. Nevertheless the underlying principle is similar that the disruption caused by economic and social development makes people more mobile and creates the conditions for emigration.
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Fundamental Question of Cost of MigrationSocial Cost of Migration Culture Interface vs. Culture Shock Factor Movement & Do immigrants steal the jobs of local workers? Do immigrants sponge off welfare states? Do emigrants drain skills from their home countries?
The United States receives more immigrants than any country indeed almost more than all other countries put together. Despite efforts at restriction, the numbers have been rising steadily, primarily because of the demand for labour.
Arrivals in 2005 - 12,22,400 Foreign-born total -38 million (12.9% of population) Sources of legal arrivals India, 7.5%; China, 6.2%; Philippines 5.4%; Cuba 3.2% Immigration to the United States has been rising steadily and has now reached levels similar to those of the early 1900s. In 1914 arrivals of 1.2 million were 1.5% of the population, whereas in 2005 they were around 0.3%. Note that this is just arrivals. In fact, around one-third of permanent settlers return home.
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Migration Country Analysis: India Europeanization of South Asia & Indianization of Europe
How Does India Connect Historical Neglect & Lost Era Three Decades of Found & Reinvented Focus as Investors Development Collaboration Focus Goa migration Reference
12% of local households have at least one emigrant currently living abroad and 4% households have one return migrant. The average migration is in the age group of 20-39 years. 56% of Goan migrants work in Middle East who are potential return migrants and return much before ideal retirement age and look forward to another two or three decades of active life
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Country India China Mexico Philippines Bangladesh Nigeria Pakistan Lebanon Vietnam Egypt
1990 2.384 0.175 3.098 1.465 0.779 0.010 2.006 1.818 0 4.284
1995 5.2 2.0 4.0 5.5 1.2 0.075 1.8 1.2 0 3.15
2000 12.883 5.237 7.525 6.961 1.968 1.392 1.075 1.582 0 2.852
2005 22.125 24.102 23.062 13.566 4.315 3.329 4.280 4.934 4.0 5.017
2010 53.131 51.300 21.997 21.373 10.804 10.045 9.683 8.406 8.0 7.725
1 India 53.131 4% 2 China 51.300 1% 3 Mexico 21.997 3% 4 Philippines 21.373 12% 5 Bangladesh 10.804 12% 6 Nigeria 10.045 6% 7 Pakistan 9.683 5% 8 Lebanon 8.406 22% 9 Vietnam 8.0 7% 10 Egypt 7.725 4% Source: Remittances Fact Book, MPI
143% 62% 157% 1015% 1561% 166% 365% 157% 90% 107%
Repatriation of sale proceeds of residential property purchased by NRIs /PIOs out of the foreign exchange:
Can repatriate sales proceeds up to two residential properties purchased by them. Can remit funds of application/earnest money with interest on account of non-allotment provided that the original payment was made out of NRE (Non External Rupee) or FCNR (Foreign Currency Nonresident) account.
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Remittance of current income: NRIs/PIOs permitted to remit current income like rent, dividend, pension, interest etc. provided that they do not maintain NRO Accounts. Subject to simple certification by a CA with that applicable taxes have been paid for. NRIs/PIOs can credit the current income to their Non-Resident (External) Rupee account.
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Remittance of Rent: NRIs / PIOs can freely rent out their immovable property in India without the prior permission of the RBI. If financed by housing loans, rental income has to be adjusted towards the repayment of the loan. If rental income is less than the installment, the borrower should remit the outstanding loan amount from abroad or from his NRE, FCNR or NRO A/C in India. International Credit Cards permitted for NRI / PIOs without RBI permission
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Development Corporation for Israel (DCI). Ben. Gurion lunched it in USA and generated US$ 52.6Million.
2001- Sri Lanka Development Bonds (SLDB) sold to multiple investor categories including nonresident Sri Lankans. Has generated more than US$ 580million. 1970s- Egypt in late 1970s reportedly issued bonds to Egyptian workers throughout the Middle East. South African Reconciliation and Development (R&D) Bonds to domestic as well as expatriates are a project mission for South Africa.
2008- Ethiopia Millennium Corporate Bond - a single issue bond, to raise capital for the state owned Ethiopian Electric Power Corporation (EEPCO). Lebanon also seems to have banked on the Lebanese diaspora financial strength.
2001- Peru also through Perus Banco de Crdito Del Per raised $100 million. Grenada with a total diaspora constituency of only 230,000 people largely confined to four countries neighboring USA, Canada, and Trinidad & Tobago and finally UK - analyzing prospect of diaspora funding
Europe
Now Ireland, Greece, Spain and Portugal are mulling over the idea of diaspora funding to help rescue their economies from their current crisis.
No Gift Tax from 1st October, 1998 However, Gifts by NRI/PIO to spouse, minor children or sons wife shall involve clubbing of income and wealth in the hands of the donor. Gifts to Minor Children- Income clubbing shall cease after children become 18 years. NRl/PlO Gifts- subject to the tax authorities scrutiny. Gifts for marriage of the individual, irrespective of any limit, (but within reasonable limits) would not constitute income. Under FEMA 1999- No RBI approval needed for the resident donee to hold gifted immovable property outside India provided the said property is gifted by a person resident outside India.
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Investment Incentives
Immovable Property Incentive under FEMA Foreign citizen who is a resident of India can purchase immovable property (IP) in India without any approval from the RBI. Citizens Prohibited - Pakistan/Bangladesh/Sri Lanka/China/ Afghanistan /Iran/Nepal/Bhutan Acquiring / Transferring IP without RBI approval. Investments in agricultural property/plantation/ farmhouse / prohibited for all classes
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Investments up to 100% equity without repatriation benefits : Except Agricultural/plantation/ Real Estate /Print Media NRIs can invest by way of capital contribution in proprietary or partnership concern in India subject to certain conditions. Other investments by NRIs/OCBs without repatriation benefits : Investment in Non-Convertible Debentures Money Market Mutual Funds Deposits with Companies Commercial Papers (OCBs are presently not permitted)
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FDI Incentives
Air Transport Sector Up to 49% & 74% FDIs permitted in scheduled and nonscheduled air transport services. NRIs can invest up to 100%. FDI cap in the domestic airlines sector has been enhanced from 40% to 49%. NRI investment is permitted up to100% with no direct or indirect equity participation by the foreign airlines.
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SEZ Projects NRI investments in SEZ projects, hotels, hospitals are comparatively more liberal than others. Township Development 100% FDI allowed under the automatic route for development of township, housing, built up infrastructure and construction development projects. The minimum area requirement has been reduced to 10 hectares for serviced housing plots and 50,000 square meters built up area for construction-development projects. For investment by NRIs, the conditions are not applicable.
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Telecom Sector FDI cap increased from 49% to 74% in basic and cellular telecom services. The revised cap includes both FDI and portfolio investment. FDI has been permitted in FM Radio Broadcasting up to a maximum of 20% (which is inclusive of FDI, NRI, PIO and FII). Activities on general permission route of RBI Simplification of the existing procedures in FDI, Transfer of shares in an existing Indian company from residents to nonresidents and vice-versa (except in the financial sector and where SEBI takeover code is attracted); Conversion of ECB/loan into equity, provided the activity is covered under the automatic route and the foreign equity after such conversion falls within the sectoral cap;
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Phenomenal Increase in Migration Studies in the recent years. Largely due to financial facet of the issue. Remittances in Particular triggered the shift in focus. Striking increase in remittance flows. Remittances sent back to developing countries rose from $31.1 billion in 1990 to $76.8 billion in 2000 to $167.0 billion in 2005. Prospect of all round Collaboration increases the focus
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There is a growing belief that remittances are a more effective instrument for income redistribution, poverty reduction and economic growth than large, bureaucratic development programmes or development aid (Kapur 2003). After decades of pessimism and concerns on brain drain, governments of migrant sending countries have put renewed hopes on transnationally oriented migrants and Diasporas as potential investors and actors of development (De Haas & Plug 2006; Gamlen 2006).
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Migration and development is anything but a new topic. However, the recent re-discovery of the migrationdevelopment nexus tends to go along with a striking level of amnesia of the insights that have emerged from decades of prior research and policy experience with the issue. Table below depicts these main phases in the post-WWII academic and policy debate on migration and development. It shows how the scholarly and policy debates on migration and development have tended to swing back and forth like a pendulum from sheer optimism to sheer pessimism, and back again to optimistic views in recent years.
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Migration optimists Functionalist Neo-classical Modernisation Net North-South transfer Brain gain More equality Remittance investment Development Less migration
Migration pessimists Structuralist Neo-Marxist Disintegration Net South-North transfer Brain drain More inequality Consumption Dependency More migration
Over the 20th century, several theoretical perspectives on migration have evolved. However, they have generally evolved in isolation from one another, and show important differences in their level of analysis as well as paradigmatic and thematic orientation. One of the possible reasons for this lack of coherence is that migration has never been the exclusive domain of one of the social sciences, but has been studied by most of them. Differences in disciplinary and paradigmatic orientation and level of analysis have led to widespread controversy on the nature, causes, and consequences of migration.
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In their seminal review article, Massey et al. (Massey et al 1993:432) stated that popular thinking on international migration remains mired in 19th century concepts, models, and assumptions . . . . a full understanding of contemporary migration processes will not be achieved by relying on the tools of one discipline alone, or by focusing on a single level of analysis. Rather, their complex, multifaceted nature requires a sophisticated theory that incorporates a variety of perspectives, levels, and assumptions
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Over the past decades, several migration researchers have bemoaned the absence of a comprehensive migration theory, and there have been numerous calls or attempts to develop just such a general migration theory (Lee 1966; Massey et al 1998; Zelinsky 1971). Among the main reasons explaining why it is so difficult to generalize about the causes and consequences of migration are the diversity and complexity of the phenomenon as well as the difficulty of separating migration from other socio-economic and political processes. Moreover, it is often difficult to combine macro- and micro-level theories of migration. This has led scholars to conclude that there will probably never be a general theory on migration (Salt 1987; Van Amersfoort 1998).
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Up to the early 1980s, the theoretical debate on migration tended to be rather polarized With neo-classical views on the one hand & historicalstructuralist views (neo-Marxist, dependency, world systems) on the other. Since then, however, under the influence of postmodernism, the debate has become less polarized and has been characterized by increasing synergy between migration theorists from different disciplines and paradigmatic backgrounds.
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Ravenstein's findings stimulated an enormous volume of work, and, although the laws have been adjusted by succeeding researchers, they have not been totally rejected. Observations of each law as applied to Britain in the 1980s, for example, show that with respect to point 1, over half the moves made annually in England and Wales were in the same local authority area; and to point 3, that the largest urban centers received the highest number of immigrants.
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At the micro-level, neo-classical migration theory views migrants as individual, rational actors, who decide to move on the basis of a cost-benefit calculation. Assuming free choice and full access to information, they are expected to go where they can be the most productive, that is, are able to earn the highest wages. This capacity obviously depends on the specific skills a person possesses and the specific structure of labor markets. Neo-classical migration theory sees rural-urban migration as an constituent part of the whole development process, by which surplus labor in the rural sector supplies the workforce for the urban industrial economy (Lewis 1954).
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Neo-classical migration theory is firmly entrenched in developmentalist modernization theory based on development as a linear, universal process consisting of successive stages (cf. Rostow 1960). Todaro (1969) and Harris and Todaro (1970) elaborated the basic two-sector model of rural- to-urban labour migration. This influential Harris-Todaro model has remained the basis of neo-classical migration theory since then.
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The first scholarly contribution to migration consisted of two articles by the 19th century geographer E.G.Ravenstein (1885; 1889). In which he formulated his laws of migration. He saw migration as an inseparable part of development, and asserted that the major causes of migration were economic. Migration patterns were further assumed to be influenced by factors such as distance and population densities (Skeldon 1997:19).
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This perspective, in which people are expected to move from low income to high income areas, and from densely to sparsely populated areas, that is, the general notion that migration movements tend towards a certain spatial-economic equilibrium, has remained alive in the work of many demographers, geographers, and economists ever since (Castles & Miller 2003:22), and, as we will see, is also the underlying assumption of push-pull theories.
A radically different interpretation of migration was provided as of the 1960s by the historical-structural paradigm on development, Has its intellectual roots in Marxist political economy and in world systems theory (Castles & Miller 2003:25). Contemporary historical-structural theory emerged in response to functionalist (neo-classical) and develop mentalist- modernization approaches towards development.
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As in most fields of social science, historicalstructuralism has dominated migration research in the 1970s and most of the 1980s. Historical structuralists have not developed a migration theory as such, but perceive migration as a natural outgrowth of disruptions and dislocations that are intrinsic to the process of capitalist accumulation. They interpret migration as one of the many manifestations of capitalist penetration and the increasingly unequal terms of trade between developed and underdeveloped countries (Massey et al 1998:36).
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Andre Gunder Frank the frontrunner of the dependency theory, which hypothesized that global capitalism (and migration as one of its manifestations) contributed to the development of underdevelopment. The dependency school views migration not just as detrimental to the economies of underdeveloped countries but also as one of the very causes of underdevelopment, rather than as a path towards development.
According to this view, migration ruins stable peasant societies, undermines their economies and uproots their populations. Emmanuel Wallersteins world-systems theory classified countries according to their degree of dependency, and distinguished between the capitalist core nations, followed by the semi-peripheral, peripheral, and isolated nations in the external area, which were not (yet) included in the capitalist system.
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In this perspective, the incorporation of the peripheries into the capitalist economy is associated with putting a (migration) drain on them, exactly the opposite of factor price equalization presumed by neo-classical theory. Instead of flowing in the opposite direction of capital as predicted by neoclassical category, the idea is that labour follows where capital goes. Historical structuralists have criticized neo-classical migration theory, stating that individuals do not have a free choice, because they are fundamentally constrained by structural forces. Rather than a matter of free choice, people are forced to move because traditional economic structures have been undermined as a result of their incorporation into the global political- economic system.
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E.S. Lee (1966) revised Ravensteins 19th century laws on migration and proposed a new analytical framework for migration. In his view, the decision to migrate is determined by the following factors: factors associated with the area of origin; factors associated with the area of destination; so-called intervening obstacles (such as distance, physical barriers, immigration laws, and so on); and personal factors.
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Lee argued that migration tends to take place within well-defined streams, from specific places at the origin to specific places at the destination, not only because opportunities tend to be highly localized but also because the flow of knowledge back from destination facilitates the passage for later migrants.
Lee also stated that migration is selective with respect to the individual characteristics of migrants because people respond differently to plus and minus factors at origins and destinations and have different abilities to cope with the intervening variables (Reniers 1999:681). Therefore, migrants are rarely representative of their community of origin. This is consistent with the neo-classical perspective which explains migration selectivity by individual differences in human capital endowments and the discriminating aspects of costs and risks associated with migration.
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Although Lee did not apparently invent or employ the term Push-Pull himself, his analytical framework is commonly referred to as the push-pull model (Passaris 1989). The push-pull model is basically an individual choice and equilibrium model, and is, therefore, largely analogous to neo-classical micro models. The push-pull model has gained enormous popularity in the migration literature & has become the dominant migration model.
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Most researchers who have applied the push-pull framework have assumed that various environmental, demographic, and economic factors determine migration decisions. Two main forces are typically distinguished to create the pushes and pulls: (1) rural population growth causing a Malthusian pressure on natural and agricultural resources, and pushing people out of marginal rural areas, and (2) economic conditions (higher wages) luring people into cities and industrialized countries. At first sight, the push-pull model seems attractive, as it is apparently able to incorporate all the factors that play a role in migration decision-making. Because of its apparent ability to integrate other theoretical insights, it has been frequently suggested that a general view of labour migration could best be achieved using a push-pull framework
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GOPIO has been gaining ground far and wide. Same is the case with Punjabi & Gujarati associations networking around the world. The Telugu diaspora initiated its global networks through launching of the World Telugu Conference in 1975 which subsequently emerged as World Telugu Federation (WTF) in 1992. The WTF held its Convention in Durban 1994, hosted by Andhra Maha Sabha of South Africa, bringing the Telugus world over to South Africa.
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Today we find transnational networking among the Indian diaspora based on multiple identities of religion, region and also of caste, especially among the new diaspora and the diaspora communities which have retained closer linkages with places of their origin. Indian Diaspora suggest that the Indian immigrants have crossed approximately the 27 million mark, dispersed around the globe in more than 70 countries (MEA, 2002). They number above 10,000 in 48 countries and half a million mark in 11 countries.
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People of Indian origin represent a significant proportion of the population of some of the countries such as They are a visible minority in countries like-
Mauritius- 60.35% Guyana -51.01% Trinidad & Tobago- 39.04% Surinam-35.00% Fiji- 41.34%
Malaysia-7.20% Hong Kong & Singapore- 5.40% South Africa-3.00% United Kingdom- 2.10% Canada -2.6% U.S.A- 1.60%
Almost all countries in West Asia and the Gulf have a substantial work force recruited from India though they return to the places of their origin after the termination of their contracts.
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Conclusion
Country Perception largely owing to these paradigm shift, now looks at Migrants as important constituency for variety of development collaborations. Hence, Govt. of India has divided the MEA into two Ministries i.e. MEA & Overseas Indian Affairs Ministry. Number of local cells like NRI Cell are instituted in state levels. Programmes like Know India, Know Goa/ My Village Project etc. are periodically organized by Ministry to create a corridor of understanding. The approach is likely to increase in future
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