Identity through Urban Nomenclature: Eight Central European Cities

Zoran Stiperski, Luka Lorber, Emil Herak, Pavel Ptaek, Zygmunt Grka, Arkadiusz Koo, Jelena Lonar, Josip Farii, Mirjana Milievi, Ana Vujakovi & Anita Hruka Abstract
This paper deals with identity through city toponyms. Names of streets, squares, parks and lanes provide insight into a communitys interpretation of its past, determined in relation to individuals, institutions and events. Street terminology becomes a pantheon of meritorious social icons. Changes indicate the trends, goals and aspirations of society. This study was conducted in the historical cores of eight Central European cities: Graz, Krakw, Olomouc, Prague, Maribor, Zagreb, Zadar and Mostar. Three time cross-sections were examined: 1935, 1985 and 2009. The year 1935 was an example of the social conditions before WWII and socialist revolutions in Eastern Europe. The period after the socialist era was reflected in 1985. The year 2009 represents the present situation (transition situation). WWII had more of an effect on urban nomenclature than the fall of the Berlin Wall, but this differs between the various cities. Finally, regarding the structure of toponyms, it is concluded that statehood, culture-creators and artists and religion are overall the three most emphased origins of toponyms. Yet, in some cities other types of toponyms derived from localities, crafts and trades, entrepreneurs are more dominant. Anita Hruka Department of Geography, University of Zagreb, Croatia E-mail: zstiper@geog.pmf.hr Luka Lorber, Department of Geography, University of Maribor, Slovenia Emil Herak, Department of Antropology, University of Zagreb, Croatia Pavel Ptaek, Department of Geography, Palack University in Olomouc, Czech Republic Zygmunt Grka Arkadiusz Koo Institute of Geography and Spatial Management, Jagiellonian University in Krakw, Poland Josip Farii, Department of Geography, University of Zadar, Croatia Mirjana Milievi, Department of Geography, University of Mostar, Bosnia and Herzegovina Geografisk Tidsskrift-Danish Journal of Geography 111(2):181194, 2011

Key words
Urban nomenclature, city cores, city toponyms, Central Europe, ideology, identity. Zoran Stiperski (Corresponding author) Jelena Lonar Ana Vujakovi

Introduction
To quote Shakespeare, a street by any other name would still be a street. Yet streets, just as the roses that inspired the English playwright, are not all the same. Streets differ in length, width, function and location, or in other words in their importance. In this paper we will not so much focus

on such meanings behind symbols, but rather on the selection, positioning and shifting of name symbols, in this case street names, to convey meanings. Streets are streets, but instead of merely being identified by their orientation or their constructors, as in the days of the Roman Empire, or by simply being given a number, as in many cities in
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the United States, during the last centuries, in Europe and elsewhere, street names have reflected collective identities, or more precisely they have been a way in which ruling elites have attempted to influence such identities. Political elites, if they are aware of the symbolic power denoted by space, erase symbols of previous regimes and implant their own ones. New regimes determine new versions of history and new world-views. They accentuate persons, events and historical facts that can be useful to their rule, and try to erase from the populations memory others that might be detrimental to them (Graham et al., 2000). On the superficial level street nomenclature serves as a set of city markers and beacons that help to orient us in space. On the subliminal level it conveys symbolic messages stemming from ruling world-views or ideologies (Azaryahu & Kook, 2002). Townspeople generally consider some places in the city to be more significant and more valuable than others. And thus the location of a street in the town, its frequency of traffic and its physical length contribute to the reputation of the person or the event whose name it carries. The most important and most reputable persons in the hierarchy of values receive street names in the best locations (Azaryahu & Kook, 2002). Earlier studies of cities in Europes former socialist or peoples republics (a context which relates also to our paper), did not focus greatly on the way in which their communist regimes used broad types of symbols in urban landscapes in order to legitimise and institutionalise the ideology of revolutionary socialism (Light et al., 2002). Light et al. (2002) did consider the role of street names in this process, with emphasis on Bucharest, Romanias capital, during the period from 1948 to 1965. When the communists came to power, they extensively renamed streets so as to erase memories of the pre-socialist regime, and to broadcast the agenda and ideology of the communist state (Light et al., 2002). New street names celebrated numerous events and personalities from the history of Romanian and Soviet communism. The effect of street names was enhanced further by repeated renamings and the spatial concentration of street names with high-ideological resonance. This paper showed that street names in Bucharest could be read as a mirror of ideological changes, of changes in the ideological identity structure and in Romanias macro-political orientation (especially in regard to the countrys shifting relations with the Soviet Union) (Light et al., 2002). Based on ethnographic fieldwork in Serbia, Jansen (2001) explored the spatial dimensions of the protest against Miloevis regime in 199697, i.e. the significance of the spatialisation of protest, as built into the urban area of Ser182 Geografisk Tidsskrift-Danish Journal of Geography 111(2)

bias capital, Belgrade. He analysed the interdependence between the formation of identity and symbolic practices of protest, as well as the role of spatial metaphors such as the city and Europe in revolutionary discussions (Jansen, 2001). Another paper examined, inter alia, changes in the toponymy of the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Sarajevo (Robinson et al., 2001). Altogether 38.6% of the citys toponyms were renamed in the post-Yugoslav period, and the authors note that names associated with Serbia, Croatia, or with Serbs and Croats (even those from the BosnianHerzegovinian context), were replaced mainly by names associated with Sarajevo and the Bosniak Muslim population and culture (including a return to some old toponyms from the Ottoman period) (Robinson et al., 2001). The conclusion would be that this was an attempt to create a Bosnian-Herzegovina identity based primarily on the Bosniak element, as opposed to the identity of the country in the previous Yugoslav period, which was founded on an intermixing of Muslims (= Bosniaks), Serbs and Croats. The renaming of streets was generally an indicative reflection of post-communist changes in Central Europe and in the ex-USSR. Such renamings were expressions/ manifestations of a reconfiguration or restructuring of space and history, which was a vital and integral element of the post-communist transformation (Light, 2004.). Changes of street names were part of the process of creating new public iconographic landscapes in harmony with the values of the new regimes, and analysing such changes may provide important insights into the ways in which post-communist countries altered the contours of national identities and national pasts. Light (2004) again focused on the renaming of streets in Bucharest between 1990 and 1997, and viewed such actions as an integral segment of the post-communist transformation. The central theme in the changing of street names evokes the pre-communist era, increasingly referred to as the Romanian golden age (Light, 2004.). As in many other parts of Central Europe, Hungary has a tradition of changing street names and monuments at the onset of major political transitions. Palonen (2008) focused on changes of street names, monuments or city designations in Hungarys capital, Budapest, between 1985 and 2001. Toponyms in Budapest became a subject of debate between various sides on different political levels, including the national state, and among city and district authorities, in which each participant upheld different political ideals during and after the fall of communism. In Budapest and in Hungary different levels of administration had different visions as to how national sovereignty should be expressed.

Changes were not, primarily, expressions of a simple transition towards articulating the post-communist value system, but rather derived from a controversial debate on symbols between different levels of administration (Palonen, 2008). In over 150 years, through five diverse political formations, the city of Zagreb expanded its borders, in accordance with the political, economic and cultural possibilities of each specific period (Stani, 2007). Each political regime simultaneously left its mark on the city toponymy, with ideological messages and values. Street names were used in shaping collective identity, collective memories and perceptions of history. In Zagreb, as Croatias capital city, these processes were particularly pronounced during the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and more recently, during the formation of the independent Republic of Croatia (Stani, 2007). Comparative analysis of towns in Croatias Kvarner and Istrian regions indicated also differences in the expression of regional identity registered in names of streets, etc. Regional identity was more strongly expressed in Istria (Crljenko, 2006). The specific dualism of the Istrian regional identity was confirmed by a greater proportion of toponyms in Istrian towns influenced by the Italian language. Analysis of toponyms in the Kvarner town of Senj proved that its historical-geographic development could be to a great degree reconstructed from these toponyms (Crljenko, 2006). In the broader Eastern European setting, one recent work presents the entire history of the names of streets, avenues, rivers, canals, bridges and islands in Saint Petersburg, from the 19th century (and sometimes earlier) until the present (Vladimirovi & Erofeev, 2009). Although this work is primarily an inventory, not a scientific study, the vast material presented shows some very typical tendencies, especially the relatively frequent renaming of streets, etc. after the Bolshevik revolution, and later the return of many names to their historical or pre-revolution forms after the break-up of the Soviet Union (1991). Yet not all names given to streets during the Soviet era were renamed after 1991. Here we must emphasise that, in contrast to the situation in most Eastern European countries in which communism was generally imported or imposed from abroad, the Soviet era developed as a continuity of Russian history, and many persons and events that received street names in the Soviet era were also seen as important in Russian history and culture. A similar situation occurred in former Yugoslavia, where the communist revolution was internal, and thus certain of its protagonists were important also in local history. The best (although controversial) example of

this is the preservation of many street and square names referring to Josip Broz Tito (18921980) in ex-Yugoslav states. In the past decades there have also been other significant studies that treated naming and renaming practices in Europe and other continents, not necessary only in regard urban toponyms. We might mention the works by Hammer (1989) and Nash (1998) on place names in Ireland, in which after the creation of the Irish Free State in 1922 there was a restoration of former, most often Gaelic names. Also in the context of nation building, Cohen & Kliot (1992) analysed naming schemes in Israel in which they identified two approaches: continuity with tradition and a preference for change, which reflected the ideologies of Israeli political parties (they also noted Palestinian naming tendencies, which stressed Arabic origins and demands for independence). Finally, we should mention Wilber Zelinskys (1984) study of place-names in the United States and Canada, in which he found that 25% of all such names in the US reflected patriotism and (American) nationalism, while this percentage amounted only to 6.5% in Canada. His conclusion was that when a state approaches maturity, the need for inventing nationalist symbols diminishes, which apparently occurred in the US at the end of the 19th century (Zelinsky, 1984). Most articles on urban nomenclature deal with names only in one city. This paper analyses toponyms in eight Central European cities. Cities define themselves in toponyms, and after analysing the toponyms of our selected cities, we were able to compare such self-definitions in the cases of Graz (Austria), Krakw (Poland), Maribor (Slovenia), Mostar (Bosnia and Herzegovina), Olomouc and Prague (the Czech Republic), Zadar and Zagreb (Croatia). The intent of the paper was to provide a broader overview of this phenomenon, which may also reflect some deeper fault lines between identities in Central Europe, a region which is still difficult to delineate, due to diverse criteria.

Methodology and study areas

Two of the cities we analysed were state capitals, Prague and Zagreb. The rest were major regional centres. In size, Zadar was the smallest (70,000 inhabitants), Prague the largest (1.7 million inhabitants). All eight cities are typically, or predominantly Central European, except for Zadar and Mostar. Zadar has both Central European and Mediterranean traits, while Mostar has Central European and Balkan or Oriental traits. All eight cities in this investigation
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were until 1919 part of the Habsburg Monarchy. Four of them (Maribor, Zagreb, Zadar and Mostar) were between 1919 and 1990 within Yugoslavia. All the cities, except Graz, were part of communist Eastern Europe, and after the fall of the Berlin Wall began to establish links with Western Europe. Until 1995 not one of them was within the European Union (i.e. European Community). In 1995 Graz became a city in the EU, in 2004 so did Krakw, Prague, Olomouc and Maribor; in view of Croatias candidate status, in two-three years Zagreb and Zadar might be within the EU. Mostar is currently quite far from this association. Research was conducted on city cores, in the strictest sense. These were the actual historical centres, the oldest and most recognizable parts of cities, and not necessarily the formal administrative urban units that included them, which were often more extensive. Local residents and tourists mainly visit these historical cores to stroll, shop, visit important institutions, and absorb the social and historical heritage of the cities. Passage through a historical centre involves a specific type of consumption of a city. Certain buildings, squares and streets, and urban scenes become hallmarks of cities, their picture postcards. Here every possible upgrade in urban construction, or any change, provokes great interest in professional circles and in the resident population. Each such intervention is discussed. Local inhabitants are typically conservative and have an inclination towards preserving familiar or recognizable city contours. This study examined the names of 602 streets, squares, parks and lanes in the cores of our eight cities. The largest number was in Zadar (110), followed by Olomouc (89), Maribor (74), Krakw (69), Graz (69), Prague (67), Mostar (65) and Zagreb (59). The large number of names considered in the case of a small city such as Zadar, in comparison to the relatively smaller numbers for large cities such as Prague, Krakw and Zagreb, is the result of a different spatial plan. Zadar, as a Mediterranean city, has numerous small streets in its core, and few broad avenues, and thus had much more street names to analyse. We analysed three different years, representing crosssections in time: 2009, 1985, 1935. The stated number of 602 names refers to the situation in 2009. The situation in 1985 and 1935 was different in some cases. Specifically, some streets previously had one common name, but were later subdivided and received two or three names. Or, sometimes a small urban clearing or expanse, which previously had been nameless, eventually received a name. Through city terminology we see the way in which city authorities define the city as to world-views, ideo184 Geografisk Tidsskrift-Danish Journal of Geography 111(2)

logical positions and national missions. These toponyms present a reflection of ourselves, and of our utilisation of a certain space. Passing through a city we receive, imperceptibly but persistently, messages pertaining to ideology and world-views. Resistance is possible, but reception is always present. The system of giving names to city locations determines the importance of persons, institutions, events and regions in specific pantheons of values. When street names are changed, these values fade, and new ones are introduced into the pantheon. Through reviewing the entire pantheon it is possible to detect the identity of a city and its declared mission, or at least its officially expressed identity. The official factor must be stressed, since identities articulated by political elites are not necessarily the same as in the general population. Yet with the passage of time, or rather if they pass the test of time and shifts in ruling elites, certain pantheon names become generally accepted. Therefore, street terminology is a reflection of ourselves in time and space. Especially in historical core areas of cities, city authorities are very attentive to selecting the names of streets, etc. The public is particularly sensitive to changes in core areas, in regard to renamings and construction activities, whereas peripheral areas are spared such public sensitivity which becomes a form of supervision. Peripheral areas have a lesser historical importance. They are less often frequented and for most residents are not recognizable as important elements in their mental maps. The question of how the citys main square and surrounding streets will be named is of first-rate importance for city authorities and the local population. The simplest cases in this sense are in Graz and Maribor, where the main squares are just called Main Square (Hauptplatz in Graz, Glavni trg in Maribor). In Prague the historical central square is named after the old town (Staromstsk nmest), and in Krakw after the main market (Rynek Gwny), which is the largest former mediaeval market square in Europe. In Zagreb the situation developed gradually, since the city was formed by the fusion of two towns. The oldest centre was the bishops town, Kaptol, founded in 1094. Later a trade town, Gradec, developed on a nearby hill, today the Upper Town, and its main square was named after St. Mark (Markov trg), since from the 13th century a fair was held there on St. Marks day. When the two previous towns merged in the 17th century, a new market area developed between them, known as Harmica (from the Hungarian word harminc, thirty, referring to a market tax). This new area became the centre of Zagreb, and was renamed in 1848 Jelai

Square, after the Croatian ban, Josip Jelai (18011859). Yet since Karl Marx condemned Jelai in his writings as a reactionary, in 1945 the new communist regime renamed this space Square of the Republic (Trg Republike). The designation Jelai square was returned in 1990. Olomouc also reflects a mediaeval tradition. Its central square is named Upper Square (Horn nmst), after the older elevated part of the town. The history of Zadars central square is probably the oldest, possibly dating back to the Roman forum, which in the Middle Ages was simply called Large Square (Platea magna). In the modern period it came to be known as the Seigniorial Square (in Italian Piazza dei Signori) and finally, after WWII, it received its present name Square of the People (Narodni trg). In historical city cores, our study examined all the names of streets, squares, parks and lanes, and not just selected examples. We classified city toponyms into several categories and groups (Table 1). In one group we placed all names linked to statehood. Here we included toponyms named after presidents, influential politicians, army leaders and generals, the nobility, kings, emperors, revolutionaries, soldiers and combatants who died in action, mayors, and cultural movements important for the political definition
Table 1: Categories and groups*.

of nations and countries. In the second group we placed toponyms named after culture-creators and artists, such as poets, writers, painters, sculptors, architects, or other persons who had a significant cultural impact such as some archaeologists and linguists. In the third, pertaining to religion, we classified names honouring saints, religious orders, priests, bishops and popes. A fourth group included scientists; the fifth entrepreneurs, benefactors, and craftspeople. These five groups made up one large category of personal names. There are also many city toponyms that do not come from persons. This important category includes various geographic designations. In this category, the first group of toponyms includes names of rivers, cities, regions, countries, mountains, islands, etc. A second group of names describes the position of streets, etc. in relation to some significant locality such as a railway station, market, riverbank, palace, castle, church, hospital and similar, which either presently exists or existed previously. A third group in the geographic category includes names denoting specific physical appearance (traits): narrow, steep, wide, long, hill or similar. We include into this group also toponyms taken from nature: flowers, orchids, linden trees and similar. Sometimes, such names are informal. For instance, one

Categories* Persons

Groups Statehood Culture-creators and artists Religion Scientists Entrepreneurs

Explanation Presidents, politicians, army leaders and generals, the nobility, kings, emperors, etc. Poets, writers, painters, sculptors, architects, etc. Saints, religious orders, priests, bishops and popes. Renowned persons from various scientific fields. Entrepreneurs, benefactors, and craftspeople. Rivers, towns, regions, countries, mountains, islands, etc. Vicinity to a railway station, market, river-bank, palace, castle, church, hospital, etc. Narrow, steep, wide, long, hill, and names from nature: orchids, linden trees, etc. May 1st (Labour Day), banks, newspapers, social movements, armies or army units, etc. Places where butchers, blacksmiths, millers, weavers, etc., once worked. Street names that could not be grouped or categorised.

Geography

Geographic names Localities Appareance (traits, nature)

Historical events, Institutions Crafts and Trades Other

(Same as category) (Same as category) (Same as category)

*All names in these categories were also subdivided into groups according to the level of significance: city-related, regional, national and foreign.

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square in Zagreb, created in 1897 after the clearing of a city block, became an area where flowers were (and still are) sold. For this reason, it was called Flower Square (Cvjetni trg), yet it was officially named after the poet Petar Preradovi (18181872). The choice of Preradovi was significant, since he always identified himself as a Croat of the Orthodox faith, and on this square the oldest Eastern Orthodox Church in Zagreb is located. Later Eastern Orthodoxy was associated mainly with Serbs, and thus after WWII the communists renamed the location Brotherhood and Unity Square (Trg bratstva i jedinstva) to evoke the ideal relationship among Yugoslav peoples, especially Croats and Serbs. The original name, honouring Preradovi, was returned after the fall of the communism, although people continue to refer to Flower Square. The next (third) important category involves names taken from historical events, institutions and similar, e.g. May 1st (International Labour Day), or from the names of certain banks, newspapers, social movements, armies or army units. In historical city cores toponyms are often taken from crafts or trade professions, such as butchers, blacksmiths, millers, weavers and similar (such names typically denote mediaeval layers in cities). We classified these names into a separate, fourth category. Finally, some street names could not be classified anywhere, and consequently these names were placed into the category other. Often there is some doubt when classifying toponyms into a specific group, since some toponyms honouring persons could be placed into more than one group. This occurs frequently when a poet or culturally important person was also a participant in an important political movement. In such cases a decision had to be made as to the most important role of the person involved: either in the culturalartistic field, or in the sphere of statehood (politics). If it was judged that the different roles of the person were relatively equal, then toponyms referring to him or her were classified into two groups. There were cases when a toponym deriving from the name of a person could be classified even into three groups, as in the example of Josip Juraj Strossmayer (18151905). As the Catholic bishop of akovo in Slavonia, Strossmayer worked on the unification of Western and Eastern Christianity, and his opposition to the doctrine of papal infallibility at the First Vatican Council (18691870) was historic. Furthermore, his success in establishing the Yugoslav Academy of Sciences and Arts (today the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts) in 1866 was very important for the cultural and scientific
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development of South Slavic peoples. Yet in the popular conception Strossmayer is mostly seen as a politician, and he was thus listed in the group pertaining to statehood. Another type of classification pertained to the importance of persons, events, mountains or rivers in view of their geographic specificities. This classification was more straightforward, and included four groups: city-related, regional, national and foreign. The city-related group included all names of persons, events or descriptions of localities which had a city-related, or strictly local significance. For example, a mayor or founder of a city museum has a local (city) significance, not a national one. City toponyms derived from crafts or trade professions, from physical descriptions such as steep or narrow, or from proximity to localities such as railway stations or hospitals, were classified as having city-related significance, since they convey local city meanings, although some names have elements that surpass locations. Persons or historical events with a national (i.e. statelevel) significance were placed in the national group. We included in this group also some local persons that besides a regional significance also had national importance. For example, Ivan Gunduli (15891638) is associated with Dubrovnik, but there is an Ivan Gunduli street in Zagreb, and for Zagreb residents he has more significance on the national level, than on the city-related or regional level. Names of saints have been denoted as entailing national importance, yet Catholic saints are saints for the entire Catholic world and thus would often need to be categorised as foreigners. For example, the cathedral in Zagreb is dedicated to Saint Marys Ascension (as well as to Saints Stephen and Ladislaus), although the people of Zagreb and Croats in general look upon Saint Mary as a national saint and protectoress of the Croat people (the Heavenly Virgin, Queen of the Croats) and not only as a major saint venerated throughout the Christian world. In the regional group, toponyms have been included relating to the region to which the analysed city belongs, as is the case of Styria for Maribor or Graz, Moravia for Olomouc, Bohemia for Prague or Dalmatia for Zadar. Some cities appear not to belong to any region. Zagreb is formally part of the Prigorje region in Central Croatia, but this identity has been overshadowed by the citys role as Croatias capital. Also, Prigorje as a region is merely a geographic denomination, and does not have a strong identity stemming from history, political specificity and clearly recognisable traditions, such as the old regions of Dalmatia, Moravia or Styria. Consequently, in the case of Zagreb, persons, events and geographical names were

classified as regional if they pertained to persons, events or geographic names significant only for settlements near Zagreb or in Central Croatia, whereas in Zadar persons important for Dalmatia, a clearly constituted region, were classified as regional. In the foreign group we classified toponyms named after persons that were born or made their major contributions abroad, or else after events that occurred outside the countries in question and had significant international traits, such as May 1st (International Labour Day). Toponyms named after popes were classified as foreign, for although the Catholic Church in Poland and Croatia has a strong national impact, popes are nevertheless Roman bishops. Apart from the present situation, we were interested in changes that occurred at distinctive points in history. Accordingly, we analysed urban nomenclature in three years representing three time cross-sections: 2009, 1985, 1935. The intent was to determine the situation prior to WWII, and the year 1935 served as an example for this period. The year 1985 indicated the situation after WWII, but also before the fall of the Berlin Wall, or the impending period of great political changes in ex-communist Europe, an area which included all the analysed cities except for Graz. The year 2009, was taken as an example of the present situation, i.e. of the state after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Typically, starting from years that represent crucial historical turning points (1939/41, 1945 and 1990) the renaming of city toponyms progressed more intensely in subsequent years (from 1945 to 1955, or from 1990 to 1995). After these periods, the rate of renamings decreased and gradually ended. When renamings were finally completed after WWII in the 1950s, further changes stopped, except in rare cases. That is the reason why the year 1946 was not analysed, but rather the considerably later year 1985, which summarised the communist phase.

Analysis
City toponyms by the origin of names in 2009 Most toponyms in the cores of all eight analysed cities come from the surnames of persons or families. The second most common group were geographic designations. The remaining two lesser groups were named after crafts or trade professions and historical events and institutions. About 4% of the toponyms were not classified into any of the mentioned groups. A more detailed analysis of the toponyms from surnames of persons or families revealed that most came from

persons or families with political importance for the creation, protection or management of the state. This group included names of presidents, members of the nobility, kings, emperors or princes, army leaders, revolutionaries, mayors, soldiers who died in combat, and leaders of social movements or movements of importance for the country. This statehood group included 21% of all toponyms, and so every fifth street bears the name of a person important for the state. The second group by frequency of names in city toponymy pertains to persons from the world of culture and art: authors of works of art such as writers, poets, painters, sculptors, architects, etc., and persons important for culture, such as linguists, historians, chroniclers, archaeologists, etc. The third group by frequency of city toponyms refers to the names of persons associated with religion: saints, bishops, popes, etc. It is interesting to note that only 5% of all streets, etc. have been named after persons from the world of business entrepreneurs, industrialists, bankers and benefactors, and only 2% have been named after scientists and technologists. From a total of 602 analysed toponyms in the eight cities, only 10 bear the names of scientists and technologists and 30 of entrepreneurs, craftspeople and industrialists, while 107 are named after artists and culture-creators and 135 after persons important in the sphere of statehood. The fourth group by frequency of names in city toponymy pertains to specific city localities: for example, streets named after railway stations, important buildings, markets, etc. Some streets are named after buildings hospitals, churches, palaces that once existed on them. To the passer-by it might seem that the name comes from some person or saint, while in reality the street received its name from a saint to which a former church, at that location, had once been dedicated. A good example is Margarets Street in Zagreb (Margaretska ulica). Here there was once a Catholic church named after St. Margaret, first mentioned in 1334 and associated with a mediaeval fairground. In 1794 Greek merchants in Zagreb purchased the church and converted it into an Eastern Orthodox church, later taken over by the Serbian minority. Yet the name Margarets Street has remained as a reminder of the former church and fair, although most Zagreb residents are not aware of this fact. As shown in Table 2, in Maribor and Graz names were mostly derived from the geographical characteristics of space, such as Along the (River) Bank, or Railway-station street. This type of designation was rarer in Zagreb and
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Table 2: City toponyms according to origin, 2009 (%).

Description Statehood Culture-creators and artists Religion Scientists Entrepreneurs Total persons Geographic names Localities Appearance (traits, nature) Total geography Historical events, Institutions Crafts and Trades Other Sum total

All cities 21 17 16 2 5 61 4 15 4 23 5 7 4 100

Graz 17 11 13 0 1 42 7 26 6 39 1 17 1 100

Krakw 7 1 45 3 0 56 9 13 7 29 1 7 6 100

Maribor 20 28 1 0 0 49 4 29 1 34 4 5 8 100

Mostar 31 3 0 0 38 72 3 8 7 18 3 3 3 100

Olomouc 26 18 9 1 1 55 4 13 4 21 12 7 5 100

Prague 13 9 28 0 3 53 2 14 6 22 3 19 4 100

Zadar 20 25 24 3 1 73 2 13 1 16 8 2 2 100

Zagreb 39 31 10 4 3 87 7 6 0 13 0 0 1 100

Source: Field work in the analysed cities, 2009.

Mostar. In most cities, Prague, Olomouc, Zadar, Zagreb, Mostar and Krakw, toponyms usually referred to persons. People important in statehood most often were honoured in Zagreb, Mostar and Olomouc and more rarely in Krakw. Artists and people associated with culture, most often received toponyms in Zagreb, Maribor and Zadar, and least often in Mostar and Krakw. Religiousness in city toponymy as attested by the names of saints, bishops or popes is most obvious in Krakw, Prague and Zadar. On the other hand, in Mostar not one street name is associated with religion (which probably is the effect of the past communism regime, given the strong religious differences in the city), while in Maribor such cases make up only 1% of all toponyms. In Mostar, primarily in its Bosniak part, street names mostly come from the surnames of families, often engaged in crafts and trades that once lived along them. In the other cities, toponyms very rarely, from 0% to 3% at the most, referred to craftspeople, entrepreneurs or benefactors. Scientists also very rarely received names of streets: mostly in Zagreb, Zadar, Krakw and Olomouc, while in Graz, Prague, Maribor and Mostar there were no such cases.

City toponyms according to their spatial significance in 2009 Names of streets, squares, parks and lanes were classified into four spatial groups city-related, regional, national and foreign according to their apparent importance. There were very few streets that could not be classified into any of these mentioned groups, due to their generality. As shown in Table 3, in the eight analysed cities, most toponyms had city-related or very local significances. This group was followed by city names that had national importance. Only a small number of streets, etc. had names with a regional or foreign significance. For example, foreign names, or names not related to the country in question, were present only in 41 cases, out of a total of 602 toponyms in all the analysed cities. Differences existed between individual cities. City-related or local significance in city terminology was predominant in Mostar, followed by Graz and Zadar. In Maribor toponyms of city-related and local significance had equal representation as those of national importance. Streets, squares, parks and lanes with names of local significance were the least represented in the toponymy of Zagreb. Street names referring to persons, events and geographic locations of national importance were the most represented

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Table 3: City toponyms according to spatial importance, 2009 (%).

Description City-related, local Regional National Foreign Sum Total

All cities 49 7 37 7 100

Graz 62 6 23 9 100

Krakw 46 1 52 1 100

Maribor 45 4 45 5 100

Mostar 82 2 3 13 100

Olomouc 40 3 43 14 100

Prague 48 0 50 2 100

Zadar 51 29 17 3 100

Zagreb 17 3 69 10 100

Source: Field work in the analysed cities, 2009.

in Zagreb, followed by Krakw and Prague. Names with national significance were much more rarely given to streets, etc. in Graz, Zadar, and especially in Mostar. Yet we should add that in the case of Mostar national significance formally refers to Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is a complex/controversial problem. Persons, events and geographic localities with regional importance were most reflected in toponyms in Zadar. In all other cities this was much less the case. In the Croatian example, we can note that toponyms in Zadar emphasised regional (Dalmatian) and city-related importance, while in Zagreb national importance is stressed. This is undoubtedly connected to the fact that Zagreb is the capital of Croatia, whereas Zadar is the functional hub of Northern Dalmatia. Urban nomenclature that included foreign-origin toponyms was most frequent in Olomouc, Mostar, Zagreb and Graz, and very rare in Krakw, Prague and Zadar. Foreign names mainly referred to individuals/events from neighbouring countries, yet some denoted international events or events from other parts of Europe or from the USA. Despite references to people/events from nearby countries, there was not any particular emphasis on the Central Europe context. Of six foreign names in Graz, only two point to Central Europe (Maribor and the Czech Prokopi); the others refer to the New World (twice), David and the German poet Hans Sachs (14941576). In Krakw only one street was named after a person from the outside neighbourhood (Habsburg Emperor Joseph, who was also the ruler of West Galicia, in which Krakw was included). Of the four city toponyms from the non-Slovene world in Maribor, three honour persons from South Slav nations: the Serb Svetozar Markovi (18461875) and the Croats Strossmayer and Tito, and one is named after the Czech Miroslav Tyr (18321884). In Mostar there are seven toponyms from other countries, but four of them are from Croatia (the Square of Prominent Croats, Duke Domagoj,

Zagreb, Nikola ubi Zrinski). The remaining three refer to the Yugoslav president Tito, Spain (Spanish Square) and to International Labour Day, May 1st. Streets, etc. were most often named after foreigners in Olomouc, but some of these people lived part of their lives in Olomouc itself, such as the French historian Ernest Denis (18491921), the Austrian artist Gustav Mahler (18601911), or the Marquis de Lafayette (17571834), who was imprisoned in Olomouc from 1794 to 1797. Only one toponym is linked to Central Europe: Vienna. One name in the citys toponymy, Slovakia, points more to the Czechoslovak context, than to Central Europe. Prague has only one toponym from outside the national framework (named after Paris), at least in its most central historical area. Zadar has three streets named after foreigners (Pope John Paul II, Pope Alexander III and the Roman Emperor Augustus), but none are essentially connected to Central Europe. In Zagreb, a certain Central European orientation might be seen in the names of four streets: Prague, Warsaw, the Czech Tom Garrigue Masaryk (18501937) and the Slovene Valentin Vodnik (17581819). Yet these names derive more from past Pan-Slavic solidarity, then from a linkage with Central Europe. In Zagreb there are two other city toponyms with an external (or foreign) importance: one named after Tito (the president of former Yugoslavia) and another named after President F.D. Roosevelt. In regard to Mostar, we should add a few comments. The city itself was named after a bridge over the Neretva River, which existed even before the construction of the famous Ottoman bridge built between 1557 and 1566. Symbolically this idea of a bridge may imply joining various ethnic entities (cf. Grodach, 2002). And indeed the population of Mostar city prior to the Bosnian war (19921995), according to the 1991 census, included 34.2% Muslims = today Bosniaks, 28.7% Croats, 18.6% Serbs, 15.2% Yugoslavs and 3.2% others (from a total of 75,865 inhabitants).
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Undoubtedly, most of the Yugoslavs derived from mixed marriages, which were at a level of about 10% in Mostar before the war. The present distinct division of Mostar into a Croat part on the west and a Bosniak town on the east resulted from the war events: the withdrawal of the Serb minority, the separation and bipolar concentration of Croats and Bosniaks (enhanced by refugee flows) and the disappearance of the Yugoslav segment (cf. Rolland, 2004). The destruction of the Ottoman bridge in 1993 practically cemented this division, although some commentaries see the reconstruction of the bridge in 2004 as a chance for reviving the previous interlinked community. Yet with the fall of communism, there was also a liberation of traditional religious orientations, which by cannon and sharia law did not encourage, for example, mixed marriages (except in cases of conversion). Thus, paradoxically, the new postcommunist freedom of religion additionally affected the division of the city. Toponyms in the Croat part of Mostar honouring kings and dukes of Croatia, Croatian soldiers and Zagreb, Croatias capital, technically may be foreign names, yet they in fact reflect the desire of local Croats to be associated with Croatia. On the other hand, it is interesting to note that the only city toponym associated with the recent war is the Spanish Square, named on October 12th 1995 after the Spanish UN peace-keeping force, which during the war worked on the reconciliation of relations between Croats and Bosniaks. In this effort 21 Spanish solders lost their lives. Changes in city toponymy Street and other city tonomyms are subject to alterations through time. Political authorities have been known to change names with the intent of broadcasting certain messages. City residents each day move through streets and their names constantly send messages to them. These sometimes leave deeper traces than information delivered through official media, schools and similar channels. The structures of city toponyms tell us about the time in which we live, and convey the ideology and the world-view that political elites wish to form. The intensity and scale of transformations in city toponymy indicate the scope of changes in the ruling world-view and ideology, or more precisely in the world-view and ideology adopted by political elites. Periods of extensive name changing indicate turnover phases, or revolutionary times. In all the analysed cities changes occurred in a part of the city toponymy between 1935 and 1985. This period attests to transformations that happened before and after
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WWII. Changes during WWII were not registered in our study. In the sample cities, the renaming of streets etc., as a testimonial of turning points, ranged from minimal to more extensive and to radical and massive dimensions. The first column in Table 4 shows that the least number of changes in city toponymy between 1935 and 1985 occurred in Krakw, Graz and Prague. Average-scale changes were recorded in Zagreb and Maribor, whereas very extensive changes occurred in Mostar and Olomouc. Yet in Zadar there was a very radical transformation of city toponymy, and only one street preserved its previous name. This street, in the very heart of historic Zadar, kept its name, although in translation. In Italian it was Calle Larga; today in Croatian it is officially iroka ulica, which has the same meaning, Broad Street. It should be said that many of the streets in Zadar in the inter-war period had names connected with Italian statehood, the Savoy dynasty, and the fascist movement. These designations were changed after WWII, when Zadar was reunited with its hinterland within post-war Socialist Yugoslavia and the Socialist Republic of Croatia. Yet an addition reason for the radical transformation was the terrible destruction of the city in the last phase of WWII, initiating a mass exodus to Italy, which led to a break in continuity. The second column in Table 4, when compared to the first, reveals that changes in city toponymy between 1985 and 2009 were less extensive than between 1935 and 1985. From this we could conclude that WWII was a more drastic, more revolutionary, turning point than the fall of the Berlin Wall. Yet all cities experienced some transformations in their toponymy between 1985 and 2009, except for Graz (since Austria was not affected by Eastern European political transition). The fewest alterations in city toponymy were registered in Maribor and Prague, and a small extent of changes was also seen in Krakw. Greater alterations, although limited, occurred in Zagreb, Olomouc and Mostar. A mass scale change in toponymy was seen only in Zadar. It is interesting to note that the war events of the 1990s, which took place with various intensity and destructiveness in or around Mostar, Zadar, Zagreb, and Maribor, provoked few changes in city toponyms. Between 1935 and 2009 the least number of changes in city toponymy (Table 4, col. 3) was recorded in Graz, Prague and Krakw, an average percentage occurred in Maribor, Zagreb, many occurred in Mostar and Olomouc, and clearly the most in Zadar which experienced two substantial and profound shifts in its toponymy, after WWII, and after the fall of the Berlin Wall. As we mentioned, Zadar experienced a mass renam-

Table 4: Frequency of renaming of streets, squares, parks and lanes in the historical cores of the selected Central European cities in the period from 1935 to 2009 (%).

City Graz Krakw Maribor Mostar Olomouc Prague Zadar Zagreb

1985 in relation to 1935 7 6 23 43 69 7 99 22

2009 in relation to 1985 0 6 1 20 16 1 78 13

20091985 and 19851935 (sum total) 7 12 24 63 85 8 177 35

Returning names in 2009 from 1935. 0 6 0 0 7 1 0 10

Source: Field work in the analysed cities, 2009.

ing after WWII to eliminate designations linked to Italian statehood or fascism. The communist regime replaced them with names typically inspired by Yugoslav communist ideology. Thus, Zadar logically experienced another almost total renaming after the fall of the communism and the break-up of Yugoslavia. There were relatively few cases in which renaming signified a return to previous names, or, in other words toponyms changed after WWII were rarely, after the fall of the Berlin Wall, returned to the forms they had prior to WWII (Table 4, col. 4). Most such restitutions occurred in Zagreb, Olomouc and Krakw. Interestingly, the few streets in Krakw that were renamed between 1985 and 2009 received precisely their pre-WWII names. Changes of city toponyms to their previous forms were marginal in Prague. In Maribor, Mostar and Zadar, no changes to former names were recorded (and Graz, as noted, was not affected by any changes in this period). When comparing the structure of city toponyms in Graz and Maribor certain similarities can be noted, such as the presence of local geographic names, yet there is a clear difference due to a considerably greater emphasis placed on WWII in Maribor. Slovenian partisans and events linked to the Slovenian partisan movement account for 16% of all toponyms in Maribor, which is the highest concentration, along with the case of Mostar, of combatants from WWII in any of the analysed cities. In the cities in which several streets, etc. after WWII received names from combatants and revolutionaries during the war, most were changed after the fall of the Berlin Wall, but not in Maribor and Mo-

star. In Maribor the significance of WWII as an ideological turning-point was quite evident. During WWII most toponyms in Maribor had German designations, which were substituted immediately after the war, and mainly returned to their pre-war forms, or renamed after Slovenian partisans and revolutionaries that had perished in the conflict. The fall of the Berlin Wall influenced only the renaming of one square in Maribor. Yet this square had been previously renamed. Before WWII it was called the Yugoslav Square, after the war Lenin Square, and today General Maistr Square. General Rudolf Maistr (18741934) was a Slovenian officer who at the end of the First World War attached south Styria to Yugoslavia, thus determining the border with Austria (he is also regarded as the founder of the Slovenian army). In Krakw one can detect an emphasis on Catholicism. The Second World War practically did not transform anything in regard to the pre-war situation. Only four streets, etc. had their names altered in Krakw after WWII, but only one toponym was reminiscent of WWII. It referred to the battle for Stalingrad (Volgograd). After the fall of the Berlin Wall, the only alteration that occurred in the city toponymy of Krakw was the return of four names, altered after WWII, to their previous forms. In Prague, likewise, WWII is not visible in the citys toponymy, or more precisely the victors in the war rarely changed the names of streets, etc. In Olomouc, wars had a much greater turnover effect. Most German and Austro-Hungarian names were changed right after WWI and WWII. Following WWII, most new
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street names in Olomouc were associated with persons important in Czech culture and statesmanship, and only somewhat with victory in WWII and with communism. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, most names associated with WWII, the USSR and communism were changed. In street names one can sense a positive attitude towards the creation of Czechoslovakia, whereas Moravian identity is not evident. As opposed to Olomouc, in Zadar regional, Dalmatian identity, alongside national Croatian identity, is explicit. We already mentioned the almost total changes in toponyms following WWII. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, as noted, these toponyms were again changed, this time to refer to persons from Croatian culture and from local areas, with an emphasis on people from Zadar and Dalmatia. It is interesting to note that the Croatian War of Independence (19911995), which was very intense in Zadar, left no trace in the citys toponyms. The first official renaming of Zagrebs streets and squares was in 1878, during the reforms of ban Ivan Maurani (18141890), when the importance in the citys toponymy of crafts/trades or buildings was replaced by references to people significant for Croatias culture and statehood. This structure introduced by Maurani has been maintained to the present, with small alterations after the two world wars and the fall of the Berlin Wall, which did not significantly undermine Mauranis model. For example, in interwar Yugoslavia there were several streets related to Yugoslav statehood, such as one toponym honouring king Aleksandar Karaorevi (18881934). In the period of the wartime State of Croatia (19411945), the Ustasha authorities changed all the Yugoslav toponyms and named several streets, etc. after persons important in Ustasha history, or in fascism (Mussolini), and after Bosnian-Muslim leaders, so as to enhance Croat-Muslim (Bosniak) ties. After 1945, the Communists made several new renamings derived from the partisan movement. Finally, after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the Independence War, new changes were not made by giving streets the names of leading soldiers and politicians from that crucial period and from during the recent war, but rather according to Mauranis first plan of deriving city toponyms from the names of people important for Croatian statehood and cultural history. Significantly, even Croatias first president, Franjo Tuman (19221999), does not have a street or square named after him in the analysed central area of Zagreb. After the fall of the Berlin Wall all names referring to partisans from WWII were replaced, except for Marshal Tito, the partisan leader and later president of Yugoslavia. However, one of
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the first Croatian partisans during WWII, Andrija Hebrang, did not have a street named after him until the fall of the Berlin Wall. Specifically, Andrija Hebrang disappeared, probably killed in 1946 or 1947 in Belgrade, and so he is today mostly seen as a Croatian martyr, not as a Croatian partisan, or a Communist Anti-fascist from WWII.

Conclusions
Our study of nomenclature in eight Central European cities was in many ways an initial work and we are aware of improvements in the concept and methods that we should make if we will have the opportunity to continue this type of analysis. Our present work was largely determined by practical possibilities, especially in regard to our choice of cities. Also, most explanations we gave pertained to Croatian examples, since the study was conceptualised and coordinated in Zagreb. So far we have only attempted to confirm that names of streets, squares, parks and lanes, primarily in historic city cores, serve as indicators of official world-views at specific moments, and that at turning points in history urban nomenclature is altered in order to bring about a shift in ideologies and world-views. Major turning point events such as WWII and the fall of the Berlin Wall provoked renamings of city toponyms in the analysed cities. A comparison of city toponymy in the years 1935, 1985 and 2009 revealed that there were more renamings between 1935 and 1985 than between 1985 and 2009, and thus we can conclude that WWII was ideologically more of a turning-point, than the fall of the Berlin Wall. Of course, in the case of Graz, the fall of the Berlin Wall did not produce any structural political or social changes, although the citys geostrategic position did change with the collapse of the Eastern Bloc. Of the other cities, Krakw also stands somewhat out, with an equal number of changes after WWII and following the fall of the Berlin Wall. However, as can be read from Table 4, Krakw had a relatively small number of changes, and these would have been back and forth, in the sense that new names given by the post-WWII communist regime were simply reversed back to their pre-WWII forms after the collapse of the regime. If we compare toponym changes in countries, we can see several differences. In the Czech Republic, in both Prague and Olomouc the WWII turning point had more of an effect than the fall of the Berlin Wall. In the city core of Prague there was only

one renaming after the latter event, however even postWWII changes were not numerous. This probably reflects the stability of the citys old historical identity. In contrast, changes between 1935 and 1985 were very pronounced in Olomouc, which should be linked to the mass expulsion of Germans following WWII. And, as in the case of Zadar, the lesser but still relatively high number of changes between 1985 and 2009 would reflect a correction of changes that took place in the communist period. Moving to Slovenia, in Maribor we also find a high level of changes after WWII and just one change following the collapse of the communism. Yet here we can postulate a different reason. Most of the former German-speaking community had left Maribor after the break-up of AustroHungary, so that the reason for the change would not be the same as in Olomouc. Rather, what should be stressed in the Slovenian historical context is the strong connection between the war-time partisan movement and Slovenian patriotism, so that the changes made after WWII would logically continue even after the fall of communism and the establishment of independent Slovenia. In Croatia, the difference between Zagreb and Zadar in regard to urban nomenclature changes at least structurally resembles the differences between Prague and Olomouc. There were much more changes in Zagreb than in Prague, yet there was also stability, since the new renamings followed the old model established in the 19th century by Maurani. In this way Zagreb preserved its identity, at least in its toponymy. On the other hand, population shifts,

mass destruction and a strong ideological injection after WWII account for the high number of remainings in Zadar. When we examine Mostar, changes in toponymy reflect the ambivalent or divided nature of the city. After WWII the communists made many renamings, presumably to affirm the image of a unified socialist Mostar. After the fall of the communist regime, almost half of these names were replaced with new toponyms, conveying different messages in the two parts of the city. On the other hand, names that have been preserved from the communist era may serve as compromises in order to main the continuity of the citys common identity, which is also the role of one new toponym, the Spanish Square. Finally, was there any common Central European tendency in the structure of urban nomenclature in the cities that we studied? If we take, for example, Table 2, and compare the overall rankings of our groups of toponyms with their rankings in individual cities, then we see also differences, and if we take only the top three rankings for each city (see Summary Table 5), we will deduce that only Zagreb fits the overall ranking exactly, Zadar in reversed order, and Olomouc and Maribor come close to the scheme. Graz, Krakw, Mostar and Prague have different emphasises. With their relative accent on religion as well as on crafts and trades, Graz, Krakw and Prague reflect, perhaps, an older mediaeval scheme. On the other hand, the high importance of statehood in Zagreb and Olomouc should be analysed differently. In Zagreb, as we mentioned, this was a continuation of a model adopted in the 19th century,

Table 5: Summary table: top three rankings of groups of toponyms (from Table 2).

Description Statehood Culture-creators and artists Religion Localities Crafts and Trades Entrepreneurs Historical events, Institutions Geographic names Appearance (traits, nature) Scientists Others

All cities 1 2 3

Graz 2/3

Krakw

Maribor 3 2

Mostar 2

Olomouc 1 2

Prague

Zadar 3 1

Zagreb 1 2 3

1 1 2/3 1 3 2 1 3 3

1 3 2

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whereas in Olomouc it was a new phenomenon, linked to the affirmation of the Czech (not German) identity of the city. Central Europe is a complex region of many tendencies, which is likewise difficult to define. In this paper we have attempted to explain how eight cities have configured their urban nomenclature in diverse historical conditions, under the direction of their elites. Most of these cities were for several decades located in socialist or peoples republics, which may be seen as a common factor. Yet we have seen also that their structure and dynamics of urban toponymy included many specificities.

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