Professional Documents
Culture Documents
This Berkshire Byte is provided for the use of the purchaser only; no copying, emailing,
or faxing is permitted without permission from the publisher. For information on Berkshire Byte
site licenses, reprints, or special pricing for educational use, please contact us at
info@berkshirepublishing.com or +1 413 528 0206.
BACK TO BERKSHIREPUBLISHING.COM
The Long March (October 1934–October 1935) was the epic 9,600-kilometer flight of the
Chinese Communists from their beleaguered bases in southeast China to safety in northwest Chi-
na. After breaking through Nationalist leader Jiang Jieshi’s (Chiang Kai-shek’s) encircling armies,
the Communist units marched for almost a year, averaging 43 kilometers per day across hostile
terrain, including mountain ranges, rivers, grasslands, and swamps. During the march Mao Zedong
bested his party rivals to emerge as the leading figure in the Communist movement.
China, the most important of which was the Jiangxi Soviet base area, founded by Mao Zedong and
Zhu De (1886–1976). From 1930 to 1934, the Nationalist government of Jiang Jieshi launched
five military “extermination” campaigns designed to annihilate Communist forces. The first four
expeditions were repulsed by Mao’s use of mobile warfare and guerrilla tactics.
Despite these military victories, Mao Zedong was in a losing struggle with the national lead-
ership of the Chinese Communist Party, which had moved from its illegal underground headquar-
BERKSHIRE
PUBLISHING GROUP
Arthur L. Rosenbaum “The Long March as a Leadership Journey”
ist faction, headed by Bo Gu (1907–1946) and Zhou Enlai (1898–1976), the Central Committee
removed Mao from the party’s Military Committee in 1932, but temporarily allowed him to retain
other offices in recognition of his support among local activists. Mao’s opponents, condemning his
reliance on guerrilla tactics, gave control of military policy to Zhou Enlai and Otto Braun, a Ger-
During the fifth extermination campaign, from 1933 to 1934, Nationalist leader Jiang Jieshi
took personal command and employed almost a million men, including his best German-trained
units. This overwhelming force was backed by an air force of four hundred planes and a new strat-
egy of encircling the Jiangxi Soviet with concentric rings of fortifications and blockhouses, while
units advanced forward in a slow, methodical fashion. Braun’s adoption of conventional positional
warfare against the more numerous and better-armed Nationalists led to military disaster.
In August 1934 the Communist leadership concluded that the Jiangxi Soviet had to be aban-
doned. On 15 October 1934, 85,000 troops and 15,000 administrative personnel broke through
enemy lines. Left behind was a rearguard of 28,000 men (of whom 20,000 were wounded) and
most of the wives and children. Mao’s pregnant second wife, He Zizhen, joined the Long March,
Committee’s decision to bring along cumbersome baggage trains—suffered grievous losses from
aerial bombardment and pursuing troops. Prevented from moving north to link up with He Long’s
(1896–1969) forces in the Sanzhi Soviet, the army instead swung westward into Guizhou prov-
ince. At a Politburo meeting in Cunyi in January 1935, Mao emerged from political disgrace to
begin his ascendancy as party leader. He convinced his colleagues that fundamental policy errors
by the internationalist faction caused the fall of the Jiangxi Soviet and unnecessary military losses
on the Long March. The Cunyi Conference gave Mao control over the military and endorsed his
forces in Sichuan under the command of Zhang Guotao (1897–1979). Against near-impossible
odds, the army evaded Jiang’s Nationalist forces to cross the Yangtze River, secured the Luding
River crossing by storming across a chain link bridge in the face of enemy fire, and then marched
across the 4,200-meter Great Snowy Mountains. In June 1935 Mao’s depleted forces joined with
Zhang Guotao’s Fourth Field Army—almost four times larger—in northern Sichuan. The two
leaders clashed. Mao proposed to move northeast to Shaanxi Province, where he would promote
a united Chinese front against Japanese aggression. Zhang preferred moving to the sparsely popu-
lated areas of Xinjiang, close to the Soviet Union. Tensions were so high that for a time armed con-
flict seemed likely. In the end the two armies merged and then subdivided. Zhang, accompanied by
Zhu De, went west to Xinjiang. Mao’s troops advanced through swampy grasslands, where men
had to sleep standing up, crossed the Huang (Yellow River), and on 20 October reached the safety
of a local Chinese Soviet in northern Shaanxi. Only 7,000 to 8,000 Long Marchers—one out of
In Shaanxi the survivors gradually reconstituted their political and military strength. In De-
cember 1936 Mao moved his capital to the nearby city of Yan’an. As Mao had predicted, Zhang
Guotao’s units were unable to sustain themselves in the backward regions of Xinjiang. Survivors of
Zhang’s forces (including Zhu De) straggled into Yan’an in 1936. At Yan’an the Communists res-
urrected themselves during the War of Resistance against Japan (1937–1945) and laid the founda-
tions for their eventual conquest of power, resulting in the People’s Republic of China, in 1949.
most 90 percent of those who started on the trek, but it did not lead to the annihilation of the Com-
munist movement. The Long Marchers’ ability to endure unimaginable hardships and surmount
overwhelming odds generated a myth of invincibility and a belief in the inevitability of ultimate
success. It validated Mao’s military-political judgment and his capacity to inspire fanatical dedica-
The Long March marked Mao’s rise to a dominant position within the central leadership, al-
though his power was not fully consolidated until the Rectification Campaigns of the early 1940s.
Two powerful rivals, Bo Gu and Zhang Guotao, were discredited by their failures during the Long
March; other rivals, such as Zhou Enlai, converted to Mao’s side. From the Cunyi Conference
onward, Mao’s methods were defined as the correct path to ultimate victory. The horrific hardships
of the Long March also created a lasting bond among the surviving veterans that helped create
China’s political and military inner circles. Until the 1970s, the top leadership of the People’s Re-
public of China consisted of those revolutionaries who had participated in the Long March.
Further Reading
Chen, C. (1959). On the Long March with Chairman Mao. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.
Lindesay, W. (1993). Marching with Mao: A biographical journey. London: Hodder & Stoughton.
Liu, P. (Ed.). (1978). Recalling the long march. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.
Mao, Z. (1992). Mao’s road to power: revolutionary writings 1912–1949 (S. R. Schram, Ed.). Armonk, NY: M. E.
Sharpe.
Salisbury, H. E. (1985). The Long March: The untold story. New York: Harper & Row.
Schram, S. R. (1989). The thought of Mao Tse-Tung. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Short, P. (1999). Mao: A life. New York: Henry Holt.
Terrill, R. (1999). Mao: A biography. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
Wilson, D. (1971). The Long March, 1935; The epic of Chinese communism’s survival. New York: Viking Press.
Wu, T-W. (1974). Mao Tse-Tung and the Tsunyi conference: An annotated bibliography. Washington, DC: Center for
Chinese Research Materials, Association of Research Libraries.
Young, H. P. (2001). Choosing revolution: Chinese women soldiers on the Long March. Urbana: University of Illinois
Press.
Zhang, G. (1971). The rise of the Chinese Communist Party; The autobiography of Chang Kuo-T’ao. Lawrence:
University Press of Kansas.