Afon ISlavyan Mir Sbornik Belgrad 2013

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1
,
1000-

, 1618 2013 .
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2014
84 (2-)6
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ISBN 978-5-7117-0706-6
, . . 2014
M. Merlini (Rome)
FOUNDING A LATIN MONASTERY ON MOUNT ATHOS:
THE CHALLENGE OF APOTHIKON, LATER AMALFION
Apothikon-Amalfion among the coenobia that started the organized monastic
life on the Holy Mountain
A solitary square tower is offered to the pilgrim travelling along the eastern coast of
Mount Athos (Agion Oros). It is about halfway between the monasteries of Great Lavra
and Karakallou. This ruin is all what nowadays survives of the once thriving medieval
monastery known as Amalfion () since 1010, but possibly founded around
985 as Apothikon ( , of the Warehouses)1. It was built by Benedictine
monks from the autonomous Longobard principality of Benevento in the Southern
area of the Italian peninsula and subsequently run by other Benedictine fathers from
the small but dynamic duchy of Amalfi.
Apothikon-Amalfion belonged to the first generation of coenobia that started
the stabile and structured monastic life on the Holy Mountain. It was built together
with the Great Lavra, Iviron, and Vatopedi. The Italian Benedictines were among
the earliest foreigner monks who settled on Agion Oros2 . For three centuries, from
985990 to 1287, their outpost in the stronghold of the Eastern monastic tradition
observed the Rule of pray and asceticism established by St. Benedict of Norcia (480
547) under the motto Ora et Labora (pray and work holding both actions together)3.
The complete history of Apothikon-Amalfion has never been compiled. Most of it
is still shrouded in obscurity. The most ancient documentary evidence one can find
is the dedication of the Roman monastery to St. Mary of the Amalfitans4 in an act
concerning St. Panteleimon monastery5. In August 1169, the protos (literally, first
man) John and the 27 assembled hegumens granted the abandoned monastery of
the Thessalonians in perpetuity to the Russian monastery of Xylourgou6 . The name
of the abbot of the monastery to St. Mary of the Amalfitans stands among the signers
of this act after the protos and the hegumens of Great Lavra, Iviron, and Vatopedi7. The
deed is held at the present in the archive of St. Panteleimon8.
1
Lavra 15 in Actes de Lavra, I, Lemerle, Guillou, Svoronos, Papachryssanthou (eds.) 1970: 140; Von
Falkenhausen 1993: 91; Von Falkenhausen 2005: 105.
2
Angold 2008: 15.
3
Martin-Hisard 1991: 109 ff.; Bonsall 1969: 262267.
4
The consecration to the Mother of God is present also in the Georgian narration. Cf. Martin-Hisard
1991: 109 ff.
5
Actes de SaintPantlmn in Lemerle, Dagron, ircovi (eds.) 1982: 83; Soloviev 1933: 213238;
Charanis 1971; Nastase 1985: 290292, 294.
6
Actes de SaintPantlmn in Lemerle, Dagron, ircovi (eds.) 1982: 14.
7
+Ego M(?) p(res)b(yte)r et mo (nachus) et abb(as) S(an)cte Mariae cenobii Amalfitanorum me
subscripsi (sic)+. Pertusi 1953: 14; Pertusi 1963: 229. The name of the abbot is very incomplete,
therefore impossible to be read. One could guess Thomas. Blanz, Hger, Kaffanke (Hg.) 2011: 61.
8
Pertusi 1953: 12.
M. Merlini (Rome)
___________________________________________________________________
The present study aims to give a comprehensive and cohesive account of the
founding of the Benedictine house on Mount Athos.
Image 1. The signature of the abbot of St. Mary of the Amalfitans, among
the assembled hegumens of Mount Athos, on an act that in August 1169 granted the abandoned
monastery of the Thessalonians in perpetuity to the Russian monastery of Xylourgou. Courtesy St.
Panteleimon monastery. Graphic elaboration Marco Merlini
Leo, the Beneventan founder of an Amalfitan monastery

We know just a little more than the name of the pious Benedictine monk who
built Apothikon: Leo the Roman or Leo of Benevento. The monastic sources
inform us that he was of Longobard origins and archdeacon at the Roman Church
of Benevento9. According to Athonite documents redacted around 1045, he was
one of the brothers of the Duke of Benevento (frater Beneventani ducis)10.
However, to which Beneventan noble was he associated? According to most of
the scholars he was probably Pandulf. Unfortunately for the historians, several
Pandulfs succeeded on ruling Benevento in the last decades of the X century.
Pandulf II of Benevento (?? 1014 and r. 9811014), nephew of Pandulf I Ironhead,
is the most reputed to be the powerful brother of Leo the Monk. He was Duke
of Benevento from 981 and became associated Prince of Capua, with the title of
Pandulf III, from 1008 or 1009 to his death11 . Based on chronological inferences,
Aidan Keller proposes instead that the Roman brother of the monk Leo was
Pandulf I Ironhead (c. 930981) who was Prince of Benevento and Capua from
943 (or 944) until his death12.
Whoever was the influential brother of the reverend Benedictine who built
Apothikon, a high ranked and esteemed person as Leo of Benevento choose a career
9
Von Falkenhausen: 2005; Von Falkenhausen (in press): 2.

Peeters 19171919: 36; Martin-Hisard 1991: 109; Kokkas 2005.
11
Peeters 19171919: 37, n. 2; Rousseau 1929: 539 ; Pertusi 1953: 10; Pertusi 1963: 224; Bonsall 1969: 266.
12
Keller 19942002: 6, note 1. However, at pg. 18 he claims that Leo was brother of Duke Pandulf II of
Benevento.
10
Founding a Latin monastery on Mount Athos...

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based on a humble and ascetic life and was successful on it, but there is no record of
him in the Italian archives.
In order to recognize the ratio in the founding of Apothikon within the Grand
Game that around the turning of the first millennium had as a background the subtle
balance of conflict-cooperation between Mount Athos, the Longobard kingdom and
in particular the southern Duchies-Principalities of Benevento and Capua, the town
of Amalfi, the Byzantine Empire, the papacy, the Benedictine Order and the powers
of Jerusalem, it is necessary to ascertain if it was the result of a predominant actuation
from Leos Longobard motherland (Benevento or even Montecassino abbey), or from
the Italic merchant community in Constantinople. A clue could be found by detecting
if Leo disembarked with six disciples in the Athonite land directly from the Italian
peninsula, or via the capital city of the Byzantine Empire.
According to a critical view by Agostino Pertusi, the first thesis was supported
by George the Hagiorite in 1045. In particular the well-informed monk, who was
disciple of St. Euthymius, redacted his Bios and was his successor as hegumen of Iviron,
maintained that Leo arrived from terra Romana (Roman land). The Georgian
hagiographer is credited to mean directly from Montecassino abbey13. According to
Vera von Falkenhausen, Romans means Italians14.
For the Italian catholic Byzantinist instead, as well as many other scholars, the
founder of the Benedictine coenobium dedicated to St. Mary passed via the imperial
capital and most likely also did the Southern Italic monks who subsequently built
the coenobia of the Sicilians and the Calabrians, both of them Greek houses.
Within this context, Leo and brothers were addressed as Romans because they
moved from the New Rome, capital of the empire. Also those Romans who
subsequently arrived to Agion Oros to be put under Leos spiritual guide moved from
Constantinople15.
Even if it is likely that Leo disembarked on the Athonite cost from the capital
city of the Byzantine Empire, nonetheless terra Romana might indicate his
origin from a region around Rome and/or under its ecclesiastical obedience.
Consistently, George the Hagiorite informs us that Leo and his brotherhood,
once decided the erection of their Athonite house, went back to Italy to gather
the requested resources. The found raising had only a partial success, but they
were allowed to draw from the enormous amount of gold donated by the imperial
crown to the Georgian John Tornikios returning from his successful campaign
against Bardas Skleros16.
In conclusion, it is highly probable that Leo, born at the Longobard Benevento and
trained as a monk in a neighboring Benedictine monastery (possibly Montecassino
itself or a connected Benedictine cloister), i.e. in a territory around the capital of
Western Christendom and/or ecclesiastically subjected to papacy, but he could have
gone to the Byzantine Holy Mount only from Constantinople arrived at Mount Athos
13
Peeters 19171919; Pertusi 1953: 10; Pertusi 1963: 225; Pertusi 1972: 497498.
Von Falkenhausen 2005: 107.
15
Romani qui in urbe regia aliisque civitatibus erant, in Martin-Hisard 1991.
16
Martin-Hisard 1991, chapters 16-17: 94-96; Actes dIviron, Introduction I, Lefort., Oikonomides,
Papachryssanthou, Metreveli (eds.) 1985: 35-6; Morris 1995: 190.
14
M. Merlini (Rome)
___________________________________________________________________
via the capital of Eastern Christendom from Italy17 . It is likely that the monk lodged
in the Benedictine monastery located on the Bosporus bank where he might have
heard about the holiness and activities of Athanasius and the construction of his lavra.
Image 2. The massive medieval square tower emerges from the Mediterranean wood. It is all what
nowadays survives of the once thriving medieval monastery known as Amalfion ()
since 1010, but possibly founded around 985 as Apothikon ( , of the Warehouses).
Photo Marco Merlini
John and Arsenius help us fixing the consecration date of the monasterium
amoenum
For a long time, the date of the construction of the monastery that subsequently
became Amalfion remained an open discussion. Lets try instead to sequence the
few available documentary traces. Around 972, the typikon of Tzimiskes reveals the
existence of at least forty-six Athonite houses. All the abbots signed the act in Greek
and apparently they are all Greeks18. Neither Latin houses nor other foreigner ones
existed at that time.
The Georgians John and Euthymius, the earliest group of foreign monks registered
by the sources, reached the heartland of Eastern monasticism around 97019 to put
Pertusi 1953: 10; Pertusi 1963: 224.
Actes du Prtaton 7, Papachryssanthou (ed.) 1975. Signatures are in 1: 163175.
19
Bonsall 1969: 262267. It happened around 965 according to Uspenski and other scholars See
Actes de Lavra, I, Lemerle, Guillou, Svoronos, Papachryssanthou (eds.) 1970: 282; Actes du Prtaton,
Papachryssanthou (ed.) 1975: 84, n. 217; Nastase 1985: 254, 255, 310.
17
18

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themselves under Athanasius authority ()20. Around 980, Leo of Benevento
arrived at the Holy Mountain with his disciples when the Georgian monastic
community was just established and the buildings were in construction or just being
erected21. When the number of disciples who desired to take the monastic habit by
Leo increased significantly due to new arrivals from Constantinople and other cities
of the Byzantine Empire, he decided to built his own monastery and obtained spiritual
and material support from the Georgian brothers settled at Iviron22.
The erection of the Latin house by a noble person confirms the tradition according
to which the earliest not-Greek monasteries have been founded or taken over by monks
who were rulers, in the previous secular life, of the respective countries (the Serbian
Chilandari, the Bulgarian and former Greek Zographou23, the Russian monastery24,
and the Turkish Koutloumousiou25), or members of the reigning families of their
countries (the Georgian Iviron). They were driven by Christian piety, spiritual prestige,
and strategic political approach. The arrival and setting up on Mount Athos of these
aristocratic monks occurred in topic moments concerning the relationship between
their States or countries of origin and the Byzantine Empire. Among the so many
parallels and mutual attraction between the Georgian builders of Iviron and the
Beneventan constructors of Apothikon is the symmetrical arrival of both the founders
from the two opposite extremes of the Byzantine Empire to meet in the middle of it, at
Agion Oros. Leo was one of the brothers of the Duke of Benevento; the leaders of the
Iberians belonged to great feudal families engaged in marking areas that Byzantium
strived to integrate as closely as possible in the state system, and to transform them into
advanced strongholds protecting the most distant and threatened frontiers. Thats why
Euthymius and other young Georgian nobles were taken as hostages in the imperial
court of Constantinople in concomitance with the major Eastern campaign of the
Byzantine Emperor Nikephoros Phokas in 964. His army included significant quotas
of Caucasians and Armenians. When he moved to Cappadocia, bringing with him the
Empress and the two children Basil and Constantine, Nikephoros needed to ensure the
loyalty of its Georgian auxiliaries26.
All Athonite narratives converge in describing close neighborly relations between the Great
Lavra, Iviron and the constituting Latin monastery up to compare them to three peas in a pod.
They acted synergically in promoting coenobitic style of life on the Holy Mountain against
hermitic resistance and in establishing it as a point of reference for Christian monasticism.
Therefore, the erection of the Benedictine house took place in the period between 980 and 1000.
20
Actes du Prtaton, Papachryssanthou (ed.) 1975: 84, n. 225; 88; 40, n. 192; Martin-Hisard 1991: 109110;
Grdzelidze 2009; Adontz 1965: 305, 309, 310. Regarding the Euthymius royal blood, see infra: 254, n. 3.
21
Pandulf II became Duke of Benevento in 981. According to Nastase (1983: 293), this date can be
regarded as terminus post quem for the moving of monk Leo toward Est.
22
Martin-Hisard 1991: 109 ff; Nikolaou 1984: 314.
23
It was after the conquest of Bulgaria, completed in 1018. Duje 1963: 501.
24
The earliest mention of a Russian monastery on Mount Athos is from February 1016 when Grasime,
hegumen of tou Rs, signed an act of the Great Lavra. Lavra 19 in Actes de Lavra, I, Lemerle, Guillou,
Svoronos, Papachryssanthou (eds.) 1970: 37; Soloviev 1933: 230; Min, 19471948: 62 ff.
25
It was built by a monk who was a prince of the Seljuk dynasty. Lemerle (ed.) 1946: 45; Moravcsik
1958: 171; Brand 1989: 6; Nastase, 1985: 260 ff.
26
Skylitzs 1973: 268.
M. Merlini (Rome)
___________________________________________________________________
Dom Rousseau27 and Pertusi28 narrowed the time-range down to the decade 980990
on the basis of the Chronica Monasterii Casinensis written by the future cardinal Leo
Marsicanus of Ostia (10461115), and then reported in the Dialogues by the future pope
Victor III (former abbot of Montecassino between 1058 and 1087)29. The texts introduce the
Benedictine John of Benevento. This monk has several similarities with Leo the Founder
of Apothikon: he descended from a noble family of Benevento and was well known with a
reputation for piety in monastic circles. The reader is informed that John of Benevento was
tonsured in Montecassino abbey and resided at Mount Athos per aliquot temporis spatia
sheltered by his Italian brothers30. It was from about 993994 to 99631. It is inferable that in
these days the Benedictine house was already being built on the Holy Mountain.
A further element has to be pondered concerning the founding chronology.
The first signature on Athonite documents by a Latin abbot in the heartland
of Byzantine monasticism is found in 991. He was not Leo of Benevento, but a
certain John who styled abbot (higuminus) in Latin script32. Therefore 991 was
the terminus ante quem.
Pertusi restricted the erection of the Western rite monastery further to the
quinquennium 985990 on the basis of two parchment documents that he utilized as
terminus post quem. They are kept in the archives of the Great Lavra but originated
in Iviron. The first is a lavriote deed from December 984 concerning a donation
from the Lavra of Athanasius the Athonite to John, hegumen of Iviron. It is signed
for the earliest time in Latin language by Latin monks among the witnesses to the
benefaction. They are John and Arsenios (Ego Jo(hannes) monachus testis sum
and Ego Arsenios[;] uro[;] indignus monachus testis sum)33. John and Arsenios
probably were among the companions of Leo the Founder34. It is evident that at that
time the erection of the Latin house had not yet occurred or finished and that the
Italic monks tonsured abroad still dwelled at the Great Lavra that functioned as their
motherhouse35. It also confirms the close relationship between the Latin monks and
the Georgian brothers as narrated by the Bios of the saints John and Euthymius36.
A document of Iviron from the following year (985) shows the signature of the same
two monks serving as witnesses again. However, in this case the first father subscribed
27
Rousseau 1929: 536 ff.

Pertusi 1953: 810; Pertusi 1963: 222223.
29
See also Schmitz 1942: 246.
30
Pertusi 1953: 810; Pertusi 1963: 222223.
31
Rousseau 1929: 538; Pertusi 1953: 9; Pertusi 1963: 223; Plested 2010: 102.
32
Lavra 9 in Actes de Lavra, I, Lemerle, Guillou, Svoronos, Papachryssanthou (eds.) 1970: 118 ff.; Pertusi 1953:
10; Pertusi 1963: 224; Keller 19942002: 8; Plested 2010: 102.
33
I, Monk John, am a witness and I, Arsenius... unworthy monk, am a witness. Dlger 1948: 292
295, n. 108.61. Iviron 6 in Actes dIviron, I, Lefort, Oikonomides, Papachryssanthou, Metreveli (eds.)
1985: 140 n. 60; Pertusi 1963: 221. The editors of the Actes dIviron completed as Ego Arsenios
filio d(o)m(in)o Lupo indignus monachus testis sum. Von Falkenhausen rendered the signature in the
following plain format: Arsenios filio domino Lupo indignus monachus (Von Falkenhausen 2005: 104;
Von Falkenhausen (in press): 2).
34
Iviron 6 in Actes dIviron, Lefort, Oikonomides, Papachryssanthou, Metreveli (eds.) 1985: 140;
Bonsall 1969. Plested 2010: 101.
35
Pertusi 1963: 221.
36
Von Falkenhausen (in press): 2.
28
10

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the act of Iviron as Ego Johannes monachos ton Apothikon testis sum37. The toponym
Apothikon (of the Warehouses) indicates the promontory on the Morphonou bay where
the Latin monastery was built, generally identified with Cape Kosri, contiguous to the
northern limit of the lavriote territory as defined in the typikon of Athanasius38. In this
document there is another significant shift: the second monk did not sign anymore as
Arsenios in Greek-language, but as Arsenius in Latin-language as39.
In conclusion, indications suggest that the Benedictine coenobium was build when
both Athanasius the Athonite and John of Iviron were alive (i.e. before circa 10001004 and
before 1005100640) and shortly after the building of Iviron (around 980), sister-house to
Apothikon41. The most plausible date for the consecration is circa 985. From c. 980 to c. 984,
according to a Lavriote tradition Leo and brothers lodged as welcomed guests of Athanasius
whereas a Ivrite tradition states they have been sheltered in the just erected monastery of the
Iberians42. In conclusion, a large Athonite brotherhood started-up with eloquent reputation
for piety and integrity patterned on the rule and teachings of Saint Benedict. It occurred
some two decades after the erection of the Great Lavra that was used as a main benchmark,
and a quinquennium after the founding of Iviron that was a partner point of reference.
Image 3. The tower from underneath. Photo

37
Marco Merlini
Iviron 7 in Actes dIviron, Lefort, Oikonomides, Papachryssanthou, Metreveli (eds.) 1985: 151.
Iviron 7 in Actes dIviron, Lefort, Oikonomides, Papachryssanthou, Metreveli (eds.) 1985: 137 ff.,
and 147 ff.; Pertusi 1963, tav. III; Von Falkenhausen, 1993: 91 ff.; Von Falkenhausen 2005: 104 ff.
39
Plested 2010: 100.
40
Meyer, 1894: 25; Petit 1906: 77; Peeters 19171919: 23 ff., 32, 36-37 27, and 60; Martin-Hisard,
1991: 109 ff.; Pertusi, 1963: 222; Von Falkenhausen (in press): 2. Concerning the uncertainness of the
date, see Noret (ed.) 1982: CXCXI, n. 25.
41
Pertusi 1963: 221; Keller 19942002: 5.
42
For the Lavriote tradition, see Smyrnakis, 1903: 419. For the Ivriote tradition, see Nastase 1983: 293;
Nastase 1985: 253.
38
11
M. Merlini (Rome)
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The ratio of erecting an Athonite Benedictine monastery from the Beneventan
and Capuan milieu
Some pieces of information concerning the ratio of the founding an Athonite
Benedictine monastery from the Beneventan and Capuan milieu lie behind the
hagiographical anecdote of the above-mentioned monk John of Benevento. They
involve the connections among Agion Oros, the Athonite Benedictine monastery,
Montecassino abbey, the Duchies-Principalities of Benevento and Capua, and the
Byzantine Empire.
The Chronica monasterii Casinensis narrates that during the abbacy of John on
the Athonite Benedictine monastery, another John, John of Benevento (Joannes
Beneventanus), arrived at. He fled from Montecassino abbey in a date between 14
November 985 and 8 March 986, when Manso was appointed twenty-eighth abbot by
an act of nepotism by the Capuan and Beneventan dinasty43.
After a long journey in exile, he found refuge in Apothikon approximately from 993
994 up to 99644. Some scholars speculate he was probably one of the six companions
of Leo the Founder45 or one of his earliest disciples46. He is mentioned as Iohannes
de illustri prosapia (John of illustrious lineage) by the Chronicle of Montecassino for
having returned to Italy in 996 to be elected abbot of Montecassino47. He was in office
there from October 997 up to 18 March 1010 as John III. Pope Victor III confirmed
the circumstances in the Dialogues48.
In order to be appointed abbot of Montecassino, the former rebel and fugitive
John of Benevento had to be reconciled with the family of Benevento and Capua,
hegemonic on the territory where the abbey was situated. To achieve such objective,
he had to contribute to their Byzantine alliances. The most suitable place where he
could accomplish his task certainly was the cloister of Montecassino monastic order
on Mount Athos, as this community was standing in the power of both the Byzantine
emperor and the Constantinople patriarch. The Athonite Benedictine house was
therefore strategic for the Longobard feudal family.
The episode confirms that the abbots of Montecassino were involved in diplomatic
activities by bridging, sometime in a risky manner, Rome and Constantinople49. The
Benedictines on Agion Oros effectively supplied the Italian great mother-abbey, acting
as its agents in the Byzantine imperial power.
We can now better explain some reasons behind the erection of the Latin Athonite
monastery by Leo of Benevento. Crowned in Rome by the pope on 2 February 962, the
emperor of the West Otto I (912973) claimed the Regnum Italicum that, according
43
Muratori 17231751, vol. 4: 348; dAchery 17331738: 637; Rousseau 1929: 536 ff; Centro studi
avellaniti (ed.) 2003: 121; Beolchini 2007; Macharashvili 2013.
44
Pertusi 1953: 810; Pertusi 1963: 222223; Hoffmann (ed.) 1980: 206; Beolchini 2007; Keller 1994
2002: 6, who however speculates on the possible extension of Johns sojourn on Mount Athos to 997.
45
Gobry (ed.) 1999: 256.
46
Von Falkenhausen 2005: 101118. Von Falkenhausen (in press): 3.
47
Wattenbach (ed.) 1846: 642; Migne (ed.) 1854: PL 173, 607C-608B; Tosti 1888: 101. Hoffmann (ed.)
1980: 206 ff.; Gobry (ed.) 1999: 256; Schwartz, Hofmeister (eds.) 1934: 1127 ff.
48
Schwartz, Hofmeister (eds.) 1934: 1127 ff.
49
Von Falkenhausen 2007: 105.
12

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to Carolingian tradition, coincided with the entire Italian peninsula. To transform
this claim into reality, he enlisted a strategic new vassal, Pandulf I Ironhead, Duke
of Capua and Benevento that in 967 received the Duchy of Spoleto-Camerino from
the emperor50. In parallel, Pope John XII (955965) gave to Capua the Archbishopric
status in reward for Pandulf I services.
In the past, Capua and Benevento recognized the authority of Byzantium.
Therefore, in Spring 968 Emperor Nikephoros Phokas strongly complained with the
ambassador of the founder of the Holy Roman Empire, Otto I, Bishop Liutprand
of Cremona (920? 972), because of the oath of vassalage to the Saxon emperor
given by the traitor and rebel Pandulf I, whom he still considered under Byzantine
rule. Consequently, Nikephoros Phokas asked Liutprand the immediate return of
Pandulf under Byzantine control as a condition to establish friendly relationship
with Otto I51.
Members of the ruling families of Benevento and Capua were often held as hostages
at the court of Constantinople, where they lived for several years and had a successful
career in imperial service. Landulf II of Benevento (?? 961), second son of Landulf I
(910943) and brother of Pandulf I, was educated at the Byzantine court52. Romuald,
another brother of Pandulf I, was called inter Graecos to puericia fuerat by the coevals.
In 968, he met Liutprand at the imperial court of Nikephoros Phokas53. A short time
later, Romuald traveled to Italy to fight together with the Byzantine army54. Its not
totally unlikely that another kinsman of the Beneventan prince, become a monk,
moved to Constantinople and then to Mount Athos to erect a Western rite monastery,
since the emperor Nikephoros Phokas was the major sponsor of the Athanasius lavra
and the coenobitic Agion Oros.
It is moreover remarkable to note that in the same period Euthymius, son of John
the founder of Iviron and future hegumen of the monastery, was spending much of
his childhood and early youth as a hostage in the imperial court of Constantinople
along with other young Georgian nobles55. It was possibly the start-up of parallel
historical events and mutual admiration that characterized Apothikon-Amalfion and
Iviron for a long time.
However, struggles between the papacy and Constantinople became visible. In
May 969, Pope John XIII (965972) elevated the Longobard see of Benevento to
archiepiscopal rank, putting it at the head of three suffragan dioceses that actually
were within Byzantine territory. John XIV (983984) added three more Byzantine
sees to the Roman Archdiocese of Benevento, while John XV (985996) gave Salerno
the jurisdiction over four sees in Byzantine Lucania and Calabria. In brief, the papacy
reinforced Pandulf Ironheads authority on ten bishoprics in Byzantine Katepanate,
in the effort to recover them by evicting Byzantium.
50
Gay 1917: 296 ff.

Liutprando da Cremona 1998: 354; cf. 352353; Gay 1917: 308309.
52
Letter 82 in Jenkins Westerink, 1973: 340.
53
Chiesa (ed.) 1998: 203.
54
Cronaca salernitana 172, in Westerbergh 1956: 176.
55
Obsidem... Euthymium cum aliis e regia stirpe principibus in Peeters 19171919: 17; Martin-Hisard
1991: 87 ff.; Grusset 1947: 506; Adontz 1965: 301; Actes du Prtaton, Papachryssanthou (ed.) 1975: 83.
51
13
M. Merlini (Rome)
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In Summer 969, Pandulf lead the Capuan-Beneventine militia to siege the
fortress-city of Bovino in northern Apulia (Byzantine Katepanate) on behalf of the
Saxon emperor, but he was captured by the Byzantine defenders of the city. Sent to
Constantinople in chains, he betted on the end of the reign of Nikephoros Phokas.
Indeed, in December 969 he was murdered by his relative John Tzimiskes who was
crowned new emperor. John Tzimiskes was driven by a less aggressive attitude toward
the German emperor. Hence, he gave the Price of Benevento and Capua the opportunity
to return to Italy, as his representative, to negotiate peace with the king of Germany and
the Holy Roman emperor. The new rank and task did not preclude the Byzantines to
keep Pandulf I Ironhead hostage in Bari until Otto the Great accepted to negotiate for a
more permanent peace, and his son Otto II married Tzimiskes niece Teophane56.
Image 4. The heraldic panel in white marble carved with a single-headed

eagle in high relief. It is positioned near the towers summit.
Photo Marco Merlini
After the restoration of peace, Pandulf I enjoyed an exceptional situation: while

attesting his devotion to the Western emperor, he practically kept freedom between
the two empires. Therefore, for the first time the Longobard duchies of Benevento,
Capua, Salerno and Spoleto-Camerino were united under one authority. The
emergence of such a vast and pro-German Longobard state caused serious concern
to its neighbors.
56
Gay 1917: 317-318.
14

___________________________________________________________________
This situation changed in March 981 when untimely Pandolf I Ironhead died and
the territory assembled by him broke into pieces. Guided insurrections expelled his
sons Landulf IV and Pandulf II from both Benevento and Salerno where they ruled
from the death of their father. Benevento became again a separate state under the
rule of Pandulf II, nephew of Pandulf I Ironhead previously marginalized by him and
possible brother of Leo the Founder57. At Salerno, the patrician Manso I of Amalfi
(r. 9571004), a vassal of Byzantium, was able to establish his authority58.
Relationship of Pandolf II with Otto III (9831002), son and successor of Otto
II, was not the best and in 1000 the emperor besieged the city of Benevento for
several weeks, possibly due to the contention for some relics of Saint Bartholomew.
The martyr was patron saint of Benevento and his remains arrived from Armenia in
838 via Lipari Islands. It was an important element of the political actions related to
the cult of patron saints relics in Benevento (St. Mercurio, St. Donato, St. Felice, St.
Felicita and progeny, St. Marciano of Frigento, St. Deodato of Nola, St. Gennaro, and
St. Trofimena), aimed to legitimize the ruling Longobard dynasty and celebrate its
warrior tradition with soldier martyrs59. However, Otto had just constructed a new
church for him in Rome: St. Bartholomew at Tiber island. The conflict on the holy
remains was inevitable. The relics of the apostle of Jesus moved to Rome, even if the
Bevenentans claimed they gave a fake and kept the original ones. Both the relicts are
venerated at the present time60.
Behind the founding of Apothikon there were the troubles of Leos brother with the
Sacred Roman Empire and the necessity to find protection and room for manoeuvre
with the Byzantine imperial government that, throughout the late tenth and early
eleventh centuries, re-established military and administrative control over large
Southern areas of the Italian peninsula and reorganised administrative and religious
structures. One of its main problems was the perpetual threat and alternating relations
with the Southern Longobard princes who challenged the Byzantine authority as
soon as they could.
These sequence of events, which changed the political configuration in Southern
Italy to the unsteady benefit of Byzantium, marked the context of Leos and companions
arrival and their setting up on Mount Athos. Leo was a Longobard prince of a border
region of Byzantium exhausted by civil war. This territory had been regarded by the
Byzantines as belonging to their possessions and the ruling princes as their vassals.
Traditionally they were, but Pandulf I and successors found a space of manoeuvre.
Consistent with the illustrated geopolitical drift, was the naissance of an Athonite
anomalous monastery. Apothikon was: under the papal ecclesiastical authority but
under the Byzantine government; located in the hart of the Byzantine territories but
midway between Southern Italy and Constantinople; placed within the centre of the
57
Ibid.: 331332.
Ibid.: 271.
59
Galdi 2008: 73.
60
Annales Beneventani, in Pertz (ed.) 1839 and Bertolini (ed.) 1923: 9126. Latin monastic and
regional chronicle from Benevento. It is edited in three redactions: A.1, written between 11131118
and covering the years 7871113; A.2, written in 1119 and accounting from Incarnation to 1128; and
A.3, written between 11071118 and recording the years 1096-1130. Gay 1917: 373374.
58
15
M. Merlini (Rome)
___________________________________________________________________
Greek-Byzantine monasticism but following the Latin rite; on the Holy Mountain that
was under direct imperial and not patriarchal jurisdiction; and on frontiers of Latin
Christendom but with an active and chief role in governing the Mount of Eastern
brothers. The ambitious task was accomplished by a noble Beneventan of the ruling
dynasty thanks to kinship strong connections in the Byzantine capital city and with the
imperial personae. The founding of a coenobium was actually a political act designed to
stabilize the swings of the pendulum in the conflictual-cooperative relationship of the
Southern Italian Longobard principalities with the Byzantine imperial government. It
marked their established peripheral autonomy, but at the same time the necessity to set
up a new alliance with Byzantium and, in particular, directly with the imperial power.
Apothikon was a stakeholder without manifest political connotations, but politically
conscious and capable. It was invested of enough power to intervene on large-scale
international political affairs with Constantinople acknowledging its centrality. It had
enough stability, prosperity, and longevity to contribute to the shaping of the political
state of affairs between the Italian principalities of Southern Italy and the Byzantine
Empire. It also helped to shape the relations between the papacy, Longobard ally, and
Byzantium. A Benedictine foundation was chosen because this monastic order had a
dialoguing role between the Latin and Greek colliding forces, diplomatic finesse, fertile
cross-cultural connections, centralized organization, and zealous pursuit for obedience.
Apothikon was the first Benedictine monastery to be built in Greece61. In conclusion, it
was not a haphazard creation, but rather the product of careful planning.
Image 5. The tower of Amalfion and Mount Athos. Photo

61
Tsougarakis 2008: 111.
16
Marco Merlini

___________________________________________________________________
The hegumen John and the passage from Apothikon to Amalfion, from
Beneventan to Amalfitan dominance
The Benedictine monastic settlement on Mount Athos had the typikon in Latin,
because it organized monks of Western rite and uses. The abbots signed official acts
in Latin-language, with one exception. These subscriptions are in general written in
Beneventan. This script was developed in Montecassino abbey (and in Bari as well)
and became the most spread writing in Southern Italic peninsula at that time62.
As we have already mentioned, Leo of Benevento consecrated Apothikon around
985. However, in November 991 the hegumen was no longer him but a certain John63.
The second abbot after the founder was probably one of the six disciples of him,
although we do not know for sure if he was the same John who signed in 985 as
Johannes monachos ton Apothikon. In the asphaleia of 991, according to which the
protos Johannes assigned a dwelling to the monk Athanasius, the signature, in Latin,
occurs as: Ioh(annes) monachus (et) higoumenos inter test(es) manu mea scripsi64.
This is also the earliest documentary evidence of the Benedictine house65.
A number of scholars consider he was most probably the same abbot John66 who signed acts
even in 101267, 101668, and 101769. However, we have no documentary support for it. Besides,
we have only a copy of the Athonite deed of 1017. It was made in the thirteenth century and the
abbots signature is drown up as (John the Amalfitan monk),70
i.e. possibly a Greek translation of a Latin signature made by the copyist71.
According to Lemerle72 and Pertusi73. the John who signed in November 991
was from Amalfi and was even in charge of the Amalfitan monastery as abbot74.
According to them, the document is not simply the earliest documentary attestation
62
Von Falkenhausen 1993: 92 ff.

Pertusi informs us (1963: 223224), unfortunately without any evidence, that John the Amalfinos
succeeded to Leo verso il 991 (around 991).
64
Rouillard, Collomp (eds.) 1937: n. 10. Lavra 9 in Actes de Lavra, I, Lemerle, Guillou, Svoronos,
Papachryssanthou (eds.), 1970: 122.54. Lemerle, 1953: 551 n. 1. Pertusi, 1963: 224. Keller, 1994-2002: 8.
65
Pertusi 1953: 11.
66
Pertusi 1963: 227, 251.
67
Lavra 17 in Actes de Lavra, I, Lemerle, Guillou, Svoronos, Papachryssanthou (eds.) 1970: n. 15. The
act is signed by Johannes monachus. See also Pertusi 1963: 227, n. 31.
68
Lavra 19 in Actes de Lavra, I, Lemerle, Guillou, Svoronos, Papachryssanthou (eds.) 1970: n. 15. The
document is signed by Johannes monachus et abbas. See also Pertusi 1963: 227, note 32.
69
This time the signature was in Greek. Lavra 21 in Actes de Lavra, I, Lemerle, Guillou, Svoronos,
Papachryssanthou (eds.) 1970: 165; Rouillard, Collomp (eds.) 1937, n. 35; Lemerle 1953: 552; Pertusi
1963: 227, n. 33.
70
Lavra 21 in Actes de Lavra, I, Lemerle, Guillou, Svoronos, Papachryssanthou (eds.) 1970: 165.
71
Von Falkenhausen (in press): 6. Nastases assertion (1983: 290) that the automatic translation in
Greek invalidates the name of John Monk Amalfitinou is not sharable. According to him, the earliest
secure evidence for the existence of Amalfion is from an act of 1035, when we find a J(o)h(annes)
hum(ilis) mo(na)chus Amalfitanus. See Lavra 29 in Actes de Lavra, I, Lemerle, Guillou, Svoronos,
Papachryssanthou (eds.) 1970: 186.21.
72
Jean lAmalfitain in Lemerle 1953: 551 and Jean dAmalfi in Ibid.: 548.
73
Giovanni di Amalfi in Pertusi 1953: 409-411. Giovanni (Amalfitano) in Pertusi 1963: 227, 251.
74
Pertusi 1963: 223-224. Lemerle, 1953: 548.
63
17
M. Merlini (Rome)
___________________________________________________________________
that a Benedictine house occurred on Mount Athos, but the first proof that it was
denominated Amalfion.
Unfortunately, the signature in 991 John (the Amalfitan), maintained by the
Byzantinists, is not supported by any archival evidence. Neither the signature, nor
anywhere else indicates John (Iohannes) as arrived from Amalfi. The erroneous
opinion is due to a misreading. In the first edition (Rouillard, Collomp) of the
Actes de Lavra, some illegible letters follow the words Ioh (annes) monachus
and preceded fit that the publishers completed as (anus): Joh (annes) monachus
[ ]fit(anus) manu me[a scripsi]75. In order to give the certainty that the referred
John was definitely Amalfinos, Lemerle rendered the signature in the following
plain format: Johannes monachus Amalfitanus manu mea scripsi76. However,
the publishers of the second edition of the Actes de Lavra - among them Lemerle
himself - gave a different reading for this signature with no association with Amalfi:
Ioh (annes) monachus [et] higuminos inter test (es) manu mea scripsi77. Pertusi
knew the latest and accurate reading78. Nonetheless, he continued naming the Latin
monk as John (the Amalfino)79.
Lemerle and Pertusi enrolled as Amalfitans even the abbots who signed in 1012
and 1016, and the Benedictine witnesses who subscribed in 984 and 98580.
Regrettably, the misunderstanding concerning the signatures was one of the main
reasons for the myth largely accepted by the scholarship concerning an Amalfitan
foundation of the Athonite Benedictine coenobium81. Even the publishers of the second
edition of the Actes de Lavra, despite assuring that their new reading was certain,
continued to argue that the 991 signature belongs to Jean, higoumne du couvent des
Amalfitains82. In the new edition of the Actes de Lavra, the abbas signatures in 1012 and
1016 have to be read, respectively: Joh (annes) monachus83 and Joh (annes) monachus et
abbas84. Nonetheless, the first signature is annotated as Celle du reprsentant du Couvent
des Amalfitains. For the second signature, the publisher just refer on its presence85.
However, as we have already noticed, Leo the brother of the Prince of Benevento
was not exactly an Amalfitan. The troubles we found in answering the question
75
Rouillard, Collomp (eds.) 1937: 10. 29, 30.45; Pertusi 1953: 10.
Lemerle 1953: 551, and note 1.
77
Lavra 9 in Actes de Lavra, I, Lemerle, Guillou, Svoronos, Papachryssanthou (eds.), 1970: 122. 54.
La lecture que nous donnons est certaine, they declare (118).
78
Pertusi 1963: 224, and n. 22.
79
Quel Giovanni (Amalfitano), che firma il documento del 991 in Pertusi 1963: 223. Giovanni
(Amalfitano), abate di Santa Maria degli Amalfitani, in supra, 1963: 251.
80
Lemerle 1953: 549. Sont des latins (Amalfitains), in Lavra 44 in Actes de Lavra, I, Lemerle, Guillou,
Svoronos, Papachryssanthou (eds.) 1970: 161; Pertusi 1963: 221, 251. The misinterpretation has an
important corollary, the convinction that: chiaro di qui che nel 984 il monastero degli Amalfitani non
era ancora stato fondato, in supra, 1963: 221.
81
Actes du Prtaton, Papachryssanthou (ed.) 1975: 83, 86; Keller 19942002.
82
Lavra 9 in Actes de Lavra, I, Lemerle, Guillou, Svoronos, Papachryssanthou (eds.) 1970: 122. See
an interesting debug in Nastase 1983: 287293.
83
Lavra 17 in Actes de Lavra, I, Lemerle, Guillou, Svoronos, Papachryssanthou (eds.) 1970: 148.51.
84
Lavra 19 in Actes de Lavra, I, Ibid.: 155.32
85
Actes de Lavra, I, Lemerle, Guillou, Svoronos, Papachryssanthou (eds.) 1970: 45, 154.
76
18

___________________________________________________________________
about his provenience on arriving at Mount Athos are linked to the difficulty in
understanding the reasons why his monastic foundation was associated with the
city of Amalfi in the subsequent Athonite collective memory as well as in most
of modern scholarship, even if Apothikon originated from the political-religious
plans of the principality of Benevento. The Longobard State in Southern Italy was
basically obedient to the Western imperial authority and often in open diplomatic
and military confrontation against the duchy of Amalfi, which was pro-Byzantine,
free of any Longobard political and legal control, and strictly Roman-Orthodox.
Benevento and Amalfi were not only two different States, but their relations were
not very smooth, at least shortly before the coronation of Pandulf II, Leos presumed
brother86.
Of course, this scenery does not exclude the possibility that among the companions
of Leo there were Amalfitans, whose presence on Mount Athos is indicated by St.
Athanasius Bios since the erection of his lavra87.
The shift in ethnic dominance in the Athonite Latin monastery is evidenced
by the change of name. Initially, the chosen denomination was rather anonymous
and secularized: Warehouses. As commented above, it simply derived from the
toponym of the place where the Italian monks settled (Apothikon), located at Cape
Kosri and contiguous to the northern territory of the Great Lavra. Even if the
Benedictine house is known as Amalfi, or Amafiltan in Byzantine scholarly
texts88, it was only from 1010 onwards that the ordinary denomination was replaced
by an ethnic name: (Amalfinon, of the Amalfitans). Il was on an
act of the Great Lavra concerning the controverted possess on a piece of land89. The
causes for the change of denomination are unknown, however the Amalfitan ethnic
preponderance is cleared by the document of 1017, where the representative of the
Latin monastery signed for the first time as: John the Amalfitan: the house of the
Amalfitans was run by an Amalfitan90. It was dedicated to the Mother of God as
the other two monasteries managed by Amalfitan in the East: Constantinople and
Jerusalem91.
It is therefore likely that most of the Constantinopolitan disciples that induced Leo
to construct his own monastery were Amalfitans. A few years later the founding of
the Benedictine house, the monks native of Amalfi might have formed the majority
of the community. It is also probable that members of the Amalfitan colony in
Constantinople became the main sponsors of the monastery92.
86
Gay 1917: 322, 331332.

Noret (ed.) 1982. Life A: 178; Life : 47. Both the Lives include Amalfi in a list of peripheral areas
whose monks moved to Mount Athos at the time of Athanasius. The list is in supra, 1982: 272.
88
Bonsall 1969: 62. Metreveli, 1998: 97.
89
Lavra 15 in Actes de Lavra, I, Lemerle, Guillou, Svoronos, Papachryssanthou (eds.) 1970: 140. Von
Falkenhausen 1993: 91; Von Falkenhausen 2005: 105.
90
Lavra 21 in Actes de Lavra, I. Lemerle, Guillou, Svoronos, Papachryssanthou (eds.) 1970: 165, n. 15.
91
The church of the Constantinopolitan monastery was consecrated to Deiparae seu Mariae
Amalphitarum de Latina. The church of the monastery in Jerusalem was dedicated to S. Maria de
Latina. See Merlini, in press.
92
Von Falkenhausen (in press): 3.
87
19
M. Merlini (Rome)
___________________________________________________________________
Conclusions
Previous studies credited that some Latin signatures on Athonite acts belong to
Amalfitan monks since 984 and that since November 991 a brother from Amalfi was
even in charge as abbot of the monastery called of the Amalfitans. Consistently, the
Western rite monastery founded around 985 by the Benedictine monk Leo, brother of
the Duke of Benevento Pandulf II, is known as the Amalfitan house in scholarship.
Our inquiring has evidenced that the surveyed documents actually do not give any
indication as to the Amalfitan origin of the Latin monks who signed them until 1017.
Athonite archives record the Benedictine house as Amalfion only since 1010. It was
possibly founded as Apothikon. The recognition that Amalfitans did not erect the Latin
coenobium but acquired and managed it some years after its construction does not exclude
the possibility that some Amalfitans were among the disciples of the Beneventan Leo. Their
presence on Agion Oros is attested since the construction of the Great Lavra by St. Athanasius.
The denomination is very strange for a monastery founded by a
Beneventan, because the Athonite norm was to indicate the houses built by foreigner
monks by their nationality or country of origin, as it happened with the monasteries of
the Ivirites, the Sicilians, the Calabrians, the Serbians, and so on. Apothikon is instead
a humble toponym derived from buildings where raw materials or manufactured
goods were stored.
Dimitri Nastase infers from this observation the necessary existence of an
unrecognized monastic foundation possibly known at that time as the the abbey of
the Beneventanou93. The Romanian scholar emphasized a link of dependence of the
Principality of Capua and Benevento to the Byzantine Empire by tagging abruptly
and superficially the former as vassal of the latter94. Therefore, he also advanced the
possibility that the Benedictine monastic community might have been indicated by
coeval Athonite brothers as the monastery of the Italians, i.e. from the Katepanate
of Italy, according to the aforementioned list of regions of the Italian peninsula which
gave birth to the monks who arrived at Mount Athos attracted by Athanasius spiritual
and organizational challenge95. In conclusion, Nastase proposed to identify the
coenobium founded by Leo and Amalfion as two different houses. The former had a
very short existence, an uncharted story, and an unknown exit; the latter was built by
an Amalfitan and not by a Beneventan, as the name suggests, and occurred until the
end of the thirteenth century96. According to him, Beneventans erected their house
earlier than the Amalfitans built their cloister. However, his opinion concerning the
establishment of two Western rite monasteries on Mount Athos in later tenth - early
eleventh century is without documentary support and hardly to be justified.
A different explanation is verifiable in the coeval documents. The founding of the Western
rite monastery has to be securely attributed to a Beneventan97. We can connect Leo to the
monasterium amoenum reported around 1045 by the Ivirite monk who narrated the lives
93
Nastase 1983: 290291.

Ibid.: 292.
95
Noret (ed.) 1982. Life A: 158.74, Life B: 43.176; Nastase 1983: 293; Nastase 1985: 257.
96
Nastase 1985: 268.
97
Von Falkenhausen 2005.
94
20

___________________________________________________________________
of the saints John and Euthymius98. In particular, we intercept notice concerning the
occurrence of this monastery in the hagiographic episode of Johannes Beneventanus
de illustri prosapia who did not found refuge in Amalfion, as stated by most of the
scholars, but in the monasterium amoenum of the countryman Leo99. The life of
the Georgian saints does not inform anywhere that such a monasterium amoenum
founded by Leo of Benevento was Amalfion, nor that it had any relation to one or
more Amalfitan monks, nor even, more generally, with the town of Amalfi. The
suggestion that a monastery called Amalfion was founded by Leo of Benevento has
no documentary support.
However, another Amalfitan house did not exist, because some years before or
later the turning of the millennium Amalfitans acquired the monasterium amoenum
built by Leo. The Beneventan house was known as the humbly Apothikon, because
it was a small and unsteady monastery. Still exploiting the list of the regions of
the Italian peninsula, it was possibly indicated as the monastery of the Romans.
Athonite documents substantiate that its construction was possible solely thanks to
a huge endowment made by the Georgians, because Leos and brethrens fundraising
in motherland was only partially successful. They evidence also that the Latin
brotherhood was under Great Lavra obedience.
Amalfitan monks arrived from Constantinople at the founding of the monasterium
amoenum and/or just after its early years. They belonged to a community, the enclave
of their countrymen characterized by: an international strategy; privileged relationship
with the Byzantine imperial government, the Greek-Byzantine Church, and the political,
diplomatic, economical and cultural resources of the capital city; political interest but
also ideological inclination of bridging East-West culture and religion; considerable
economic capital, and propensity to invest it; and enough piousness and generosity to
provide huge founds in beneficence pro remedio animae. Amalfitan merchants, nobles,
and soldiers resident in Constantinople supported the fellow countrymonks in the
acquisition and management of the monasterium amoenum. They could then easily
assert themselves over the brothers who founded Apothikon, who enjoyed much less
economical resources and were politically less influential.
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( 1530/1531)4.
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, 1439 .: . // . , 1971. . 1. . 407411.
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III (14781481): . // . ,
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IV (14911497): . .
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:
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. . , 1862. . 3. . 240243. , .
1426 . , 1463 .
29
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, ( 11). ( 12),
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13
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14
. . ( ca. 1490, )...
. 55. . 248, 451.
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. . (1517 .). . 41.
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12
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XVI .: // Wiener Slawistischer Almanach. Bd. 12 ( ).
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24
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25
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30
33
. . ()
___________________________________________________________________
, 31. .
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), , . ,
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Summary
O. V. Loseva
The Greek and the Slave Athonite Monks as the Earliest Autocletoi New Martyrs
This paper deals with the group of saints venerated by the Orthodox Church as the
New Martyrs. This phenomenon appeared after the Arab conquest of Palestine and Syria
and became widespread during the Ottoman rule. First the New Martyrs were laymen and
seldom members of secular clergy. The first case of the Martyrdom of the monk took place
at Thesalonika in 1506. Athonite monk Macarius was the pupil of the former Patriarch of
Constantinople St. Niphon who lived in Mount Athos. The Martyrdom of St. Macarius
was described by the contemporary Protos Gabriel in his Vita of St. Niphon. In the first
decade of the 16th Century another Athonite monk was martyred in Thessalonika.
He was of East Slavic origin and took monastic vows in the Souprasl Monastery. The
Slavonic Vita of St. Antonius of Souprasl was recently discovered by Anatoly Turilov in
the Prologue GIM, Uvar. 56-F (of the middle of the 16th Cent.). The model of behavior of
these Athonite monks differ from the previous New Martyrs. In this case we see example
of voluntary martyrdom in spite of the fact that suicide is forbidden by Christianity. The
New Martyrs of the 14th15th Cent. became Martyrs without intending. In different
circumstances they did their Christian duty to confess their Faith but they didnt seek a
pretext to be arrested by Turks for the purpose of voluntary martyrdom. Unlike them St.
Macarius and St. Antony with the view of martyrdom provoked the Turks and the judges.
This type of Martyr is called in the Greek literature autocletos that is the saint who made a
decision himself to be martyred. The phenomenon of the voluntary martyrdom appeared
at the beginning of the 16th Cent. And gradually has spread within this century. Almost
all cases of autocletos New Martyrs were the Athonite monks (St. Ioasaph, the pupil of
Patriarch Niphon 1510, St. Theophanes of Vatopediou 1559, St. Macarius of Kios
1590). Although the information about many mediaeval New Martyrs lost we suggest
that the phenomenon of voluntary martyrdom originated from Mount Athos or obtained
authority in this religious center.
31
32
. . , 1856. . 54.
. , 1873. . 334338.
34
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1

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Bokov
1999, 1999, 2000, 2002, 2010, 2012, ;
.
35
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- (Bokov:
126, 131).

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1
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2
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( 1947: 6365; : 75).
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, . 1492. , . , glagolemi rMsi, 1487 (: 288).
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prvi prot (: 291). proiprata svatXA gorX aTona 1495/1496.
(: 276). ,
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1496 (: 292295) , , .
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1486. ktitori
kako sou bili prydedi i roditelEi 8, 1496, ,
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na[x manastirq pojtx namx (j: 274277).
htitorJe bXti . wbnovi
i vqzdvi\e bXvq[ihq gospodq srqbqskXhq svetJihq (Miklosich: 539540).
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40
...
___________________________________________________________________
11.
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(irkovi 1982: 159162).

12,
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( 1868: 234).

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(: 38; 2000: 39), .
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41
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, ( 1999: 6986).

1508, 1509 (: 4, 1315),
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43
. ( )
___________________________________________________________________

. .

, ,
, ,
.
. . XIVXVI .
( 2009: 79115).

. ., . . .
XIXVII . // . ., 2002. . 4. . 146149.
. // . 1956.
14. . 8592.
1999 .
// . , 1999. . 6986.
2000 . (
XVI ) // . 2000. . 58/59. . 3556.
2002 .
// . 2002. . 62. . 2562.
2010 .
( ) // . 2010. . 78. . 749.
2012 .
// . 2012.
. 3. . 699717.
. .
XVI // .
1903. . XXXIX / II . 35. . 1642.
. II //
II . , 1991. . 7581.
/ . ,
. . . . ; , 1988.
. . 1 2 // XVI . ., 2004.
. 1. . 840.
. (13461371) //
. 1992. 31. . 9199.
, .
. // . 1868. .
XXIV. . 231295.
. .
// . 1967. . 27. . 7186.
44
...
___________________________________________________________________
. - 12401453
.: , , // . ., 1994. . 4.
. 2750.
1939 . //
. 1939. . XCI / II . 70. . 153260.
1940 . , //
. , 1940. . 3. . 125167.
1947 . - XIXII // Byzantinoslavica. 1947. . 9. P. 5585.
j . T //
. 1869. . XXIV. . 272287.
1912 .
. , 1912.
. //
. 1994. . XV/2. . 8597.
. . //
. 1932. . 7. . 137156.
. . //
. , 1936. . 1. . . . 124.
. . , 2008. . 1.
.
. , 2009.
. .
- // .
. , 2009. . 304338.
2009 XIVXVI . //
, . . ; ., 2009.
. 1. . 79115.
. O
(XVXVII ). , 2000.
. . . ., 1980.
. . ,
1985.
Bokov Bokov M. Ruski letopisi o dolasku staraca iz atoskog Svetog
Pantelejmona u Moskvu krajem XV veka // Godinjak Filozofskog fakulteta u Novom
Sadu. 1999. . XXVII. S. 125134.
Kmpfer Kmpfer F. Ivan Groznyj und Hilandar // Jahrbcher fr Geschichte
Osteuropas. 1971. Bd. 19. H. 4. S. 496507.
Miklosich Miklosich Fr. Monumenta serbica. Viennae, 1858.
irkovi irkovi S. Actes serbes // Actes de Saint-Pantlmn / d.
diplomatique par P. Lemerle, G. Dagron, S. irkovi. Paris, 1982. P. 157185.
45
. ()
___________________________________________________________________
Summary
M. Boshkov
On the relations between the monastery of Saint Panteleimon and the world
(some questions and concerns regarding the Serbian-Russian relations)
In this article attention is drawn to certain unsolved or differently interpreted
episodes of factual or legendary history of athonite Rusik. They are being followed
from the story of Russian monk who led Rastko Nemanji into Saint Panteleimon.
On the occasion of the revised Charter from the year 1349th a question is asked
about the circumstances that caused the alleged statement of emperor Stefan Duan
saying that the monastery is completely abandoned by Russia. After analyzing the
news of the Russian Chronicle and the new dating of certain documents, the author
concludes that thanks to a well preserved Russian name, not the composition of
the brotherhood Saint Panteleimon played a key role at the time of establishing
relations between the South and Russia at the end of XV and beggining of XVI
century, role that, after all, she assumed at the time of connecting Chilandar with Ivan
the Terrible: In both cases, legend of the founding of the monastery was used. Part
of the work is devoted to the possible meaning of confidential message by Angelina
Brankovi to Basil Ivanovich that she sent via her envoy who arrived in Moscow
along with the monks of Saint Panteleimon until January 1509th.
46
. ()*

, j , , ( .
), 1.
. .
( ,
),

, .
, , , , 1335. 2.

, , ,
.
,

.
,
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* ; djbubalo@f.bg.ac.rs
1
. . , 1928 (= ,
1998); . // . , 1981.
. 1. . 557565.
2
. . , 1907. ( j, j ; , . 4); . . , 1956 ( ; . CCLXVIII); Panev J. La rception du Syntagma
de Matthieu Blastars en Serbie // tudes balkaniques. 2003. 10. P. 2745; - .
// . , 2009. . 920. (. .
; XVI).
3
70, 1370 (); 111, 1375/1385; 57, 1387; , . 28
14. , ; 299, 1385/1395.
47
. ()
___________________________________________________________________
,
() ,
. ,
4.
, 5.
15. .

, ,

6.
,
(13491371).

. ,
, ,

.

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,
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(1335)
(1345 1346)7.
4
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1888. . . 95203; Moin V. Vlastareva sintagma i Duanov zakonik u Studenikom
Oteniku // Starine. 1949. 42. S. 793.
5
. . - .
, 2007. (. . ; XV).
6
Minale V. M. Il Syntagma Alphabeticum di Matteo Blastares nella codificazione dello car Stefan
Duan: alcune riflessioni di ordine cronologico // Atti della Accademia Pontaniana. N. S. 2009.
Vol. 58. P. 5366.
7
Bnou L. Pour une nouvelle histoire du droit byzantin. Thorie et pratique juridiques au XIVe sicle.
Paris, 2011 P. 212223.
48

___________________________________________________________________

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8. ,
.

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(. 39, 117, 124)10.

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49
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___________________________________________________________________
33,
, 78,
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,
,

,

12. ,
(. 13, 14, 15) 14. 13.

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15. 17. .
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1844/1845.
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14. , 1876. ,

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XCV. ; 27).
14
Bogii V. Pisani zakoni na slovenskom jugu. Zagreb, 1872. I. .37; . . .. . ., 1879. . 2224.
15
: . IV. // . 1959. . 910. . 101112;
. , 1975. . 1: . . 6392, 161219. (.
. ; 4); . . 2728.
12
50

___________________________________________________________________
,
:
.
(, . 70, 43),
- (.
, III a 47).

15. . ,
.
, 1844. ,
(. 300)16.
.
, ,
.
1830. .
, ,
, : IX F 10 ( 14)17. , . ; 125.
.
,
. , ,
, ,
; , , , , ,
. 131 ,
152. . ,
,
.

19. , ,
16
: .
// . 1963. . 8/1. . 246250; . , 1981. . 2: , , . . 1013, 27, 73110. (.
. ; 4); / .
. . . . , . .-. . . , 1999. . 331332,
825; . XIVXV . ,
2007. . 347, 300; . . 3334.
17
: Vaica J., Vajs J. Soupis staroslovanskch rukopisu Nrodnho
musea v Praze. Praha, 1957. S. 212219; . . 2. . 1320, 2731,
111168; . . 3033.
51
. ()
___________________________________________________________________
. ,
, : IX F 21 ( 15)18. .
120
,
. ,
18 ,
.
.
. 17. ,
, , 1541. ( i
(7049) ).
.
, . 1541.
,
. , , 16. . ,
. ,
, ,
. , ,
, .
(
) 1619/1620. ,
. ,
,
,
. (. 301)19.
, -28 , ,
. , .
.
,

18
: Vaica J., Vajs J. Soupis staroslovanskch rukopisu Nrodnho

musea v Praze. . 237; . , 1997. . 3: , , , , . . 45, 171224. (.
. ; 4); . . 4041.
19
: . .
. 362, 5; . , 1978.
. 129130, 301; . . 315, 791.
52

___________________________________________________________________
, ,

.
,

.

.
,
15.
,
. (. 11, 13, 78, 101
.)20. , , 18.
( )
21.

. ,
, - . ,
, -28 (
, )
,
22,
, 19 ,
, ,
, ,
23.

. ,

20
. . 77, 90, 95.

, ,
, , . :
.
. ,
. :
,
(. . 79).
22
. . 3. . 159160; . . 3840.
23
. . 3. . 8587; . -
// . ,
2009. . 199204. (. . ; XVI);
. . 3638.
21
53
. ()
___________________________________________________________________
,
, 24,
, ,

25. .
, ,
- , ,
, . , , 16.
17. ,
(. 67)26.
, , . ,
, , , ,
, , , 27.

. , ,
.
, ,
, ,
,
.

, ,
.
,
24
. , .
. 437447; . . . 359369.
25
. - //
. 1953. 212. . 192193.
26
. . . 360363; . // . 1961. . 18.
. 702, 68; . //
. 1994. . 16. . 191, 67.
27
.: ., . .
1512-1601 // . 1991. 8. . 208209 (
, , 3. 1582); . . . , 1996. . 4044 (
, , 31. 1675), 4752 ( IV,
, 2. 1730); . . I //
. 2011. . 83. . 97104 (, 17. 1691).
54

___________________________________________________________________

, ,
. ,
, ,
,
. ,

( )28. , ,

,

.

, ,
29.
, ,
.
.
1385/1395 (. 299), 30.
( 14. ) 1655, 31,
15. (. 92) 32.
1559,
, , ,
. (. 56)33.
28
. (XVXVII ). , 2000.
. 6062, 8396, 100103.
29
. : (XVXVI ) // . 2004. 11. . 325336.
30
. . 341, 852.
31
, () , 1920. . , . -
, . ., 1871. . 2223, 20; , .
. ., 1875. . 102105, 27; , . -
// . 1877. 44. . 277, . 1.
32
., ., . . , 1985. . I. . 6970, 92; . . 341, 853.
33
., . : XIVXVIII .
, 1991. . 211213.
55
. ()
___________________________________________________________________

.
, -15 ( ), -7 (
), -7 ( ); -6 ( ), .
,
,
; , . ,
, (, 4, 12, 13, 14, 15, 19,
28, 29, 33, 36) ,
. ,
,
,
, .

. , , ,
,

, .
Summary
. Bubalo
Duans legislation on Mount Athos
Emperor Stephen Duan legislation or Duans legislation is the term used to
refer to the collection of legal texts which includes the Abbreviated Syntagma of
Matthew Blastares (with the Rules of Saint John the Faster), Justinians Code, and
Duans Code. Emperor Duan never attempted to enforce the regulations contained
in Duans Code in Byzantine regions of the Serbian Empire. As far as we can tell, the
Code was not enforced on Mount Athos and Athonite metochions in Greek lands;
it was, however, in use in metochions belonging to the Hilandar Monastery in the
Serbian land. Thus, the monks of Hilandar needed copies of the Code primarily as a
source of information about the regulations referring to the privileges, organization
and government of landed estates in the Serbian land. Extant charters addressed to
Hilandar about various judicial proceedings, in which the Emperor cites stipulations
from his Code, attest to this.
Four manuscripts belonging to Duans legislation have been copied or discovered
or were for a while kept in one of the Athonite monasteries. The manuscripts in
question are: the Athonite manuscript [Russian State Library in Moscow, F 87 (the
Grigorovich collection), Lib. Sig. 28, 1708], the Hodo manuscript [The National
Museum in Prague, IX F 10 ( 14)] and the Hilandar manuscript [Hil. 300] (all three
56

___________________________________________________________________
dating from the first half of the 15th century), as well as the iatovac manuscript from
the mid-17th century [The National Museum in Prague, IX F 21 ( 15)]. The Janjevo
manuscript [Hil. 301], which contains the texts of the Abbreviated Syntagma and
Justinians Code, has been copied in 1619/1620 and kept at Hilandar ever since the
17th century. All five manuscripts contain additional compositions, mostly excerpts
from the Nomocanon.
The Serbian Church continued to consult Duans Code on issues in which it still
had full or partial judicial autonomy under Ottoman rule. On Mount Athos, the area
where it could be enforced was quite limited. It could only be used by Serbian or
Slavic monasteries which no longer had jurisdiction over their Christian faithful and
had lost all connections to the governing bishop who spoke the same language, but
in their internal disputes the monasteries started appealing more often to Turkish
than to Christian courts. No direct evidence about the application of stipulations
from Duans legislation on Mount Athos has been preserved. However, based on the
fact that Duans legislative manuscripts were kept on Mount Athos and that some
of the regulations contained therein remained applicable even in the circumstances
of Ottoman rule, we can safely assume that they were used in everyday judicial
matters. For example, the material contained in the Abbreviated Syntagma offered
numerous answers to questions about the everyday life of the monastic community,
while Justinians Code contained rules about the proceedings in disputes concerning
borders, as well as regulations pertaining to sharecroppers and the theft of Church
property. Also, Duans legislation probably served as useful reading material for
hegumens; to the monastic brotherhood, on the other hand, it was a reminder of the
illustrious Serbian emperor and his generous patronage.
57
. J ()*
1

XII .
,
.
.
, ,

. .
. , ,
, .
, XIII XIV ,
,
. , , ,
: , , , , ,
, , , .
,
,
,
. .
.

,
. , .
,
.
, ,
*
58

___________________________________________________________________
, .
, .

.
.
,
,
.
. .

1,
. 2,
.
.
. .

. , ,
, , ,
,
. ,
, , . .
-.
:
(13. ), , (14.
), II, (8. ), I, (28. ), , (4. ),
, (11. ), II,
(19. ), , (15. ).

, 21. .
30.
.
1
, , .
., 1875.
2
. // . . , . , 1990. . 224229.
59
T. J ()
___________________________________________________________________

.

.
, ,
.
, ,

,
.
. .
.

.

, .

,
.
, .

.

, ,
. ,
,
.
,
, .
,
, ,
, , , .

,
.
, .
60

___________________________________________________________________

.
, ,
.
, , , ,

.
,
.

,
.
, I ,
.
,
.
, ,
, ,
, .
, .
,
.
,
, .
.
, , .
, , .

.
,
,
.
, .
, , .

.
, .
. ,
61
T. Jo ()
___________________________________________________________________

.
, ,
.
, ,
.

, .
Summary
T. Jovanovi
Towards a Serbian Mt Athos Paterikon
Following the renovation of the Chilandar Monastery, towards the end of the 12th
century Serbian monks joined the Mt Athos monastic community, which already
included Greek, Georgian, Russian and Bulgarian monks. The period spanning
almost two centuries that followed, that is, the entire 13th century and the first seven
decades of the 14th century, until the arrival of the Turks after the Battle of Marica,
was the golden age for Serbian monks on Mt Athos. Wishing to point to the rich
creative contribution of Serbian writers thematically focused on Serbian Mt Athos
saints, we propose that this entire corpus of literary works be designated as the
Serbian Mt Athos Paterikon. It would comprise diverse works, in genre terms, by
Serbian writers such as St Sava, Stefan the First-Crowned, Domentijan, Theodosius,
Danilo the Second, Danilos disciple Marko of Pe, and other unknown creators. They
dedicated their works to St Simeon, St Sava, St Sava the Second, St Joanikije the First,
St Eustatius, St Nikodemos, St Danilo the Second, St Ephrem and the holy old Isaiah.
Through the Serbian Mt Athos Paterikon we point out the whole whose thematic
origin were the holy Serbs who lived their monastic lives in the region of Mt Athos.
62
. . ()

XII XIII
(11851241)
, I, ,
II
, .
, ,
, XII XIII .,
1204 . 1169 .
. () . (),
1, 1199 .
. .
( )2.
,
.

,
. II (12301235)

II , , ,
(1230).
1232 . , .
(. ,
. , . )
(11971207) III
3 XIIXIV .
,
1
Archives de lAthos. Paris, 1982. V. XII. Actes de Saint-Pantlmn. 8; .

980 1804 . , 2005. . 24.
2
. ja j . , 1975. . 18.
3
. , 1965. . III. . 307378.
63
. . ()
___________________________________________________________________
, . , ,
, ,
, .

(. , . ,
. , . . , . . , . , . .)

, , . .

XIIIXIV .
, . ,
, ,
. , ,
4.
, - , . XII XIII . ,
. , - XIII-XIV .5 , ,
, ,
-,
,
. ,
, ,
. ,
, ,
.
, , -
XIII .
, ,
()
, ,
4
. // . , 1996. . II. . 5165.

5
. XIII // . 2009. . XLVI. C. 308.
64
...
___________________________________________________________________
,
. , ,
,

6.
1. XIII .
XIIIXIV .
, - 7. ,
, - , ,
. ,
I,
() II (inventing) . ,
, ,
,
.
, , , , .
,
(1185), (1204) , ,
. ,
8.
, XII XIII .
. ,
6
. .
// . . Slavia Cyrillomethodiana.
. . ., 2010. . 103114;
. XIII
XIV . // :
- 14-16 2003. , 2005. . 423447.
7
. , , . XIIIXIV . ,
1985. . 6779.
8
. , , ... . 70.
65
. . ()
___________________________________________________________________
, ,

9. , , 10
. 1231 .
. ,
.
,
11.
, -
,
, ( ) ( 54; ,
. 42 , Q..I.40), , ,
12. ,
, .

,
(. 39 (, , 289);
46 (, , 432)),
(. 87 )13.

. . . ,
, . . , , ,
14. ,

, , .
, ,
,
9
. XIIIXIV . . , 1989. . 95.

. . , 1994. . 4243.
11
. . XIII XV //.
2007. . 28. . 105121.
12
. , , . 6769.
13
., ., . . . , 2010.
. 150151.
14
XIII . , 1987. C. 4950.
10
66
...
___________________________________________________________________

, XI . ,
- , . .
(
, , )
, . , . ,
15.
, ,
XIII , XIV ., .
2.

,
, 1204 ., , .
, .
,
16. , 1342 ., ,
[ ] [] ,
17.
.
,
XIXII . , , ,
, .

XII XIII . .
, XII XIII .

. 1198 ., III
15
.. : . // . 2001. 2. . 3244.
Pavlikianov C. What Do We Know About the Athonite Slavs in the Middle Ages? // State and Church:
Studies in Medieval Bulgaria and Byzantium. Sofia, 2011. P. 253266.
17
., . . , 2005. . 37.
16
67
. . ()
___________________________________________________________________
, ,
,
18.
, . ,
,
,
,
. , , ,
, , XIXII .,
,
19.
, XII .
, , ,
( ).
, 1199 . ,
. , , , ,
. , (
)20. ,
, .
, ,
- ,
, .
.
, XII .
,
, , .
, , , . ,
, .
,
. ,
18
.
XIIIXIV // . , 1996. . II. . 67-68.
19
Krsmanovic B. Mount Athos and Political Thought in the Slavic World // Proceedings of the 22nd
International Congress of Byzantine Studies. Sofia, 2011. V. 1: Plenary Papers. P. 151159.
20
. 18.
68
...
___________________________________________________________________
. - ,
.
,
, . ,
. . 21,
XIII
, , - .

.
, 1275 ., .
II ,
, 22, (1342)
. , ,
,
[] , , 23.
.
3.
XIII .
: ishops, books and
bones24 (, ), ,
, , , , ,
XIII
. 1180- . , 1190- .,
, [] (. .
), 25. ,
XIII . 21
. . , 2004. . 1. . 97108.
., . . . 29.
23
. C. 37.
24
Browning R. Byzantium and Bulgaria. A Comparative Study Across the Early Medieval Frontier.
London, 1975. P. 153.
25
.
. , 1995. . 1. . 135.
22
69
. . ()
___________________________________________________________________
,
., , . ,
,
. ,
II, ,
. , ,
,
(Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, MS (Slav.). Wuk. 48; , ,
Q..I.15)]: , , , . ,
,
, 26.
,
, .
,
, , .

, 1204 . , 27.
. , , , ( ,
, , , . 28 .
, .
1236 . ,
, ,
? , , . ,

( , ) , . , ,
29.
26
XIII . . 173.
. . , 2010. . 168173.
28
: . . 1219 . . ?
// . .
. . ., 2012. . 362366.
29
. . (
XII . - // . .
. 290292; .
(11851234) . , 2012. C. 5366.
27
70
...
___________________________________________________________________
, ,
XIII .
. .

(1219) .
, .

30. .
. ,

, , XIII .

, ,
XIV .
.

XIII . (,
, 17) (,
1221 . , )31,
,
. , 32,

- . .
( ?), , , . ,
II
,
33.
,
,
,
.
30
Demetrii Chomateni Ponemata diaphora / ed. G. Prinzing. Berlin, 2002. P. 296302. (Corpus
Fontium Historiae Byzantinae. Series Berolinensis; vol. XXXVIII).
31
. . XIII . , 1906. ( ; . 1).
32
j . // . 1976. . 17. . 8485.
33
XIII . . 114.
71
. . ()
___________________________________________________________________
Summary
D. I. Polyvyannyy
Athos and formation of cultural identity of medieval Bulgaria
Considering manifestations of medieval Bulgarian culture under the rule of
the first Assenids (11851241) the article stresses unique role played by the Holy
Mountain Athos in formation of the specific cultural identity of the state known in
historiography as Second Bulgarian Empire. Using the definition of cultural axis
between Athos and Bulgarian capital Turnovo coined by Elena Moussakova the
author stresses three main aspects of this role integration of political, territorial
and cultural differences within the newly reborn state; shaping common Orthodox
context of Bulgarian cultural identity and strengthening canonical and liturgical
unity of the forming Bulgarian church.
Cultural connections with Serbs, Greeks and other Eastern Orthodox Christians was
mediated by Athos monastic community, too. So the multifaceted and multichannel
impact of the Holy Mountain upon the new model of Bulgarian cultural identity was
defined by its significance as a specific model of the community of peoples which had
adopted Christianity from Constantinople.
72
. ()

VV

, ,

1. , V V . , ,
, ,
. -
.
. (Sin. slav. 23), (. 389),
, . .
, ,
2.
, , , , . .
, . ,
1335 ., terminus post
quem 3. ,
, . ,
(. 393), 1360 .
1
Mateji M., Bogdanovi D. Slavic Codices of the Great Lavra Monastery. Sofia, 1989.
.
V // . , 1978. 5. . 402404;
., ., . XVIII . ,
2003. . 1: XXV . . 58 171172 ( 83).
3
- . // Byzantinische Zeitschrift. 1902.
Vol. 11. S. 3849; Jugie . Posies rhythmiques de Nicphore Calliste Xanthopoulos // Byzantion.
1929-1930. Vol. 5. P. 357390; Winkelmann F. Die Kirchengeschichte des Nicephorus Callistus
Xanthopulus und ihre Quellen. Berlin, 1966; .
/ ,
, . , 2002.
2
73
. ()
___________________________________________________________________
. 4. ,
1360 . terminus ante quem

.
1355 1359 .
,
( 5). , ,
,

, 6. ,

, 1365 .
7. ,
, , .
- ,
,
8.
,

.
.
, .

, .

. (Sin. slav. 19)9.
, V .
, ,
1360 . , 40- 50- . V .
4
. // . 1914. . 9. . 19-20.
Archives de lAthos. T. X: Actes de Lavra. III / par P. Lemerle, A. Guillou, N. Svoronos
D. Papachrysanthou. Paris, 1979. Acte 135, ligne 19.
6
Ibid. Acte 135, ligne 1921.
7
. V . . ., 1898. . 553555.
8
Kauniacki E. Werke des Patriarchen von Bulgarien Euthymius (13751393).
2010.2 S. 136137.
9
. . . 1719; .
. , 1931. . 275.
5
74
...
___________________________________________________________________
V . 1389 . , .
, 10.
,
, V ., ,
.
, - . ,
,
11.
V .
. . , , , ,
, 12.
, . ,
. .
(Paris, NBF, Cod. slav. 8),
, , , ,
: o ,

,
13.
,
1371 .
14. ,

15. .
,
,
10
Tachiaos .-. Mount Athos and the Slavic Literatures // Cyrillomethodianum. 1977. Vol. 4. P. 18 (fn. 51).
Mateji M., Bogdanovi D. Slavic Codices of the Great Lavra Monastery.
12
Moin V. irilski rukopisi jugoslavske akademije. Zagreb, 1955. I dio: Opis rukopisa. S. 156, 107
(HAZU, II d 139, f. 19). . : Devos P. La version slave de la Vie de S. Romylos // Byzantion.
1961. Vol. 31. P. 149187.
13
. . , 1903. . . . 408, 4205. : . // . 1981. . 3. . 306308
325, . 6.
14
.: . //
. , 1970. . I. 1: . . 277282.
15
Pavlikianov K.: 1) Saint Romylos of Vidin and his Activity as the Spiritual Instructor of an Unknown
Slavic Monastic Settlement on Mount Athos // Annuaire de lUniversit de Sofia St. Kliment
Ohridski, Centre de Recherches SlavoByzantines Ivan Dujev. Sofia, 2002. T. 91/10. P. 147154;
2) The Athonite Period in the Life of Saint Romylos of Vidin // . 2002. 15. . 247255.
11
75
. ()
___________________________________________________________________
: , ,
,
16 ( : , , ,
17). , .
, , . -
, ,
, ,
,
.

. , (. 15), ,
. . ,
:
, ...
, ,
, , ...

(. 6)18. , , ,
V V . .
V , , ,
1346 .19
, , ,
V . .
.
, ,
20, , ,
16
Halkin F. Un ermite des Balkans au XIVe sicle. La Vie grecque inedite de St. Romylos // Byzantion.
1961. Vol. 31. P. 142, chapter 21, l.6-8.
17
. // . ., 1900. . 136. . 31.
18
. . . 58, 15; .
. 219.
19
ivojinovi M. De nouveau sur le sjour de lempereur Duan lAthos // . 1982. . 21.
. 119126; Soulis G. Tsar Stephan Dushan and Mount Athos // Harvard Slavic Studies. 1954. Vol. 12.
P. 125139.
20
. (13751406 .)
// . . , 1982. . 1. . 5455; .
( - VV .) // . .;., 1963. . 19. . 216.
76
...
___________________________________________________________________
, . , ,
60- 70- . V .21
V . .
- (, . 304.I,
, 746). , .
, 14361445 .
, 14361445 .
, (. 336), 1436 .22
, - 1431 . ,
, . . - (,
.-. 45/1284). , , , (. 255 .): .
, .
6940 (1432) , , ,
.
23.
, , , .
. . ,
, , , , ,
. 24. , . . 1432 . - , ,
.
, , ,
21
. V . . 575576; Obolensky D.
Metropolitan Kyprian of Kiev and Moscow // Six Byzantine Portraits. Oxford, 1999. P. 174178.
22
.
V
V . // . ., 1968. . 23: . . 197, 15.
23
. . 197198, 16.
24
.: . . 174185, 1 ( ), 210: , . 742;
, . 173.I, . ., 152; , . 15; , . 247, . 562; , . 256, . 445;
, F.I.476; , . 304.I, , 669; , . 113, ., 462; , . 18-.
77
. ()
___________________________________________________________________
.
,
, ,
. . , 1430 . . 1436 .
. .
, , , , , 25.
(, . 98, . 543), .
. ,
(. 104104 .) ,
. 1432 .26
. , , , ,
, , .
,
. . 1430 1435 . , , ,
. ,
.
, , - ,
. ,
.
,
, 27,
() 28.

.29 1287 .
,
25
. . 196-197, 14: , . 1-.

. . 198, 17.
27
. . , , . , 1987. . 61 (
68); . . , 1903. . 420421.
28
. . . 61 ( 6970).
29
Archives de lAthos. .V: Actes de Lavra. I / par P. Lemerle, A. Guillou, N. Svoronos
D. Papachrysanthou. Paris, 1970. Acte 19, ligne 2:
; Acte 21, ligne 42: .
26
78
...
___________________________________________________________________
30. , .
,
V . 31.
, : 1430 .
. .
,
,
, , , , . ,
, , 30- . V .
,
.
. ,
.
(1654 .),
,
. , , ,
32.
,
, ,
V ., 30- . V . , .
,
, , , ,
, - . ,
,
. ,
. .
30
Archives de lAthos. . VIII. Actes de Lavra. II / par P. Lemerle, A. Guillou, N. Svoronos
D. Papachrysanthou. Paris,1977. Acte 79, ligne 39:
.
31
. . . 61.
32
.: Lascaris M. Arsne Suchanov et les manuscrits de lAthos.Un nouveau document (10 juin
1654) // Byzantion. 1958. Vol. 28. P. 543545; . -
XVXVII . . ., 1977; . ., . . . , (). ., 1993.
79
. ()
___________________________________________________________________
Summary
C. Pavlikianov
Spiritual and philological activity of Slavic-speaking monks in the Athonite
monastery of Megiste Lavra during the 14th and 15th centuries
The article analyses the philological evidence for the activity of Bulgarian, Serbian,
and Russian copyists who are attested as having copied Slavic manuscripts or having
translated into Slavic Greek religious texts in the Athonite monastery of Megiste Lavra
and its dependencies from the beginning of the 14th to end of the 15th century. The
conclusions are that the Bulgarians prevailed during the first half of the 14th century,
the Russians were most frequent in the 1430s, while the Serbian presence was mainly
connected with the reign of Tsar Stephen Duan and was rather sporadic.
80
. . ()

1

. , ,
, .
.
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,
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,
XIV
XV . , ,
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:
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,
,
.
Summary
S. M. Shumilo
The impact the Athonite practice of constant prayer
on some of the stylistic of hagiography Epiphanius the Wise
Amplification is the main device in the stylistics of Epiphanius the Wise, it traces its
roots back to the medieval declamatory rhetoric and stylistic peculiarities of the early
Christian homilies and, besides, is genetically connected with the athonite doctrine
of Hesychasm. Th e latter is the main ground for the amplifi cations of Epiphaniuss
compositions.
89
. . (-)

XV XVI

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1
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. . 579.
90
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1503 . 3. , ,
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3
Ostrowski D. Fontological Investigation of the Muscovite Church Council of 1503. Pensylvania

State Universyty, 1977. . 1992 .
.
: Ostrowski D. Church Polemics
and Monastic Land Acquisition in Sixteenth-Century Muscovy // Slavonic and East European Review.
1986. Vol. 64. P. 357379. , .: Ostrowski D. The Moscow Church Council of 1503: A Study of the Evidence // URL:
http: //hudce7.harvard.edu/~Ostrowski/council. . : Ostrowski D. Council of 1503, Orthodox
Church // The Modern Encyclopedia of Religions in Russia and the Soviet Union. Vol. 5. 1993.
4
Ostrowski D. Church Polemics and Monastic Land Acquisition in Sixteenth-Century
Muscovy. P. 372373.
5
Ostrowski D. Lowing Silence and Avoiding Pleasant Conversations: The Political Views of Nil
Sorskii // Harvard Ukrainian Studies. . Rhetoric of the Medieval Slavic world.
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10
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Steindorff L.: 1) Klster als Zentren der Totensorge in Altrussland // Beitrge zur 7 Internationalen
Konferenz zur Geschichte des Kiever und Moskauer Reiches. Berlin, 1995. S. 337353; 2) Memoria in
Altrussland. Stuttgart, 1994 (. : . ., . . : Steindorff
L. Memoria in Altrussland. Untersuchungen zu den Formen christlicher Totensorge // Quellen und
Studien zur Geschichte des stlischen Europa. B. 38. Stuttgart, 1994. 294 s. (
: . , 1994. 294 .) //
. 1997. 2. . 201203); 3) Commemoration and Administrative Techniques in Muscovite
Monasteries // Russian History /Histoire Russe. Winter 1995. Vol. 22. 4. P. 433454; 4)
// : . . 2930 1996 . ., 1997. . 3945.
15
.: . .: 1) XV XVI . // : . . 2728 1997 . , 1997. . 4448;
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.: . . ( ) // , . ., 2007. . 4380.
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. . - (
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.
. III
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, 19.
20, 165 21.
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.: . . III 1497 //
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19
.: . . 70-
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20
, 59 .: XIXV . /
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21
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22
. : . . . ., 1916; . .
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23
. .
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24
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95
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___________________________________________________________________
. - 26.
.
, XVXVI . . . . . ,
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26
.: . . .
XIV XVI . ., 2002. . 148163.
27
.: . . . ., 1977. . 118125.
28
. . 120.
29
. 113. ., 1868. . 580.
30
. . 582; .: (. 584).
31
. . 559.
96
...
___________________________________________________________________

. 15101520- . -
III
32. ,
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.
Summary
A. I. Alexeev
Athonite theme in polemics of Josephites and Non-possessors
in late 15th early 16th centurys Russia
Josephites and non-possessors controversy took place in Russia in the first third of
the 16th century. Initially, the subject of controversy was the different attitude to the
fate of incriminated heretics. At the assembly in 1503 Nil Sorsky and his supporters
have supported the Grand Duke in his effort to take away land from the monasteries,
where they had successfully combated by Joseph Volotsky and most of the church
council. Both sides of that dispute knew Athos monastic experience, but if nonpossessors thought of it as monastic ideal device, Joseph Volotsky argued that the
best examples of this ideal found its realization in the famous Russian monasteries.
32
33
. . . ., 1960.
. . . . 116.
97
. . (-)
___________________________________________________________________
That creativity most fully embodied in the work of Joseph of Volotsky, who basically
defended the interests of the Church in the face of secular power. Non-possessors
whenever proved their being as obedient executors of the will of the Grand Duke
and only a quarrelsome nature and arrogance led to the fall of their leader Vassian
Patrikeev.
98
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. : 20062010 // :
: XVIII . . . 65- . , 2011. . 18. . 916.
99
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4
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5
/. . . . .; ., 1958.
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100
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300 70.
Summary
Archimandrite Makarii (Veretennikov)
Fellowship of Metropolitan Makarii from the Orthodox East
Rare Chronicles the message on asylum-alms from the East in the 14th century
in due course become more frequent and historical sources about this becoming
more diverse. Communication with the Eastern elders-interesting page in the life
of St. Makarii, Metropolitan of Moscow (1563; December 30). When the Saint was
Archbishop of Novgorod the Great, come to him the elders of the Zograph monastery
on Athos, and on the basis of their stories in Russia appeared the life of Martyr George
the New. Jerusalem the elders bring to Archbishop message from the Patriarch of
Jerusalem Herman and various shrines.
More information refers to the time when the Saint Makarii became the
Metropolitan of Russia. He takes the elders of St. Panteleimon and Chilandar
monasteries. By his blessing in 1551 and in 1561 have described Athos Mountain, with
came was very multilateral and in 1554 Saint Makarii the Cathedral on the occasion
of doubt deacon I. M. Viskovaty about refers to the painting in the Cathedral Church
of St. Panteleimon Monastery, what he told those who came Athonite elders. In 1547
Metropolitan Makarii crowned the first Russian Tsar Ivan the Terrible. This act of the
Moscow Hierarch was then approved by the Patriarch of Constantinople Joasaph the
Second. Coming asylum-Makarii gave his possible material aid.
67
( XIXVII . ., 1994. . 19. . 113).

( . . 196).
69
( XIXVII . ., 1990. . 16. . 264).
70
, . IXXIV // . ., 1881.
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68
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XVIII . // . ., 1848. . 6, . 1. . 162163;
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113
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115
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...
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39, ,
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Kochowski. Cracowiae, 1683. Cl. I. S. 19.
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51. . , , , 52. 1628
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. , ,
, 95, ,
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97. , -.
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XVIIXVIII . ,
, .
Summary
S. V. Shumilo
The Influence of the Holy Mountain, Mount Athos, on the Spiritual, Cultural
and Political Life of Ukraine in the XVII Century
This article investigates the influence of the Holy Mountain, Athos, of its ascetic
traditions and hesychastic worldview, on the revival of Ukranian monasticism, and
also on spiritual, cultural and political trends in Ukraine during the XVII century.
102
. . . 228232.
. . 128.
104
. ... . 142.
105
. . 143.
106
., ., . . ., 2011. . 8488, 9394.
103
130
. . ()
XVIIIXIX

XVIII .

. 1 :
XVIII XIX .
,
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,
.

: , ,
,
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,
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(- ) XVIIIXIX .
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3
., : Demos R. The Neo Hellenic Enlightenment (17501821) // Journal of the History
of Ideas. 1958 (October). Vol. 19. Issue 4. P. 523541; Henderson G. P. The revival of Greek thought
16201830. Albany, 1970; . . , 1977;
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. . ()
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. ,
, , , ,
4. , 5.
.

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, .

6.
.
() 7
, ( ,
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8.
, ,
, ,
. , ,
.
4
. // . ,
1975. . . . 433451.
5
Clogg R. Anti-Clericalism in Pre-Independence Greece 17501821 // The Orthodox Churches and
the West / ed. D. Bakered. Oxford, 1876. P. 257276; . .
. , 1988; . //
. 1961. 1. . 420422.
6
. . , 1821.
7
, XIV ., , () . .: . .
, 1998. . 5; . XVIII XIX
. , 1984.
8
(), . // (), . . ., 2004. . 1. . 213.
132
XVIIIXIX ...
___________________________________________________________________
. ,
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XVIIIXIX . ,
( 9, 10, );
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11.
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XIV , ,
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15
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.
9
. // . . , 1996. . 74.
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. . , 1806. . 99; ., .
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133
. . ()
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,
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(17101785), (1749
1809)18, (17211813)19,
() (17311805)20, V,
(17161806) (17311801),
16
// . . , 2002.
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17

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.
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., 2007.
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. . . , 2003. . 81.
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. . , 1969. . 16.
24
-.
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. . 1430
1912. , 1994. . 89166.; . .
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, . , ( .: . . , 1969; .
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26
. ( . . . 171). ( . . 29).
27
. ., : . .
. , 2001; . . , 2004.
28
.: .
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135
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25 .
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. . 153154.
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XVIII XIX .
,
XIV .
, , , , 54.

: ,
. , , -
.
Summary
A. G. Zoitakis
Traditional enlightenment of the XVIII XIX centuries
as an all Orthodox movement
At the heart of the article is the problem of polemics between Enlightenment
thinkers and protagonists of the Orthodox tradition mainly in the Balkan region in
the XVIII XIX centuries and its role in the national development of the Balkan
countries and the struggle for independence.
54
. . . . . ., 2004. . 26.
141
. . ()
___________________________________________________________________
he discussion between the protagonists of the Enlightenment and the Orthodox
traditionalists, though still almost unexplored in historical science, is very important
as it determined the development of the Orthodox nations that became independent
from the Ottoman Empire. The contribution of the Enlightenment thinkers to this
process is widely known, but the role of the traditional thinkers was mostly neglected.
The traditionalists were united by their ideals of the universal Orthodox Church
and its supreme role in the process of uniting the society in spite of all national and
social differences. he debates of that time were very similar to those existed in the
times of St. Gregory Palamas and the Hesychast controversy (in the Byzantine Empire
in the XIV century). The traditionalists of the XVIII century were not conservatives
and repetitive theologians (as was not St. Gregory Palamas), they accepted the
progressive achievements of the Western science but they never neglected their own
cultural tradition.
It is not correct to divide the traditionalists of the XVIII century into teachers
(the Greeks) and pupils (the Slavs), because for all of them it was quite natural to
learn from each other, to search for an experienced and wise guide.
It is impossible to overestimate the role of Mount Athos in the development of the
Orthodox traditionalism. The idea of the Church unity was in the core of the ideals
of the Athonites. Also it was monastic practice of the contemplative prayer that was
supposed to be universal both for monastics, and for the laity.
It is very important that the traditionalists not simply argued with the protagonists
of the Western Enlightenment, but they offered an alternative system of values based
on the Orthodox tradition and at the same time attending to the preservation of
national language and cultural particularities.
The activities of different Orthodox traditionalists were coordinated. All of them to
a greater or lesser extent participated not only in the polemics with the Enlighteners,
bur also in preaching, missionary work, publishing and teaching, they established
new schools and as a result strengthened and embodied the idea of universal and free
education.
The results of the Orthodox traditionalist movement can be clearly seen even
today. The tradition of hesychasm and contemplative prayer provide a basis for
the contemporary Orthodox monasticism on Mount Athos and all over the world.
Also the Orthodox traditionalists drew the attention of the laity to Jesus prayer and
frequent Communion and the results of their sermon can be seen, for instance, in
contemporary Greece.
142
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150
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___________________________________________________________________
,
()
. ,
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, , .
, , -,
, , ,
.

, ,
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- .
1914 ., ,
(. 25),
() ,
.
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.
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. , ,
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37). -
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151
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___________________________________________________________________
.
, , . ,
,
, , (. 41).
1920 . , . , : 7
. , ,
2 (. 41).
, , ,
,
. 19171918
., , 19201940- . .
1925 .
,
. , 10 .
, 1937 . ( ) 1957 .,
, , , . .
,
()2,
. ,
, , ,

, .
, ().
.
.
,
().
2
[] // ( ). 1984. 112; 1985. 18;
(): (18661957 .). , 1999; : ,
// : . 19101913 . 19101918 . ., 2001. . 411457. ,
;
.: (). . [ ]. URL: http://www.paraklit.ru/eres/imyabogie/Ladigin.htm#rr1.
152
() ...
___________________________________________________________________
Summary
V. V. Shumilo
The Autobiography of Schema-Bishop Peter (Ladygin) as a source for the history
of the Saint Panteleimonmonastery and Saint Andrew skete on Mount Athos
Schema-Bishop Peter Ladygin, one of the outstanding activists of the Russian
Orthodox Church before the revolution, and of the Catacomb Church in Soviet
times, left his descendants an Autobiography. It was typed up and copied many
times and spread throughout the catacombs. This Autobiography speaks at length
of the conflict that arose over the name-worshiping doctrine at the Russian St.
Andrewskete on Mt. Athos in 19121913. Though the Autobiography contains
much important information about the life of the Russian Athonite monasteries, it
remains unpublished to this day.
153
. . ()

-

1735 . , .
. , , , , ,
.

, -
, (),
.
, , ,
.
3
(. 1):
1. .
2. .
3. .
154
...
___________________________________________________________________
. 1

1.
8.
9.

2.

10.

3.

11.
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4.
,

5. ,
,

12.
6.
7.

, , ,
.
.
155
. . ()
___________________________________________________________________

1.
,

,
. ,
, .
. :
1) 20- :
(), British Library (London), British Archive (REW)
(London), The Library of USA Congress (Washington), Dumbarton Oaks (Washington
State University), j (), Bibliothque de Perl (Paris),
Bibliothque IFEB (Paris), Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Vatican), The Hilandar Research
Library (Ohio State University), Seminar fr Byzantinistick (Mnchen),
(), ( ,
), Instituto Ellenico di Studii Bizantini e Postbizantini (Venezia) ..;
2) ,
XIX .): (), , , () ().
3) (5000
23- ), ,
: , , , , .
: , , , , , , , ( .)
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(, 1913 1964 .).
2.

.
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157
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___________________________________________________________________
:
1. 1143 . .
2. 1746 . . -.
3. 1790 . . . -.
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3
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163
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___________________________________________________________________
3. ,
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:
1. , , , . - , .
2.
. ,
.
, ( 1735 .), .
Summary
D. V. Zubov
Methods of Reconstructing the Monastary Charters Collection
(St Panteleimon Monastery on Mt. Athos)
At present, the history of states, regions, agglomerations, corporations
(monasteries), and other public entities is presented in flatness. It is not sufficient to
discuss all subjects and objects of influence.
So at this time the chronological order dominates that is, there has been a
consistent methodology of presentation, which deprives the historical model of the
volume.
In this paper we propose a avant-garde methodology for reconstruction of the historical
events of the global system that allows one to make three-dimensional model of any
historical social system, characterized by use of well-known methodologies (bibliography,
the integration of known studies, deciphering old information and artifacts, identification
and analysis of available acts clusters, combining of existing blocks of information for a
certain time period with a system of record keeping in the same period, the mapping of
genealogical charts, updated economic analysis of the documents, classification, etc.) and
the newly developed volumetric method described below.
Volumetric method involves placing a clear set of existing assembly of acts that
reflects the actual content of the entire historical process, in a coordinate system: a
timeline, subjects of influence on the historical process and objects of influence on
the historical process.
The proposed methodology does not leave gaps of the historical process, remaining
outside of the study, and uses all the rich experience of historical science.
164
II
165
166
. . (-)

XIIIXIV
,
.
,
,
XIIIXIV .
, .
:
, , . ,
, .
, . ,
,
.
. .
:
I,
, , , 1.

, . ,
.
. : . , ,
XIIXIII .
XIV . . .
XIII 2.
1
. . , XVII // . 1878. . 2. . 353.
2
. . XII
XVI .: . ., 2012.
167
. . (-)
___________________________________________________________________

.
. . , ,
1262 . , . . ,
, . , .
, ,
. ,
.
,
,
XIV . (, . 304.I., 11).
, ,
.
XVI . , 520. ,
, . . . ,
.
.
, .
. , ,

.
. . 3 : , 178
, 32.
. : ,
, .
.
.

. .
3
. . Addenda . Anecdota Graeco-Byzantina (

1893). , 1898. . 7375.
168
...
___________________________________________________________________
-, : ( , ), ; , .
,
. ,
, 1494 ., ,
.
( ) ( ),
XIIIXIV . , .
-, ,
: w
. , , . ,
.
; , (. 3:6).
, : z wy.
,
:
,
z
. ,
, :
. , ,
.
-, ,
: 1) . ,
: , ; 2)
. , .
, . , . 4, , ,
. , .
,
4
Bornert R. Les commentaires byzantins de la divine liturgie du VII au XV sicle. Paris, 1966.
P. 210212.
169
. . (-)
___________________________________________________________________
, . ,
, - .
, , .
, ,
.
.
, XIIXIV .

.
C , . 46
XIV . ,
. XIV ., . , ,
.
, . ,
, ,
. ,
,
, , -, XIII XIV . .

,
XIV . , .
, .
, ,
, . : , ,
, . . ,
,
- 5.
,
.
5
. . - XIIIXIV .: // . , 2004.
. 235248.
170
...
___________________________________________________________________
Summary
T. I. Afanasjeva
Athonite sources of old Russian liturgical compilation Tolkovaja sluzhba
of the late 13th eatly 14th centuries
The article examines the sources of the compilation Tolkovaja sluzhba in Russian
Kormchaja. Most of its sources have Athos provenance. Definitively the Athos origin
includes some text from Serbian Nomokanon, which was compiled on the Mount
Athos: exegesis of the Symbol of Faith an exegesis of Proskomidie. Other texts of the
compilation may be attributed to athonite scribes because their Greek originals were
found in manuscripts with Athonite origin. There are texts from Russian manuscript
of the collection of Troitskaja lavra N 11 (Russian State Library, Moskow), so cold
Zlataja tsep (Golden Chain).
171
. . ()

:

, . . , ,
( )1. , XIII .
(Chil. AS 156), , XVI . 13 [Jo 2008;
2010: 110]. ,
. [ 1963: 120; 2003: 324-325]. 1199 .
-,
,
(Chil. AS 132/134, ).
XIV .
( ). , , 1319 .
, 1331 . .
,
, , ,
(-) [
2004: 163167].
,
. - ,
, .
. , : Chil. AS 1562
(1r); (21r); ... (22r); (29r), : (39- , 34r,
1
2
. [J- 1995: 97127].

[ 1995].
172
...
___________________________________________________________________
); ... (43- ,
39r). tupikovn. 42- ,
, :
( . --), (38v). , , ,
. , 13-
3 () ,
[J 2008: 119]. ,
.
4: ;
. , ( tuvpo~ , ): w .
,
tupikovn [ 2002: 219].
: ( ) [ 2002:
218219].

.
hJ ajgrupniva:
[
2003: 323],
, , . :
" (15r);
" "
" D " z "
(20v). A w "
" z z z" U" " O" "
U .
XIII XIV . hJ metavnoia ( ). . a
(7r); (13r); ... "z"
(29r); (29v); "z" (30r), (13r). D
"z" K" ; D T "z" O;
"z" O" c" K; z z T
"z" O.
3
4
. [ 2010: 114115].
[j 1985].
173
. . ()
___________________________________________________________________
oJ eJJxavyalmo~ ( ): T, .
. ( ,
13701375 .), .T [J 2008: 108].
.
oJ navrqhx : ws
(13r). (
, , )
( ).
- , oJ navrqhx ,
[ 2001: 169].
monogenhv~ ,
[ 2010: 116]. [ 2009: 351],
.
.

, : ,
. 9-. yP D T D D DU yC
(. 37) [ 2009: 355].
, :
(18v); (12 r); (33r).
: ...

. . . . , . , ; . .
, .
,
XIIXIII . , ,
, . [ 1999: 172175].
hJ ejpistolhv : w z (24v).
( ):
, F..I.26 O "z" " zw" " D (. 85);
T" zw" z D (. 86). ,
, .
174
...
___________________________________________________________________
, ,
: (, 6 ) O "z"
wO (. 47), "z" T (. 167); O wD
"z" a T D (. 167).
, hJ ejpistolhv (
), , :
(. 13) T, K, " O" DK,
(64 .); T" C" O" U" U" (. 89 .) .

,
[- 2004: 454].
, . 13:17:
" w z (24v).
[J 2008: 124].
: . 13:17
F..I.26 T 2N" N (. 124 .) peivqesqe toi`~
hJgoumevnoi~ uJmw`n. : . 13:7 . T w" U
(. 33 .) mnhmoneuvete tw`n hJgoumevnwn uJmw`n.
()
: (. 13) T 2wN" U" N" e" L "z" (. 67 ., . 71)
peivqesqe toi`~ hJgoumevnoi~ uJmw`n.
, .
XIIXIII .
. , : tuvpo~ -
[ 2002: 218-219].
,
, : z T"
w " D z " z T A "
w"
(5r). : Chil. AS
132/134 z T , . ,
[J 2008: 144].
:
( , , ),
, , [ 1999: 177179]. XIXIII .,
, () [ 2011: 56].

-/--, .
175
. . ()
___________________________________________________________________
5 --:
(14v);
(27r); (30v); (32r); (38v), .
(25r).
,
[ 2011: 315].
: s (12v).
, : D D (10r). - , ,
,
[ 2011: 268].
: s w (22v), (26r),
: w,
[J 2008: 122, 126]. , (
). , , , ,
[ 2011: 330331].

( , ):
"z" O" c" K" TT" D"
a.
, XVI . ( )
[J 2008: 146]. : [ 2006, II:
356], , . 905 [ 2005: 225]. XIV .
,
.
XIII .: KO yC K M z O
z b (2056) [ 2009: 387388].
, , , ,
. , :
w . (Chil. AS 156, f. 13);
. (Chil. AS 156, f. 35 v). . .
a[roula < . arula , , .
XIII ., , XIV . : , ,
, , hJ ajgrupniva ( /), hJ metavnoia ().
176
...
___________________________________________________________________

. , , , , -
, XII . .
1999 . . . ., 1999.
1995 . CHIL AS 156 /
. . , 1995.
1963 . - // . .; ., 1963. . XIX. . 107129.
Jo 2008 Jo . j // 12. ,
2008. . 89148.
J- 1995 J- . // . CHIL AS 156 /
. . , 1995. . 97132.
j 1985 j / .
. . , 1985. ( ja .
j. . ; 8).
2009 . . XIIIXIV : :
. ., , 2009.
2001 . .
. ., 2001.
2002 . . , , //
(. . ., 1415 2002 .):
. ., 2002. . 218219.
2003 . . // . ., 2003. .
38. . 321355.
2004 . . XIV // XIV :
(, 2628 2003). ,
2004. . 153171.
2011 . . . . ., 2011.
2010 I. .
. // i i
i i. i . , 2010. . 110-118.
2006 .
XII XIII / . , .
177
. . ()
___________________________________________________________________
. . . . . . .
., 2006. . IIII.
2005 . .
XIII ., //
. ., 2005. . 2. . 209230.
- 2004 - . . , 2004. . 1.
Summary
T. V. Pentkovskaya
Towards the History of Development of Serbian Liturgical Tradition:
the Linguistic Aspect of Serbian Typicons
The present article examines the linguistic features of the two Serbian Typicon
associated with the book circle of St. Sava (Tipicon of Chilandar and Tipicon of Carea).
The analysis revealed some similarities to the later Serbian translations of Typicon of
Jerusalem, as well as some coincidences with the Russian liturgical tradition. Their
common features can be explained by the assumption that these texts are reflected
special tradition of translation, which was formed in the south-western Macedonia
and neighboring lands that continued in the dioceses of the Serbian state, which were
part of the Ohrid Archbishopric at that time.
178
. - ()*

XIII XIV

. ,
,
IV .,
.
(27 ) .
, ,
, , . .
, , , (,
)
. ,
,
.
, ,
X .
, ,
.
, .
,
()1. , 1164 ., , , ,
I . ,

. ,
,
, ,
, .
*
; tsubotin@f.bg.ac.rs
- . . , 1966.
179
. - ()
___________________________________________________________________
2. , ,
, 3. ,
,

()4 .

. , , ,
.

.
XIII . ( 361)5. , ,
,
, , :
1. 647. , (4-) .
XIV .6;
2. 32. 20-30- . XIV .7;
3. . 79. XIV .8;
2
. / . J-. , 1988.
. 74. ( ; ).
3
. . // . 1987.
. XXXI. . XLV, . 1. . 1325; .: 1) ,
// . . , 2000.
. 163169. ( ; . XCIV. ; . 26); 2) // . 2001/2002. . 39. . 103145; .
// .
, 2011. . IX. . 283296.
. .
, , .: .
. , 1920. . 58.
4
.
//. 1997. . 36. . 155162.
5
. (XIXVII ). , 1982. . 65.
6
- ., - ., . . , 1986. . 1. . 340345.
7
., - ., - ., ., .,
- . . ,
2011. . 1. . 103107.
8
. . , 1978. . 74.
, , .
180
...
___________________________________________________________________
4. 9. XIV .9;
5. 35. 13601370 .10;
6. . 254. XIV .11;
7. 41. XIV .12
, 9 -
, ,

, 13.

.
( 361: , ) 647 ( ), 32 ( ), 35, 41
9 ( ).
(. . ), , . ,
, .
32 ,

,
14. , ,
3 4 (i` dostoino zvan pantlimon; mouk radi
mnogh iskou{n bst; iclbam bl(a)g(o)d()t prim).
( 6: prosvt s dns), ( 3.)
( 8.). , 3- ,
6-. 3 8 (dlom i
prom{lni; milosti bla`n boìi spodobi s; dobroto bogomoudr).
.

,
9
Tachiaos A.-E. The Slavonic Manuscripts of Saint Panteleimon Monastery (Rossikon) on Mount
Athos. Thessaloniki; Los Angeles, 1981 P. 3637.
10
., - ., - ., ., .,
- . . . 111
113.
11
. . . 119.
12
. . , 1971. . 6970. ( : ; . IVV).
13
( ) (. 569).
14
- .
32 // . , 2012. . 191202.
181
. - ()
___________________________________________________________________
,
. ,
, ,
, , . :
6- , 3-
(vr nago krala na{go outvrdi . pobdou da
mou ko vsmogi . na protiv nago vladiko . ro`di s iz ~isti bzmou`
ni matr). . , , ,
, .
?
. 1330 . III . , 28 1330 ., , 15.
, , , . ,
, ,
. ,

, .
( 647)
32, , , . , , 3-
:
32 ( 8):
Moukou prim doblstvnago za h(ri)s(t)a . i vrou propovdav (t)cou si
. sgo vzdvigl si . iz gloubin i n~sti . mou~itl n ouàs . bzakonna
{tani . bsnou posramiv lst prbl(a)`n . tm prit t() b(og)a
bl(a)g(o)d()t . ndoug d(ou){ n(a){ih i tls iclnni prhvaln pan
tlimon m(o)li h(ri)s(t)a b(og)a grhov stavlni .
647 ( 4):
Doblgo strad(a)dal ca b(o)go~(~)sti h(ri)s(to)va pohvalim svtlo pan
tlimona . vrno ps(a)lm ` i pnii . i ps()nm d(ou)h(o)vnmi imi`
m(ou)~(i)t()lstvo npobdimago vraga . silo b(o)ì poprano bs(t)
. i ndoug isclni bl(a)g(o)d()tno . t() g(ospod)a tvorim vr no .
b(o)`()stvno i ~()stno prazd()nstvo.
,
, .
, .
15
., . . , 1976. . 69; .
. , 2004. . 80.
182
...
___________________________________________________________________
Summary
T. Subotin-Golubovich
Service to St Pantaleimon in Serbian Manuscripts of the 13th and 14th Centuries
St Pantaleimon (27th July) is counted among the Holy Unmercenary Healers. His
cult played an important role in the political ideology of the Kmnenos dynasty. As
is well known, it was this imperial dynasty that had influenced the development of
the Serbian medieval state ever since Nemanjas rise to power. Having conquered Ni,
the first thing Stefan Nemanja did was to restore the local church dedicated to St
Pantaleimon, which already shows Nemanjas extraordinary regard for this saint. The
service to St Pantaleimon has been preserved in a number of Serbian menaions dating
from mid-13th century onwards: 361 of the SASA Archive, 647 of the National
Library of Serbia, 32 and 35 of the Deani Monastery, 41 of the Pe Monastery,
79 and 254 of Hilandar Monastery and 9 of Panteleimon Monastery. These
services differ both in structure and contents. As the aforementioned codices also
contain two translations incorporated into the service, a thorough textological
analysis has yet to be carried out. In the manuscript 32 of the Deani collection,
the theotokion in the 6th ode of the canon was evidently written by an anonymous
Serbian author as it contains a clear reference to the Battle of Velbuzhd that took place
on July 28th 1330, when King Stefan Deanski defeated the armies of the Byzantine
emperor Andronikos III and Emperor Michael of Bulgaria, who had attempted a
joint attack on Serbia.
183
. . ()
-

XVI *
. .

( ) XVI . : F 19142 (), F 19145 (), F 19154
(), F 19163 (), F 19170 (), F 19173 ()1. ,

15321557 . (. 2941: 13)2,
- (. ).
,
, , . :
1) . (11 .) 8- : () ()
(F 19142, . 81 .);
2) . (4 .)
. : () ,
, () (F 19145, . 19);
3) . (28 .) ,
31 (F 19145, . 153157);
4) 29 : () , , (F 19145, . 140).
(: 24) , . . (
*
, .
,
, (
) ( ) .
1
. . Slavia Cyrillomethodiana:
. . ., 2010. . 402403,
. 110. .: . . , . , 1882. . 281282, 285, 288290 ( ); . . , :
. Vilnius, 2008. . 5354, 5657, 5962 ( ).
2
.: . . (15321557 .) // Knygotyra. Vilnius, 2010. T. 54. P. 179180 ( 1823).
184
- ...
___________________________________________________________________
23 . . ): , , ,
( ; , ):
1. XIIIXIV . (, 518)3: 2
(. 11); , 3 4, ;
2. - 13351345 . (,
, 142)4: 2 (. 152; : . 58 .227 .);
3*. ( )
XV . (, . , Z-55)5: 2 (. 139 .) 3
(. 248251);
4. XV . (, 530)6: 2 (. 9 .),
3 (. 129133) 4 (. 117 .: () ,
);
5. - ( )
XVI ., (, 906)7:
3 (. 227233 .);
6. XVI . (.
(), 2)8: 3 (. 175179 .);
7. 15501560 . (, ,
36)9: 2 (. 21) 3 (. 166 .170 .);
8. 15501560 . (, 84)10: 3
(. 223230 .), 28 (. . 201);
3
. . , 1923. . 2.
. 5051.
4
. . , 1978. . 93; Matejic P.,
Thomas H. Catalog: Manuscripts on Microform of the Hilandar Research Library (The Ohio State
University). Columbus (Ohio), 1992. Vol. 1. P. 368 (HM. SMS. 142); . ., . .
. , 1999. . 150 ( 365); .
XIVXV . , 2007. . 4243.
5
. , // - . , 1986. . 3. . 197198;
Matejic M., Bogdanovic D. Slavic Codices of the Great Lavra Monastery: A Description. Sofia, 1989. P. 527540;
Matejic P., Thomas H. Catalog: Manuscripts on Microform of the Hilandar Research Library... P. 141 (GLZ. 55);
. ., . . . . 150151 ( 366).
6
. . . 2. . 58.
7
., . . , 1964. . 3. . 7374; ., ., . XI
XVIII , : . , 1982. . 1. . 106 ( 264).
8
. (XIXVII ). , 1982.
. 62 ( 770).
9
. // . , 1994. . 16. . 170.
10
- . 1557. XVII . , 1999. . 205 ( 321); .
: . , 2003. . 2829.
185
. . ()
___________________________________________________________________
9*. XVI .
(, . . , 168)11: 3 (. 74
.79);
10. XVI . (, 150)12: 3
(. 204207 .);
11. XVI .,
(, 916)13: 3 (. 117181 .);
12. 15901600 . (, , 236), , , ( . 210 .)14: 2 (. 29: () (), ()
()) 3 (. 204209 .);
13. 1615 . (, 358)15: 3
(. 137139 .).
, , .
, 15101520 . (, 153)16
, 28 (. 202) ,
, 29 .
, .
(. 165)
14701480 . (, 286)17, . , 1621 . (, , 19)18
28 (. 228), , (. 236242),
. , -
.
11
. . . . . ., 1872. . 349; . .
. , 1986. . 91; . .
: . , 1999. . 37 ( 30).
12
. .
, 1910. . 1. . 105.
13
., ., .
. 3. . 8081.
14
. . 115; Matejic P., Thomas H. Catalog: Manuscripts
on Microform of the Hilandar Research Library... P. 419 (HM. SMS. 236); . ., . .
. . 152 ( 371); . XVI . , 2010. . 68.
15
. . 62 ( 775).
16
. . 50.
17
. .
. , 1901. . 26 ( 49); . . 61
( 751).
18
. . 62 ( 776).
186
- ...
___________________________________________________________________
,
. ,
15501560 . ( 8)
28 . ,
.
, 24 ( ) ,

:
14. XV . -
, 1633 . (, F 19144)19: 3 (. 259265 .);
15. XV XVI . (, . -
(. 304.I), 481)20: 3 (. 195 .200 .);
16. , 1501 . (, . (. 304.I), 482)21: 3 (. 268 .276);
17*. 15301560- . (,
. . . , .
(. 309), 567)22: 3 ( );
18. ,
1545 . (, -476): 3 (. 356367) 4
(. 323 ); ,
2, ;
19. (
) XVI . (, F 19145): 2 (. 19), 3 (. 153157) 4
(. 140);
20. XVI (?) . (,
-245): 3 (. 127 .132 .); , 2, ;
21. XVI (?) .
(, -588): 2 (. 18), 3 (. 149 .155) 4 (. 138, );
19
. . . 282 (
); . . , . 53
( ).
20
, ., , . - . ., 1878. . 2. . 161162; . .
- XV , ( , ). ., 1986. . 256 ( 2745; ).
21
, ., , . . 2. . 162.
22
. ., . ., . .
XVI . . . :
. . , 2010. . 250251 ( 135).
187
. . ()
___________________________________________________________________
22. 1555 .
(, , 12129 t. 2 III
(Akc. 2625))23: 2 (. 19 .) 3 (. 165168 .);
23. , 1556 .
(, 723): 3 (. 144148 .); , 2,
;
24. 1567 . (, . -
(. 304.I), 468)24: 3 (. 335 .340).
25. 1572 . (, . -
(. 304.I), 469)25: 3 (. 475 .480 .).
26. XVI . ( 1575 .),
,
(, -641): 2 ( ) 3 (. 298
. , );
27. XVI .
- (, . (. 3), 778)26: 2 (. 18),
3 (. 172177 .) 4 (. 155 ., );
28. XVI . , , (, .
(. 2, . 1), 48)27: 2 (. 201)
3 (. 338 .341 .);
29. XVI XVII . (, . (. 304.I), 490)28: 3 (. 352360 .);
30. XVII . (, .
. . . (. 1, . 1), 59):
3 (. 132137); , 2, ;
31. XVII . ( : , .
(. 3), 687;
: , . . . (. 77, . 1), 450/1): 2
(. 230) 3 ( );
23
Naumow A., Kaszlej A. Rkopisy cerkiewnosowiaskie w Polsce: Katalog, wydanie drugie

zmienione. Krakw, 2004. S. 277278 ( 584); Kaszlej A. Inwentarz rkopisw Biblioteki Kapituy
Greckokatolickiej w Przemylu. Warszawa, 2011. S. 144145. (Inwentarze rkopisw Biblioteki
Narodowej, t. 2) .: Naumow E. Ioann z Posady Rybotyckiej i jego
mineje // PolskaUkraina: 1000 lat ssiedztwa / ed. S. Stpie. Przemyl, 1994. T. 2: Studia z dziejw
chrzecijastwa na pograniczu kulturowym i etnicznym. S. 335340. :
Kuczyska M. Poudniowosowiaska poezja liturgiczna w zbiorach bibliotek polskich. Szczecin, 2003.
S. 101102.
24
, ., , . . 2. . 159.
25
.
26
. .
: / . . . . , 2007. . 1: XIXVI . . 307 ( 235).
27
. . 307208 ( 236).
28
, ., , . . 2. . 163.
188
- ...
___________________________________________________________________
32. XVII . . -
(, -341): 2 (. 12) 3 (. 161165 .);
33.
XVII . (?) (, , 12140
t. 1 IV (Akc. 2812))29: 2 (. 218) 3 (. 379383 .);
34. , 1639 . (,
819107): 3 (. 202206 .);
35. XVII .,
(. ), - (, 819019): 3 (. 142145 .);
36. XVII . (, . - (. 304.I),
491)30: 3 (. 414424);
37. XVIII . (, 819291): 2 (. 24)
3 ( 28 . 165 ,
, )31.
,
1703 . , (, .
(. 3), 91)32,
, 28
(. 164), .
, ( , 2),
. 24
- :

2
3
4
6
10
11
24
1
4
24 ,
- :
29
Naumow A., Kaszlej A. Rkopisy cerkiewnosowiaskie w Polsce S. 289290 ( 602); Kaszlej A.

Inwentarz rkopisw Biblioteki Kapituy Greckokatolickiej w Przemylu. S. 150151. C .: Kuczyska M. Poudniowosowiaska poezja liturgiczna... S. 102107.
30
, ., , . . 2. . 164.
31
, C (
28 ), ,
,
.
32
.: . . :
. , 2003. . 88.
189
. . ()
___________________________________________________________________

2
3
4
XIII(?) . . XIV.
. (. ) XVI.
. XV.
. XV .
XV.
1545.
:
( XIII (?) XIV .)
. .
4 ( 2), ( XV .)
. ( 3)
II (13241337)33, (
XV .) 29 . ( 4).
,
. (
XIV .),
(
XIV/XV .) .

, 2 ( 3),
( 2 3)34.
4.
24
- :

2
3
2 3
3 4
2, 3 4
( )
1, 2
5, 6, 811, 13
1417, 20, 2325, 29, 30, 3436
3, 7, 12
22, 26, 28, 3133 , , 37
18
4
19, 21, 27
33
( 1331 .) .: . , // . , 2004. . 70, . 14.

. 119137 ( ), : Gil D. Serbska hymnografia narodowa. Krakw, 1995. S. 4648.
34
:
, 2, ( 5 )
, 2 .
.
190
- ...
___________________________________________________________________
, : 3 (
XV .)35,
2 3 (
1555 .), 24, ( ) XVI . ( 19).
1545 .
( 18) , 2.
,
( 3 4 ).
, , 24. ( ) XVI .,
, , :
,
1542 ( ) 1552 . ( )36.

: XVI (?) .
( 21) XVI .
( 27). , , 37, ( 1545 .) (
4- ).
:
(15321565),
( 1545 .) ,
12541552 . . ,
(15391549): 1545 . (18, . 365). II, 1536 .,
38, - . ( )
15321545 . , 1557 .
35
: . XV . . [] ( . ) , XVI .
() ( . . I //
. ., 2001. . 3. . 422).
36
( ) F 19145;
F 19154 ( . . ,
. 54, 56).
37
XV . ( 4).
38
. : - . , 1887. . 7, . 1. . 6.
191
. . ()
___________________________________________________________________
(15001532 .), 39.

,
,
( 14 3), ,
, - .
, () XVI . , , XV .
,
. , XIII (?) XIV .
40.
, XV . ,
( ) 2 3 (
3). XV . .
,
() XVI .
( 1) ,
29 ( 4) , ,
. -, - .
Summary
S. Y. Temchin
The later history of the Serbo-Athonite Service Menaia copied in Suprasl
in mid-16th century
The author has identified three later East Slavic manuscript copies of the Service
Menaion for October (all of them are from Galicia, the earliest made in Staryi Sambor
in 1545) which contain the same three textual peculiarities as in the earlier Suprasl
copy of a Serbian antegraph. After having been copied in Suprasl shortly after 1532,
the latter must have been sent to the Bishopric of Przemysl to be copied there.
39
.
8192: 12, .: . . . . 179 ( 18).
40
.: . . . // . ., 2004. . 7.
. 388389 ( ).
192
. ()*

: 17.
18. 19. **
1985. 1.
,
,
332. : ... ,
( ) 17. 2.
.
, , ,
.
.
. vvukasinovic@bfspc.bg.ac.rs
: ,
.
1
:
/ . . . , 1982; / ( , )
. . :
, 1985; . : , 1992 (=); (
). : , 1996 (= ); ( ). :
, 1996;
( ). : , 1996; (
). : , 1996.
2
.
1985. . 62. 332, 17.
, . . ( / . ..
... , 1999. .133.)
*
**
193
. ()
___________________________________________________________________
.

1992. , . .
: ... ,
3. , ,
4.

1996. ,
.
,
, .

5.
1979.
6. ( ,
)
7.

. ,
, .
: ...8
9.
...
10.

3
A. : 2 , .
. ; , 2007. .8.
4
. .1162.
5
. .7173.
6
. .72.
7
. .73.
8
,
( ) , , (434446) .
16. (A. : 2. .9) .. (LeroyF.J. Proclus, De Traditione Divinae
Missae: un faux de C. Paleocappa// Orientalia Christiana Periodica. 1962. Vol.28. P.28899).
9
. .61.
10
. .72.
194
j J
___________________________________________________________________
4. 5. 11.
370. 400. 12.
, ,
13, .

14.
15.

, ,
( .
) 16. , , ,
,
( )
, , 17.

18.
.

19.
.

, , . ,
. ,
, 43,
20.
11
Witvliet J. D. The Anaphora of St. James // Essays on Early Eastern Eucharistic Prayers / ed.
P.F.Bradshaw. Collegeville, Minnesota, 1997. P.153154.
12
Ibid. P.167.
13
Ibid. P.163164.
14
Ibid. P.164.
15
Fenwick JohnR.K. The Anaphoras of St. Basil and St. James: An Investigation in to their Common
Origin. Roma, 1992. (Orientalia Christiana analecta; 240).
16
Ibid. P.XXIV.
17
Witvliet J.D. The Anaphora of St. James. P.153.
18
Ibid. P.168.
19
AlexopoulosS. The Presanctified Liturgy in The Byzantine Rite: A Comparative Analysis of its
Origins, Evolution, and Structural Components: A Dissertation. Submitted to the Graduate School of
the University of Notre Dame in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of
Philosophy. Notre Dame, Indiana, 2004. P.6069.
20
Ibid. P.127131.
195
. ()
___________________________________________________________________
.
,
, ,
.
21 , .
,
,
. ,
,
, .

22 23.
1751. 24.
, 14. 1751.
, ,
, ( , ) .25
26,
. ,
,
.
.
, , .
,
, 1751,
, 1760. .
.
.
.

, 28, ,
21
. 1690.
. , ,
(16901708) (17081713). 1848. 1913. . 1920. .
22
[] . // .
1905. .14. .397.
23
. .398.
24
. .18 .527.
25
. .554.
26
// , 116, 195.
196
j J
___________________________________________________________________
, ,
:

, . :
;
. , , ,
27 1780. , 2528.
, , 15
. , , 29. . , ,
, . 1770, 1774. 1775. 1780. 30. 31, ,
, 32.
1778. 1786. 33.
1780.

:
,
1780. []
[] 34.

, ,
27

. ( . : ,
, . 15. , 1887. .232; -. // . 1995. . 28. .12).
28
. . . . -, 2010. .220.

17741780.
29
. // = Archivum philologicum et linguisticum. 1988. .XXXI/2 .1129.
: . . , 1991. .101.
30
. j// .
. , 2011. .15: . . .173.
31
: , . . //
: XVIII . , 2009. .4/ , . .. .727.
32
-. ... .16.
33
. // .
, 1990. .11.
34
, 49.
197
. ()
___________________________________________________________________
. , , , , . .
(, 716):
,
, , 1830.

35.
, , , 1830., , ,
:
,
, ,

. . 1830.
(, 158)36.
(17901836.)
.

.
332, .
332
37.
.
38.
332, textus unicus39 . ..
35
. . .221.
. .221.
37
. . XIV . ., 1890. . I, . 2:
. . 178218.
38

(.. .
. , 1889. .6).
39
MareF.V. Cyrilometodjsk tradice a slavistika. Praha, 2000. S.161.
36
198
j J
___________________________________________________________________

,
. 104 (105) 17 40, .
41.

, , ,
. 558, 15. 16. 42
16.3.13. 18. 43
, 44.
, 16845 ,
, 1686168746.
14. 47

48. .
:
...
49.
-, ,
50.
, ,
2. 1717. ,
1645. 51.
, , ,
- - .
52

53.
40
Ibid. S.162.
Ibid. S.163.
42
Ibid. S.163.
43
17. (.. . 88).
44
MareF.V. Cyrilometodjsk tradice a slavistika. S.164.
45
, .173.I, , 168. URL: http://old.stsl.ru/manuscripts/medium.php?col=5&manuscript
=168&pagefile=168-0001
46
.. . (17- .18 .)
// Cyrillomethodianum. Thessalonique, 19931994. Vol. 1314. P.176.
47
, 168 , 16.3.13 ( . .
. 88).
48
.. ... P.173.
49
, 168. .48.
50
.. ... P.175.
51
Ibid. P.178.
52
Ibid. P.176.
53
Ibid. P.177.
41
199
. ()
___________________________________________________________________
, II/21354. 55. 56.
: ...
57. ?
, ,
,

, Paris, Cod. gr. 476 250958.
,
, 59.
, . ,
476, 33260,
61, 2509 , . 249 14.
, 62.

, , .
, ,
54
I bid. P.178.
Ibid. P.173.
56
Ibid. P.179.
57
.. . 93.
58
Swainson Ch. A. The Greek liturgies: chiefly from original authorities Cambridge, 1884.
P. 215332. Paris, Cod. gr. 2509

1560. : Leitourgiai Ton Agion Pateron, Iakobou Tou Apostolou Kai Adelphotheou. Basileiou Tou Megalou. Ioannou Tou Chrysostomou. Parisiis: Apud Guil. Morelium, 1560.
,
..
13 17491766. 5.
.
14.
( . . : . , , . . ., 1897. .27).
59
. . .26.
60
435 337
(.. . 92).

Paris, Cod. gr. 476 ( . .
.40.)
61
. . .26.
62
. .27.
55
200
j J
___________________________________________________________________
63. , ,
,

1717 64.
.

, , 65.
.

. . 66:
, ,
, :
, , .
66.
,

. :
, ,
. , .
( ..)

67.
, , . .
, , :

?
.
63

, , ( . . .
?// . , 1993. . 36, 41).
64
.. . 94.
65

.
(.. .90)

(. .8889). , , (. .96).
66
. 18. Ad fontem. ; , 2013. .362.
67
. .415.
201
. ()
___________________________________________________________________
. . 68
:

, , , .
?
. ,
, ,

.
, 18. 19. .
, ,
69.
.
Summary
V.Vukashinovich
Liturgy of St. Apostle James In Serbian manuscript Tradition:
From the Mount Athos in 17th century to the Metropolis of Karlovci
in 18th and 19th century
The author starts this paper with analysis of the publishing project of Bishop
Chrysostom Stoli who had translated and published in the Serbian language the
Liturgy of St. James the Apostle. Chrysostom had used in his work well known manuscript of Jamess liturgy from the collection of the monastery Chilandari no. 332.
In this study, the author shows that Serbian liturgical tradition knows for three other
manuscripts containing the Jamess liturgy, whose autograph was translated from
the Greek language by Bishop Partenije Pavlovic in 18th century. After analysis of
these texts and explanation of their Greek templates author addressed the difficult
issue of the purpose for translation of this Liturgy among the Slavs, trying to solve
the question - whether the reason for that was only a confessional and theological or
this Service had also its liturgical use.
68
, ,
, 18.
(- .
... .15).
69
20 .
202
III
203
204
. () ()

1.

.
,
.
.
193 .

.
(V .), ,
, ,
.
1.1.

.
100 1. -
. -
-, 1852.
.
, . -
- :
, , 2.
, 200 3.
.
.
. , , 4
49 , 5.
1
. . 2- . ., 1877. . 5463.
- . . V- 4. ., 1865.
3
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4
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1858, 1859 1861 . ., 1880.
5
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2
205
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7
. // . , 1995. . . . 67.
8
. . // : . . , 1903. . 79. . 117160.
9
. // . , 1908. . 13. . 253276.
10
Miklas H. Ein Beitrag zu den slavischen Handschriften uf dem Athos // Paleobulgarica. 1977. 1.
P. 6575.
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., ., ., .
12
. . 11.
206
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234 . ; 305 200 ; 25 .
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27
: Nikolaev V. Watermarks of the Ottoman Empire. Sofia, 1954. T. 1. 153, 154.
217
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295
. 7. 295. . 10
218
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(49).
219
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947; 2) V . , 2010. 644 (
); 3) V . .
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29
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221
. () ()
___________________________________________________________________

V . ,
.
.

.
-
.

.
Summary
Rev. Kozma (Krasimir) Popovski
Unknown and Lesser-Known Manuscripts from the Zograf Monastery
The present text introduces several unknown and lesser-known manuscripts
and fragments from the Zograf Monastery in Mount Athos. Thus far the monastery
manuscripts included in catalogues and descriptions are 286 and only 10 of them are
before the XIV century. Now the number of the manuscript fragments from the XIII
century raises by 3 (Zograf 288, Zograf 289, Zograf 295), those from the XIV century
by 2 (Zograf 287 and Zograf 290) and one fragment dating at the border of the XIV
XV centuries (Zograf 291). There are also two manuscripts from the XVII century
(Zograf 293 and Zograf 297). Five of the newly described manuscripts are written on
parchment. All manuscripts are liturgical two Psalters, two Triodions, a Typicon, a
Gospel (for liturgical use) and an Euchologion. A connection was determined between
the fragment from the Pentecostarion (Zograf 287) with its other pieces from the
Russian athonite monastery St. Panteleimon, from the collection of A.A.Dmitrievski
in St. Petersburg and from the collection of Tirich in Serbia (Jagodina)
222
. ()*

,
1.
, . .13 (.1836.) 26 (.91106.)
XIV 2., . 22 (. 4971 .),
14183.
1915., ..
. . 13 4, . ,
, 455 (. 260264),
13601370 5.,
, ,
.
.: . . . . . . : - / . . . .
, 20003. . 228; . . // . ., 2009. . XXII. . 124; . .
XIIXIV .
( ) // . . Slavia Cyrillomethodiana: .
. ., 2010. . 187. ,
. . , XVXVI . (
) . (.: . .
. . 124).
2
, . . 13 .: . .: 1)
, . - 116/241 // . : , , . . 1999. . 117,
. 42; 2) XIV . // . 300 : . .
14 16 2008 . ., 2008. . 167168. 26 .: -
., - ., . .
, 1986. . . 4552, 27. ( ; . II).
3
.: . // . . , , . 1978. . 93,
22. .: . . // . 1998. . 20. . 282, 22.
4
. , . , 1865.
5
. . , 1978. . 174175.
*
223
. ()
___________________________________________________________________
6.
, . ,
-, (. 8085 .).
,

(. . 13, 30 .) 7 .
(
), ,
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8. ,
, . 340 .341
9:
.
: (. . 13,
21 .) 10. . 455 ,

, ,
11.
,
(-
), ,
:
(264)12
(350351).

: (7), (59
o.), (48 o.; . .); > (27; . .,
..; ), (27); (7), (27);
(29o.). :
, [z] *g (34o.),
[z] *z (21).
, [z] *z:
(82o.), (85). : (83),
6
. , // (18141914)
: . , . 2- . , 1915. . 1. . 475482.
7
. : . , . . 28.
8
(: .
. . 175).
9
(.: . . 175).
10
. : . , . . 17.
11
.: . . 1516.
12
. : . . . 175.
224
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___________________________________________________________________
(84 .); > (82)
(81) .
, ,
. ,
(. . 13, 26, . 22) .

XIV . , . 3113.
, ,
:
(10814). ,
, , . 108115 .
. 138139, 153 ., 139143 .,
116133 ., 149152 ., 136137 ., 162162 ., 134134 .,
163165.
. . 15.
, .1276 (.321333), XV16.

, . 201 (. . . ), 16,
XV17. (.148.181).
,
.

, ,
. ,
,
(5152 .),
.
13
.: . . : . ., 1988. . 1.
. 39.
14
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.
15
, . , . 153 . ( . 154 .) ( . . . . 1. . 39). . .
. 31.
16
.: -
XV ., (., 1986) / . . . , . . . ., 1993.
. 75, 3127. XV . : .
XV . -
. . . -. .; .,
1989. . 91, 105.
17
. . . . 124. .: -
XV , / : . . , . . , . . . ., 2000. . 8687. 21.
225
. ()
___________________________________________________________________
. . 1318 (.43 .44 .),
.

. , . 213
141819., - ( 167, 169,
174, 175, 182, 185, 190, 704, 753, 757)20,
1639. , , , ,
, XIV.,
.31. ,
.
. 16
,
, .
,
. 16, , ,
.
: . . 13,
. 31:
18
. . 13 . 1276, . 16 . . 116 ( .
(XXI .). . ., 1906. . 93100, 512). , . . , 1 ( . : . . ., 1548),
, 308 154,
: . . 1, 308, 154
. , ( . . 100102,
512). 766, , . . . . 753 (. 132153),
. . , ,
. . , ( . XIVXV // .
XIVXVII . . ., 1903. . 17; . ... . 93).
19
.: (
. . . . / . . . . ., 1973. . II: 8201051. . 34,
870. . , 1417 . ( .
... . 94).
20
.: [, . , .] - . . I // . ., 1878. . 2. 146147 ( 167), 148
( 169), 157 ( 174), 154155 ( 175), 174175 ( 182), 177178 ( 185), . 187188 ( 190);
[, . , .], - . . III // . ., 1879. . 2. . 8297 ( 704), 149152 ( 753),
159162 ( 757).
226
...
___________________________________________________________________
. 455
. 16
. . 13,
26, .22
. 31,
. 1276
1.

(172 .)

(31 .)

(132 .)
2.

(176 .)

(34)
(. 1276:
)
(136)

(
) (177 .)

( 26: )
(34 .)

(.
1276: ) (137)
4.
(177 .)

(34
.)

(137
.); . 1276:

(331)

5.

(
)

(
) (178)

(34 .)

(.
1276, 331 .); .
31 :
(162)

(80 .)
(82)

3.
(82 .)

(83)
(83)

, ,
, ,
,
. ( 5) (21),
,
. : , ( 4)?
( 1) ,
, ( 2 //,
21
. . - . ., 1903. . III. .
1615. . :
strepitus (Miklosich F. Lexicon palaeoslovenico-graeco-latinum. Emendatum auctum. Vindobonae,
18621865. P. 1137), : 1) , , , ; 2) , , ( . . - . . 2-,
. ., 1976. . 957). . . , .
.
227
. ()
___________________________________________________________________
3 //, 4 //) , ,
., XIV, XVI XVII22.

(I, II, III), .
.
. , ,
, .
. -

23, .
(I), . ,
.
(II)
, , , :
(. 455, .340.) :
(. . 13, .21.; 26,
. 22, . 16) :
(. 31, .115., .1276);

(. 455, .340 .341) :
(. . 13, .21., 26; . 22 :
, .16, .31, .1276: ).
(III),
, :
(. 455, 82 .) :
(. . 13, 34 .);
(. 455, 83) : (. 16: )
(. . 13, 34 .);
(. 455, 83) :
(. . 13, 34 .35);
(. 83 .) : (. .
13, 35);
(. 455, 83 .84) :
(. 31, . 1276: ) ( . 1276 :
) (.16, .31: ) ( .1276:
) (. . 13, 3535 .);
22
Miklosich F. Lexicon palaeoslovenico-graeco-latinum. P. 468, 586, 290. . , : . . . .

, 1863; . . , 1863. (NB, Cod. slav. 63),
, . , (Miklosich F.
Lexicon palaeoslovenico-graeco-latinum. P. 586), XVII .,
. , XVIII ., russifizierend (Birkfellner G.
Glagolitische und kyrillische Handschriften in sterreich. Wien, 1975. S. 158).
23

.
228
...
___________________________________________________________________
(. 455, 84) : (
16. ) (. 16: )
(. .13, 35.);
(. 455, 84 .) : (. 16,
. 31, . 1276: ) (. 16, . 31,
. 1276: ) (. 16: ; . 31, . 1276: )
(. . 13, 36) .
6070- . XIV
., 103624 (.243245) :
.25
,
. ,
, , .

, 455
I
(260.)
(261)

(261.)

(262)
24
: ., . . , 1964. . III. . 231239, 1036.

25
(. 240243),
, . 1 766 (. . 17).
1036 .
229
. ()
___________________________________________________________________

(262.)

(263)

(263.)

(264)

II
(340.)

230
...
___________________________________________________________________

(341)
()
III
(80)

(80.)

(81)

(81.)

231
. ()
___________________________________________________________________

(82)

(82.)

(83)

(83.)

232
...
___________________________________________________________________

(84)

(84.)

w

(85)

(85.)

233
. ()
___________________________________________________________________
Summary
S.Jelesijevich
Hilandar copy of Sermon to brother Stylites by Metropolitan of Kiev Ilarion
The introductory part of the Sermon to brother Stylites by the Metropolitan of
Kiev Ilarion in the Serbian codex (455) of the Hilandar Monastery manuscript
collection (written around 13601370) was found and published in 1915 by Nikolai
Leonidovich Tunitskii. I was able to find another two texts originating from the
same work in the Hilandar manuscript. The first, larger text (fol. 8085,
) is an excerpt from the Sermon with
certain parts having been left out and yet others having been edited. We find the
editors touch too in the second short excerpt from the Sermon (340 .341,
),
consisting of two short passages from this work. In this article, attention is drawn to
certain linguistic features of the manuscript. General conclusions and assumptions,
driven from textological comparison of Serbian copies Hil. 455, Tek. post. 13, NBS
26, Sav. 22 and Russian copies Pogod. 31, Sof. 1276, were made, pointing out the
parts in the texts found in the Hilandar codex which were altered, judging from their
relation to other copies. It turned out that a copy of the larger text was found to exist
in a Bulgarian manuscript NBKM 1036.
The article has been supplemented by an edition of all the excerpts of the Hilandar
copy, including the part published by N.L.Tunitskii, in the order of their appearance
in complete copies of the work.
234
. (), . ()*
404
(
)
404 ( .404)
,
1. (372
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1

() . . . .
2
. . , 1978. . 158; . 212.
3
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4
. 47 , . . 47 .
, . 48 .
5
.
235
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___________________________________________________________________
.
13701380. .6.
. 1375 1385.
7. , . 404
1380 ., .
392
( .392), ,
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, .
- ,
, ( 8 )
6
Matejic P. Watermarks of the Hilandar Slavic Codices. Sofia, 1981. Vol. I: A Descriptive Catalog. P. 140.
. V // .
2000-2001. . 22/23. . 5859.
8
Matejic P. Watermarks of the Hilandar Slavic Codices. Vol. I. P. 133134; .
. 5253.
9
.: . 392: 26 49 (. 404 49); 27 50
(. 404 50); 28 51 (. 404 51); 29 71
(. 404 71); 31 52 ( . 404 52); 33 66
(. 404 66).
7
236
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V . .: ., ., ., .
. , 1994. . 77, 107.
13
: j . . , 1903. . .
. 463, 4584.
14
., B., . . , 1978. . 150151; .
(VV ). , 2000. . 421422.
237
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___________________________________________________________________
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.: . . .
// . .; ., 1958. . 15. . 413; . // Beati Possidentes.
, 60- . . , 2012. . 199208.
19
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. . , 1982. . 1. . 54. 4/7
V ., . ( )
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(, . 21.2/.1703.2). .: .
// . 1994 .
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239
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- .
27
,
. :
, ,
. . . 404
,
. ,
:
. ,
, ().
, .404
, 28.
29.
90 ,
.

. 404.
5- .
CPG, 4330,
(Ehrhard , 40), (Ehrhard , 47)
: c , 3 (EhrhardII, 250); Marc.
26
. Ehrhard A. berlieferung und Bestand der hagiographischen und homiletischen Literatur der
griechischen Kirche von den Anfngen bis zum Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts. Leipzig-Berlin, 19371952.
. ( : Ehrhard , Ehrhard I, Ehrhard II). .: . . S. 559631
27
, ( . . , . Kiev 1895. . I: . (Hildesheim 1965), 499601 ( : I). e : The Synaxarion of the Monastery of the
Theotokos Evergetis / text and translation by Robert H. Jordan. Belfast, 2005. (Belfast Byzantine Texts
and Translations; 6.6)) (Parenti S. Manoscritti del monastero di Grottaferrata
nel Typikon dellegumeno Biagio II (Crypt. . . I, a. 1299/1300) // Byzantinische Zeitschrift. 2002.
Vol. 95. P. 641672).
28
Ehrhard A. berlieferung und Bestand der hagiographischen und homiletischen Literatur... T. I.
S. 3942. : . . ... . I:
.
29
Ehrhard A. berlieferung und Bestand der hagiographischen und homiletischen Literatur... T. I.
S. 4648 ( ).
244
404...
___________________________________________________________________
gr. II 168 1481 . (Ehrhard III, 252); , 1027 XII . Vat.,
ttoboni gr. 14 .,
(Ehrhard , 158 215 ).
. 404, ,

6- .
,
. , 30.
,
,
, 31.

(88 ) ,
. , .404,
3- (. 85; .
//100/3), (. 49;
. //106/2), 5- (. 3234; .
//110/1, 111/2 112/3) 6- (.
5659; . //114/1, //115/2, //116/3, 117/4).
,
, , 3- ,
:
, []
(I, 565). ,
: ,
. ,
.
, , :
, [], (I,
569, . .570 ).
: []:
. 36, 37 38 (I, 573); . 404
. . 404
49, :
, (I, 575).

31 34 (I, 578), .404 32
34. 56 58 (I, 582), . 404
59. ,
,
, ().
30
Janeras S. Le Vendred avant le Dimanche des Palmes dans la tradition hagiopolite // Studi
sull'Oriente cristiano. 2000. 4/1. P. 5960, 6770.
31
. , ,
( . ., 2002. . I. . 368369);
( . Roma, 1879. P. 578579).
245
. (), . ()
___________________________________________________________________
, ,

(EhrhardII, 295305). . , Cod. gr.24
(Ehrhard II, 296) :
(87 . 20:24); - (
86; 85, . 404
//100/3); ( 3638);
( 3234, .404); (56 57;
5659).
Vat. gr.862 II . (Ehrhard II, 302) C31
56 .
, .404
49,
.
, Cod. gr.699 . (Ehrhard II, 298),
Escorial, Cod. gr. 523 ( .10) (EhrhardII, 299). ,
. 404, 34- ,
56 57 (EhrhardII, 299230). 49
II. Vat.gr.862
(EhrhardII, 302).
3-
( -). 85-
88 : , CPG 4425 (Iohannes
Chrysostomus, In Iohannem homiliae 188; PG 59, 23482, 85 84;
PG59, 463/464468, . 19:38 .). , ,
, (15:4316:8). .404
,
-.
(
10641075; EhrhardIII, 536, 537, .526), .
, 260 1531. , Barocci 40 1572.
,
,
,

. : , Cod. gr. 24
I. (Ehrhard II, 296) -

.
,
(13501354, 13551363)
,
. 404 , ,
1-, 3- 4- -.
.
, ,
246
404...
___________________________________________________________________
32. .,
,
33, .

134 (III..9) V.34

II (12221240)35.

.
.
- .
, .
.
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; :
,
.
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, ,
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,
,
.

(
) 1299.36
, ,
, ,
- . , ,
, -
.
; ,
64 .
-
, , , ,
32
. '. , 1980.
. 302308.
33
( 1- )
II (Ehrhard III, 559560).
34
., ., ., . ... . 91,
134; . V .
( ) //
. 2004. . 5 [ ]. . 8292.
35
. ' '
. , 1999. . 15, 712, 2332, 3743, 4348, 6670.
36
Parenti S. Manoscritti del monastero di Grottaferrata... P. 641672.
247
. (), . ()
___________________________________________________________________
, ( - ,
- ,
).
- - (
), , ,
.

, -
, ( )
, ,
.

, ,
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, . V.

, .
.404
.34 4/7
. 404 , .

.

. 34 4/7.
.
, .
, ,
.
, .
, ,
.

7. //1/1, ( ). ... . 34//1/1;
8. //2/2, ( ). ... . 34//2/2;
9. //3/3, ( ). ... . 34//3/3;
10. //4/4, ( ). w ... . 34//4/4;
11. //5/5,( ). ... . 34//5/5;

12. //6/1, ( ). w... . 34//6/1;
13. //7/2, ( ). ... . 34//7/2;
248
404...
___________________________________________________________________
14. //8/3, ( ). ... . 34//8/3;
15. //9/4, ( ). T... . 34//9/4;

16. //10/1, ( ). T... . 34//10/1;
17. //11/2, ( ). ... . 34//11/2;
18. //12/3, ( ). ... . 34//12/3; ;

19. //13/1, ( ). ... . 34//13/1;
20. //14/2, ( ). ... . 34//14/2;
21. //15/3, ( ). T ... . 34//15/3;
22. //16/4, ( ). ... . 34//16/4;
23. //17/5, ( ). w... . 34//19/7;
24. //18/6, ( ). w ... . 34//18/6;
176. //170/(7), ( ). ... . 34//17/5; ;

25. //19, ( ). T... . 34//20;

26. //20/1, ( ). T... . 34//21/1;
27. //21/2, ( ). ... . 34//22/2; ;

28. //22/1, ( ). T ... . 34//23/1;
29. //23/2, ( ). c... . 34//24/2;

30. //24, ( ). w... . 34//25;

31. //25/1, ( ). c w... . 34//26/1;
32. //26/2, ( ). ... . 34//27/2;
33. //27/3, ( ). ... . 34//28/3;

34. //28/1, ( ). ... . 34//29/1;
35. //29/2, ( ). ... . 34//30/2;

36. //30/1, ( ). ... . 34//31/1;
37. //31/2, ( ). ... . 34//33/3;
177. //171//(3), ( w ). ...
. 34 //32/2;
249
. (), . ()
___________________________________________________________________
1-
38. //32, ( ). ... . 34//34;
1-
39. //33/1, ( ). .... 34//35/1;
40. //34/2, ( ). ... . 34//36/2;
1- ( )
41. //35/1, ... D . w ... . 34//37/1, ;
42. //36/2, ( ). T... . 34//38/2;
43. //37/3,( ). w s ... . 34//39/3;
44. //38/4, ( ). w ws ... . 34//40/4;
2-
45. //39/1, ( ). W ... . 34//41/1;
46. //40/2, ( ). T w... . 34//42/2;
47. //41/3, ( ). s... . 34//43/3;
48. //42/4, ( ). U ... . 34//44/4;
49. //43/5, ( ). ... . 34//45/5;
3-
50. //44/1, ( ). w a w... . 34//49/4,
51. //45/2, ( ). T ... . 34//47/2;
52. //46/3, ( ). w ... . 34//50/5;
71. //65/(4), ( ). T , ... . 34//46/1;
72. //66/(5), ( ). T DU T ... . 34//48/3;
3-
75. //69, ( ). a yD ... . 34//51;
4-
66. //60/(1), ( ). , ... . 34//52/1;
76. //70/(2), ( ). w ... . 34//53/2;
77. //71/(3), ( ). D w... . 34//55/4;
78. //72/(4), ( ). w T T... . 34//54/3;
5- ( )
79. //73/1, ( ). D . D w ... . 34//56/1;
80. //74/2, ( ). ... y.
. 34//57/2.
5- ( )
53. //47/1, ... a ... . 34//58/1;
54. //48/2,( ). T w... . 34//59/2;
5-
67. //61/1, ( ). w D... . 34//60/1;
250
404...
___________________________________________________________________
68. //62/2, ( ). ... . 34//62/3;
69. //63/3, ( ). ... . 34//63/4;
81. //75/(4), ( ). w w... . 34//61/2;
6-
70. //64, ( ). . 34//64;
6- ( )
55. //49/1, ( ). TT a s . 34//65/1;
56. //50/2, ( ). . 34//66/2
57. //51/3,( ). ... . 34//67/3;
58. //52/4, ( ). ... . 34//68/4;
6- ( )
59. //53/1, ( ). T D ... 4/7//5/1;
60. //54/2, ( ). w s ... 4/7//6/2;
61. //55/3, ( ). T...
4/7//7/3;
62. //56/4, ( ). T , T ... 4/7//8/4;
63. //57/5, ( ). w D... 4/7//9/5;
64. //58/6, ( ). ... 4/7//10/6;
65. //59/7, ( ). T T ... 4/7//11/7;

82. //76/1, ( ). . ... 4/7//12/1;
83. //77/2, ( ). ... 4/7//13/2;
151. //145/(3), ( ). wN ... 4/7//14/3;
152. //146/(4), ( ). yDT w ...
4/7 //15/4;

84. //78/1, ( ). w... 4/7//16/1;
85. //79/2, ( ). a . yw y ... 4/7//17/2;
86. //80/3, ( ). yw T ... 4/7//18/3;
153. //147/(4), ( ). y ... 4/7//19/4;

87. //81/1, ( ). . P I y... 4/7//20/1;
88. //82/2, ( ). yw ... 4/7//21/2;
154. //148/(3), ( ). w w ... 4/7//22/3;
(c T)
89. //83/1, ( ). D U ... 4/7//25/3;
90. //84/2, ( ). ... 4/7//26/4;
155. //149/(3), ( ). T... 4/7//23/1;
156. //150/(4),( ). . ... 4/7//24/2;
251
. (), . ()
___________________________________________________________________

73. //67/1, ( ). w w... 4/7//28/2;
157. //151/(2), ( ). T Iz z T... 4/7//27/1;

74. //68/(1), ( ). T ... 4/7//30/1;
91. //85/(2), ( ). ... 4/7//29/1;
158. //152/(3), [ ]. ... 4/7//31/3 []37;
92. //86/1, ( ). a w yC T... 4/7//32/1; ;

93. //87/2, ( ). ... 4/7//33/2;
94. //88/3, ( ). ... 4/7//34/3; ;
95. //89/4, ( ). w ... 4/7//35/4;
96. //90/5, ( ). ... 4/7//36/5;
97. //91/6, ( ). w ... 4/7//37/6;
98. //92/7, ( ). w ... 4/7//38/7;
159. //153/(8), ( ). . ... 4/7//39/8;
160. //154/(9), ( ). T... 4/7//40/9;
161. //155/(10), [ ]. yD ... 4/7//41/10;
178. //172/ (11), ( ). ... 4/7//42/11 ;
179. //173/ (12),( ). ...
4/7//43/12 ;

99. //93, ( ). w ... 4/7//44;
2- ( )
100. //94/1, ( ). ... 4/7//45/1;
101. //95/2, ( ). wa T... 4/7//46/2;
102. //96/3, ( ). a... 4/7//47/3;
103. //97/4, ( ). ... 4/7//48/4;
162. //156/(5), ( ). ... 4/7//49/5;
180. //174//(6), ( ). .... 4/7//50/6;
3- ( -)
104. //98/1, ( ). D ... 4/7//51/1;
105. //99/2, ( ). ... 4/7//52/2;
106. //100/3, ( ). a Iw ... 4/7//53/3;
107. //101/4, ( ). U... 4/7//54/4;
163. //157/(5) ( ). ...
4/7 ;
37
4/7, 12 ,
, . . : . 21.2/.1703.2.
252
404...
___________________________________________________________________
4- ( )
108. //102/1, ( ). T . ... 4/7//55/1;
109. //103/2, ( ). wa w ...
4/7//56/2;
110. //104/3, ( ). ... 4/7//57/3;
4- ( )
111. //105/1, ( ). w ... 4/7//58/1; ;
112. //106/2, ( ). ...
4/7//59/2; ;
113. //107/3, ( ). ... 4/7//60/3;
114. //108/4, ( ). ...
4/7//61/4;
115. //109/5, ( ). ... 4/7//62/5;
164. //158/(6), ( ). D ...
4/7//63/6;
5- ( )
116. //110/1, ( ). D , ... 4/7//65/2;
117. //111/2, ( ). T... 4/7//66/3;
118. //112/3, ( ). N w ... 4/7//67/4;
119. //113/4, ( ). w T ... 4/7//68/5;
165. //159/(5), ( ). T ... 4/7//64/1;
6- ( )
120. //114/1, ( ). w I, ... 4/7//69/1;
121. //115/2, [ ]. w a... 4/7//70/2;
122. //116/3, ( ). ... 4/7//71/3;
123. //117/4, ( ). T... 4/7//72/4;
124. //118/5, ( ). w wN... 4/7//73/5;
6- ()
125. //119/1, ( ). T U ... 4/7//74/1;
126. //120/2, ( ). w w w... 4/7//75/2;
127. //121/3, ( ). T . T... 4/7//76/3;
128. //122/4, ( ). Dy ... 4/7//77/4;
129. //123/5, ( ). ... 4/7//78/5;
130. //124/6, ( ). w pU... 4/7//79/6;
131. //125/7, ( ). T . N... 4/7//80/7;
132. //126/8, ( ). a ... 4/7//81/8;
133. //127/9, ( ). w ... 4/7//82/9;
166. //160/(10), ( ). w ...
4/7//83/10;
167. //161/(11), ( ). T ... 4/7//84/11;
7- ( )
134. //128/1,( ). wN... 4/7//85/1;
253
. (), . ()
___________________________________________________________________
135. //129/2, ( ). W w ... 4/7//86/2;
136. //130/3, ( ). w ... 4/7//87/3;
137. //131/4, ( ). w... 4/7//88/4;
168. //162/(5), ( ).
... 4/7//89/5;
138. //132/1, ( ). P w ...
4/7//90/1;
139. //133/2, ( ). ... 4/7//91/2;
140. //134/1, ( ). T . ... 4/7//93/2;

141. //135/2, ( ). w ... 4/7//94/3;
142. //136/3, ( ). w T ... 4/7//95/4;
143. //137/4, ( , ). T ... 4/7//96/5;
144. //138/5, ( ). y w w... 4/7//97/6;
145. //139/6, ( ). T ... 4/7//98/7;
146. //140/7, ( ). w ,... 4/7//99/8;
169. //163/(8), ( ). , ... 4/7//92/1;
181. //175//(9), ( ). _ ... 4/7//100/9; ;

147. //141/1, ( ). D T U... 4/7//101/1;
148. //142/2, ( ). ...
4/7 //103/3; ;
149. //143/3, ( ). ... 4/7//104/4;
150. //144/4, ( ). w ... 4/7//105/5;
170. //164/(5), ( ). ... 4/7//102/2.
Summary
K. Ivanova, E. Velkovska
The Chilandar Manuscript no. 404:
Preliminary Notes on the History of the Athonite Panegyric Collections
of the New Recension for the Period of the Triodion
The Panegyrikon for the Lenten-Pentecost period with additions from the
Chrysostoms Margarit and some homilies by Gregory of Nazianzus is one of the
most interesting Bulgarian manuscripts in the library of Hilandar monastery (call
number 404). The Ms contains a very big collection of 185 items, 165 of which are
related to the liturgical period in question. It is written ca. 1380 on Mount Athos,
probably in Zograf or in the Great Lavra. Its structure is not common, especially
compared to a couple of similar documents, namely the Lenten Panegyrikon
of the Russian National Library in St. Peterburg Hilferding 34 and the Pentecost
Panegyrikon 4/7 from the Library of Rila monastery in Bulgaria, whose textual
redaction is the same as the Hilandars. The order of the homilies in Hilandar 404
is unique and demonstrate that it has been composed in several retakes. Each time
254
404...
___________________________________________________________________
more texts have been added to the already existing festivals, writing them after the
texts already copied for the subsequent liturgical feasts. The resulting collection has
its texts somewhat not properly arranged, and this is why the correct order has been
given in the summary index, where it is explained that the scribes had not receive
their originals on time and this explains the not correct order of the texts.
The resulting conclusions are that the texts have been translated by Bulgarian
bookmen, including Patriarch Euthymius, probably in Tarnovo and in Mount Athos.
The Ms Hilandar 404 is very likely to have been the first complete panegyrikon for
the Lenten-Pentecost period, compiled in Mount Athos.
The comparison with the Greek panegyrika shows that no close parallels to
Hilandar 404 can be found. The Ms seems to be an attempt to collect in one codex
of all the homilies mentioned in a typikon of a monastery. Another possibility is that
it could have been an anthology of homilies for the festivals of the Lenten-Pentecost
period containing many texts mentioned in other books. This could have been a
scholarly collection of bibliophilic character.
This compilation is likely to have been made by Slav bookmen, more probably in
some big monastery of Mount Athos, e.g. Zograf or the Great Lavra.
255
. ()
:

, ,
XIV.,
. Cabasilas tait lune de plus grandes
personalits de son poque. Il est significatif que dans une priode remplie de querelles
et doppositions acharnes, il tait reconnu de tous non seulement comme un rudit
en sciences profanes, mais aussi comme un homme dglise et un thologien trs
instruit ( .
, , ,
,
..)1.
XIII .
.
. 1361 . ,
, .
, 1363.
2
,
. 3
. 4,
, ,
1334 .5,
,
5 6, 34 7 15
8.
1
Kislas 2001: 57.

.: Kislas 2001: 5971.
3
. . 141147.
4
: PG 149: 683700; 699729.
5
.: Spourlakou 1966: 340. .: Sinkewicz 1980; Rigo, Scarpa 2013.
6
: Kislas 2001: 174416.
7
: Kislas 1998: 522662.
8
: Candal: 188384.
ARGUMENTA 49 LATINORUM PRO PROCESSIONE S. SPIRITU ( ,
, . ). ,
, ENCHIRIDION ADVERSUS LATINOS ( ).
2
256
...
___________________________________________________________________
,
, ,
.
, ,
. ,
(
),
.
, 9.

1355 .10:
.
,
,
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.
13751390 . ( ) ,
: . 47412
, .38313.
. . 474
(. 191r337v)
,
,
(
). ,

,
, ,
,
, , ,
, , 14. , ..
. . :
9
.: Kislas 2001: 86; Loenertz 1937: 81.

.: Halecki 1930: 3643.
11
Scholarios, Jugie, Petit, Siderides 1929: 3. . Rigo, Scarpa 2013.
12
Scarpa 2012: 9395.
13
Scarpa 2012: 9395.
14
. 474, . 172r; , . 383, . 336v.
10
257
. ()
___________________________________________________________________
15. :
, ,
.

.
HAZU, III a 47, 1469 .
,
,
, .

15001510. 140, , ,
. , , 1734. 135
, ,
.
, . 383 XVI.16
: 14 ,
XVIXVIII.17,
. : , . 45; , . 46; ,
. . 141; , .497; , .87/87; , . 89/89; ,
.173.I, 80; , .173.I, 81; , .98, .1055; 299;
, . 88/88; , .310, .1321; , . 470/489; , . 98,
.1056.
XVII.,
, . 19818 , ,
.
.
?
. . . .
,
,
,
19.
. 198 ,
60- . XIV . (,
13661367. Iviron gr. 277 1360-. Lavra -216,
15
, 1859: 476.
.: Rigo, Scarpa 3012; Scarpa 2012: 6467; Scarpa 2012b: 735736; 746747.
17
.: Scarpa 2012a: 163179.
18
. . 181185.
19
, 1859: 481.
16
258
...
___________________________________________________________________
, . . 241, 1365.)20
, 21.

22.
.
.
, -
23,
, ;
915 ( ,
).
, ,
, 6 7, 5- , 3-
4-. ,
13. ,

, 1- 2- , ,
24.

, , ,
,
.
, .
,
25.
, (Protheoria),
XV .
20
Kislas 2001: 156158.

(PG 149: 683700);
(PG 149: 699729); (Kislas 1998: 208213); ,
, . ; . ;
. (Kislas 2001: 174416); ,
, . . 34
(Kislas 1998: 522662); , , ,
. . 15 (Candal 1945: 188384);
C. , ... (Beveregius
1672: 273292 ( ); - 1892: 141177).
22
. (); ; ; ; . ();
. ().
23
, 7, 8-.
,
33, 13 33, Marc. Gr. II 9.
24
.: Kislas 2001: 88.
25
Mercati 1931: 392393; c.: Kislas 1998: 75, 101.
21
259
. ()
___________________________________________________________________
.

: ,
,
? ,
,
, .
, ,
,

. 1360- .
, 1370- .
, , , ,
.
, , ,
, ,
,
.

, 1859 . ., . .
. .2:
. .2: -. ., 1859.
- 1892 ,
, (
867 878 .)
/ . . ..-, ..
... ., 1892. ( ; .XI, .
1 (31)).
Beveregius 1672 Beveregius G. Synodicon sive pandectae canonum SS.
Apostolorum Et Conciliorum Ab Ecclesia Graeca receptorum. Vol.2. Oxford, 1672.
Candal 1945 Candal E. Nilus Cabasilas et theologia S. Thomae de processione
Spiritus Sancti. Citt del Vaticano, 1945. (Studi e Testi; 116).
Halecki 1930 Halecki O. Un empereur de Byzance Rome. Warszawa, 1930.
(Travaux historiques de la Socit des Sciences et des Lettres de Varsovie; vol. III)
Kislas 1998 KislasP. Nil Cabasilas et son trait sur le Saint-Esprit: Thse de
doctorat. Universit des Sciences Humaines de Strasbourg II Facult de Thologie
Catholique, 1998
Kislas 2001 KislasT. Nil Cabasilas. Sur le Saint-Esprit. Paris, 2001.
Scholarios, Jugie, Petit, Siderides 1929 Jugie M., Petit L., Siderides X.A.
Oeuvres compltes de Georges (Gennadios) Scholarios. Paris, 1929. Vol.2.
Loenertz 1937 Loenertz R.-J. La Socit des Frres Prgrinants. Roma, 1937.
Mercati 1931 Mercati G. Notizie di Procoro e Demetrio Cidone, Manuele
Caleca e Teodoro Meliteniota, ed altri appunti per la storia della teologia e della
260
...
___________________________________________________________________
letteratura bizantina del secolo XIV. Citt del Vaticano, 1931. (Studi e Testi; 56).
PG 149 Migne J.-P. Patrologiae Cursus Completus. Series Graeca. T. 149.
Parisiis, 1865.
Rigo, Scarpa 2013 RigoA., Scarpa M. Le opere antilatine di Gregorio Palamas
a Bisanzio e tra gli Slavi (xiv-xv secolo)// Rduire le schisme?/ dit par M.-H.
Blanchet et F. Gabriel. Paris, 2013. (Centre de recherche dhistoire et civilisation de
Byzance; Monographies39). P.151162.
Scarpa 2012 Scarpa M. Gregorio Palamas slavo. Milano, 2012.
Scarpa 2012b Scarpa M. La tradizione manoscritta slava delle opere contro
i latini di Gregorio Palamas // Vie per Bisanzio / a cura di A. Rigo, A. Babuin,
M.Trizio. Edizioni di Pagina, Bari, 2012. Vol.II. P.735749.
Sinkewicz 1980 Sinkewicz R.E. A New Interpretation for the First Episode in
the Controversy between Barlaam the Calabrian and Gregory Palamas// Journal of
theological studies. 1980. 31. P.489500.
Spourlakou 1966 . . //
. , 1966. T.9. .337340.
Summary
M.Skarpa
The Slavic translations of Neilos Kabasilas writings:
a new approach to the text
Nilus Kabasilas anti-Latin writings were translated into Slavonic in the Serbian
community on Mount Athos during the last thirty years of the fourteenth century.
The study conducted on the manuscript tradition shows that this translation follows
an arrangement of the text On the procession of the Holy Spirit that is significantly
different from the well-known Greek version. This text was published posthumous
in Constantinople by the nephew of Nilus, Nicholas Kabasilas. This paper explores
the hypothesis that the Slavic translator did not work on the final and reorganized
version edited by Nicholas, but on some collections of passages that were still a
work-in-progress when Nilus died.
261
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. . XIXIII . ., 1978.
. 153154; . . XV .
( ) // Byzantinorussica. ., 1994. 1. . 112, . 3; . . // - XVI ,
. ., 2005. . 1: . . 458.
3
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Summary
M.V.Korogodina
Which Nomocanon was brought from the Holy Mountain by Tver monk Sava?
The article talks about the manuscript that contains church laws of Vassian
Patrikeevs Nomocanon. This manuscript was brought by St. Sava from Mt. Athos at
the beginning of the 15thcentury. The paper looks at the texts contained in the Athos
manuscript and who St. Sava was. The Athos manuscript probably had the same
composition as the co-called Tver Nomocanon, which appeared in 16th century.
15
XIVXV . . . ,
- , XII / . . . . . ., 2003.
16
. ., . . - XV . //
: . ., 2527 2010 . ., 2011. . 98102.
17
. . XV
// . ., 2013. .
16. . 350.
18
. . XVII . //
: . . ., 2012. . 10. . 920.
XVII . : Alexandrov V. The Syntagma of Matthew Blastares.
The Destiny of a Byzantine Legal Code among the Orthodox Slavs and Romanians 14-17 centuries / Hrsg. von
Okko Behrends. Frankfurt am Main, 2012. (Forshungen zur Byzantinischen Rechtsgeschichte; Bd. 29).
266
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J 22 J
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III (. 308, 72 .)4
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I .
(2 . I ) ,
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, VIIII .
IV
,
.
; i.spadijer@gmail.com
Tachiaos 1981: 9, .
2
, 1994: . 281; , 1999: . 475.
3
1978: . 307; , 1999: . 965.
4
1978: . 30; , 1999: . 263.
5
1998: 115116.
*
267
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Tachiaos 1981.
8
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Tachiaos 1981: . 17.
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1978; 1980: 89, 20; Tachiaos 1981: . 11.
7
268
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23
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272
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___________________________________________________________________
1980 . . ,
1980.
, 1994 ., ., ., .

. , 1994.
2008 . Bibliotheca Hagiographica Balcano-Slavica.
, 2008.
1980 . //
. 1980. XII. .48. .635681.
2000 : /
.. , 2000. .6572.
Moin 1955 Moin V. irilski rukopisi Jugoslavenske akademije. [Zagreb]
1955. I.dio: Opis rukopisa.
, 3 ., .
. , 1964. .3.
, 2013 ,
- . 1: , / .
(), .: . . , . . . , 2013.
1940 . . III
// . 1940. I.
. .12. .3381.
Radojii 1960 Antologija stare srpske knjievnosti (XIXVIII veka)/ izbor,
prevod i objanjenja . Sp. Radojiia. Beograd, 1960.
1960 . . //
. 1960. .390. .1. .8588.
1967 . .
. .
1953. // Arhivist. 1955. V, 2. .328; : . .
.
, 1967. .336368.
1978 . // . 1978.
XXII (XXXII). . 1 2. .1763.
1994 . .
, 1994.
1997 .
// (26.
, , 914. 1996). ,
1997. 26/1. .243249.
Tachiaos 1981 Tachiaos .E. N. The Slavonic manuscripts of Saint Panteleimon
Monastery (Rossikon) on Mont Athos. Thessaloniki; Los Angeles, 1981.
1968 .
. , 1968.
1975 . //
. 1971. , 1975. .255263.
1981 .
273
.j ()
___________________________________________________________________
// .
. , 1981. .135142.
, 1999 / .
.. .., . .-. . , 1999.
1979 . () -
( ) //
. , 1979. .1. .133165.
1998 . // /
.. , 1998. .115124.
( ): .
( ).
-, -, 1986 ., - ., .
. , 1986. . 1. (
; .II).
Summary
I.padijer
Panteleimon22 an unusual serbian miscellany from the early 15th century
The collection of manuscripts kept in the Monastery of St. Panteleimon on Mt.
Athos has a very long and unusually interesting history the oldest evidence of the
existence of Russian books in the monastery dates to the year 1142. Unfortunately,
not a single manuscript from the original collection was preserved in the Monastery
of St. Panteleimon the texts were probably destroyed during the looting of Catalan
pirates in 1309. Due to ever-changing historical circumstances, the declining number
of Russian monks, and the fact that from the mid-15th century St. Panteleimon,
along with the monastery of Hilandar, was increasingly becoming the hub of Serbian
spirituality and culture on Mt. Athos the structure of the collection also gradually
changed and eventually transformed into a library of medieval codeces consisting
mostly of Serbian manuscripts.
This paper looks at the Serbian manuscript codex listed under 22 in the
Collection of the Monastery of St. Panteleimon. It is a miscellany of the lives of saints,
homilies and various texts dating back to the first quarter of the 15th century. The
texts were dedicated to various anchorites and martyrs. The paper specifically looks
at three works in the codex: The life of St. Peter of Korisha, written by Theodosius
of Hilandar; The Homily to Knez Lazar, written by an unknown author (an unknown
monk from the Ravanica Monastery); and the Physiologus. All three texts are the
oldest copies of these works, while the Physiologus is the only preserved copy of the
Slavic translation of the Greek Pseudo-Basilian version of the text. It is this fact that
makes the manuscript codex Panteleimon 22 extremely important for the history of
Serbian and Slavic literature.
274
IV
275
276
. ()
-

. 1387 . -
, . 1 , ,
,
,
1. , ,
,
, ,
2 XIV.
1
Treasures of Mount Athos. Bedition. Thessaloniki, 1997. Il.544; TachiaosA.E. The Slavonic Manuscripts of Saint Panteleimon Monastery (Rossikon) on Mount Athos. Thessaloniki, 1981. P.4749, 17.
2
Vikan G. The Walters Lectionary W.535 (A.D. 1594) and the Revival of Deluxe Greek Manuscript
Production after the Fall of Constantinople// The Byzantine Tradition after the Fall of Constantinople.
University Press of Virginia, Charlottesville and London, 1991. P.181286; CrontG. Le Chypriote Lucas,
vque et mtropolite de Valachie (15831629)//
(, 14-19 1969). , 1973. T.. .4547
. : IorgaN. La Figuration des vanglistes dans lart
roumain et lcole chypriote-valaque// Buletinul Comissiunii Monumentelor Istorice. 1993. 26. P.14;
: RussoD. Studii istorice greco-romne. Bucureti, 1939. T.I. P.157179; PolitisL.:
1)Un copiste minent du XVIIe sicle: Matthieu, mtropolite de Myra// Studia Codicologica. Berlin,
1977. P.375394 (Texte und Unterschungen; 124); 2)Un centre de calligraphie dans les principauts danubiennes au XVIIe sicle// Lucas de Buzu et son cercle. Deuxime Cngrs international des bibliophiles
(Athnes 30 septembre 6 octobre 1977). Athnes, 1977. P.6; 3)Persistances byzantine dans lcriture
liturgique du XVIIe sicle// La Palographie grecque et byzantine. Paris, 1977. P.371373, P.Canart (CanartP. Les critures livresques chypriotes du XIe au XVIe sicle// EKEE. 1988
1989. 17. .2753) M.Politi (Politis-Sakellariadou.
. // Ibid. .81111); GratziouO. Die dekorierten Handschriften des Schreibers Matthaios von Myra
(15961624). Athnes, 1982. .26; ZoumbouliM.D. Lucas de Buzu et les centres de copie de manuscrits
grecs en Moldo-Valachie (XVIeXVIIe sicles). Athnes, 1995, ; -. // . , 1979. .3952; C.
XVI XVIII . , 1995. P.241244; .
XVXVII// . 1980. 3. .3134;
DurovaA. Ltincelle allume Chypre (Rfrence: la collection de manuscrits grecs du Centre de Recherches Slavo-Byzantines Ivan Dujev)// . Studies in honor of prof. R.Browning. Venice,
1996. P.7590; . XVIXVII ;

// XVI .
XVI ., , 1720.10.1994. , 1996. .699714; RadojiSv. Stare srpske miniature. Beograd, 1950. P.5152; J. j. , 1983. .8085, .
277
. ()
___________________________________________________________________
. 1. .1387 .
. (.73)
Cod. slav. 4 (.8),
XIV.3
28, . 7578; ja. j //
. 1985. .21. .323327, . 2, 5, 6 7; :
.: 1) XV-XVII .//
. , 2008. .2636; 2) , // . , 2011. .96 (15). .489497; 3) , //
. 2010. .XVI. .7183;
, : 1456., 1469., 1473.,
1479. ., . (. // . 1999. .21. .315332),
, . ,
XII XIII., - , .
3
DufrenneS., RadojiS., StichelR., evenkoI., BeltingH. Der serbische Psalter. Faksimilenansabe
des Cod. Slav.4. Wiesbaden, 1978. Bd.II. F.8.
278
-...
___________________________________________________________________
XIV.4
XV . 276.

, ,
1456. , 4/14 (.1); 1469. , ,
IIIa47 (.64, 166, 249); 1473.,
3/6 (.369)5.
.
. 2. . V .
4
. // . 1992. 1. .1727; J. .
. , 1972. .1719; DurovaA. La Synthse Slavo-Byzantine dans les manuscrits grecs
ditsde grand luxe, crs en Valachie et en Moldavie aux XVIe-XVIIe sicles// The Greek Script in
the 15th and 16th Centuries. Athnes, 2000. P.499521.
5
. .699714; DurovaA. La Synthse P.513, 516, 518, 519.
279
. ()
___________________________________________________________________

- , ,
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6. ,
-7.
,
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,
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.

XIVXVII .10 ,
,

. -
,
, (XIV.)
11.

XIV .
,
6
BaltruitisJ. Le Moyen Age fantastique. Paris, 1981. P.89; .

.3134.
7
Durova A., Stankova L. Motifs irano-persans et islamiques dans lart chrtien des Balkans,
lpoque postbyzantine // Integrazione, Assimilazione, Exclusione e Relazione Ethnica. A cura di
A.Pavan e G.Giraudo. Venezia, 2012. Vol.IV. P.621.
8
DurovaA. La miniatura bizantina. Milano, 2001. P.8385, ill. 197, 198; DurovaA., StankovaL.
Motifs irano-persans...
9
RadojiSv. Stare srpske miniature. P.14; J. j.
P.133.
10
. - XVXVI . . 1940. II/4. .8999;
. . . , 1981.
. 235, 239, 247, 253, 265, 266, 293; Radoji Sv. Stare srpske miniature. Ill. XXXV, XXXVI,
XXXIX, XL, XLII, XLV.
11
. 4.
280
-...
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1497 ., , 374 (. 8) ,
340 (. 83, 135). XVI
23 ,
12. XVII.
4 , -
XVII., 4/10,
(.16, 70, 369)13.
. 3. . V .
12
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. 51, 63.
DurovaA., StankovaL. Motifs irano-persans... P.621.
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XVXVI. , , ?14
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,
, ,
. -
.
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14
DurovaA. Lenluminure des manuscrits liturgiques grecs des XVIeXVIIIe sicles (Conservatisme
et innovations) // Actes du VIe Colloque International de Palographie Grecque (Drama, 21-27
septembre 2003). Athnes, 2008. Vol.III. P.489-508, ill. 11841198 (Vivlioamphiastis; AnnexeI),
. . 2 .
15
-: DurovaA., StankovaL. Motifs irano-persans... P.621.
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. . . 1. ., 1961; : Akrabova-Jandova I. Reflets de lOrient musulman dans la peinture des icnes postbyzantines en Bulgarie// Actes du XIVe
Congrs International dtudes byzantines, Bucarest (612 septembre 1971). Bucarest, 1976. P.264;
j. -j j XVI XVII ,
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. 19911992. .2728. .229242; .
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J. .2743.
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284
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,
.

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. ,
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, 21.
.
,
,
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,
.
19
: 1456., 4/14 (.1); 1469., , III47 (.64, 166, 249, 424, 534, 740);
1473., 3/6 (.8).
20
RadojiSv. Stare srpske miniature. .5152; J. j.
.133.
21
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//
, . ,
540 .
(1 1469) 120 (18891980), , 2324 2009.
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285
. ()
___________________________________________________________________
1100 ., ,
710/5 Vat. gr.2290 (f.9) 1197.; o Cod.
gr.39 XIII ; Cod. gr.55 XIII.;
Cod. gr.4 XIII.; Vat. gr.1208 (f.15) Vat. gr.1158
XIII.; , Paris, Cod. gr. 543 XIV.;
Auct. T.5. 34 .22
. 6. . 69. V .
22
BuchtalH. Illumination from an Early Paleologan Scriptorium// JB. 1972. 21. S.49-51, ill.57;
BuchtalH., BeltingH. Patronage in XIII Century Constantinople. An Atelier of late Byzantine Book
Illumination Calligraphy // DOS. 1978. XVI. P. 7677, 86, ill. 42, 90; DurovaA. La Synthse
P.506507, 516, 519.
286
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___________________________________________________________________
,
,
,
, ,
, XVI.,
, , ,
,
- . - ,
, , W535
1594. , ,
, Cod.gr.78 XVII.23
XII. XIII., ,
, ,
,

,
. ,
, ,
, .
,
,
, .
XII.,
,
, 710/5, Vat.gr.2290 1197. XIII., ,
-24.
,
23
DurovaA. La Synthse P.515516.

: DurovaA. La Synthse P. 516517; Hutter I. Decorative Systems in
Byzantine Manuscripts and the Scribe as Artist: Evidence from Manuscripts in Oxford// he Word
on the Page, Word and Image. January-march 1996. Vol. 12, 1. P. 422, fig. 4; Ebersolt J. La
miniature byzantine. Paris-Bruxelles, 1926. Pl. LXX, 1, 2; pl.LXXI; BuchtalH., BeltingH. Patronage
in XIII Century Constantinople. P.116121, pl.1617; PelekanidisS.M., ChristouP.C., TsioumiCh.,
KadasS.N. The Treasures of Mount Athos. Illuminated Manuscript Miniatures Headpieces Initial
Letters. Athens, 1974. Vol. I. P. 304305, ill. 4648; Nelson R. Theodore Hagiopetrites. A Late
Byzantine Scribe and Illuminator. Wien, 1991. Vol.I. Pl.8690; vol.II. Pl.5465; KominisA.
. , 1988. .321, .46; ,
: Cod. gr. 4 Auct.T.5.34
. - : Weyl CarrA.
Byzantine Illumination 11501250: the Study of a Provincial Tradition. Chicago, 1987. P.194195,
264; PelekanidisS.M., ChristouP.C., TsioumiCh., KadasS.N. The Treasures of Mount Athos. Vol.I.
P.393394, ill. 20, 21, 26; ,
,
XVIXVII ., XIV.,
Cod.gr. 81 , 1335.; SpatharakisJ. Corpus of Dated Illuminated
Greek Manuscripts to the Year 1453. Leiden, 1981. Vol.I. P.61 (245); vol.II, ill. 442.
24
287
. ()
___________________________________________________________________
, ,
. .1
, ,
,
: ,
,
, ,
, .
. 7. . Vat. gr. 2290. 1197 .
288
-...
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XIV.
XVXVI XVII.
. 25.
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.
: -

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XIV.26
, 21 XV. 69 XVI.27
, , :
1469 (.424) , , IIIa47 28;
. 43 XVI .29; 333,
XVI .30; 354 1514.31;
64, XVI.32; 859, XVI .33;
1/5, XVI .34;
1524, 1534 .35; 27, 1565 .36;
40, XVXVI.,37; 30, XVI .38;
173, 1662.39;
, , 71 (II.b.10), XVII .40;
, , 75 (II.b.14), XVII .41;
, , 72 (II.b.11), XVII .42
25
: VikanG. The Walters Lectionary P.509512.

J. j. .116.
27
. . , 1973. .108; RadojiSv.
Stare srpske miniature. XLd; J. j. 77.
28
RadojiSv. Stare srpske miniature. XLb.
29
Ibid. XLd.
30
Ibid. XLv.
31
. XVI // . 1993. .15.
.31.
32
. 200.
33
. 221.
34
. 261.
35
., ., .
, . , 2009. .I: . .XCII.
36
. . XCIII.
37
. . XCVIII.
38
. . CCXXVIII
39
. . CCXXXIV.
40
., ., ., .
. , 1994. . 70.
41
. . 75.
42
. . 103.
26
289
. ()
___________________________________________________________________

,
. ,
, . .
1387 .,
; 1495 .
(.8)43; 1512.44;
XVI . 486 (15)45; XVI . 484 (136)46;
, 1552 .47

, ,

, , ,
. (
), ,
,
XIV. , ,
,
. ,
, , .
XV XVI. ,
-
,
. ,
,
,
,
. ,
, - ,
,
48. ,
-
- ,
,
XIV.
.
43
: 14941994. , 1994. . 247, . 11.

. . . . . XVI . , 1980. . 16.
45
. - . , 1959. . 249, . 17.
46
. . 251, . 18.
47
- . j, 1536/1537. . , 1986.
. 5; . 2 1512 . . 3
. 1495 .
48
Canard M. Arabes et Bulgares au dbut du Xe sicle // Canard M. Byzance et les musulmans du
Proche Orient. Londres, 1973.
44
290
-...
___________________________________________________________________
, ,
XIV. . .. ,
-
, .
,
.
,
, 50 (
) 1292. 1396.
. ,
, -
,

1387. XIV.
Summary
A. Djurova
To the issue of headpieces-matrices in Slavonic manuscripts
Subject of the report is a well and widely known manuscript from the Monastery of St.
Pantaleon (Pantaleimon), i.e. the Chronicle of Georgius Hamartolus (the Chronicle of Georgii
Amartola) of 1387, and more specifically the only headpiece preserved in f.1 representing
a square with a cross in the centre of the piece, the arms of which are densely filled in with
schematic vegetation motifs stylized twigs, modified into a type of tendrils with a palmetto
motif. This specific type of a headpiece large and square headpieces, filled-in with floral and
interlaced motifs organized around the composition of a cross or a rosette from which beams
radiate in the form of spokes would undergo great evolution in the following centuries.
In addition to continuity observed between the early and the late period of decoration
of Slavonic and Greek manuscripts, these headpieces were transformed into specific
matrices, used for illumination of manuscripts of various content from chronicles
and works on the life of Alexander to Four Gospels, Psalm Books, Homilies of Gregory
of Nazianzus (Gregory the Theologian), liturgies by the great liturgists. However, their
transformation into matrices of this type (loan translations and copies []) as we
later observe them in the manuscripts of Vladislav the Grammarian, where the piercing
marks through the used model can be seen, began as early as in the second half of the
14th century in Serbia, most probably in the coastal areas associated with the Chronicle
of Georgii Amartola and the works on the Life of Alexander, only to come into fashion
via the work of an outstanding calligrapher, Vladislav the Grammarian. He was the
person to write and compile miscellanies unifying not only the spelling, but also the style
of decoration of Slavonic books. From the end of the 15th and the beginning of the 16th
century, as well as through the following centuries, this type of headpieces would be the
most favourite calligraphic motif among Slavonic scribes and, to a certain degree, of the
most outstanding Greek scribes and calligraphers working in the principalities along the
Danube during the post-Byzantine period, i.e. Luke (Luka) and Mathew (Matei).
291
.. (-)

.
.
,

, 1.
, ,
2.
: ,
1884 . . .
XVI-
XIX-3,
,
4.
1
.: . . // . ., 2010. .24. .739740. : EvenM. The Apocalypse by st. John the Theologian in the frescoes, icons and
miniatures of Christian churches. Sofia, 1999.
2
. // . . ., 1975. . 340;
RenaudJ. Le cycle de lApocalypse de Dionision. Interpretation byzantine de gravures occidentales//
Bibliotheque de lEcole des hautes etudes. Sciences religieuses. Paris, 1967. 59 .
3
.. XVI-
XIX-. ., 1884. .1.
4
. . ., 1995; ..: 1)
1- . XVII . //
. 2000. ., 2001. .223241 (. ; . 126); 2)
XV XVII : // : .
. . . ., 2003. . 209225; 3)
. . //
: . . . (-, 1416 2005.). ., 2007.
. 5058. ( ); 4) -
//
(XVIIXX .). ., 2010. .471495, 5) . // .
., 2010. .24. .740745; ..: 1)
// : , ,
. -, 2001. .297302; 2)
( ) //
. ., 2006. . 84118; 3)
. . //
. . ., 2010. .146159; ..
XVIXVIII // . 2009.
1 (21). .4045; Tchernodarov. Kunst der verbannten Kirche: Apokalyptik und das Jngste Gericht in der
sakralen Kunst der russischen Altglaubigentums. Halle, 2006; :
XVIIXIX. / . .., ...
., 2008 .
292
...
___________________________________________________________________
. 1. . , . 1:1018 (2)*
______________
,
. .
293
.. (-)
___________________________________________________________________
. 2. . .
, . 17:15 (53)
,
5 6
XVI .,
, ,
, 7.
? ,
5
,
, . , ,

. ,
.
6

XV. .: .. .164; .
. .32; .. ... .740.
7
1405 .
, ,
(.: . . ., 1990. .13.), , ,
.
.
294
...
___________________________________________________________________
(20 21 )
.
8,
,
XVI XVII. (
) 72 (12 )9.
,

. ,

, .
. 3. . , . 4 5 (1012)
8
. . . ., 1902. . 8992;
.. . .739740.
9
.. ..; .. .740745.
295
.. (-)
___________________________________________________________________

10,
,
,
11.
,
.
XIX . Hortus Delisiarum (XIII .)12.

XV . (Paris, Cod. gr. 239, 1422 .)13.
14.
, ,
, ,
XIV.

XVI . ,
XVI . 1547 .15,
.
,
10
.. .4757; ..
// . . ., 1995. .8, 11 (
. ); .. .
// . ., 2010. .24. .735.
11

( XVII.) , .: WilloughbyY.R. The Elizabeth Day McCormic Apocalypse. I. Chicago, 1940.
12
.. XVI-
XIX-. ., 1884. .1. .5152.
13
.., .. // . ., 2002. .5. .119.
14
. . . 28; . .,
.. . .119.
15
,
XIIXIII:. , -
,
- XII . . ,

. 1405. ,

,
(, .. .: . ., 1999. .6. .440
443, 568 URL: http://pushkinskijdom.ru/Default.aspx?tabid=4992).
, , ,
1416. .: .. //
. . ., 1999. .3053;
. . . 737740
( . ).
296
...
___________________________________________________________________
(.1, 3, 10, 12).
60- . XVI.16

( XVI .)
17.
, ,
1676 ., ( )

().

18.

. (. 2,16),
XVII .: , ,

. 4. . , . 1.
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16321654 .),
20 19.
.. ,
20.
,
, : : 1750 ., . .
16
IV
(15531561, 15631568 .),
5060-. XVI. .:
. .333, 338339.
17
IV
(15271528, 15411546.). .: . .340.
18
(), . . // . ., 2007. .16. .115.
19
.. . .86. .:
. .8992.
20
. . 8889.
297
.. (-)
___________________________________________________________________
21; : 1752 ., 22; :
1783., 40 ; :
; : 1817., . 23.
,
.. 1535. (
. , , 24).

,

,
50-. XIX.
25.
, ,

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1839.
26.

27.

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. , . 2. , . . () ,
764. . . . XIX . . 9 .
XVIII.29
21
.. . ., 1890. .100101.
. .102103.
23
. .104105.
24
. .8687.
25
EvenM. The Apocalypse by st. John the Theologian P.72.
26
.. .51.
27
. . . 91; .
... .340.
28
.. .141.
29
(), .
- . // .
1867. . .140145.
22
298
...
___________________________________________________________________
. 6. . , . 5. , . 167.
. . XVIII . . 139 .
, (
) .. 299
.. (-)
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.30
,

,

XIX .,
31.
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, , XVI . (
1538 .,

1541, 1542 1583 .) 33.
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34,
(. ,
24).
.. 35. XVIIXVIII. ,
, .
,
30
.. .143161.
. .142143 .
32
.. .88.
33
Brunet-DinardH. Le Maitre IF, inspirateur des fresques de lApocalypse de Dionysiou// Gasette des
Beaux-Arts. 1954. 6/XLIV. Dec. P.306316. . : . ...
C.333334.
34
: MilletG. Monuments de lAthon. Paris, 1927. P.206209; EvenM. The
Apocalypse by st. John the Theologian..; URL: http://pravnovosti.ru/blog/2013/01/01/---; URL: http://www.isihazm.ru/?id=384&iid=286 .
35
.. .8992.
31
300
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.
, , XIII. 22 .
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(. ),
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24
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.: Brunet-Dinard H. Le Maitre IF... P. 306316.
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. 10. .
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erminiya.htm
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__________
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, .
72 .
(, , ..).
**
.
*
313
.. (-)
___________________________________________________________________
Summary
V.G.Podkovyrova The Athoss wall paintings and iconography
of the Russian illustrated Apocalypses
The article discusses the sources of the iconography of the image cycles to the text
of John the Revelators Apocalypses in the Orthodox tradition and the connection
of this problem with the iconography of Athos wall paintings. The earliest of
survived cycles of the Athos frescoes on the subject and the Russian manuscripts
with illustrated Apocalypses are dated the same time about the middle of the
16th century. The observed similarity in the iconography is connected greatly not
with the mutual influences, but, probably, with the same sources. They used the
engravings from Western European publications. But important difference of the
frescoes and miniatures cycles deals with the division of the text into parts: 22
in the wall paintings and 72 in manuscript miniatures. Comparison of the cycles,
including a correlation with the description of scenes in the Hermine of Dionysius
from Fourna and images of September Bible (Luthers) shows a larger dependence
of the Greek Post-Byzantine monuments from Western sources and the preservation
of older structural and iconographic elements in the Russian ones.
314
.. ()

V
XVIII XIX

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. . , 1906.
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315
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XIX .
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.: , .
. . . ., 18491853. . I. . 120132, 5156; 8591; . .
- . ., 1897. . 1620;
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. ., 2002. . 124, 91; : . ., 2001. . 239, 242243, 252253, 86, 89, 97; . .
XVXVII : . ., 2002. . 7880, 45; . 171176, 161164; . 90- . ., 2007.
114; - .
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XIX . . 1. . 163176, 456495.
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Summary
V.V.Igoshev
Silver mitre of Patriarch GrigoryV of Constantinople
of Russian made at the end of the 18th-beginning of the 19th centuries
from the Monastery of St. Ilya the Prophet on the island of Santorini
In July 2010, at Orthodox shrines and on the Greek island of Santorini, many
items of clerical possessions and investiture had been surveyed, with a purpose to
reveal the works of Russian clerical arts among them. The present article is about the
silver mitre (liturgical headdress) of the Patriarch GrigoryV of Constantinople, kept
under a glass cover in a small museum (depository) of the Monastery of St. Ilya the
Prophet, located on the highest point of the island of Santorini.
326

710/5 286, 287
(NB)
Cod. slav. 63 228
()
21 289

1/5 289
4/7 239, 239 (. 19), 240243, 248, 251254
4/8 270
4/10 281
4/14 279, 285 (. 19)
3/6 279, 285 (. 19)
327

()
19 210
. ()
17 71
64 289
150 186
289 66
432 66
518 185
530 185
605 213
859 289
906 185
916 186
961 213
1036 229, 229 (. 25)
1380 210
1039 270
- ()
27 289
30 289
40 289
340 281
374 281
1524 289

Vat. gr. 862 246
Vat. gr. 1158 286
Vat. gr. 1208 286
Vat. gr. 2290 286, 287, 288
Vat. ttoboni gr. 14 245
328

Auct. T. 5. 34 286, 287 (. 24)
Barocci 40 246

Wuk. 48 70
Cod. gr. 24 246

Cod. slav. 4 278
(EBE)
, 1027 245
Cod. gr. 32 168

( . )
-216 258
Z-55 185
329

Cod. gr. 39 286
Cod. gr. 4 284, 286, 287 (. 24)
54 66
71 (II.b.10) 289
72 (II.b.11) 289
75 (II.b.14) 289
92 55
107 237
134 (III..9) 247
281 267
287 208, 209, 209 (. 16 18)
288 210
289 212
290 214
291 215
293 216
295 218
297 220
()
Cod. gr. 55 286
Cod. gr. 277 258
Cod. gr. 520 168
,
Cod. gr. 3 244
Cod. gr. 178 168
330

,
5 268
9 181
11 268, 269 (. 14)
17 268
18 268
20 269
22 267, 269, 270, 270 (. 24), 272
81 209, 209 (. 16 18)
Chil. AS 132/134 172, 175

Chil. AS 156 172, 176
,
. 14 210
. 15 76
. 79 180
. 142 185
. 167 213
. 236 186
. 254 181
. 299 47 (. 3), 55
. 300 51
. 301 52
. 307 267
. 308 267
. 332 193, 193 (. 2), 198, 200
. 392 236, 236 (. 9)
. 404 235, 235 (. 3), 236, 236 (. 9), 237, 238, 238 (. 16),
239 (. 20), 240, 241, 241 (. 22), 242246, 248
. 422 210
. 455 223, 224, 227229
. 471 210
. 474 257, 257 (. 14)
. 479 270, 270 (. 24)
331
. 482 271
. 505 271
. 569 181 (. 13)
. 799 270
Cod. gr. 78 287

Cod. gr. 127 30
.
Cod. gr. 81 287 (. 24)
.
Sin. slav. 19 74
Sin. slav. 23 73

Cod. gr. 43 195
Cod. gr. 260 246

. 13 175
332
Cod. gr. 523 ( .10) 246
.
Marc. Gr. II 9 259 (. 23)
Marc. Gr. II 168 244/245
. ()
F 19142 184
F 19144 187
F 19145 184, 187, 191 (. 36)
F 19154 184, 191 (. 36)
F 19163 184
F 19170 184
F 19173 184

Akc. 2625 188
Akc. 2812 189
333
- - ()
5636/399 262 (. 1)
399 263 (. 5)
()
. 1153 211
. 1-. 78 (. 25)
. 9-. 174
. 236 265 (. 13)
. 45 258
. 46 258
. 198 258
. 213 226
. 337 200 (. 60)
. 383 257, 257 (. 14), 258
. 435 200 (. 60)
. 558 199
. 742 77 (. 24)
. 905 176
. . 241 259
. 46 170
. 56-F 31
. 497 258
. 18-. 77 (. 24)
. 168 186
. 15 77 (. 24)
. 167 262
()
. 1 226 (. 18), 229 (. 25)
. 462 77 (. 24)
. 506 265 (. 13)
334
. 571 101 (. 8)
. 21.2/.1703.2 239 (. 19), 252 (. 37)
. 28 /.1708 50
. 37/.1719 267
. 42/.1725 66
. 6 308
. 253 265, 265 (. 13)
. 543 78
. 1055 258
. 1056 258
80 258
81 258
152 77 (. 24)
154 226 (. 18)
168 199, 199 (. 45, 47 49)
. 500 265 (. 13)
109 265 (. 14)
. 138 265 (. 13)
. 562 77 (. 24)
. 34 101 (. 8)
. 445 77 (. 24)
11 168
167 226, 226 (. 20)
169 226, 226 (. 20)
174 226, 226 (. 20)
175 226, 226 (. 20)
182 226, 226 (. 20)
185 226, 226 (. 20)
190 226, 226 (. 20)
209 265 (. 13)
216 87 (. 19)
253 85 (. 14)
308 226 (. 18)
385 87 (. 21)
399 86 (. 16)
468 188
469 188
481 187
482 187
490 188
491 189
669 77 (. 24)
335
704 226, 226 (. 20)

746 77
753 226, 226 (. 18 20)
757 226, 226 (. 20)
766 226 (. 18), 229 (. 25)
. 1321 258
()
, 591 109 (. 58), 110 (. 60)
, 1597 262 (. 1)
. 16 225, 226, 226 (. 18), 227, 228, 229
-
()
. . 532 308
. . 141 258
. 13 172
. 47 209, 209 (. 18)
. . 16.3.13 199, 199 (. 47)
. . 16.18.4 297, 300, 301, 304, 310, 311
. . 33.5.10 307
. . 33.8.14 265 (. 13)
. 167 299
. . 13 223, 223 (. 2), 224, 225, 226, 226 (. 18), 227, 228, 229
. . 764 298, 311, 312
. . 1328 302, 306
( ) ()
, . 23, 123 309 (. 52)
()
. 34 239, 239 (. 17 19), 240, 241, 241 (. 22), 242, 248251
. 249 200
.-. 45/1284 77
.-. XII 265, 266
, F..I.26 174, 175
, F..IV.1 95 (. 24)
336
, Q..I.15 70
, Q..I.39 267
, Q..I.40 66
, F.I.476 77 (. 24)
, F.II.80 265 (. 13)
. 31 225, 225 (. 15), 226229
. 246 265 (. 13)
. 87/87 258
. 88/88 258
. 89/89 258
. 470/489 258
. 1276 225, 226 (. 18), 227229
, II/ 213 200
()
69 286, 289
135 258
276 279
286 186
358 186
361 180, 181
()
84 185
140 258
153 186
173 289
354 289
716 198
()
6 ( ) 175
26 223, 223 (. 2), 225, 227, 228
337
43 51
59 270
333 289
647 180, 181, 182
()
70 47 (. 3), 51
116 196 (. 26)
158 198
()
43 289
, . 28 47 (. 3), 51
,
32 180, 181, 182
35 181
111 47 (. 3)
,
2 185
,
36 185
67 54
( )
41 181
,
28 196
(J)
J, 2 209, 209 (. 18)
338

W 535 287
. . . ()
. 567 187
299 258
. 104 (105) 199
. . . ()
. . . , 450/1 188
. , 48 188
. . . . , 59 188
. , 91 190
. , 687 188
. , 778 188
. () ()
-245 187
-341 189
-476 187
-588 187
-641 188
-723 188
339

. . . ()
, 1/119 31
. . . ()
, 819019 189
, 819107 189
, 819291 189
(NBF)
Cod. gr. 239 296
Cod. gr. 476 200, 200 (. 60)
Cod. gr. 699 246
Cod. gr. 2509 200, 200 (. 58)
Cod. gr. 543 286
Cod. slav. 8 75
(/HAZU)
II d 139 75 (. 12)
III a 47 51, 258, 279, 285 (. 19), 289
III c 24 270
340

. 22 223, 225, 227, 228

19 186
56 55
57 47 (. 3)
IX F 10 ( 14) 51
IX F 21 ( 15) 52
341

, j, j

( )

EKEE
BHG Bibliotheca hagiographica Graeca / Ed. Fr. Halkin. Bruxelles, 1957.Vol. 3.
CPG Clavis Patrum graecorum / ed. M. Geerard. Brepols-Turnhout, 1974 998.
T. IV.
DOS Dumbarton Oaks Studies
JB Jahrbuch der sterischen Byzantinistik
PG Patrologiae cursus completus. Series Graeca / Ed. J. P. Migne. Vol. 1161.
Paris, 18571866.

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Chil. AS ()
Escorial Monastery and Site of the Escorial (Madrid)
HAZU Hrvatska Akademija znanosti i umjetnosti (Zagreb), ,
Iviron () ()
Lavra ( . ) ()
Marc. Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana (Venezia)
NBF Bibliothque Nationale de France (Paris)
NB sterreichische Nationalbibliothek (Wien)
Wuk. . .
344

I
M. Merlini (Rome)
Founding a Latin monastery on Mount Athos: the challenge of Apothikon,
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VV ................................................................................................................73
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XV XVI .....................................................................................................90
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XVII ..........................................................................................113
345
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XVIIIXIX
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XIIIXIV ............................................................167
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XIII XIV .............................................................................................................179
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. , . . 23

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Leo, the Beneventan founder of an Amalfitan monastery

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Founding a Latin monastery on Mount Athos...

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Founding a Latin monastery on Mount Athos...

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Founding a Latin monastery on Mount Athos...

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Image 4. The heraldic panel in white marble carved with a single-headed

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Founding a Latin monastery on Mount Athos...

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