Back numbers available Please write to The Northeastern Monthly 313, Jampattah Street, Colombo 13Wortheastern Northeastern ‘Monthly 313, Jampattah Street, Colombo 13 Telephone 2389848 August 2005 ‘Wok: 2 No. § Editorial Page 3 Government action in Trincomalee leaves Tamils with no way out Politics Page 4 Why Chandrika will not disarm Karuna Issues Page 6 Religious anger exacerbate tensions in ethnically divided Sri Lanka Development Page 8 Capturing Northeast’s savings for southern investment Arts Page 1 Theatre as social therapy: the beginnings Page 13 for Tamils, Sri Lankans, those occupying the space in between Society Page 14 Lack of guidance leads Jaffna youth tosjray 3 Religion Page 19 Ritwals refashion politics, power relations between social groups in Batticaloa Conflict Page 22 Aceh deal may give regional parties a chance Children Page 24 Sightless victims of blind bombing Cover picture Civil society groups protesting ‘against racism, Pic by S. Somitharan ‘August 2005 Pon Government action in Trincomalee leaves Tamils with no way out hile we await the final determination of the Supreme Court on the cconstitutionality of P-TOMS. the interim order, though it might have certain features favouring the Tamils, has to be seen in the context of different court rulings that have been thoroughly ‘unhelpful to the Tamils in the past. Two recent examples Will suffice In the case of the Mailanthanai massacre committed by the Sri Lanka army in 1992, which human rights activists fought tooth and nail to bring to trial by jury rather than before a commission of inquiry appointed by the ‘executive, the accused military officers were acquitted, despite the trial judge’s pleas to consider the evidence impartially. It was open to the ‘government through its attomey general (AG) to file a revision against the verdict, but the AG chose not to exercise it citing a flimsy excuse there was no precedent for such a thing when the jury acquitted the accused. At Bindunuwewa, where villagers of the area murdered 27 inmates of a correction facility in October 2000 while the police refused to intervene, the SC acquitted all the officers concerned, including the policemen, forthe lack of evidence. In a statement the Asian Human Rights Commission said, “There is clearly also a failure on the part of the prosecutors in Sri Lanka; a failure that lies with the Attorney General’s department itself. The department should not have filed indictments against persons if they did not have sufficient evidence to prove a case successfully before a court.” ‘Though repeated acts of discrimination by the state, including the judiciary, led the Tamils to take up arms, they were willing to enter a ceasefire agreement (CFA) in 2002. In the negotiations that followed, the LTTE settled toexplore the possibilities of setting up a federal form of government on the basis on internal self-determination, Despite its express intention of exploring the possibility of working federal arrangements within the state system and agreeing to suspend the use arms by honouring the CFA. the acts of discrimination against the Tamils have continued apace. Itwas this impasse that Jed to the Tamils reviving a form of protest that had long ceased to be put into practice due tits lack of efficacy ~ mass protests by mobilising civilians. InMay asituation arose in Trincomalee that compelled the people to come outin protest. An act of blatant discrimination was committed when a statue of the Buddha was erected at a public place, in a town where, in the past, such sensitivities resulted in bloodshed. As tensions and violence grew, the only way out was recourse to legal action. In ‘consequence, the government instituted action in the District Court of ‘Trincomalee that the installation of the statue was illegal. Buton 18 July, in the wake of a fundamental rights petition filed a Buddhist monk in the Supreme Court, the AG agreed to withdraw the action in the District Cour if the petitioner withdrew the FR application. Seeking justice from courts was the only way a serious breach of the law caused by civil violence was thwarted in Trincomalee. However, once this, expedient to prevent the brake down of law and order was no longer necessary, the government's chief legal officer withdrew the action, thereby encouraging miscreants, as long they belong to the ‘correct’ ethnic group, to violate the law. Torecapitulate: Tamils, disgusted by Aiscrimination resort to armed warfare. Afier 20 years they agree to negotiations to give peace achance, Negotiations are stalled, though acts of discrimination continue to abound. To fight discrimination, while honouring the CFA, mass protests are mounted. “The: government promises legal steps to reclfy the discrimination and violation of the law. Butonce the threat of civil unrest passes, the AG withdraws action in the District Court. This series of actions and ccounteractions leave only one possible solution for the Tamils. The question is will the government take steps to persuade them not to take it.Wortheastern Why Chandrika will not disarm Karuna By T. Sittampalam. ix words of late President J. R. Jayewardene stand the test of time. They were uttered in reference to President Chandrika Kumaratunga and the PA government of 1994. It was when Kumaratunga, who in the first flush of office had declared she would abolish the presidency, but was having second thoughts about it as time went on. Jayewardene, was to say on that ‘occasion, “They speak foolishly, but act wisely.” Nothing has changed 10 years later. Though Colombo is on record stating it would be unbowed by ultimatums set by the LTTE, better counsel has obviously prevailed. Urged by sections of civil society and the international community, the government peace secretariat has initiated discussions with the LTTE on defusing the crisis that has arisen about the CFA. ‘As far as the LTTE is concerned. problems most urgently in n.ed of addressing are twofold: (1) providing escort to LITE personnel crossing govemment-controlled territory and 2) bringing to ahalt the assassination of LTTE personnel in the east and elsewhere. This is not to say lapses on the part of the government on implementing other provisions in the CFA are unimportant to the Tigers, but the above two are obviously priority ‘There has been a flurry of activity at the president's office too, to make the effort of implementing the CFA visible. Kumaratunga’s hand i no doubt strengthened by the interim order issued by the Supreme Court on the joint mechanism that acknowledges the validity of the CFA. The textof the joint mechanism too, specifically refers to the CFA, thereby stating the government's commitment to abide by it ‘The ultimatum by the Tigers resulted in the four co-chairs of the Tokyo Conference representing the international community - the United States, Norway, Japan and the European Union — to call on the president to express their concern and urge her to take steps in the direction of implementing the CFA strictly According to the communiqué issued by the president's office at the end of the meeting with the co-chairs, quoted by the Daily Mirror of 26 July 2005, “The government does not condone nor support the activities of the former LTTE President Chandrika Kumaratunga Karuna cadres of the ‘Karuna’ group or any others who are engaged in clashes with the LTTE in the Northem and Eastern Province.” While Kumaratunga is no doubt responding to pressure put on her by the LTTE, the co-chairs and sections of Sti Lanka's civil society, the question remains whether the Karuna group could be effectively and comprehensively disarmed by the president, and even if it could be, whether she would wish to do so. The answer to both is “no. The first consideration is political. Itis undeniable that the Karuna defection has been the most significant split that has occurred within the LTTE. Whether we like it or not, it has led to the LTTE having been placed on the back foot— at least in the east ~ and having to take steps to rethink its security. What is more, unlike in the case of Mahaththaya’s dispute with the Tiger leadership, the rebel in this instance ~ Karuna ~is in a position to be handled and used by the Sri Lanka government. Except for diplomatic pressure and Tiger ultimatum there is nothing to suggest that anybody else is interested in dislodging Karuna. Can a leader who placed such importance on talking to the LTTE on her terms, afford the political fallout of dropping Karuna? The SLFP is, after all, a party that will go to the presidential elections within a year. Even if Kumaratunga might not support the candidate nominated by her party entirely, the SLFP traditionally draws strongly on the nationalist, Sinhala-Buddhist vote. And itis this vote, which her party is handing over on a platter to the JVP. ‘August 2005Northeastern Ifthe SLEP wants to win elections in the future, it needs the JVP’s support. Even ifit fails to gett, the SLFP cannot afford to lose any more support from the core of its vote base ~ nationalist-minded Sinhalese. There is no alternate group Kumaratunga or her party can draw from because the minorities, the liberal Sinhalese and big business will not vote for them. They would vote UNP. Second, it is an open secret that the security forces, especially military intelligence, are harbouring Karuna. To them itis the biggest break in years after defeats began intensifying, culminating in the debacle at Elephant Pass and reinforced by losses for the air force at Katunayake. This led to the military balance tilting favour of the LTTE, which was the basis for the Tigers to initiate talks. Tothe government that spent the last couple of years arming and retraining despite the ceasefire, Karuna has come asa godsend. The unrivalled knowledge of insiders of conditions within the ‘enemy ranks is always invaluable for deploying efficiently whatever military assets an army has. This is true both while the ceasefite is in operation, and if war breaks out. ‘When ceasefires are in operation, and there is no open confrontation between rival forces, itis well known that opposing ‘militaries maintain strategic balance by outwitting each other’s security intelligence. Itis this contest, which has brought about a spate of killings and ‘count-killingsin eastern Sri Lanka, And Karuna’s information about his former friends would obviously be heavily in demand by the army to penetrate and POUTcs What is more, unlike in the case of Mahaththaya’s dispute with the Tiger leadership, the rebel in this instance — Karuna — is ina Position to be Pam Third, what tends to be forgotten about Karuna is that the political party allegedly involved in making contact with him first, was the UNP. An embarrassing revelation compelled Alizaheer Moulana, a former UNP member of parliament for Batticaloa, to be made a scapegoat and asked to quit Buthe was only a go-between — the channel is supposed to lead to the very core of the party. Therefore, there is an interest in the south to keep Karuna going, whichever party isin power. Fourth, Karuna’s differing political involvements are well known. The ENDLF and Minister Douglas Devananda’s EPDP allegedly back him. Devananda is the only ally the SLFP can boast of in northeast who can deliver (unlike V. Anandasangaree who cannot). The presence of Karuna helps not only Devananda’s security concerns ~ it is known he has been targeted by the LTTE many times ~but also his political ambitions. Karuna would be invaluable for any individual orparty fightingelectionsin the easton an anti-LTTE/TNA ticket. Anda Karuna withoutams and without military muscle will not be as appealing to the ‘people in the east as Karuna armed and seen as a potent rival of the LTTE, and ‘an equal partner of the southem forces backing him, rather than a mere client. Fifth, what would be Indian reaction if Karuna were disarmed? Indeed not only India but other regional and international intelligence networks would gain a lot in keeping Karuna militarily well-provided. Also, while anti LTTE groups and individuals backed by regional forces such as Devananda and neutrslise LTTE intelligence handled and used by x vaathasjaporunel havecome wd In the event war resumes, Karuna’s gone, the fact that Karuna is primarily knowledge of the terrain, armaments, the government a soldier and not a politician does not deployment and tactics would make him vital, There isa schoo! of thought within the Sri Lankan establishment that believes the LTTE has bided by the CFA despite many provocations because it fears Karuna has divulged its inner operations to the enemy. This might be wrong analysis of the LTTE’s motives, but what is important to note is that as long as people think in this fashion they will not abandon Karuna, Finally, even ifthe military wants to dump Karuna it will not be able to do so, because it will give all the wrong signals to future quislings, who would think twice before trusting the Sri Lanka military. The security apparatus has, today, achieved a great degree of autonomy from the civilian establishment and come to play a very important role in national decision making, The military's wishes cannot be disregarded. There is communication between the security and political establishments through the chief of defence staff (now Rear ‘Admiral Daya Sandagiri), but though he might be mindful of political considerations, he cannot sacrifice the military's interests for political advantage (if any), ‘Aust 2005 escape anybody’s notice. Therefore, a number of factors militate against the president and the UPFA government from actually disarming Karuna. It might be that a show of disarming might take place, but doing it tothe point of making him inoperative appears unlikely in the near future. Or he ‘might be required to keep a low profile until the storm clouds roll over, before he begins again. Letusnot forget that pressure imposed by the intemational ‘community, including the co-chairs, forced Kumaratunga to sign the joint mechanism. But today, the joint mechanism is, lifeless and inoperable, while the president has a good excuse: the Supreme Court has pronounced sections of it are "unconstitutional. Similarly, the president is quite capable of dodging neutralising the Karuna group after promising the co-chairs she would do so. After all, Karuna is, in certain ways, more important for the survival of the state than the joint mechanisn Ifshe succeeds in outwitting the co-chairs Kumaratunga might say to herself, “I appear to speak foolishly, but | certainly act wisely.”Buddhist monks protesting: Mixing religion with politics Religious anger exacerbates tensions in ethnically divided Lanka By Professor Ber ri Lanka's religious controversies have, over the ears, been a thomy, problematic issue in national nd political life, as well as in society. ‘The island of Sri Lanka, more popularly known till independence from British colonial rule in February 1948 as Ceylon, lost its maritime regions to Portuguese adventurers, and later, in 1505, to the over-lordship of Portugal. But according to indigenous chronicles such as the Mahavansa and the Culavansa, forces under strong rulers from South India had assailed Sri Lanka's territorial integrity from even earlier times. Owing to Sri Lanka’s proximity to India the intrusion of South Indian rulers, most notably, Bara, and Sena and Guttika, facilitated the spread of Hinduism in the island. There remain, ‘archaeological and architectural evidence of Hindu influence from this period, as well as hallowed places of worship close to Mannar and Trincomalee, and at Kataragama in the south. ‘The most substantial incursion and intrusion into Sri Lanka was the 70-year rule of the island from Polonnaruwa. ‘Thereafier, insecurity bedeviled Sinhalese rulers so greatly that they shifted capitals away from proximity toIndiaending, finally at Kotte in the southwest. ‘The Portuguese introduced Christianity by using force, or ‘material benefits such as administrative and fiscal positions, and colorful rituals and ceremonials, to lure the Buddhists, and Hindus to Christianity. The men who formed the. Portuguese cohorts came merely to serve on conquered territory and were not cultured, educated or trained. They ‘were mostly from the ranks of society's undesirables. The um Bastiampillai priests accompanying the Portuguese invaders however were benton securing “spices and Christians” andit was they who cevangelised the heathen with the intention of recruiting them into the fold of the faithful. ‘The Portuguese left behind a residue of Christians, some of themeven surviving persecution and disfavour demonstrated by the Dutch who replaced the Portuguese in 1658 as governors of Sri Lanka's Maritime Provinces. The Dutch preached their faith (Protestantism) and converted local people by giving material rewards. By the ninth century, followers of Islam too had ventured into Sri Lanka as sea faring merchants who, during early colonial times, engaged in trade with the natives. As the Portuguese-Islam rivalry grew with time, some of the foreign followers of Islam settled on the southern coast and coastline, and thereafter moved into the island’s interior. Thus Islam was, in addition to Buddhism and Hinduism, another religion vying with Roman Catholicism to claim adherents and followers in the maritime districts of Sri Lanka. Tothis cocktail of religions, additions followed when other Christian sects — Protestant denominations such as ‘Anglicanism and Methodism joined, with the coming of the British who took over the island in 1796. Today we have Pentecosts, the Assembly of God and other sects too. all which fall within the broad, inclusive category of Christianity Important. al religions came to Sri Lanka from overseas. Buddhism was introduced through emissaries sent by Emperor ‘Asoka the Mauryan ruler, after he fought the last war of his reign in Kalinga. Sickened by the images of death and destruction brought about by war, Asoka chose to be passive, ‘nugnst 2006Tortheastern Compassionate and tolerant. But, ironically, as it spread in SH ‘Lanka and further eas, this peaceful, non-violent philosophy, grew to foster aggressive and in fact violent tendencies. Similarly, even Hinduism, whose scriptures preach righteousness and justice, did not communicate these qualities successfully to believers in Sri Lanka or elsewhere, at least, tothe extent prescribed inits texts. ‘Over the years, Buddhist monks have wielded considerable influence by ascribing to themselves special and higher status, thereby leading the way for Buddhism and its followers to assume a position of dominance over the adherents of other religions. This has translated into members of this religious group having very considerable clout in national as well as, politcal life, Ethnic divisions that are plaguing Sri Lanka and the protracted hostility between the Sinhalese and Tamils could have been peacefully resolved in 1957 f the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam, agreement had not been scuttled, or later in the 1960s when the Dudley Senanayake-Chelvanayakam agreement was disallowed. ‘Theroleplayedby the Buddhist monksin overturning these moves towards an amicable settlement, and the obstacles they placed to preventthe resolution of the Sinhala-Tamil differences have led toatragic end. Incontemporary Sti Lanka, Buddhist monks have formed apolitical party of their own — the Jathika Hela Urumaya (GHU) —entered parliament and are taking adirect and active part in politics, which is a new feature in our national life. ‘The roles played by some of these religious personalities in an overwhelmingly Sinhala-majority Sri Lankan polity have fortified the lack of confidence and trust the minority communities, more pointedly the Tamils, have inthe Sinhalese. Buddhism gains special mention in Sri Lanka's constitution, and an assurance of governmental assistance to sustain and. foster it. The constitution of the Republic accords Buddhism “the foremost place” and that it shall be “the duty of the state to protect and foster the Buddha sasana.” Then the chiefs or leaders of the different sects of Buddhism especially the mahanyakes of the Malwatta and Asgiriya chapters are accorded special, singular respect and honor. Other religions are merely lumped together and are no more than doctrines the state would permit its respective adherents, to follow. The constitution assures to all faiths rights granted by articles 10 and 14(1) (e), which is “the freedom either by himself or in association with others, and eitherin public or in private to manifest his eligion or belief in worship, observance, practice and teaching.” Therefore, equality in respect of religion is not assured in the constitution because primacy is ensured to Buddhism. After the tsunami, certain dignitaries from Sri Lanka’s most popularreligion, some of then monks, have provoked problems that could deter an equitable distribution of relief and rehabilitation tathe northeast. which is mostly inhabited by the minorities, who suffered terribly from the ruthless tidal wave that damaged and destroyed property and took away lives. ‘That Buddhism enjoys a status of primus inter pares was ‘demonstrated in relation tothe president's plan to disburse aid as relief in the tsunami-affected areas. Buddhist monks and prelates became so agitated that they spared no effort to use the courts to scuttle the idea. ‘August 2005 ran] ‘Coupled with the aggressive stance of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), the monks have been an obstacle to the reconciliatory moves made by President Chandrika Kumaratunga to act in an equitable, humanitarian manner towards all citizens, even if they be from the minority ‘communities, in particular the Tamils and Muslims. The president has been pushing foreign donor assistance for rehabilitating tsunami devastated areas to be distributed fairly, rather than deploying such funds only in places where there are Sinhala majorities. ‘These acts of religious extremism were preceded in the last several years by allegations that Christian evangelists were forcibly converting Buddhists to Christianity. In May, a JHU ‘member of parliament who is also a Buddhist monk presented in the House a draft anti-conversion bill to prevent forced religious conversions. In June, Ratnasiri Wickremanayake, minister of Buddhist Affairs in the ruling United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA), submitted the government's draft anti-conversion bill tocabinet. Considerable public discussion on these bills has been generated and many, including government officials, have expressed concern about such legislation. The anti- conversion bills come on top of regular acts of arson on churches by suspected Buddhist extremists ~on the pretext that these religious institutions have been indulging in forcible conversions. According toa statementby the U.S Department of State in Washington D.C titled “US releases 2004 International Religious Freedom report in Sri Lanka’ there was an overall decline of religious freedom due to the actions of extremists. “In late 2003 and early 2004 Buddhist extremists destroyed Christian churches and harassed and abused pastors and congregants.” There were “over 100 accounts of attacks on Christian church buildings and members, several dozens of which were confirmed by diplomatic observers.” According to non-governmental bodies, in a majority of| instances, the police failed to protect citizens and churches from attack. To the extent outlined above, Sri Lanka is not a totally or truly secular state. Religious discord could be severely dangerous and disruptive. As stated by the English writer Nevil Figgis, “Political liberty is the residuary legatee of ecclesiastical animosities.” Even today, religious differences and hostility account for polarisation as demonstrated in places as far- flung as freland, Iraq and Israel. In Sri Lanka since 1956, Sinhala-Tamil linguistic and ethnic differences provoked violence and the country had to pay a very heavy price for it. Now religion of the majority is becoming another divisive factor between communities causing irreparable division between the Buddhist majority and other religions groups. Can this small island put up with this hazard? Only governments of a secular state equidistant from all religions can avert such a peril. Professor Bertram Bastiampillai, former dean of the Faculty of Arts, and: professor of history at the University of Colombo was also the parliamentary commissioner for administration (Ombudsman) after retiring from the university.Wortheastera Capturing Northeast’s savings for southern investment This the first part of an article on how successive Sri Lankan governments have devised infrastructure to channel household savings in the northeast for investment and development of southern Sri Lanka Savings and investments are key * ingredients to long-run economic = growth When a country saves a large A= portion of its current gross domestic product. “"®* (GDP), more resources become available for 1 investmentin the form of capital inthe future. Because capital is a . produced , factor of production, ifthe economy produces a large quantity of new capital goods, the stock of capital increases enabling the economy to produce in the long run more of all types of goods and services. However, forthe / sla bove < / 8 macroeconomic expectation to # materialise, >” savings need to be 2) actually mobilised at the microeconomic level. Unless households withhold currentconsumption and save a part of their income, a country’s saving . levelscannot either be sustained or “increased. A / major prerequisite to initiate savings is, therefore, _ sufficient ‘production in By Professor V. thiyanandam_ the form of GDP so that people could first satisfy their basic consumption needs, But once essential requirements are fulfilled, then, the surplus income left needs to be channelled {nto savings, arresting the propensity for further consumption. The most effective manner in which the latter could be accomplished depends on the efficient organisation of a country’s financial system. The financial system consists of institutions, which accept, inthe first instance, the household. savings generating an additional income for them and, then, disburse the accumulated savings to people who want to borrow at acost for financing their investments Thus, institutions within the financial system coordinate savers and borrowers, creating respectively an income and a cost. Such financial institutions could be divided into two categories: financial markets and financial intermediaries. Financial markets are institutions through which savers directly supply funds to borrowers. The stock market and the treasury bill market are the two most common examples. Financial intermediaries are, on the other hand, institutions through which savers indirectly provide funds to borrowers. The term ‘intermediary’ reflects the role of these institutions in standing between savers and borrowers. Commercial banks forrn the most widely used financial intermediary. Concurrently, the government too performs its own saving and investment functions utilising mainly the tax revenue it collects from households and firms. In the end, the entre savings in acountry (national savings) should be equivalent tothe total investments, within that country. In mathematical symbols, the relationship is expressed as $ = J, where S denotes savings and I, the investments. While discussing savings and investments in the NorthEast (NE), such a theoretical prelude is rather essential to bring out the unique nature of the link between the two variables, which. actually leads to the problems concerning the NE. The implied logic behind the above explanation is that the same set of people, confined within a given economy. are engaged in both saving and investment activities, giving rise to mutual benefits tothe parties involved: savers translate their surplus earnings into additional income and borrowers satisfy their required capital needs for investment purposes. The process, in the ‘meantime, results in further growth of the said economy. When breakdown in some form occurs, however, between people ‘who saveand those investing, itcould, lead to certain distortions in terms of growth and development. While itis true that savers would continue to receive their rewards for saving in the form of interestor dividend payments, the actual transformation of the accumulated savings into investments can take place in an entirely different location ‘August 2006Fisheries: no use of technology or value addition helping a different set of people. But it is the latter, which forms the real key towards development: whereas, benefits derived from the former constitute only an additional source of income to individuals who were engaged in the saving function. The amount of income the source yields depends, onthe other hand, very much on te existing business conditions or the prevailing interest rates. But investments, at the other end of the scale, would bring in potentially much larger ‘macroeconomic benefits, which would eventually trickle down icro level advantages: more jobs. additional income, and higher standard of living with better health, education, recreationete. When the above scenario of a functional or behavioural breakdown between savings and investments is applied to the NE vis-2-vis the rest of Sri Lanka SL), the socioeconomic implications, even in the absence of concrete statistical evidence, are not very difficult to understand. At the outset, it is necessary to be convinced that, even though the NE is, in de jure terms, still part of Sri Lanka, there exists a de facto clement separating it from the rest ofthe island. Itis, therefore, quite rational to consider. among various other macroeconomic indicators for the region, the saving and investment performance including the linkage between the two. But, unfortunately, Sri Lankan statistics on these two Variables are not available on a district or provincial basis. ‘The Central Bank of Sti Lanka, which has, for example, ‘assembled data on loans and advances made by commercial banks for investing functions, presented them only by ‘purpose’ (Central Bank of Sti Lanka, Economic and Social Statistics of Sri Lanka 2004, p.106). It did not expand the statistics to ‘August 2005 ran 9 ional distribution of the investments. If data on the financial system operating in the NE do exist, then, it would really be easier to gauge the relationship between savingsand investment and highlight any prevailing anomalies. However, in the absence of any such particulars, one has to rely on empirical observations and a factual analysis of available evidence to deduce any relevant conclusions. ‘The de-link between saving and investment in the NE has, in fact, been an outcome of the political economy experience the region encountered from colonial times. Opportunities for large-scale private investment had, from the beginning, remained highly curtailed mainly because ruling governments (whether colonial or national) failed to extend the nec essary supportive role. Despite the relatively harsh nature of the bulk of the natural resources, the state never came forward to study its potential and provide the required infrastructural as well as technological facilities for such resources to be usefully harnessed. In fact, governments did not incorporate any of the resources (both fertile and infertile) of the NE into their macroeconomic policy framework and guide the private sector into suitable action (see author's article in The Northeastern Monthly, Vol.2, No.2, May 2005). Consequently, there were, within the region, only two major industries, which somewhat utilised the natural resources with an industrial potential and both, the cement factory at Kankesanturai and the chemical factory at Paranthan, were located in the North. Moreover, both were state-owned enterprises, but now defunct. The ‘only other major industry of the NE is the paper manufacturing, at Valaichenai in the East, partially operative at present. But even these could not create a spin-off effect leading to further investments either with private or state initiative. The inherent Political elementensconced in setting-up these ventures, made them, perhaps, lone efforts rather than continuous investments flowing from any conerete industrial policy. Its, therefore, not very surprising that there was acomplete ‘freeze’ of any further growth. Agricultural investments, on the other hand, though widespread in the NE covering a large number of areas, including fishing and livestock, cannot in any way be termed as ‘large-scale’ or ‘far-reaching’ with increased use of modern technology or value-addition. This is also true of the variety of activities in the services sector. All of these could be described as ‘micro’ or ‘small’ or, at best, as ‘medium’ level efforts and entirely belonged to private individuals and households. Nevertheless, they never attempted to cross this benchmark and involve ina process integration leading toa floating of firms or joint stock companies. This would have elevated the stature of the investments and contributed compatibly towards the development of a more organised private sector. The birth of agro-based industries would have been within easy reach. But, there had been a total blank in thisdirection and the highest point they achieved in this context had been the producer cooperatives with a welfare connotation, ‘Yet, it cannot be denied that even small-scale enterprises could form the basis for the gradual build-up of household savings, awaiting investment outlets as cupital. Reinvestment in the same activities had always been an option. But, thern state lethargy in providing the supportive extension services coupled with, perhaps, alack of innovation on the part of the entrepreneurs themselves, it quickly reached its optimum, People were, thus, compelled to search for alternate means of, ifnot investment, a least, protecting their accumulated savings. Empirical observation shows that they indulged in three methods using them either singularly or jointly. First, people turned towards estate investment and enlarged their property ownership of especially land and housing, but also extending into other buildings like shopping complexes ‘and temples. The tendency had also been largely exacerbated by the non-economic elements present in the sociocultural system of the Sri Lankan Tamils. A major contributor in this, respect had been the dowry system. The dowry payments consumed a large part or frequently the entire amount of family savings among the Tamils. It would incorporate land, house, jewellery, and even ready cash, Nevertheless, itis my contention that insufficient investment outlets have been a prime reason encouraging enhanced dowry disbursements. If profitable investments could attract capital, even though the dowry system could not have been altogether eliminated, savings available for it would have, perhaps, been dissipated and its harmful effects too could have relatively been reduced. Development-oriented modernisation accompanying large-scale investment An allegation against the banking service in the NE is that it fulfills only Northeastern But, more interestingly, the hunt for outside openings had also led toa twist inthe form of overseas trade in contraband items. It had occurred, presumably, after an exhaustive ‘exploration ofall possibilities towards utilising their savingsin pursuits falling within the accepted legal norms. It would not be an exaggeration to say that contraband trade flourished along the northern coast-belt, incorporating Valvettiturai in particular and other towns like Thondamanar, Myliddy, and Point Pedro, grew out of surplus savings awaiting better investment substitutes. Notwithstanding the unique saving. function, such investments render another lesson in ‘macroeconomic resource management. When governments fail t provide the essential infrastructure compatible to existing natural resources for people to engage in profitable productive activities, they would choose to use the resources in their own, distorted ways within their capabilities, which would naturally result ina distorted production of goods and services. ‘The third method involves directly protecting the savings. Here, the capital content of savings is ignored, which makes income generation from savings to be a secondary objective. A traditional way of savings protection had been to convert them into precious metals, primarily gold. The main form of gold storage had always been jewellery, which is also closely linked o the cultural norms of the Tamils. Itis also a truism h d : ‘ that its value has always been on an Another cultural absorbent of capital faced the risk of losing on the deal had been religion, especially Hinduism. and moves the | Another manner is to indulge in Once Hindusmion vente investment function, arvonal leanings and hasbeen state patronage with the dawn of — gy NE to t®tatinginthe NE fora very long time. colonialism, it had to rely on private ‘ay J from the . 0 Apart from personal loans, engaging in houschold contribution for its the rest of the island — vaticus forms of cheetu has been a sustenance and growth. Tamils have always been very liberal in their patronage mainly because religious activities served not only as an easy, but also as a spiritual promotion outlet for their excess savings. Such individualism has, in fact, been the major reason for Hinduism losing its social focus and becoming one subject to excessive private (family) dominance. Secondly, in their search for rewarding investment opportunities, people began to transfer funds outside the NE towards the South. A notable example here is the manner in which professionals, who earned huge amounts investing themin the purchase of plantations. Others opened businesses of various sizes in different parts ofthe island or chose to buy fixed assets in Colombo either for dwelling or rental purposes. Thus. the apparent loss of saving, capital inherent ‘within it, and investment leading to production and growth had already begun, in fact, long before the current dimension of this phenomenon. Although the transfer process had been voluntary, it cannot be denied that the non-availability of profitable invest mentavenues within NE had been the major causative factor. common means of effectively protecting and utilising one’s savings. Nevertheless, formal saving methods using the banking service have, with times, become increasingly popular in the NE. Bank deposits, while providing savers with reliable protection, also assured a reasonable income. But the ‘commercial banks performed, as mentioned at the beginning, a dual role within the financial system and functioned as, financial intermediaries. A major allegation against the banking service in the NE is that it fulfills only the first obligation, the saving function, and moves the other, the investment function, away from the NE to the rest of the island, Thus, the NEis denied the production benefits leading to growth. The second part of this article will probe this allegation and attempt a factual examination. (To be continued) V. Nithiyanandam is Professor of Economics at the University of Jaffna and formerly of the Massey University in New Zealand. His research interests include development economics and economic history. ‘AusWortheastern Theatre as social therapy: the beginnings By Professor Karthigesu Sivathamby Culture has a flexible way of adapting itself to the changing needs of social groups. This is very interesting in that while there isa reified concept of culture, especially in times of social change to enable the group to be conscious of its specificities/identities, there is also, at the same time, an adaptability, which permits substantial change in cultural behaviour and expression. In this arena of continuity and change, art plays.a very importantrole. Itisart that gives the sense of identity, while at the same time it interacts with internal and external changes that take place in a society. A brief look at the history of the visual and performing arts will demonstrate the validity of this statement. Arthas aspeciticity of almost contrastive dimensions. It is local/native/national, and atthe same time, international/ universal. Not only is this true when expression one feels has only local appeal transcends it to evoke a universal response, but it is also the case when global experiences are telescoped into national and locally relevant expressions, enabling people to specifically identity themselves with the work. A close look at music in modem Indian film demonstrates this truth, Tlayarajah has succeeded in marrying symphony with the highly personal experience of Tamil devotional poetry, His compact disc (CD) on the Thinavasagam illustrates this point. I would argue that all serious students of culture and art make a close study of this CD to understand how such a collectivist expression like symphony could be blended with the personalised/individualistic expression of Tamil bhakthi Poetry. Under these circumstances, one is tempted to review the facets of cultural expression in northeast Sri Lanka, to understand the changes that have taken place in the field of dramatic art The story is best begun with the late Professor S. Vithiananthan who brought to the notice of the emerging A kooththu pertormance in progress ‘August 2005;Pap 12 ARTS Wortheastern post-colonial Sri Lankan Tamilsintelligentsia the potential that lay in their folk theatre. Let us not go into the context in which this was done. Nor should we a this stage question the manner in which Vithiananthan staged performances con the proscenium arch stage. Suffice it say that it lit a spark in the Tarnil youth and gave them the confidence to fall back on traditional theatrical forms to express individual artistic impulses. As the Vithiananthan revolution was taking place, there came along a group of young Tamil theatre enthusiasts, Colombo-based at that time, to be trained by the British Council and the German Cultural Institute. They interacted freely with the Sinhala dramatists of the post-Maname era. N. Suntharalingam, A. Tarcissius, R. Sivananthan are some of the names that spring to mind. The late sixties was a time of intense social reform among the Tamils, especially on temple entry etc. These movements were essentially left- based. To be precise, in terms of the then existing political nomenclature, they were spearheaded by the Chinese wing of the Communist Party. S The breathing exercises and physical movements ravages that shook the Tamils, binding together the hitherto, pacifist intellectual with the militant peasant and fisherman. Furthermore, there was no other performance or artistic, expression possible during this period, Temple festivals did not take place, music recitals could not be held, and all- night theatre was simply out of the question. Anearly response of theatrical arto this new social crisis was seen in the play Mun Sumanda Meniyar (With bodies soaked in earth and soil) written by Shanmugalingam and, produced by K. Sithamparanathan, a student of, Shanmugalingam. As time went on, the University of Jaffna began playing an important role in fostering socially and, politically relevant theatre movements as it had done in Politically mobilising the Tamil youth of that period. Looked. at retrospectively, the Tirunelvely campus was the nursing ground of this genre of theatre in the fullest sense of the term. ‘Shanmugalingam's Mun Sumanda Meniyar became an instant success and almost all the leading Tamil militant groups wanted to use it for their ‘mobilisation and awareness building. In Mounaguru, perhaps the best-known SUddenly brought out fact, an epilogue written for Mun artist of the Vithiapanthan revivalist Sumanda Meniyar titled Mun movement, and youngsters like the stark fact that} Sumanda Meniyar-Il could not be Hayapathmanathan, handled traditional themes to discuss contemporary issues such as social inequality among the Tamils. The course for a post-graduate diploma in education for theatre run by the University of Colombo in the mid- 1970s brought together virtually all these Tamil dramatists. Dhamma Tagoda, the chief coordinator of this programme, helped them become deep down, young Tamils had undergone trauma and stress, which staged so intense was the rivalry between the militant groups. These groups guided by the exponents of theatre of that time, channelled their energies to street theatre. Street plays were staged unannounced in temple courtyards where people congregated. The sound of a distant jeep would disperse the crowd as silently as it gathered. Theatre had now become an acquainted with state of the art helped to address important form of artistic expression — developments in drama and theatre. and more than that, of social expression. M. Shanmugalingam, a dramatistof aiid overcome Members of the public, who do not the Sornalingam tradition, was a student in that group. But by the end of the seventies he had founded in Jaffna the Nadaga ‘Aranga Kalloori (College of Dramatic Art) to which he brought all the important theatre activists of the day. The ‘mos interesting feature of this new institution was that it included in this new theatrical endeavour dramatists like Arasu Ponnuthurai who were specialists in the Sabha tradition of theatre. The main contribution ofthis academy ‘was to make young men and women interested in theatre to realise that theatrical activity was not merely entertainment or a hobby, but something to be very thoroughly practiced as itis for instance in the case of bhartha natiyam. ‘Through this institution Shanmugalingam amalgamated the Vithiananthan and the post-Vithiananthan developments in Tamil theatre. That is: he tried to use all those dramatic trends and techniques to create a new theatrical symphony. By this time it was the early cighties, when ‘want o become performers, were keen on witnessing performances. The skill of the artist was to unobtrusively evoke a catharsis in a repressed group of spectators, most of who were ordinary village folk Inthe meantime, watching performances led to training for the theatre. Institutions of tertiary education such as, teachers’ training colleges and theatre associations began to hold workshops where rigorous training was given to actors. These theatre workshops began to reveal a completely unsuspected phenomenon. The breathing exercises and physical movements suddenly brought out, the stark fact that deep down, young Tamils had undergone trauma and stress, which these exercises helped to address and overcome. This was followed by new developments in anti-colonial theatre that Sithamparanathan had access to when he joined the Cry Asia movement. The lessons were to eventually seep into Tamil theatrical productions in Jaffna. To comprehend these ‘August 2005developments one has to understand changes that have been taking place in the mechanics of producing a play. Post-Brechtian theatre, especially, in the form it took in the Latin American context under the able guidance of ‘Augusta Boal began to develop non- Aristotalian if not actively anti- Aistotalian characteristics. There was no more the supremacy of the script and the actors, charged as they were with pressing social and political problems, tried to express their gtievances and terrors as they worked and rehearsed together. Therefore, the play was constructed through the joint effort of the performers. In Boal’s theatre the ending could change from performance to performance. In fact, the audience were called upon to suggest how the play should end. This was because the play was not an end in itself but an expression of a social problem that directly concerned both the performers and the spectators. Thus the manner in which play ended was vital. ‘The impetus given by wide popularity and more than that active participation by the public ledto changes in theatrical form and expression. No more was theatre a place where one sat comfortably within the three walls of the hall and watched the events taking place as the fourth wall. Traditionally this type of theatre was absent in the local tradition, because plays were staged in the open ait. People sat ‘or stood, observing the social hierarchy ofthe place, while myths and legends, which had relevance to their own lives, pain and trauma, were enacted on stage. Itprovided the spectator an outlet to cry or laugh at his own problems. Or else theatre was ritualistic having a direct relevance to one’s beliefs —perhaps the vindication of truth, or the victory ofthe passing of suffering (To be continued) Professor Karthigesu Sivathamby is emeritus professor with a specialist interest in the social and literary history of the Tamils and their culture and communication. He is also involved in theatre studies and literary e ‘Augst 2005 ‘ARTS/REVIEW ran 3 © Being a Tamil and Sri Lankan A good read for Tamils, Sri Lankans, those occupying the space in between Being a Tamil and Sri Lankan by Professor Karthigesu Sivathamby 2005 pp. 325; published by Aivakam, distributors: Vijitha Yapa Bookshop Sometimes it is more interesting to investigate why a book is published at a certain moment in history rather than what the book contains. Though one should hasten to say that itis certainly not the case with Being a Tamil and Sri Lankan, which provides insights into variety of subjects of contemporary relevance to Sri Lanka, the timing of this volume is nevertheless of importance. But before launching into that, itmight be of interest to speak a few words about the author. Professor Karthigesu ‘Sivathamby (1932-)is professor emeritus ofthe University of Jaffna, where he tayght ‘Tamil between 1978 and 1996. He also taught at the University of Sri Jayewardenepura (1965-78) and at the Eastem University in Batticaloa at the tail end of adistinguished career in academies (1997-1998). He was also awarded fellowshipsin India, the United States and the United Kingdom. ‘Whatis less known about him was his involvementin the Citizens’ Commitee of Jaffna in the 1980s and the labour (often with the added risk to life) of coordinating relief for refugees, rendered dependent and vulnerable by the brutal actions of Sri Lanka's security forces. ‘Thecombination of the intellectual with those of the practical man of affairs is seen in his writings. The very fact a scholar writes on a regular basis to a newspaper as Sivathamby did to the Northeastern Heraldshowsamind that can detach itself from sterile academics and focus on issues of currentand contemporary importance, while retaining the analytical rigour that crucition gives the intellect. Buttoretum tothe question why Being 4 Tamil and Sri Lankan came to be Published at this pointin ourhistory... One Teasonis that Sivathamby contributed these pieces to the Northeastern Herald between July 2002 and November 2003. Second, it appears this endeavour was prompted by words of encouragement fromadminersof Sivathamby’s writing. But while these articles did indeed appear in the aforementioned journal in tat period, and the words of admirers havea way of helping to realise what might have been only in the realm of intention before, the very labour of extracting the essays and publishing them ina form of an anthology has strong socio-political reasons for it. Being a Tamil and Sri Lankan published at a time when there is an absence of war. While this may not be ‘peace,’ the climate that has descended on Sri Lanka after the Ceasefire Agreement was signed in February 2002 has given the space for ideas to be expressed, and even for new ideas 10 be explored. Tt could be said without too much exaggeration that the atmosphere of armedeonflictthat prevailed uring the 20- year period before ceasefire wouldnt have Permitted ideas on military, political and social questions —not only those presented! inthis book butothers current during the time —to be exchanged freely. But while there was a modicum of liberality onthe part ofthe state and society toallow the ftee circulation of ideas, what perturbed Tamils was thatthe fundamental problems that had caused them to take up arms 20 years ago remained. In other words the state and the political class were "unwilling to translate ideas on how these problems could be peacefully resolved into realisable objectives. Afterall, what was the pointof debating federalism when practical reality did not allow even a. comprehensive implementation of devolution within the scope of the 13® Amendment to the Constitution: where was the rule of law when the PTA stil remained on the statute books; was it worthwhile talking aboutron ‘accommodating the demands of ethnic groups other than the Sinhalese so that history writing in school texts should represent all communities fairly, when appointments of Tamil schoolteachers were wilfully prevented by the govemment? To the Tamils who supported the candidature of President Chandrika ‘Kumaratungain 1994, her tansforration {nto awarmonger, though she was clever enough to conceal it as “war for peace,” created great heartburn and misgiving. A somewhat similar dilemma assailed them now almost adecade later. Sure enough there was no war, but the institutional and ideological structures that underpinned a violent, racist state were not being removed, helieve this book has been put together and published against such a backdrop. Its title Being a Tamil and Sri Lankan delineates the moral dilemmaof the author ofthese essays. Asa former Tamil in the Sri Lanka Communist Party (CPSL) he ‘was influenced by his southem comrades tobelieve (as he himself says) that class took primacy over other socio-political divisions. Butdevelopments in Sri Lanka and globally went against these trends, Ieading Marxists too to accept the importance of other categories, such as ethnicity, in theiranalyses. But there has been tremendous resistance to implement the outcome of such analyses. It was the reluctance of the state to transform itself, which led to soul searching on the partof scholars ike . Sivathamby as to whether one could be, inthe opening years of the 21 century, a ‘Tamil first and Sri Lankan next. In other ‘words, whether the state and polity would allow the political space for multiple identities forits citizens, or whether they ‘would have to continue to live within the stifling confines of a unitary constitution. Theessaysin this anthology examinea gamutof political, social and cultural issues under seven categories ~ The peace process; Theetinicclivide-its implications; Writers artistes and intellectuals; Education; Media; Tamil theatre, music and cinema;Political culture —from the standpoint of someone wrestling with this dilemma. Itis a good read and a persuasive one for Tamils and Sri Lankans, but mostof all, tothose who occupy the space in between. USD) Lack of guidance leads Wertheactern Jaffna youth to stray By $. Somitharan usk had fallen when the teenage sister ofa friend of mine came briskly to where her brother and Twere seated talking, “Ammah wants me to getafew groceries, will you come ‘with me?” she asked her brother. “How can I come? Can't you see 1 am talking toa friend?” he replied with some asperity. “Then I am not going. I'm afraid to ride alone,” she announced petulantly Twas surprised. It was hardly seven in the evening. “You are usta scaredy cat, “Children who spend their evenings in tuition class have facing herds of young men and boys ‘who apparently have nothing to do but hang about and cast lewd remarks and even physically accost women ~ especially young girls. Whatis worse, this antisocial behaviour seems to be linked to the stoicism and rigid code of conduct that characterised Jaffna society in the past, and an inability tocope with the tensions and demands of the contemporary world. Despite standardisation in education cruelly depriving the upwardly mobile, oingtocatch very little freedom. _ middleclass youth in *T teased her, the 1970s of their “Just shows what dream to enter you know! Do you And when the university and that too think anybody allows young girls to cycle alone after dark natural urges of the for the prestigious professional courses such as medicine and adolescentare engineering, these derisively, and left in expectations are yet search of a more oe to be banished from amenableescon. SUppressed it leads to afin society. The Girls who step out fF very people that of their homes after aggressive and suffered because of dark in Jafina, do so, standardisation are well aware of the gnpisocial behaviour” fringtheir children risk they run. Only the direst necessity ‘would compel them to go unaccompanied. What is the ‘monster that lurks inthe streets during the hours of darkness? The army? The Tigers? Armed bandits? ‘What serves to dissuade these young lasses from venturing out alone are none of these. The threat emanates from what appears to be an innocuous source, but whose menace has become so pervasive that it is causing grave concem to the public. The threat is simply ~boys! Jaffna that was once famous as a strict, self-disciplined society is today down the same straight and narrow path of university education. The ambition of most Jaffna students, even today, is to enter the University of Jaffna to read for a professional degree offered by that university, or go to universities elsewhere in Sri Lanka. Although there are a number of private institutions offering courses in accountancy, information technology and marketing, including the Open University, Jaffna’s youth remain narrowly focused on studying in traditional residential campuses. Entering such universities however ‘hugest 2005Rortheastorn remains a highly competitive exercise for the simple reason that there is insufficient number of such institutions of higher learning to cater to the demand. “The dream of Jafina’s youth remains studying engineering and medicine even today. When they are unable to find a place at a university they do not seem to know what to do,” said V. P. Sivanathan, associate professor, Department of Economics at the University of Jaffna, One reason for institutions of higher learning, other than universities, for failing to attract youth is no doubt the “English factor.’ The introduction of ‘swabasha’ as the medium of education, and Sinhala as the sole official language (though ‘Tamil was also made an official language with the 1987 Indo- Lanka Accord) led toan alarming dearth of English teachers all over Sri Lanka, In the northeast, including Jaffna, the situation was exacerbated by the brain drain caused by years of conflict. While finding teachers who are conversant in the English isa problem, even those who are at home in the language are uncomfortable to teach in that medium because while fluency is one thing, using it for pedagogy is another. “But even if teachers are able to instruct students in English, today's youth come from monolingual Tamil-speaking homes. Acquiring fluency in English under such circumstances is fa Haas ‘SOCETY No complaints, say Jaffna police Office of the Jaffna Head Quarter’s Inspector (HOD was not too cooperative when asked whether any complaints were received by the police from Jaffna residents regarding sexual harassment and teasing. The telephone operator refused to transfer the call to a responsible officer, but consented to make the inquiries himself. He returned to the phone and said briefly, “No complaints.” Pressed on who had provided him such information, he simply said, “S.I Rajapakse.” almost impossible,” said a principal from: a prestigious gir’s school in Jaffna, who did not wish to be named. But while a want of fluency in language debars students from institutions that instruct in English, the bigger impediment is the inability of Jaffna society to transform with the times and overcome conservative thinking that engineering and medicine are the be all and end all of education. Speaking to this writer in a different context, A. J. Canagaratna, member of the editorial board of the Sarurday Review and editor of the first volume of The Selected Writings of Regi Siriwardena said, “People are interested ‘Students who cannot enter the Uni ‘August 2005;rn in education only asa vehicle propelling them to become ‘an engineer, doctor or an accountant. They go on to use the prestige of the profession to marry with a fat dowry.” ‘Whether itis aquest for dowry or innate conservatism, it thas resulted in parents driving their children to go through hell or high water to enter university. And ina bid to bolster students” performances atthe GCE A/Ls and O/Ls, Jaffna parents rely on that modern day mantra ~ private tuition. While private tuition might propel children into the hallowed portals of a university and thereby help to secure a profession, or ensure asteady rise up the social ladder, the negative fallout of such a system is the stunting of emotional growth, which results in enormous psychological damage. ‘According to specialists working with children, hour after hour of ‘cramming’ at private tutories becomes a huge obstacle to freedom and leisure that adolescents need to enjoy for healthy growth, A child’s school day usually begins with classes in the morning, which continue till early afternoon. Itis followed by a short break just enough to grab a quick lunch. Then the more vigorous part of the day’s learning programme starts, with wearying tuition going ‘on, at times, till 10 o’clock at night, depending on the number of subjects in which the student wishes to be coached. “Children who spend their evenings intuition class have very litle freedom. ‘And when the natural urges of the adolescent are suppressed and thwarted it leads to aggressive and antisocial behaviour,” — said Dr. R. Surendrakumaran, lecturer in community medicine, University of Jaffna and co-chairperson of the District Child Protection Committee (DcPc). He says the daily grind of the tutory suppresses initiative and the ability to handle freedom with responsibility whether it is in thinking, sports or entertainment. Itis only exacerbated by the tensions children experience when they are also driven to compete fiercely toenter university While psychological pressures are an important reason for antisocial behaviour among the Jaffna youth, ‘Surendrakumaran is also quick to note certain environmental and infrastructure defects affecting the health of the community. He says that urban planning in Jaffna has not taken into account the vital need for public space to relax and ‘chill out.” “Old Park remains mined and unusable, Subramaniyam Park is an open space with hardly any trees, the only substantial vegetation being beds Wortheastern Not in our time - Thamilini “There were no instances of teasing, harassment or sexual abuse during the time Jaffna was under the Tiger administration,” said Thamilini, head ofthe women’s wing of the LTTE. She said the LTTE had been vigilant in ‘maintaining law and order. This, she said, was a source of confidence to women. “There was an instance where a group of girls had been teased by some boys. The next day the girls went armed with a few sticks. When the boys had passed remarks, the girls turned on them and beat them up.” she continued. “There is nothing we can d about the abuse and harassment taking place in Jaffna today. The area is not under the LTTE’s control,” Thamilini said. of flowers. Without protection overhead people do not feel like relaxing, nor do the children want to play,” said ‘Surendrakumaran. With Jaffna’s urban architecture not providing an environment conducive for the youth to gather and enjoy Pollution and barbed wire on the beach restricts recreation for youth ‘August 2006Northeastern themselves, and society, in general, (00 conservative to entertain males and females in each other's homes unless they are betrothed, tuition classes are about the only place where young people meet. ‘Therefore, tutories perform a dual role of killing the freedom of adolescents through their oppressive and disciplining function, while a the same time being the place for young people to meet each other. No wonder they have become venues for young girls to be physically and ‘emotionally tormented. To young males deprived of entertainment or fun, gathering in droves ‘SOCIETY ro ‘which they use to purchase the latest trinket mobile phone, fast motorbike or camera. (Otherwise these come as gifts ‘from relatives visiting home from abroad.) Trinkets themselves seldom cause problems ~ it is how they are used. Young men familiarise themselves on how to Jook macho and flashy through instruction by peers visiting Jafina from Colombo or overseas. And, understandably, such instruction comes adored with tales about life overseas and the pleasures of more permissive societies. Television channels broadcasting round the clock, and the plethora of cinemas that the ceasefire agreement in front of tuition classes and preying A lack of privacy is has so helpfully spawned, buttress the on defenceless young females has . . tales that reach the ears of Jaffna youth become a popular pastime and leading to heightened through their friends, The daly dietof entertainment. Though teasing and Loe ‘Tamil and Hindi movies on various local harassment takes place within the Sexual activity among andindian channels.are fast becoming classroom too, itis more deadly outside. What is mote, perpetrators are both fellow-students as well as outsiders who hang about before and after classes, ‘morning, noon and night “Female students are not only harassed by fellow-students and ‘outsiders, but also by young lecturers. Knowing the hierarchical relationship between teacher and student, teachers exploit young girls and take advantage ‘of them.” says auniversity lecturer who was earlier a teacher at a private tutory. He wishes to remain anonymous. Though teasing, harassment and abuse of young females has never been totally absent in Jaffna society even in the past, its heightening in recent times has led peaple to question the factors behind it. Though falling standards of law and order due to indifference by the police is an obvious reason, the explanation is not good enough, say social commentators. Curiously, most of the young bucks frequenting the entrances of tutories have with them distinctive paraphernalia, which could be an indication of the root of the malaise. The paraphernalia, almost always, includes a motorbike (which is usually the latest model in town) and the mobile phone, and sometimes sunshades. ‘The youth are also variously engaged. Some have passed AlLevels and are waiting to go overseas; others are awaiting examination results, while yet others are plain unemployed. Butthey have a single factor that binds them = time hanging on their hands. “The deadly combination of unlimited leisure as well as foreign money coming into the average middle-class Jaffna household is one of the primary causes for this type of anti-social behaviour,” says P. Akilan, a well-known writer and critic. Large amounts of liquid cash - mostly modest amounts of foreign currency converted into Sri Lankan rupees ~ for which they donot have to work appears to have turned the heads of Jaffna youth. It has increased spending power, ‘August 2005 young persons that have created enormous problems in these communities. One of these is teenage marriage to legitimise and legalise unwanted pregnancy the primary source of education of young people about the ways of the world, The print media and pulp fiction do the rest. Tt would be wrong to say that stories about life in foreign countries and social ‘mores in other communities are only of interest to young males. Even the girls ~ quite naturally — are influenced by stories their friends tell them and the entertainment that comes to their living rooms daily via television. ‘Whether illusory or otherwise, media and personal accounts have tended to heighten expectations of young females from their own societies. And one such ‘expectation isto be free of the narrow confines of a traditional, conservative society and the restrictions the 20-year conflict has imposed on its youth. But girls are in a worse quandary than the males because women are seen as Tepositories and transmitters of culture, making it more difficult for them to fulfil their aspirations and dreams. “The mismatch between their aspirations and the narrow thinking in their community has impacted on girls psychologically,” said Akilan ‘Whatever might be popular perception on how youth, both ‘male and female, behave, responsible social critics that raise such concerns do not view the younger generation through uritanical glasses. They agree that contact with life overseas and the media naturally enhances the awareness today's youth have of the world, 7 But while this is essential and welcome, what worries social commentators is that the community, dislocated by displacement and death caused by war, has deprived youngsters of guidance and wisdom traditionally imparted by parents, teachers and even peers and siblings, in well- integrated and functional communities. “Dislocation caused by the war has led to older people, be they parents or teachers, not being in a position to guide youngsters. While this is a tremendous setback in any community, Jaffna suffers more acutely because,traditionally, Jaffna society was very closely knit and such ‘guidance was freely available,” said Sivanathan, While urban Jaffna tries to cope with the antics of the swashbuckling young buck, the less fortunate in that community are relegated to the shadows because war has forced people to live in cramped, inhuman conditions as IDPs in welfare camps. The shortage of space compels families tolliterally live cheek by jowl. This has resulted in alack of privacy leading to heightened sexual activity among young petsons that have created enormous problems in these communities. One of these is teenage marriage to legitimise and legalise unwanted pregnancy. “People who are affected by this sort problems need counselling, clinics and social care. At the same time society at large needs to be taught about sexuality. But the system in Jaffna does not permit this,” lamented Surendrakumaran. ‘The dire need for this is most starkly seen in the alarming increase of AIDS in Jaffna. Itis officially estimated that Jaffa has the third highest number of people affected by AIDS in the country. “There has to be awareness of how AIDS is transmitted and its prevention among wide sections Of Jaffna society. We cannot hide behind slogans and live in denial,” Surendrakumaran said. The consequences of a lack of awareness in a conservative society become more alarming due to reported increase in the incidence of prostitution in Jaffna. Increasing trends in prostitution began with the takeover of Jaffna 1995 by the army. Though poverty caused by conflict could be a reason for women to take to prostitution, no concrete Northeastern evidence or comment is possible because people are ‘unwilling to speak about it openly. However itis common knowledge that there has been a marked decline in prostitution from what was prevalent before the CFA was signed. Itis said that a group calling itself Group for the Preservation of Culture ‘purified’ Jaffna by ‘disciplining’ sex workers and procurers. But questions are raised as to whether moral policing is the answer to such problems. ‘The war has also given rise to women being widowed at comparatively early ages, as well as making others, whose husbands have gone overseas, single. Though there are no doubt instances of sexual liaisons between consenting adults, there are also numerous instances where women have been subject to violence and abuse by unwanted paramours seeking favours from them. At the same time, when details of such liaisons have become known, it has led to social stigma for the woman and violence within families, neighbourhoods and communities, Whether it is harassment and abuse of girls by young, males who have grown to hate the narrow, restrictive circumstances in which they live or the young widow whose indiscreet liaison causes social stigma anid ostracism, Jaffna’s, rigid codes of conduct and inflexible social values ae finding itdifficult to cope with new mores the war and globalisation have sprung. And unless society is willing to slough off the cloak of denial that is the coping mechanism of most conservative communities, there will be no opening for therapy either. ‘August 2005Fortheastern ron ID Rituals refashion politics, power relations between social groups in Batticaloa Inthe article titled “Batticaloa’s ancient rituals celebrate community values both in war and peace,” (The Northeastern Monthly, July 2005) this writer drew attention to the worship of local deities such as Mariyamman, Vairavar, Kaathavarayan and others, which are not part of the Agamic Hindu tradition. These rituals are traditionally meant to invoke local deities to protect the ‘community from disease as well as from intruders and enemies. ‘The rituals also focus on ‘mediums,’ who are people said to be possessed by the spirit of the deity whom they serve. ‘The mediums go into a trance and perform various socially important functions, which are both protective such invoking the deity’s blessings tocure diseases and foretell the future, as well as propitiatory, where the medium channels the devotion and worship of the community through ritual. The rituals are very social- oriented because they make the local residents stakeholders in the community by involving them in the ‘ceremonies rather than excluding them toaposition of mere bystanders, The significance of these rituals however is much more than that. They ouch the lives of the community very intimately, while at the same time refashioning politics and power relations in very interesting ways, ‘Though the political significance of such rituals tends to be subtle and is often submerged by other political discourses, their persistence over the centuries and the vitality of their presence even today, is something that ‘metits a second look. The Sri Maha Narasinha Vairavar Swami aalayam on Boundary Road, Batticaloa, is devoted to the worship of Vairavar. The temple is known to be very powerful — especially in the casting out of demonic spirits. What is also interesting is that the foundational myth of the temple is yet preserved and chanted by its poosaris (priests). As legend would have it, the idol of Vairavar that is in the temple had come from Jaffna and the stories talk about its journey through eight villages to Batticaloa through the Wann : Oral narratives have various functions in local communities. For instance, traditionally, Vairavar was a powerful local deity giving protection to the household, In today’s context, the community that worships at the \Vairavar temple assumes a distinct local identity. which has powerful way of binding its members, These oral traditions ‘Augest 2005 By J.S. Tissainayagam. Rituals touch the lives of the “community very - intimately, while at the same time refashioning politics and power relations also do not necessarily reflect the master narrative, which, even in Batticaloa, has tended to revolve around more Powerful temples of Hindu orthodoxy dominated by the ‘Agamic Hindu tradition, “Temples worshipping Murugan, Pillaiyar or Sivan are within the Agamic tradition. Their rituals do not include those ‘we have at Sri Muttumariyamman or temples worshipping Kali, Kathavarayan and others,” said Sakthi K. Kumaradasan, chief priest of the Sri Maha ‘Muttumariyamman temple, Batticaloa. ‘The powerful temples that conform to the Agamic tradition, are under the control of Batticaloa’s landowning classes, and reflect the splendour associated with affluence. They are also bastions of privilege for Batticaloa’s upper castes. ‘On the other hand, the smaller temples are owned and run by other, non- hegemonic, caste groups preserving their own rituals Historically, various communities have felta sense of empowerment due to the power of local deities. “Phe fact that Lord Siva himself was unable to resist the test Mariyamman put to him, shows how powerful Mariyamman is and that gives her worshippers too a sense of prestige,” said Jothirajah Karunenthira, ‘Sri Maha Muttumariyamman temple's assistant priest. Karunenthira was referring to the Mariyamman ritual celebrated at the temple in June, where tradition has it that ‘Mariyamman’s penance earned her a gift of 16 pearls from Lord Siva, to test mankind for thei wickedness. However, according to the legend, Siva himself could not endure the test Mariyamman ut to him before she returned to earth to banish evil from the world, Similarly, Lord Siva is not portrayed in a very favourable light in the Karhavarayan kooththu that is popular in Batticaloa. Let alone the description of certain debasing aspects of his character, Siva is shown to be fearful of Mariyamman. The portrayal gives the community worshiping Mariyamman, a local deity, a sense of well being vis-a-vis the community worshipping Siva, which is popularly seen as occupying amore elevated position in the caste hierarchy. Such legends are part of the collective memory of local communities that have withstood decades of discrimination and conflict. “...Especially in oppressed, silenced or discriminated groups, references to a shared past often facilitates the building of feelings of self-respect and greater resilience in oneself and in the group,” says Elizabeth Jelinrom 20 Wortneastern Rituals ina Batticaloa temple: celebrating the lesser trat in her book State Repression and the Labors of Memory (University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 2003). Mariyamiman, as much as Veerapaththiran, Kaathavarayan, Aiyappar and a host of other local deities ‘worshipped in Batticaloa, are believed to be human beings ‘who, due to their self-sacrifice to defend the community or village in times of war and suffering, came to be revered in posterity for their supernatural powers to protect the local public from adversity, ‘Some believers are of the opinion that mortals who attained deity-hood did so because of their singular piety, penance and good deeds. “The idea that human beings were elevated (o the status of deities because of their spiritual powers reinforces the Hindu belief that God is within and not something ‘out there.’ These deities also have the power to protect the village and the local community,” Karunenthira said, ‘The deification of mortals because of their self-sacrifice bares resemblance to the cult of hero worship that was present even in ancient Tamil society, which is echoed in contemporary times by the centrality of self-sacrifice in the martial traditions of the LTTE. Though the LTTE is secular and there is no official elevation of its fallen to the status of a deity, commemorative events surrounding Great Heroes’ Day (mahvirer thinam) represent dying for the cause as an act done for the welfare and protection of the ‘community. The local, communal nature of deity worship manifests itself in various ways that puts these rituals at odds with the tradition of Agamic Hinduism. For instance, unli Agamic Hinduism, the organic form in religious worship associated with the rituals are chanted entirely in Tamil, the language the people understand, and not Sanskrit, which is seen as a vehicle transmitting hierarchical, caste-ridden values associated with Brahminism, . “The devotees understand what is going on around them — they can see and hear. There is no attempt to cloak the events in esotericism, which naturally happens when the priest chants in Sanskrit,” said Kumaradasan. The other distinct aspect of the ritualistic tradition is the rejection of the priestly caste — the Brahmins ~ as the only people who can officiate in temple ceremonies, unlike in ‘Agamic Hinduism where itis imperative that the officiating priest isa Brahmin. In the ritual tradition the priests are not Brahmin — they are members of the local community, which runs the temple, who almost inevitably, belong to aparticular caste group. “Unlike in the Brahmin tradition, here, people do not become priests because they are born into a priestly caste. Whoever expresses an interest in leaming the mantras and demonstrates an expertise in doing the job could do so,” sad Karunenthira, According to sociologists, in the non-Agamic tradition itis important that the community should accept and acknowledge the person who is aspiring to become a priest. And that acceptance is only through the aspirant’s demonstration of his skills as being a genuine conduit of the power of the deity. In that sense, the process is more democratic. While the ritual tradition has fought to preserve its individuality, Brahminism has been making inroads by using ‘August 2005Fiortheast variety of methods. This war of attrition is centuries old. Itbasically uses three approaches: to destroy the rituals by imposing itself as the high tradition and coercing the followers of the so-called lesser tradition to abandon that form of worship: by assimilating within itself certain aspects of the rituals and subsuming them within its own form: by subverting the rituals through giving theman Agamic twist. A telling example of how the distinctive identity of the local deities is being subsumed by the Agamic tradition could be seen in what was repeated by Kumaradasan,: “You can equate the local deities to the gods of the Agamic tradition: Kali is Durga, Pechchi (she who speaks powerfully) is ‘Saraswathi and Mariyammal, the most powerful, is Lakshrni.” Sociologists believe that this exercise in equating the gods of the two traditions isa way whereby the Agamic tradition gives auniversal colouration and name to local deities. Over time, they feel, the localness of Mariyamman could be lost, which would make it easier for Agamic Hinduism to assimilate the local rituals completely. Already, there are strands of Brahminism that have crept into the ceremonies associated with the rituals. Even Vairavar, originally a local household deity, is identified with Narasingar and with both Saivite and Vaishnavite worship, thereby losing his distinct. local identity. Onc of the telling signs of Agamic Hinduism capturing organic ritual-based worship is the way the annual ritual of the deity Periya Thambiraan is advertised in Batticaloa, ‘The nomenclature usually used in the posters and leaflets was “Annual Periya Thambiraan ritual’ (Varudaanda Periyathambiraan chadangu). Today however, the advertisement reads: “Annual Shri Thakkayaageswara festival’ (Varudaanda Thakkayaageswara utsavam), ‘The Sanskrit influence is plain “The transformation of the Tamil title into a Sanskrit one could be unconscious, but one cannot discount the influence Brahminismis having on these rituals,” said Karunenthira, “With the spread of formal education there has grown a notion that what is local, Tamil, and community-based, are barbaric or low culture. Thus the local is despised and replaced by worshipping the universal gods of Brahmin- based Hinduism.” ‘The inroads Brahminism is making into ritual worship can also be seen in the architecture of the temples in Batticaloa, Originally, temples where the ritual tradition was celebrated were modest, crude structures built of daub, wattle and thatch, hardly larger than shrines. Even today, the shrines for the deities such as Kali, Veerappathiran and others at the Boundary Road Vairavar temple are a few square feet in area, only large enough to hold an idol of the deity, However, the temple proper, dedicated to Vairavar, is fashioned with a moolesthanam (santum sanctorum), which isan integral part of the architecture of a Hindu temple of, the Agamic tradition. ‘Those who believe that ritual worship should not be allowed to die through asphyxiation by Brahminism are perturbed by how perceptions about religion change with modernisation, where education has not only led to Brahminism invading temples, but local poosaris ‘becoming’ Brahmins, by changing their titles to Sansktit-sounding ones ‘August 2005 Thaanthontriswara temple at Kokkaddicholai represents Brahmin influence in Batticaloa and even officiating wearing a poonool (the mark of identification of Brahmins). In other words, due to pressure from the ‘higher tradition’ that a non-Brahmin poosari officiating in a temple ceremony is somehow uncivilised the poosariis transformed into a Brahmin aiyer. Another source for the Brahrminisation of local priesthood is the well-meaning but ignorant moves by the Ministry of Hindu Affairs to anoint poosaris officiating inthe local rituals as priests of the ‘high tradition,” by using Brahmin aiyers from India. “This is done to give recognition and status to priests officiating in the temples of local deities, but people 6ften donot know the serious consequences of such actions,” said a sociologist who wished to remain anonymous. ‘The gradual moves towards embracing an orthodox, ‘Agamic worship, complete with Brahmin priests has resulted in communities cutting themselves loose from the moorings that traditionally empowered them, which is caste-based. ‘These groups derived their livelihood. as well as their identity, social and political power, complete with the temple and its deities, from their caste. ‘The worship of Vaclan, and the happenings atthe Vallipuram temple at Kondavil in Jaffna become instructive in this regard. By identifying Vaelan, a local deity with Lord Skanda, there ‘was an infusion of the high tradition with the low and the ‘eventual assimilation of one tradition by the other. Similarly, a depressed community in Kondavil was ‘worshipping Valliyappar,alocal deity. Overtime, Valliyappar Worship was seen as uncivilised and he was reinvented as Vallipura Aazhvaar. A Brahmin aiyer was brought to officiate displacing the local priesthood, and the local Community lost its hold onthe temple and its sense of identity by being reduced from the status of participants in the rituals, to mere bystanders Agamic Hinduism has made inroads into ritual-based ‘worship by colonising the minds of local believers. As colonisation has done in other societies, it makes people despise themselves and their indigenous forms of worship as barbaric, and forces them import traditions from outside to find recognition and status. Eventually, the external clement disempowers and debilitates the local community and destroys its identity.Pom Aceh deal may give Hiortheastorn regional parties a chance Devastating though it was, the Asian Tsunami brought the proverbial winds of change to Indonesia by focusing international attention on the festering conflict in Acch province and creating conditions for apolitical settlement that may yet instruct other ethnic groups. Many would call the deal between the Indonesian government and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), signed in Helsinki on Sunday a ‘sell-out’ butitishard not spot in itamodel that could be replicated as Jakarta moves to deal ‘with other regional movements inthis far-flung archipelago, Just about a week after the 26 December 2004 tsunamie struck the coasts of Aceh the first round of talks began to take place in Helsinki under the auspices of former Finnish president Martti Ahtisaari, government negotiators were surprised by GAM leaders saying they were ready to contest elections, rather than push for independence. It is only through the establishment of an open, democratic and plural process that we can guarantee a peaceful political future, facilitate post-tsunami reconstruction and enhance social and economic development in Aceh,” said GAM spokesman Bakhtiar Abdallah. ‘Suddenly, for the first time in 30 years there was an end in sight to one of Southeast Asia's bloodiest conflicts, that Glinching the peace deal at Helsinki, Finland By Andreas Harsono. had already consumed 15,000 lives, and the possibility of removing the paranoia of Javanese political leaders and intellectuals that Indonesia was about to disintegrate. ‘The idea itself is not new. About three or four years ago, academics and intellectuals began suggesting that the way forward toend the armed conflict lay in tapping on the interest shown by GAM to form a regional political party based in ‘Aceh at the northern tip of Sumatra island. Donald K. Emmerson, a political scientist at Stanford University is among those who have suggested that the Indonesian government consider changing its Java-centtie political system to accommodate regionalism as an option. “It (allowing space for regional parties) has.a tendency tomoderate formerly radical positions. What if, in Algeria, the elections had been honoured? In Iran, the revolution is over. There is a movement toward the centre,” said Emmerson, Examples to support the view abound across Asia. Itwas refusal to honour the results of an election which would have seen Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the leader of the Dhiaka-based ‘Awami League party as prime minister of a united Pakistan that led to civil war and the creation of Bangladesh in 1971 In Indonesia, the idea was not seen kindly by the Jakarta- based media, in spite of the press freedom gained from the overthrow of the authoritarian Suhartoregime. Worse than that, well-known editors openly favoured an Aceh that is integral to the Unitarian State of the Republic of Indonesia (Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia or NKRD) “We journalists should be red-and-white first and defend the NKRI,” declared Derek ‘Manangka, the news director of RCTI, Indonesia's largest private channel, while talking at a seminar on coverage of the war in Aceh. (The Indonesian flag is often referred to asred-and-white). Suryopratomo, the chief editor of Kompas, the largest daily newspaper, said it was ‘August 2006Rortheastern better that Indonesia's ‘stubborn’ territories remained within the republic even if human rights abuses and injustice takes place in Aceh, Papua and others. “Stilts betterto be united inthis age of global competition,” he said. ‘The idea, however, trickled into Stockholm, where most GAM leaders live in exile. GAM is the Malay acronym of the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Acheh Merdeka). They claimed that Indonesia had become a vehicle for a‘Javanese nation.” Javanese form the ethnic majority in Indonesia and are based on the island of Java where the national capital is located. When Hasan di Tiro, the head of GAM, declared an independent “Acheh’ in 1976, he started out by using a different spelling “Acheh’ rather than “Aceh” as a mark of distinet identity, Later. many Achenese, however thatis spelt, realised that their land was resource rich and that much of its income was being siphoned away to Java and Jakarta, Before long the Indonesian army cracked down hard on the rebels. Since the 1980s, human rights groups have been, accusing the Indonesian army of ‘executions, disappearances, torture, rape CONFLICT ‘Tanks ofthe Tadon Djalil was wrong. In Indonesia's firstelection in 1955, ethnic- based parties were accepted and contestants included the Daya Party which represented the Dayak tribes people on Kalimantan island, "Such restrictions mean that Indonesia's political parties are controlled from Jakarta,” Bakhtiar Abdullah said. “We reject such centralised control which does not and cannot reflect the wishes of the army andcolletive punishment of civilian. people of Acheh.” Butthe tsunami changed all that with Slryopratomo, the “Ifthe government of Indonesia really thousands of foreigners pouring into eon ; wants to preserve the unity ofthe state, flooded Banda Aceh as well as Aceh chief editor of itmust meet the legitimate, democratic province's urbanised areas ike Meulaboh, Sigli and Lhokseumawe. Murizal Hamzah, an Acehnese journalist of the *Sinar Harapan’ Kompas, said it was aspirationsof its citizens” said Abdullah. By the fifth round of talks in July, Abdullah's ideas had begun to take hold and Vice President Jusuf Kalla, newspaper, described the tsunami as “a better that persuaded his chief negotiator Hamid blessing in disguise,” forit gave achance Awaluddin to push for an 18-month for the Achenese cause to become Indonesia’s period during which preparations could intemation: As with the Tamil Eelam (Tamil Homeland) cause in Sri Lanka, the international community wanted reconstruction efforts to go hand in hand with the peace process. Sunday's Helsinki pact could not have been aneasy bargain for President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Under Indonesian law, parties must be headquartered in Jakarta and have branches in more than half of Indonesia's 33 provinces. Yudhoyono was reluctant to change the law to accommodate GAM, fearing similar demands from other ethnic or religious groups, He offered instead to let GAM stand under the umbrella of existing political parties butnationalist legislators objected even that as too big aconcession. And they wanted the amny to continue with repression. Indonesian Information Minister Sofyan Djalil, although himself an Acehnese and a negotiatorin Helsinki, rejected the GAM proposal fora “national Aceh party.” Djalil argued that Indonesia never had a place for ethnic or regional political partes. ‘August 2005 ‘stubborn’ territories remained within the republic even if human rights abuses and injustice takes place in Aceh, Papua and others be made for provincial elections and GAM agreed. Liem Sice Liong of the London-based “Tapol’ human rights group, which focuses its work on Indonesia, believes thatakey factor in the settlements the fact that the two politicians involved were ethnic Bugis and understood better the aspiration of groups outside Java Island. Both Kalla and Awaluddin are Bugis from southern Sulawesi Island at the eastern end of the archipelago. ‘Yudhoyono, just like most Indonesian presidents, is Javan “Maybe those Bugis politicians also thought that they might set up their own Bugis political parties ifthe Achenese are allowed to have one,” said Liem. Butitis still along way from peace as the Helsinki deal isto demand rigorous socialisation and implementation measures. Will the Java-based political parties support the deal? Will, the Jakarta media put aside its bias? How will Yudhoyono overcome his stubborn army? Only time can provide the answers to these questions. aps)July 9 was the 10 anniversary of the aerial bombardment ofthe Navaly Church, Jaffua, where 157 people, including 38 children, died on the spot. More than 300 people sustained permanent injury. We reproduce here an article vwritten in the Northeastern Monthly in 2003 by 8. Somitharan with photos by Buddhika Weerasinghe. (One moming in 1995, five-year-old Selvanayagam Sasiraj ‘was playing outside his house. His father, amason, had gone to work, but Sasiraj’s mother, Pathmawathi, was home; so was Sasiraj’s elder brother, Chandrasekaran. Their home was adjacent to the Navaly Roman Catholic Church. Military operations were in progress and armed aircraft were circling. Realising perhaps they were circling azone almost over the house and growing anxious of what it portended, Pathmawathi had asked the boy to get into-a bunker. “Before I could Icould run bombs began falling. Suddenly there was tremendous explosion. That is all I remember til I woke up in hospital,” said Sasiraj, now 12 years old. He has lost his sight completely. twas this bomb the ICRC reported had been dropped on civilians who were herded together in the church taking refuge from military operations. And inthe wake of the negative fallout alleging the air force had engaged in an act that could be Children at Valvagam doing skit interpreted a war crime, Lakshman Kadirgamar,the then minister of foreign affairs, went on to chastise the ICRC, stating the bomb was not targeted on refugees in the church, but on an LTTE facility nearby. He said the bomb had inadvertently explodedin the church’s compound. Others, however, dismiss the argument as preposterous. Pathmawathi died, but Chandrasekaran escaped virtually unscathed. Today Sasiraj's father supports Chandrasekaran through his meagre eamings, while litle Sasirajisat Valvagham home forthe visually handicapped. ‘The history of Valvagham, now situated at Maruthanamdam, Jaffna, and the trials the organisation and ts administrators had to put up with are as heartrending as the tragedy, but also as ‘encouraging in their persistence and fortitude, as the personal story of Sasiraj and the 30 other visually handicapped inmates of that institution, Valvagham has led a peripatetic existence. It has had to move out whenever military operations threatened the security ofthe institution and the lives ofthe children: The last of these relocations was in 1995 when the home was in ‘Uduvil, buthad to be vacated due tothe shelling and fighting at close quarters. “We were so handicapped we had to take these children ‘who cannot see, walking to Tellipalai to safety,” said one whoVictims of the military's wanton attacks hhad been there and experienced it all, Interestingly, the permanent building the home occupied at Uduvil has now become part of the military complex of 513 Brigade, which took it over after Valvagham's vacation. It has been acts such as these, done with scant regard to human suffering that has prompted the LTTE and the Tamil public to demand the army vacate private property it has acquired in high security zones and outside, ‘Around 1997 persons working with Valvagahm visited what hat been their home at Uduvil, now tumed into 513 Brigade’s military complex. There were only a few benches that belonged to the home remaining, which the visitors had requested be retumed to them since they were in the process of building anew home at Maruthanamadam. But the army refused, Despite such cussedness there were sections of the government that was prepared to help. Relief and Rehabilitation Authority of the North (RRAN) put up the new building for the home at Maruthanamadam; UNICEF constructed the water tank and Hindu Culture Affairs Minister T. Maheswaran donated a trishaw. ‘Official’ assistance for building up movable and immovable property is largely confined tothese. : ‘The bulk of the donationseven today come from individuals. ‘And this, mind you, in a Jaffna that had been wracked by war, displacement and teror till the ceasefire agreement was signed in February 2002. I funding from these sources were todry up, the institution might have to close. “The people who were displaced with us and bore the brunt of our privation ‘Aapest 2005 know our problems and continue to support and make contributions towards the home’s welfare,” said ‘Annaluckshmy Sinnathamby, who runs the home and whose brainchild Valvagham is. The sacrifice and personal commitment that has gone into setting up andrunning Valvagham borders on the fantastic. It began in 1971 as a school that taught children with visual impediment. By 1988 with the war for Eelam having undergone various phases and military engagements and economic deprivation causing tremendous distress, it was decided Valvagham be transformed into a home, where children did not study but were resident. A private house was acquired at Tellipalai for the home. Valvagham was there till 1990. The firstround of displacement ‘came that year due to military engagements asthe army began expanding the perimeter of its Palaly camp, which has now become the high security zone, Expecting the worst, the children were sent home. The home was resurrected in 1993 at Uduvil, where a permanent building was constructed. When displaced in 1995 in the wake of Operation Riviresa the home was in transit in Manipay briefly, before being relocated atits present premises at Maruthanamadam. ‘Though Valvagham hasevolved into a home froma school, ‘education forms the core of the institution’ focus. The inmates do not attend special schools for the visually handicapped. They go to regular schools in the area such as the ‘Maruthanamadum Ramanathan College for girls and Union College, Telipalai for boys.rm 28 Wortheastern The schools, besides allowing these children with special needs to use Braille, offers them much the same facilities (or the lack of them) as it does other children; in other words they are shown no distinction, but encouraged to be part of the school as everyone else However, education is one of the most important reasons why the children are encouraged to stay at Valvagham, “We are displaced because ofthe war. I amat Valvagham because my parents want metosudyandeomeupinlifesiidSelvam Jeyaparath (11), who was partoftheexodus tothe Vanniin 1995, Jeyaparathi who isan epileptic got anatack due toexposure and fatigue. There wasno medical aid available and her optic nerve was affected. She is visually handicappedtoo, The success of Valvagham in encouraging learning and instilling discipline that is required for academic excellence is seen by four youths, both boy's and girls from the institution following undergraduate courses at the University of Jaffna. But academic excellence is but a part of the enormous talent the resident's at Valvagham display. Some of them are musically inclined, while others are gifted in the other arts. ‘Though superficially the lot of these children might appear better than the orphans who have no one to parents to turn to, the fact is itis not really so. Many of the inmates’ families have lost breadwinners that make them desperately pot so that a child at Valvagham means one mouth less to feed. In the case of others like Sujith, whose mother was killed, it leaves the home with an acute lack of the emotional support that s vital for viable family life. ‘Similarly, atavistic and almost barbarous social beliefs in Jaffna, render the visually handicapped inauspicious and/or their families as objects of ridicule and exclusion. This forces pparents to use the first available opportunity to palm off their children toa home or some other facility, which will relieve parents and families the anxieties of bringing up ‘special needs’ children. ‘The allocation of each child in Valvagham’s budget isR.300 perday, which goes for food, clothes, school requirements and extra-curricular activities such as music lessons. This works out approximately Rs.90,000 per month for the 30 inmates. The single biggest block sum of money comes from the government thatis Rs.300, perchild, permonth. Inother words, the state looks after just three days of achild’s requirement in amonth, The balance is from private generosity and goodwill, The tragedy of the children’s lives will however need much more Rs.90, 000 a month. Some cases involve more than one ina family who is handicapped for life due to the war and its indescribable horrors. Way back in 1994, Ravindrapalan, a fisherman from ‘Gurmagar, brought home one day with his haul from the sea, a shiny rounded object. It was a present to his six children including Gnanaseelan, Lambert Ravindran and Marie Stella. Their mother who was reluctant to give the children what Children at Valvagam recounting their stories had lain so long in the sea, washed the object with soap and ‘water to disinfect it before allowing the children play. The children rolled the spherically shaped article during their play. ‘One afternoon coming home from school, they wanted to break the seashells they had collected. The shells had to be broken by dashing aheavy object on them. There was nothing ¢lse around, so Ravindran Lambert took the round heavy object they had played with in his little hand and brought it down with all his mighton the shells. Itexploded. Lambert lost his hand and his sight partially, so did his elder brother Gnanaseelan due to the exploding mine. Marie Stella, hovering closest over the ‘plaything.’ lostsight of both her eyes ‘completely. Allhad three had shrapnel and bum injuries all over theirbodies. Incidentally, one ofthe other siblings, a one-yes old, was nearby too but escaped because she was crouching under achair and the force of the blast moves upwards. Mare Stell and Lambert were admitted into Valvagham in 1997, but Gnanaseelan came only in 2000. Though the two boyscan still see, itis limited to recognising vague shapes and doctors say their sight continues to deteriorate. Marie Stella’s ‘world is completely dark.I do not mind my own condition, but Iam worried about my sister ~ she has lost both her eyes,” said Gnanaseelan (15), “Marie Stella (12) is an active girl who when told about our photojournalist Buddhika Weerasinghe’s camera, held it toher eye and clicked. But all of a sudden she fell very, very silent. “She is grieving about our eldest brother —he has gone to join the LTTE. She is very attached to him and took his, departure badly,” confided Gnanaseelan. : The eldest boy had run away to join the LTTE in May 2002, Due to the entreaties of his parents he had returned to the family fold. But in September he went back ~ this time no entreaty could coax him away. Marie Stella wants to become a teacher. She said, “Only the eldest of my brothers could see. He was studying: he could have helped us to study too. But now he is also not there for us...” (Northeastern Herald 9-15 May 2003) ‘Aust 2005,Subscripton rates: 6 months : Rs 250 year > Rs. 480 Cheques to be drawn in favour of: Renaissance Publication (Guarantee) Ltd. 313, Jampattah Street, Colombo 13 Telephone: 2445198ito) Tags Brauchers Aerie pkee lest} Cartoons Lables _ Printed at : E-kwalily Graphics No. 315, Jampettah Street, Colombo 13. 011-2389848