State and Towns in The Middle Ages The Scandinavian Experience

State and Towns in the Middle Ages: The Scandinavian Experience
Author(s): Anders Andrn

Source: Theory and Society, Vol. 18, No. 5, Special Issue on Cities and States in Europe, 10001800 (Sep., 1989), pp. 585-609
Published by: Springer
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/657612
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State and towns in the Middle Ages
TheScandinavianexperience
ANDERS ANDR1~N
University of Lund
In the three Scandinaviancountries,Denmark,1Sweden, and Norway,

there existed, in the Middle Ages, approximately175 places, which
could be called towns.2My aim in this article is to study the relation
between these places and the State;a task involvingseveralissues. They
have to do with the function of towns in society, with the position of
towns in a hierarchy of power, and with the concepts "state"and
"town";i.e. with concepts that do not appear in a very clearcutway in
medievalScandinavia.
For a discussion on the relation between "state"and "towns"in the
Middle Ages, these concepts must be comprehendedin a very general
sense. It is important,though,not to disregardtotallythe specific designations of the concepts in the medievalperiod.3One wayof attempting
to combine general and specific featuresof these concepts is to set up
can be
periods withinwhose limitsa more abstract"contemporaneity"
analyzed.
Urbanizationin Scandinaviahas frequentlybeen periodized; but the
periods have not always been given a methodological function, as
urbanization has often been viewed in an immutably ahistorical
manner.Towns have been traditionallyregardedas being connected
with market-economiccommerce and crafts.This approachis conditioned by academictraditions(cf., for instance,Pirenneand Weber)as
well as by influences from outside the academic world (projectionof
present-dayurbanization).Beside this customaryview of towns and
urbanization,though, the last ten years have witnessed the emergence
of lines of thoughtwhere discontinuityis stressedinstead.The present
study proceeds from a similarlydiscontinuouspoint of view, and the
division into periods is based on the shiftingrelationbetween state and
towns.4
Theory and Society 18: 585-609, 1989.
? 1989 KluwerAcademic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.
586
In an investigationof the connectionbetweenstate and townsin medieval Scandinaviaone must pay attentionto the empiricalsituation,too.
The regionis characterizedby few writtensources,especiallyfrom the
period between 1000 and 1300. To obtaina more completepictureit is
necessaryto take the physicalremainsin towns into consideration.In
the present study some very evident remainscome up for discussion,
namelytown churches,friaries,town defenses, and guildhalls.It stands
out clearly from the following lines that these "manifesttraces"have
muchto tell us aboutthe size and the structureof the town.
MedievalScandinavia- a primarysurvey
From different points of view Scandinaviacan be regarded as the
marginof medieval Europe. It was here that the agrariansettlement
was replacedby the non-Christiansaami-cultureof huntersand fishermen. It was here that manyfeaturesof medievalEuropeansociety had
their northernlimits. Outside this frameworknature did not allow a
countrysidethat was sufficientlypopulatedfor the existenceof monasteries, castles, and towns. The restrictionof natureis very obvious if
you comparethe location of medievaltowns with the ecological zones
of potentialvegetation(see figure 1).5Most towns were situatedin the
southern and most fertile region (the nemoral zone), whereas there
were less numerous towns in the transitionarea (the boreonemoral
zone), and practicallyno towns at all in the northernand least fertile
region (the boreal zone). Though there were extensiveagrariansettlementsin the boreal zone, it is significantthat threeout of four towns in
this areawere connectedwith mining.
Another featuredue to the marginalposition of Scandinaviawas that
the heritageof Antiquitywas lacking,as a backgroundto society and its
organization.Instead,the establishmentof Kingshipand Churchin the
Middle Ages was the first tendency towarda centralizedpower in this
region.The medievalkingdom does not appear as a disintegrationof
the politicalpower,but ratheras a step towardthe territorialState.6
In a wide social and economic sense Scandinaviansociety can be regardedas feudal. For instance, the differentforms of feudal lordship,
defined by Georges Duby,7can be traced in the area. The medieval
"state"was above all expressedby the sovereigntythatwas exercisedin
a diffuse zone between the public and the private, as in the rest of
Europe. An importantfeature in the characterof the Scandinavian
587
Fig.1. The ecological zones of potential vegetationand the location of medievaltowns

(1000-1550) in Scandinavia.
State was the permanent exemption from taxes granted the Church and
the lay aristocracy. However, no heritable fief of continental pattern
was established, apart from the duchy of Slesvig in the southernmost
part of Denmark.
The continuous royal control over some parts of the sovereignty meant
that most towns were subordinate to the king, and usually were
founded by the king, too. Exceptions from this rule were twenty-one
minor towns (12 percent of all towns), belonging to different bishoprics
and monasteries. In several cases, though, these places were only secondarily granted by the king to the new lords. In fact, it is only in a very
few cases that we know bishops were actually founding towns. Irrespectively of whom the power over the towns belonged to, though, the same
forms of feudal lordship can be traced in towns, as elsewhere in society.
588
The most importantchangein the dominionover the town was thatthe
power was shifted from the individualinhabitantsto the town as a
whole. Withthis changethe urbanregimeemergedas a typicallyfeudal
mediumbetween the town and the lord of the town. The urbanregime
representedthe town versusthe lord, but at the same time it became a
participantin the lord'ssupremacyover the town, because fines, tolls,
and other duties were partly at the disposal of the town council.
Though this tendency to independencenever went as far as in other
European regions, Scandinaviantowns partly held the same special
position as other towns in feudal society.These uniquefeaturescan be
best summarizedin John Merrington'swords, "the internal externality:"8
This very short and generalsurveyof Scandinaviaand its towns can be

variedin severalways.The relationbetweenstate and towns changedin
the Middle Ages and there were also several importantregionaldifferences in the area. These regional contrasts can illuminate,in an
interestingway,the complicatedrelationbetweenstate and towns.
The congestedcountryside(1000-1150)
The period from about 1000 to the middle of the twelfthcenturycorresponds to the establishmentof the three Scandinavianrealms.The
previous,externalexploitation,in the form of Viking raids,was gradually replaced by internalexploitation,based on personal duties from
the peasants. In connection with this kind of new exploitation the
Kingshipand the Churchcreateda new form of sovereigntyand political organization.The formationof a ChristianState is discerniblefrom
the end of the tenth centuryin Denmarkand from about 1000 in Norway.There were signs of a state in Sweden about the year 1000, but a
more permanentpoliticalunit was not created until the beginningof
the twelfthcentury.
The contemporarytowns can be, in many ways, regardedas points
d'appuifor the new politicalorder.It was in these places that several
central functions of the Kingship and the Church were located.
According to the Icelandic sagas the Norwegian kings expressively
founded towns to get controlover differentpartsof the country.In this
way Trondheimwas founded about the year 1000 in direct opposition
to the heathenchieftainsin Trondelag.9
589
The connection between state formationand urbanizationis also evident from the appearanceof the urbanprofile of the period (see figure
2). Most of the towns arose in Denmark,where the state formationcan
be traced at an earlierstage and was more pronouncedthan in the rest
of Scandinavia.In Norway the towns were less numorous and in
Sweden, which experienced a much later political unification, the
towns were extremelyfew. The relation between state and towns can
also be illustratedby the sizes of the towns. It is possible to make a
rough rankingof the towns, by counting the number of churches in
each place.10As figure 2 shows, the largest towns were situated in
Norwayand above all in Denmark.
Fig. 2. The urban profile in Scandinavia, 1000-1150. The ranking of towns according
to the number of churches in each town.
590
The size of a town seems to havebeen dependent,to a high degree, on

the structureof the political power.And it was importanthow many
functionswere located to each place. An illustrativeexampleis Lund,
which,with its twenty-twochurches,was the largestcity in Scandinavia.
Lundwas situatedin easternDenmark,wherethe Kingshipexerciseda
more extensiveroyalpower than in the rest of the realm.The city was
the largestmint in the country,a royalresidence,a legal center,a bishopric for easternDenmark,and the archbishop'ssee for Scandinaviaas
a whole, includingIcelandand Greenland.Similarmultifunctionalconditions can be traced in other large cities of the period, such as Roskilde,Viborg,andTrondheim.
The close connection between state and towns must have also influenced the characterof urban economy. The economic life of towns
should probablybe viewed as a kind of consumingeconomy, closely
connected with those institutionsand persons that exercised the new
sovereignty.For instance,it is told in Icelandicsagashow, in the 1060s,
the Norwegian King dismissed this men from Oslo to collect taxes,
rents,andfines in the surroundings.
Trade and handicraftswere found in towns, even if on a small scale.
These activitiesshould probablybe regardedas an expressionof the
royal and ecclesiasticalneed of "necessaryarticles,"which were mandatoryin order to maintainand justifythe new supremacy.Thus, it is
clear from Icelandicsources that in the 1060s Norwegiancoins were
used as payto royalhousecarls.
The internalurban organizationis unsatisfactorilyknown. According
to the few contemporarysources,however,a close connectionbetween
state and towns can be traced also in respect to urban organization.
The town was governedby a royal sheriffor "gilkare"(literally"geld
exactor"),who exercisedthe primarysupremacyover the town inhabitants.This power was expressedby particulartown taxes, which were
The earliestknownevidence
exactedfrom each householdor "hearth."
of such a town tax is the "midsummergeld"that is referredto in three
Danish towns in 1085. The populationwas dependent on the lord of
the town in other ways as well. One example is the situationof the
inhabitantsof Slesvig. Before the middle of the twelfth century they
were forced to have royal permissionto invite foreign merchantsto
theircity.
The urban charactercan be illustratedby the ecclesiasticalstructure,
591
too. The ecclesiasticalorganizationwas distinguishedby manychurches

in towns and by diffuse boundaries between town and countryside.
Many parishes comprised ruralas well as urbansettlements,although
the churcheswere situated in the towns. The numerouschurchesand
the "open"relationshipto the countrysideshow that towns were functioningin a more or less "rural"manner.Thus,towns can be principally
designatedas "congestedcountryside."This concept helps us to understand many of the precommunal features of urban organization.
Specialdenominationsfor town inhabitantswerelackingand therewas
no clear legal delimitationagainstthe countryside.Slaverystill existed
in Scandinaviantowns about 1200 and this fact discloses that the principle "Stadtluftmachtfrei" was not yet valid.
There did not exist a town regimeexceptfor the royalsheriff.The only

known expressions for urban organizationwere the guilds, and in the
currentperiod they are known from Sigtuna,Trondheim,and Slesvig.
The character of these guilds, however, is uncertain. "The Frisian
Guild"in Sigtuna might have been a merchantorganization,whereas
"The Great Guild" ("Miklagillet")in Trondheim and "The Sworn
Guild"("Edslaget")in Slesvigprobablyhad more generalfeatures.It is
characteristic,though, that these guilds cannot be directlyinterpreted
as expressions for urban independence.In Trondheimthe guild was
founded by the king and in Slesvig the Danish duke seems to have
playedan importantrole in the guild.
The concept "thecongested countryside"can, in severalways,summarize the position of towns in this period. The towns were closely connected withthe politicalpowerand this meantthatthey were lackingan
urban independence that would have made it possible to delimitate
them againstthe countryside.
The municipaltransition(1150-1350)
From the middle of the twelfthcenturyto the middle of the fourteenth
century the Scandinavian states developed more distinctive feudal
featuresthan earlier.The system of enfeoffmentbecame an element of
growing importance in the exercise of power. This change in the
characterof the State took place at differenttimes in the three countries,but followed the same politicalpattern:Firstdisruptivecivil wars,
then externalexpansions, and lastly majoror minor conflicts between
the Kingshipand the aristocracy.The externalexpansionresultedin a
592
more or less permanentpoliticalcontrol from the Scandinaviancountries over surroundingregions,such as the Atlantic Islands,the southern shoresof the Baltic,Estonia,and aboveall Finland.'l
The characterof the Statechangedat the same time as the social position of many people was redefined.The last remnantsof slaverydisappearedand the personalduties of the peasantswere convertedinto
regulartaxes.These taxes laid the foundationof a new administration,
which was based on castles and professionalwarriors.Graduallythe
warriors,like the Church,obtained more or less considerableexemptions from taxes. Accordingly,the aristocracybegan to collect royal
taxes from their tenants,which meant that the sovereigntywas exercised by manypeople and institutions.
Regulartaxes can be traced in Denmarkand Norway from the latter
part of the twelfthcentury,but in Sweden not until the thirteenthcentury. In Sweden and above all in Denmark taxes were high and the
exemptionsfrom taxes were extensive.In Norway,on the other hand,
taxes were low and the exemptions from taxes were less extensive.
Instead, the military role of the peasantry was partially preserved,
beside the militaryserviceof the aristocracy.These regionaldifferences
in the execution of power were reflected in the relationsbetween the
Kingship and the aristocracy,too. In Norway the privileged classes
were tied to the king, while the Swedish and the Danish aristocracies
had a much more independent position. The conflicts between the
Kingship and the privileged classes were especially pronounced in
Denmark, where this antagonismended in a political disintegration
(1332-1340), whenthe realmwas lackinga sovereign.
The rise of these more typicalfeudal states in Scandinaviahad several
consequences for the towns and their inhabitants.Larger and more
mobile resourceswere created,when the supremacywas exercisedby
differentauthorities,and when the exploitationwas transferredfrom
personal duties to products and taxes. These new resources can be
viewed as the economic backgroundto many of the new towns in the
currentperiod. The connection between the exercise of power and
urbanizationis apparentfrom the regional differences. In Norway,
where the privilegesof the artistocracywere least extensive, the new
towns were few and built on a small scale. In Denmark and Sweden,
where the fiscal press was as heavy as the exemptions of taxes were
extensive,more towns were establishedthan in any other period in the
Middle Ages. Especially in the thirteenth century many new towns
593
arose along the Danish and Swedish coasts. And in the firstpartof the
fourteenthcenturythere existed severaltowns in the Swedish"Eastern
Counties"that correspondto present-dayFinland.
Through this new structureof power towns obtained a more intermediaryrole than before. It was in the town that the aristocracycould
find a market for their products and acquire "necessaryarticles,"in
order to maintain and justify their lordship. Very importantarticles
seem to havebeen horses, weapons,cloth, and goldsmiths'work,which
are mentioned in several Danish borough customs.Accordingly,trade
and handicraftsbecame more extensivein the towns,whichmeantthat
the towns graduallybecame more vital as sources of fiscal revenues.
The growingfiscal interest in towns is noticeable in a whole range of
new charges,connected with urbaneconomic life, for instance,charges
of markets,shops, and differentcrafts.By the middle of the thirteenth
centuryit was also noted in Denmarkthat the foundingof towns was a
"profitablepursuit."And like any other source of income, Danish and
Norwegiantowns were grantedto bishop sees and monasteriesby the
middleand latterpartof the twelfthcentury.
The growing importance of urban trade and handicraftshad consequences for the practicers, too. The crafts became graduallymore
specialized and independent in the current period. Many craftsmen
seem to have been bound in feudal relations as "urbantenants"
("coloni")in the twelfthcenturyand the firstpartof the thirteenthcentury.However,from the middleof the thirteenthcenturyseveralgroups
of artisanssucceeded in gaining burgherstatus.The growthof independence can primarilybe traced among those specialiststhat took
care of the urban maintenance, for instance butchers,bakers, and
brewers.
Trade was still partially carried on by the aristocracy,but from the
middle of the twelfth century more independentmerchantsare mentioned. In Denmark a national merchant'sguild ("The Guild of St.
Canute")was instituted under Royal patronagearound 1170, and as
early as 1177 it was representedin severaltowns of the realm.Scandinavianmerchantsare known from many parts of the Baltic and North
Sea areas throughoutthe period. In the thirteenthcenturycommerce
expanded considerably and consequently the fiscal interest shifted
fromthe merchanthimself(personaltoll) to his commodities(dutieson
goods). At the same time as commerce expanded,an accumulationof
capitalcan be traced in Scandinaviantowns. It is knownthat from the
594
end of the thirteenthcenturyDanish and Swedishburgherslent money
to kingsand bishopsin embarrassment.
Foreign,especiallyGerman,merchantsbegan to appearin Scandinavia
in this period.The Germaninfluencebecame most importantafterthe
middle of the thirteenthcentury,when some of the importantcities in
northernGermany,like Liibeck, began to organize a town league; an
organizationthatlaterdevelopedinto the HanseaticLeague.As mediators of articlesin demandthe Germanswere favoredin their activities
by privileges and treaties. However, the German merchantsdid not
only cover the needs of the Scandinavianauthorities,but did mediate
Scandinavianraw materialsto the rest of Europe, too. Importantcommoditiesin the increasingScandinavianexport were hides, butter,fish,
wood products, iron and copper. The Germans graduallyreached a
dominatingposition in this internationalcommerce. In Norway the
German cities and their merchantsgained more or less monopoly of
foreign trade, after a victorious commercialblockade in the 1280s.
And, in Scandinaviaas a whole, theirinfluencebecame even more evident in the followingperiod.12
In manyrespectsthe urbanprofileof the currentperiod can be viewed
in relationto the political structureas well as internationaltrade. It is
possible to make a roughrankingof the towns by countingthe number
of mendicantfriariesin each town.13As figure3 shows,the structureof
the earlierurbanprofileis stillvisible,but thereare signs of changes.
In Norway, the relation between the large towns was unchanged.
Trondheimbecame the archbishopricof the country,whereas Bergen
became the center of the Norwegianfishmarketand functioned as a
sort of economic and political "capital"of the realm.In Denmarkthe
urbanrankinghad remainedfairlyunalteredsince the previousperiod.
The internationaltrade,however,was concentratedhere to the Scanian
fairs that arose outside the major cities. In Sweden the situationwas
different,as it was only in the currentperiod that this country was
thoroughlyurbanized.In the western part of the realm, Skara,which
was a city fromthe previousperiod,becameleading.In the easternpart
of the country,on the other hand, Sigtunalost its earliercentralposition. Instead Stockholm,founded in the middle of the thirteenthcentury,became the dominantcity. Within a few decades this place was
alreadyone of the leadingcities of the realmand a significantport for
the Swedish export of iron and copper.Visby, which can be regarded
more as a Gotlandiccity than as a Swedishone, had been an important
595
A
2
o
3
300km
Fig.3. The urbanprofile in Scandinavia,1150-1350. The rankingof towns according

to the numberof friariesin each town.
place alreadyin the previousperiod. In the thirteenthcentury,though,

Visby became the most importantcommercialcity in Scandinavia.The
city was graduallydominated by German merchantsand functioned
more or less as the center of Baltic trade.The enormoussignificanceof
Visby is most evident from the approximately600 to 800 masonry
warehousesthat were built in the city in the thirteenthand earlyfourteenthcenturies.
The alteredcharacterof the state had consequencesfor urbanactivity,
but also for urbanorganizationand the power over towns.The aristocracy was made responsiblefor differentsocial functions(cult and military service) against participationin the supremacy,and accordingly
596
the towns were made partlyresponsiblefor the urbanactivities,against
similar privileges and enfeoffments.The towns became more or less
clearlydelimitatedfromthe countryside,when they obtainedtheirown
borough customs and jurisdiction.At the same time the lordship over
the town came to be exercised by a town council, consisting of the
sheriff and representativesof the town inhabitants.The council obtainedpartof fines and other dutiesand sometimesthe membersof the
council were exempted from taxes. When, in this way, the urban supremacywas partlyexercisedby personsin the town, new class distinctions were created in the urbanunit. This fact became especially evident when the councilswere "self-supplying."
Occasionallyin the years
around 1300 we also hear about internal conflicts in some Danish
towns.
This growth of urban independencecan only be observed in its main
outlines.The earliestknown chartersand other benefits date from the
middle of the twelfth century and refer to some of the major Danish
towns. The oldest borough customs in Denmark and Norway can be
dated to about 1200, whereasthe earliestlawsuitsin Sweden are later.
The oldest Danish borough seals imply the existence of "townguilds"
conductedby aldermen,in the firsthalf of the thirteenthcentury.From
the middle of the thirteenthcenturyDanish towns were governed by
councils, accordingto continentalpatterns.The office of councillor is
also found in the majorNorwegianand Swedishtowns from the end of
the thirteenthcentury.It is uncertainwhether this growing urban independence was a result of actualstruggleby town inhabitantsas the
case was in many European towns. However, occasional notices on
conflictsare knownfromCopenhagenin the 1290s.
The extent of urban charters and privileges varied in Scandinavia,
accordingto thatof otherenfeoffmentsin society.The independenceof
the aristocracyand that of the towns can thus, in an abstractsense, be
viewed as parallelexpressionsfor feudalsociety.
In Denmark,the towns, like the aristocracy,had the most independent
position.The towns were legallydelimitatedand were under the jurisdiction of particularborough customs. In the duchy of Slesvig which
was the only heritable fief in Scandinavia,each town had its own
boroughcustom.In other partsof Denmarkthe borough customswere
in force for severaltowns in the same area.In Norwayurbanautonomy
was less distinct,just as the aristocraticindependence was minor.The
597
towns were under the jurisdictionof local variantsof two succeeding
and then the common urban
borough customs, first "Bjark6aratten"
code. The legal delimitation of the towns, however, was not unambiguous,as every person was free to choose court of justice, either in a
town or in the countryside.
In Sweden the urban and aristocraticautonomiesappeared at a later
stage than in Denmark.Even about 1300 local variantsof the Swedish
functionedas "auxiliarylaws,"when the common provin"Bjark6aratt"
cial laws were insufficient.Only after 1300 did the Swedish towns
become clearlydistinguishedfrom the countryside,especiallywhen the
common urban code was introduced about 1350. A special Swedish
case, however,was Visby. This city was situated in Gotland and the
island was only loosly connected with Sweden.Withoutany extensive
politicalcontrolfrom the SwedishCrown,Visbyobtaineda very autonomous position as early as the thirteenth century.The city was an
importantmemberof the Germantown league,whichlaterbecame the
HanseaticLeague.
The growth of urban independence can also be proved by physical
remnants,such as churches,town defenses, and guildhalls.Many of the
new towns of the currentperiod receivedan ecclesiasticalorganization
that was totally differentfrom that of earliertowns. Often one single
church was erected, for the purpose of the town only. This "closed
unity"can be traced in manyDanish towns that arose after 1200, and
in several Swedish towns from the period after 1250. On the other
hand,this form of ecclesiasticalorganizationdid not exist in Norway.
The urban delimitationagainstthe countrysidewas also expressed in
town defenses. In Denmarkthe earliest urban defenses were built by
the middle of the twelfthcenturyaroundsome of the most important
cities. In the thirteenthand fourteenthcenturiesseveral other Danish
towns were fortified, often with earther walls and masonry gates.
Except for two vague traces, there are no statementsor remnantsof
defenses aroundNorwegiantowns in the MiddleAges. In Swedenmost
towns remained undefended, too, in the current period. Three
importantexceptions, however,were Visby, Stockholm,and Kalmar,
which were all defended by strongstone walls.The town wall of Visby
was expressivelyerectedagainstthe hostile countrysidein the 1280s.
Though councils were introduced in Scandinavia,no guildhalls are
598
mentioned from the currentperiod. Again, one exception was Visby,
wherethe largestmedievalguildhallin Scandinaviawas erected, probably at the beginningof the fourteenthcentury.
In summary,I want to point out thatthe metaphor"themunicipaltransition"is an attemptto catch the changingposition and function of the
town in this period.Throughthe changingcharacterof the state, towns
obtained a different economic base and simultaneouslythey participated in the supremacy.Accordingly,there were created urban units
that were functionallyand organizationallymore delimited from the
countryside than towns were earlier. This urban delimitation and
autonomy, however, developed during a long time and with large
regionalvariations,whichwere closely tied to the executionof power in
society takenas a whole.
The mercantilesupremacy(1350-1550)
The late MiddleAges correspondto a crisisin feudallordship,in Scandinaviaas well as in the rest of Europe.'4A crisis that manifesteditself
in decreasingpopulation,desertion,and politicaldisruption.The most
acute and evident part of the Scandinaviancrisis occurred in the
second half of the fourteenthcentury.In this period the bases of the
situationof latertimeswereformed.
The so-called agrariancrisis can be traced in Denmark from about
1320 onwardsand in the two other countriesfrom about 1350. The
devastationand the decrease in populationseem to have been most
permanentin Norway,less extensivein Denmark,and of least significance in Swedenand Finland.'5Not only the countrysidewas hit by the
crisis, but the towns and their economy too. No new towns were
founded in Scandinaviain the second half of the fourteenth century.
Insteadsome minorNorwegianand Danishtowns disappeared,whereas othertownswerepartiallydeserted.
In connectionwith this acute crisis in the latter part of the fourteenth
century German merchantsand the Hanseatic League (institutedin
1356) succeeded in gaining the most far-reachinginfluence ever in
Scandinavia.The Germaninfluencewas of variedcharacter,according
to the differentrelationsbetweenthe Germansand the three countries.
In Norway,the Germanmerchantsgaineda veryextensiveinfluence,as
599
they dominated internationaltrade and participatedin domestic exchange.The Hanseatic trading-station("kontor")that was established
in Bergen in the 1360s was of specific significance.This organization
made it possible for the Germans to live segregated from the Norwegiantown inhabitantsfor centuries.In some of the other Norwegian
towns, there were founded German commercial associations ("kompani"),as well. In Denmark,the HanseaticLeaguegained directcontrol
over Scania, and the Scanianfairs, in the period of 1370-85, after a
victorious commercial war. Besides, there were established German
commercial associations in many Danish towns. The German merchantshad their most extensiveprivilegesat the Scanianfairs,whereas
their activitieswere alwaysrestrictedby "TheGuest Code" in ordinary
towns.
In Sweden, the Germaninfluence resulted in a much more integrated

settlementthan in the other two countries.This situationwas probably
partlydue to the Germaninterestsin the Swedishminingand exportof
iron and copper. The integrationof the Germans became especially
evident about 1350, when the new common urban code prescribed
that councils should be divided into Swedish and German sections.
The Germaninfluence is also very clear from the fact that two of the
most importantSwedishtowns were attachedto the HanseaticLeague
in the second half of the fourteenth century,namely Stockholm and
probably Kalmar. Gotland came under Danish political control in
1361, but Visby retained much of its independence in the fourteenth
century.The city was a member of the Hanseatic League until the
middleof the fifteenthcentury.
The fourteenthcenturyalso witnessed a politicalcrisis in Scandinavia,
including disruptivetendencies and conflicts between the countries.
Out of these political conflicts a ScandinavianUnion was created in
1397, with one sovereignfor the three countries.The Union was formallyin existence until 1523, but from the middle of the fifteenthcentury onward,there were permanentlyconflicts between the King and
the Swedishpartof the Union.
The formationof the Union can be seen as a response to the feudal
crisis of the previous half-century.The Union was a political alliance
againstthe HanseaticLeague and a new kind of state,tryingto reestablish its supremacyover the population. This state was organizedin a
more formalway than previously.The aristocracywas prohibitedfrom
erecting their own castles and the sheriffs became a kind of official,
600
with obligationsof keepingaccounts.This new politicalorder was also
characterizedby a protectionistlegislation,directed againstthe peasants and the foreign(German)merchants.Another featurewas the new
extra taxes (for militarypurpose)that were imposed on the peasantry
as well as the aristocracyand the towns. The extra taxes were charged
in ready money and this fact enforced a kind of marketeconomy that
was controlledby the mercantilesupremacy.
The protectionistlegislationcan be traced as far back as the end of the
thirteenthcenturyin Norwayand Sweden,and the middle of the fourteenth centuryin Denmark.It was not until the formationof the Union
about 1400, though, that this legislationwas seriously realized.The
principle was that all trading activity should go by way of town
burghersand that all craftsshouldbe practicedin towns. Peasantsand
foreign merchantswere prohibitedto trade with each other, except in
the case of annualfairs.Generalprohibitionsagainst"ruralpurchase"
were imposed everywhere.In western Denmark specific "circumferences" were establishedaround the towns, and in these zones the
burghers demanded a complete monopoly of trade and crafts. The
activityof the Germanmerchantswas graduallyreducedin otherways,
too. In the 1470s their commercialassociations were prohibited in
Denmark,and at the sametime they were expelled from the councilsof
the Swedishtowns.The state also tried to encourageforeign competition with the Germans,with the help of privileges and treaties with
EnglishandDutchmerchants.
The principleof the legislationwas to concentratemercantileactivity
in towns, where the state could exercise fiscal control. Besides, the
charterssupportedthe activityof the burghersand their accumulation
of capital. This urban accumulationof capital became a potential
source of creditsfor the state.Consequently,this legislationmeantthat
a mercantilesupremacyhad been established,in which the towns and
the stateweremutuallydependenton each other.
The mutualdependencebetween state and city was especiallyevident
in the case of Stockholm,16which about 1350 obtained the monopoly
of foreigntradewithcommoditiesfromthe BothnianGulf and the Gulf
of Finland. The city gave very important financial support to the
SwedishCrown,but the statedid not allow it to become too important.
Sometimes,Stockholmgot veryextensivecharters,for instancein 1461
aftera majorloan to the state.In other cases the activityof the city was
reduced,when surroundingtownsobtainedmore comprehensiveprivi-
601
leges, or when totally new towns were founded within the economic
sphereof Stockholm.
The most downrightexpressionof concentratedmercantilesupremacy
was the never realizedplans of a Scandinaviancommercialassociation,
from 1520. According to the drafts, all foreigntrade with Scandinavia
should havebeen carriedout by the associationand its merchants.The
company should have been in charge of Swedish mining and offices
should have been situated in Copenhagen, Stockholm,probablyAntwerp,and a Finnishtown (maybeViborg,on the Russianboarder).
The late-medievalurbanprofile (see figure4) reflects,to a high degree,
the mercantilesupremacyand the marketeconomy that the state tried
Fig. 4. The urban profile in Scandinavia, 1350-1550. The ranking of towns is an "educated guess," based on different written sources.
602
to controlby legislation.In the fifteenthcenturyand at the beginningof
the sixteenthcenturymany new towns were founded in Denmarkand
Sweden.Usually,they were smalltowns,establishedin regionsthathad
not been much urbanizedin previous periods. In other words, these
foundationscan be viewed as consistent attemptsto uphold the mercantile supremacy even in regions with little experience of earlier
towns.
The townscan be roughlyrankedby meansof writtensourcesfrom the
beginningof the sixteenthcentury;for instance,using lists of burghers,
as well as of taxes and other assessments.17An estimationof the sizes
of the towns, based on writtensources, is well in accordancewith the
testimonyof the physicalremnantsof the towns. In the majorcities of
the currentperiod, town churcheswere graduallyrebuiltto cathedrallike monuments.In severalmajorplaces therewere founded new mendicantfriariesand hospitals,too.
The rankingof the towns was fairlyunchangedin Norwayand Sweden,
thoughtherewere importantdifferencesin the characterof the leading
cities. In Norway,Bergen was the most importantcity and this place
possessed the monopoly of the Norwegianfish market.However,German merchantsand the Hanseatic tradingstation dominated the fish
market,so thatthe domesticaccumulationof capitalwas insignificant.
In Sweden,Stockholm,Abo, and Kalmarwere the leading cities. As
has previouslybeen said, Stockholm was especially favored by the
Swedish legislation, and besides the city was very well situated in
respectto trade routes.Stockholmwas Sweden'smost significantport
for the export of iron and copper, and the city came to be regardedas
the economic and political"capital"of the country.The accumulation
of capitalamongthe burgherswas large;a fact that is clearfrom the big
loans to the Swedish Crown, and from the approximately250 brick
houses that were built in the city in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.
In Denmark,the urban profile was radicallychanged.The previously
leadingcities lost theirdominantroles, and the Scanianfairslost much
of their importance,when internationaltrade became more "urbanized."Insteadthe area aroundthe Sound emergedas the urbancenter
of the realm.Some of the richestagriculturaldistrictsin Denmarkwere
situatedalongthe shoresof the Sound,and this straitwas also a central
commerciallink between Eastern and WesternEurope. The most sig-
603
nificant cities in this region were now Malmo and Copenhagen.The
latterbegan to functionas an economic and political"capital"in the fifteenth century and was often used as a legal model in Danish urban
legislation.
In the almost independent duchy of Slesvig-Holstein,Flensborg became the leading Danish town. Many of its merchantsparticipatedin
the extensiveox-tradein Jutland.The island of Gotlandwas conquered
by Denmark in 1361, but it was only in the fifteenth centurythat the
Danish Crownhad controlof the island.The significanceof Visbywas,
by then, already declining, and it lost its unique role in the fifteenth
century,when there was no longer need for a special meeting-placefor
Baltic trade.
The mercantile supremacy meant that urban organization and the
sovereigntyover towns changed,too. By means of legislationthe towns
obtained a growingresponsibilitythat reached outside the towns, and
includedpeasantsand foreignmerchants.As a service in returnfor this
responsibilitystill larger portions of the sovereigntyover the towns
were conferredon the councils.The regimethatwas previouslydivided
between the sheriff and the councillors disappeared,when the sheriff
was submittedto the council,and the chargewas takenover by the lord
mayor.
The increasedurbanautonomymeant that the lordshipover the towns
was shiftedfrom the individualinhabitantsto the council,whichconsequentlyhad the immediatepower over the town population.This shift
in power is directlydiscerniblein the fiscal relationshipbetween state
and towns. Previously, the representativesof the urban lords had
exacted the different charges and taxes from each town inhabitant.
From about 1400, though,manyof these differentdutieswerereplaced
by a fixed urban tax ("pactus"),which was imposed on the town as a
whole. And it became the responsibilityof the town council to divide
the burden of this tax among the town inhabitants,accordingto property and income. The new situationis also apparentin respect to the
artisans,who were forced to submit their crafts and guilds to the control of the council. In most towns craftsmen were prohibitedfrom
becoming councillors, which meant that the urban regime became
closely tied to the tradingcapital.The supremacyof the council gave
rise to increasinginternalopposition.Open conflictsbetweenthe town
regime and the urban population are reported from several Danish
towns.The conflictsled to compromisesin the field of financialadmin-
604
istration,and special "committeesof 24 men"were appointedfrom the
1480s onward.
The late-medievalautonomyvaried,accordingto time and space, like
the previous growth of independence. In Norway the undeveloped
autonomy was fairly unchanged.The Kingshippreserved the control
over the towns, throughroyaljudgeswho were in chargeof the councils
and had the legal responsibilityin towns as well as in ruraldistricts.In
so importanta city as Bergen the firstlord mayoris mentioned only in
the 1530s.
In Denmarkthe office of lord mayoris mentionedfrom the middle of
the fourteenthcenturyin severalimportantcities, and the office seems
to have been representedin most towns in the fifteenth century.The
autonomybecame especiallypronouncedin Malmo and Copenhagen,
in the 1520s and the 1530s, when their lord mayorswere appointed
withoutroyalconsent.These two cities also playedan importantpolitical role in the civil war of 1533-1536, but later they were again submittedto the Danish Crown.
The office of lord mayor is mentioned in some important Swedish
towns as early as the 1320s, but the office became more widespreadat
a later stage. Stockholmhad an especially independent position and
followed its own political line in the late-medievalstrugglefor power
among Sweden, the Union, and the Hanseatic League. The political
role of the city was complicatedby the fact that the three opposing
partieshad theirsupportersin differentfractionsof the city population.
The vital significanceof Stockholmis maybe most conspicuous in the
"Massacreof Stockholm."When the Danish King had reconquered
Swedenin 1521 he had eighty-twoof his politicalopponents executed;
thirty-twoof these personswereleadingburghersin Stockholm.
The urbanautonomywas also expressedby the erectionof guildhallsin
the late Middle Ages. Guildhallsare mentioned in some Danish and
Swedishtowns aboutthe middleof the fourteenthcentury,but the preserved buildings seem to have been erected only in the fifteenth century.Majorguildhallswere, aboveall,builtin the most importantcities,
such as Flensborg,Copenhagen,Stockholmand Abo. In respect to the
urbanautonomyit is also interestingthat notices on real guildhallsare
lackingin Norway,exceptfor Bergen.
The concept "mercantilesupremacy"can in manyrespectsbe seen as a
605
summingup of the urbanrole in late-medievalScandinavia.Mercantile
supremacymeant that the towns and the state were mutuallydependent on each other. This dependence favored the power of the trading
capital and the urban regime over the towns and their ruralsurroundings.
Conclusion
The relationshipbetween state and towns in medievalScandinaviawas
a close and a complicatedone. Townswere part of the politicalpower,
but they were also somethingelse "outside"the state.
From an "internal"perspectivethe towns can be regardedas forming
part of the power-cum-controlsystem of the state.In medievalScandinaviathis meantthat towns should, above all, be consideredagainstthe
background of the extent and possession of the supremacy right.
During the 1000-1150 stage, towns formed political and religious
points d'appui for the new feudal sovereignty.In the course of the
1150-1350 stage, they also became vital centers for that exchangeof
goods that was instigated by the people who were in possession of
feudal supremacy.Finally,from 1350 to 1550, the towns became the
originalbases for the new, mercantilesupremacy,in a mutualrelation
with the emergingterritorialstate. In feudal society, it was of decisive
importancefrom the beginningto be in control of production;as time
went by, however,it turned out to be just as essential to control distribution as well.
From an "external"perspective the medieval towns of Europe had
specific features,which set them apartfrom towns in other epochs and
in other places.This "externality"
is best regardedas a partof the structure of feudal society, which was founded on the exerciseof power by
means of enfeoffments.The towns were subservientto feudalsupremacies, but groupsin the towns graduallycame to exerciselordshipwithin
as well as outside the towns. In medieval Scandinaviathis "externality"
can be conceived as a gradualprocess of liberationfromthe state.First
a period in 1000-1150, when towns were totally subordinateto the
political power.Then a stage in 1150-1350, when the externaldelimitation and the internalpartialautonomywere developed.And lastly a
period from 1350 to 1550, when towns obtained internalindependence and external influence as well. This externalinfluence was, in a
few instances,directedagainstthe state,too.
606
Though the main lines of the internaland externaldevelopmentof the
towns can be traced in Scandinaviaas a whole, there were important
regional differencesbetween the countries.The formation of a state
and the urbanizationwere most evident in Norway, and above all in
Denmark,at an earlystage.The Danish urbanprofilekept its structure
for a long time,andwas radicallychangedonly in the late MiddleAges.
In Norway minor adjustmentswere made in the urban profile at an
earlierstage,but duringthe late-medievalagrariancrisisboth the state
and the towns stagnated.In Sweden the formation of a state and the
urbanizationwere of a later date, which meant that the urban profile
became more adjustedto internationaltrade, at an earlier stage. The
importanceof mining also meant that several towns were connected
with a partly differentkind of economy than Danish and Norwegian
Fig. 5. The ecological zones of potential vegetation and the location of new towns from
1550 to 1700 in Scandinavia.
607
towns. Besides, the most far-reachingautonomy can be traced in
Swedishcities, such as Visby,Stockholm,and Kalmar.
In connection with the formal dissolution of the Union in 1523, and
with the Reformationin Sweden(in 1527) and in Denmark-Norway(in
states were laid in Scandinavia.
1536), the bases of new "bureaucratic"
As before, it is possible to trace evident differencesin the characterof
the two states. In Denmark an aristocraticstate was organized,where
the burghershad less influence than before. In Sweden the position of
the aristocracywas dominant,too, but the state was more consistently
organizedin a bureaucraticway and the burghersmaintainedsome of
their influence.An expressionfor the new Swedishadministrationwas
the nationalland registersthatwere set up in the 1540s. Similarsurveys
did not occur in Denmarkuntilthe end of the seventeenthcentury.
The development of the "bureaucratic"state, above all in Sweden,
meant that a new form of politicallycontrolled exploitationwas created.This new politicalorderopened up economic and social possibilities for urbansettlementsin new areas.At the end of the sixteenthcentury and in the seventeenth century the previous ecological limit of
urbanizationwas exceeded, and many new towns were founded in the
borealzone, along the shoresof the BothnianGulf (see figure5).18This
urban burst of the ecological setting of previous periods can be regardedas one of the conditionsfor the Swedishempirein the Baltic,in
the seventeenthcentury.
Notes
1. This articleis based on my thesis (1985) on the towns of medievalDenmark.It has
been possible, however,to expandthe Danishperspectiveinto a Scandinaviansurvey, thanksto other studies.The most importantworksconsultedare AuthenBlom
1977 and the summaryof the "MedievalTown Project"in Sweden and Finland
(Andersson,in print).It must be noted, however,that in some case I have made
other interpretationsof the age and the structureof towns, in accordancewith the
principlesof my thesis. Other importantearliersurveysof Scandinaviantowns are
Schiick 1926, Jorgensen,Dansk Retshistorie,1947, and variousentries in Kulturhistorisktlexikonfor nordiskmedeltid (1956-76). In addition, most towns have
been presentedin special monographs.The most importantrecentmonographsare
Blomkvist 1979 and Helle, Bergenbys historie,1982. Referencesto older works
can be found in the previouslymentioned surveys and in Bibliographyof Urban
History(1960). I referhere only to the above-mentionedworks.No furtherspecific
references will be made, since practicallyall works on Scandinaviantowns are
writtenin Scandinavianlanguages.
608
2. Besides the presentedearly-medievaltowns, there alreadyexisted anotherthreeor
four towns in Scandinaviain the "VikingAge" (750-1000). Two of these places
disappearedin the tenth and eleventhcenturiesand only in one or two cases does
thereseem to have been continuityin the settlement.
3. Furtherissues on the definitionand the functionof towns can be found in Sjoberg,
The Preindustrial City, 1960, Haase 1965, Schledermann, The Idea of the town,
1970, Wheatly 1972, Hilton, The Transition from Feudalism to Capitalism, 1976,
and Abrams, Towns in Societies, 1978.
4. The periodizationhas been somewhatmodifiedfromAndr6n1985. This modification is due to later criticismon my work and to adjustmentsto the Scandinavian
situation.
5. The divisioninto ecologicalzones was presentedin Naturgeografisk
regionindelning
(1984). The nemoral zone corresponds to a potential vegetation of deciduous
forests. The boreo-nemoralzone correspondsto a potentialvegetationof mixed
deciduousand coniferousforests.The borealzone correspondsto a potentialvegetationof coniferousforests.
6. Generalhistoricalsurveysof medievalScandinaviaare found in Christensen,et al.,
Danmarks historia, 1977-80, Sveaas Andersen 1977, Helle, Norge blir en stat,
1974, Rosen, Svensk historie I, 1962, and Lindkvist, Agren, Sveriges medeltid,
1985. This referenceserves as a generalnote, in respect to historicalfacts in this

article.
7. Duby, Rural Economy and Country Life in the Medieval West, 1968, 196 ff.
8. Merrington in Hilton, The Transitionfrom Feudalism to Capitalism, 1976.
9. Icelandicnoticeson Norwegiantownshave been collectedin Helge Nilsen 1976.

10. The methodof rankingtowns accordingto the numberof churcheswas presented
in Andr6n 1985, 50 ff. The major cities of the period might have had approximately2,000 to 3,000 inhabitants.
11. The Scandinavianexpansionin the Baltic areawas describedby Christiansen,The
Northern Crusades, 1980.
12. The role of the Germanmerchantsin Scandinaviahas been debatedfor a long time.
An earliersummaryof the discussioncan be foundin Det nordiskesyn, 1957.
13. The methodof rankingtowns accordingto the numberof mendicantfriarieswas
presented by Le Goff, Ordres mendiants et urbanisation dans la France medievale,
1970.
14. See Bois, The Crisis of Feudalism, 1984.
15. A modem survey of the late-medievaldesertion in Scandinaviacan be found in

Gissel et al., Desertion and Land Colonization in the Nordic Countries 1300-1600,
1981.
16. The particularposition of Stockholmin the late MiddleAges has been considered
by Sjod6n1950 and Friberg1983.
17. The rankingof the towns is an "educatedguess,"based on many differentsources.
First of all the common urbantax ("pactus")from the fifteenthcenturyhas been
used to rank the towns of each country (Mackeprang1900-02, Forssell 1875,
S0nderjyskeSkatte- og Jordeboger).Secondly, the ranking has been adjusted
accordingto lists of burghers,taxes,and other assessmentsfromthe firsthalfof the
sixteenth century (published and unpublishednotices, sometimes in the town
monographs).Thirdly,the rankingas been comparedto the evidence of physical
remnants,above all the sizes of town churches(cf. Andren 1985, 53 ff). Lastly,the
609
ranking in each country has been compared to the ranking in the other countries, in
order to obtain a uniform picture. The major cities, like Stockholm, Copenhagen,
and Bergen might have had 6,000 to 8,000 inhabitants.
18. Information on the new towns from the 1550-1700 period can be found in Authen
Blom, Urbaniseringsprosessen: Norden, part 2, 1977.

State and Towns in The Middle Ages The Scandinavian Experience

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State and Towns in the Middle Ages: The Scandinavian Experience

Author(s): Anders Andrn

State and towns in the Middle Ages

In the three Scandinaviancountries,Denmark,1Sweden, and Norway,

Fig.1. The ecological zones of potential vegetationand the location of medievaltowns

This very short and generalsurveyof Scandinaviaand its towns can be

The size of a town seems to havebeen dependent,to a high degree, on

too. The ecclesiasticalorganizationwas distinguishedby manychurches

There did not exist a town regimeexceptfor the royalsheriff.The only

Fig.3. The urbanprofile in Scandinavia,1150-1350. The rankingof towns according

place alreadyin the previousperiod. In the thirteenthcentury,though,

In Sweden, the Germaninfluence resulted in a much more integrated

1985. This referenceserves as a generalnote, in respect to historicalfacts in this

9. Icelandicnoticeson Norwegiantownshave been collectedin Helge Nilsen 1976.

15. A modem survey of the late-medievaldesertion in Scandinaviacan be found in

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